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A16832 A defence of the gouernment established in the Church of Englande for ecclesiasticall matters Contayning an aunswere vnto a treatise called, The learned discourse of eccl. gouernment, otherwise intituled, A briefe and plaine declaration concerning the desires of all the faithfull ministers that haue, and do seeke for the discipline and reformation of the Church of Englande. Comprehending likewise an aunswere to the arguments in a treatise named The iudgement of a most reuerend and learned man from beyond the seas, &c. Aunsvvering also to the argumentes of Caluine, Beza, and Danæus, with other our reuerend learned brethren, besides Cænaiis and Bodinus, both for the regiment of women, and in defence of her Maiestie, and of all other Christian princes supreme gouernment in ecclesiasticall causes ... Aunsvvered by Iohn Bridges Deane of Sarum. Bridges, John, d. 1618. 1587 (1587) STC 3734; ESTC S106910 1,530,757 1,400

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which before they had receaued ●s wée haue heard Caluines prescription Epist. 373. and so continued still in the office or ministery thus repurged And therefore since the masse was taken away and all ●he other corruptions of the Ministerie that were vsed in the popish priesthood an other Ministration appointed as is sette downe in our booke of publike prayer by the godly lawes of the realme and Church of England established which was done so soone as conueniently it could be done forthwith after her Maiesties moste happy entrance into this kingdome this is not truly sayd that the popish priesthood being the greatest blasphemie that euer was was alowed for a lawfull Ministerie vntill by the godly meaning of the sayd parliament Anno. 13. some brande-marke of shame was sette vppon it As though the sacrificing Priesthoode had continued with allowance therof for thirteene yere together of the Queenes Maiesties raigne which was as long a time as before they mencioned for the inforcing of the ministers to studie Yea by this rule it continueth still though disallowed or rather as they say but noted onely with a brand-marke of shame set vpon it So that this is not the taking of it awaye but the continuing of it with more shame to the parliament and to all the states of the Realm● that haue marked it with a brand-marke of shame and yet shame not to continue it though we disallow it And this withall is but a shamefull and vnreuerent terme that here they vse in calling eyther the statute or the booke of articles agreed vppon by all the clergie of the Churche of England and approued in the high courte of parliament by al the states of the realme and by the statute commaunded to be read a brand-marke of shame But our brethren to mittigate the matter say the parliament had a godly meaning in making that statute for Priestes that had bin made in the tyme of Popery to professe their consent to the true doctrine agreed vpon in the booke of articles by their publike reading of the same booke in their benefices Yea verily the parliament had therein a very godly meaning and it was also as godly an act ●s meaning of the parliament But saye they how pitifullye that authority was abused which by the same statute was committed to the Bishops in allowing of Priestes that came to doe their pennance by negligence of the Bishops and bribery of their officers the country cryeth out of it and the state of the Church is little amended by it There is no such crying out in the country as are these outcries of our brethren If it be but little amended yet little is somewhat But if it bee not greate that is not to be unputed to the good lawe but to the euill and indirect accidents For it was not pitifull that that authority was committed to the Bishops in allowing of Priestes that came not as our brethren here say to doe their pennance or to haue a brand-marke of shame set vpon them but the statute it selfe more reuerently and rightly setteth downe the cause and order of their act saying That the Churches of the Queenes Maiesties dominions maye bee serued with Pastors of sound religion be it enacted by the authority of this present Parliament that euerye person vnder the degree of a Byshop which doth or shall pretende to be a priest or Minister of gods holy worde and Sacramentes by reason of anye other fourme of institution consecration or ordeyning than the forme set foorth by Parliament in the tyme of the late King of most worthye memorye King Edwarde the sixte or now vsed in the raigne of our moste gratious Soueraigne Ladye before the feaste of the Natiuitie nexte following shall in the presence of the Bishop or gardian of the spiritualties of some one diocoese where he hath or shall haue ecclesiasticall liuing declare his assent and subscribe to all the articles of religion which onely concerne the confession of the true Christian Faith and the doctrine of the Sacramēts comprised in a booke imprinted intituled Articles wherupō it was agreed by the Archbish. Bish. of both prouinces the whole Clergy in the Conuocation holden at London in the yeare of our lor● God 1562. According to the computation of the Church of england for the auoyding of the diuersities of opinions and for the establishing of consent touching true Religion put forth by the Queenes Authoritye And shall bring from suche B. or gardian of Spiritualties in wryting vnder his Seale authentike and testimoniall of such assent subscription openly on some Sonday in the time of publike seruice afore noone in euery church wher by reasō of any Ecc liuing he ought to attēd reade both the said Testimoniall the said articles vpon paine that euery such persō which shal not before the said feast do as is aboue appointed shall be ipso facto depriued al his Eccl. promotions shal be voyd as if he then were naturally dead These are the very words of the statute Wherein what could they better haue prouided than whatsoeuer they should ordeyne for the bringing of those persons to the more sure confession and consent of sound Religion firste to come before the Bishoppe or the Gardian of the ●pirituall iurisdiction in the Bishops vacancie in some one Diocoese where hee had any ecclesiasticall promotion or liuing and there before him declare his consent and also subscribe to all the articles of religion which onelye concerne the confession of the true Christian Faith c. Before whom should he haue done this if he should doe it authentically than before the Bishop or the bishops gardian being the publike officers that haue competent authority ouer him in those matters which withall confuteth our brethrens equall authority of all Pastors If the bishops were negligent or the officers take bribes this was the bishops the officers fault not any default in the lawes Wise men should not doe like Williā Summer strike one for another But if the bishops negligence and the bribery of the officers be so great that the countrye cryeth out of it and the state of the Church is little amended it is then so much the easier to be knowne who are the offenders that so pitif●lly abused this godly meaning of the statute that authority committed to them and not they to be thus disorderly cried out vpon and that in this vncharitable maner by inuectiue libelles vnder the tytle of learned discourses to be thus discoursed vpon with taunts slaunders defamed to all the worlde so much as lyes in them If the matter be little amended this is not to amend it more but to make it worse for this is naught worth but to norishe malice suspitiō sclaunder yet the fault not knowne much lesse amēded Let the negligence briberies with true desire of reformation as the title of this learned discourse pretendeth
Scripture Which is not ascribed so much to any other starres although they bée bigger farre than the moone is These vaine and friuolous arguments hath this French Bishop which yet both in this point and in all the French antiquities is one of the moste industrious of them all and straineth all his wits to recommend and set out this Salike Lawe wresting and writhing of the scriptures How much better in my opinion and with farre more modesty though otherwise he be also a great fauourer of the French estate aboue England doth Iacobus Meyer the Chronicler of Flaunders write of this matter Lib. 12. fol. 136 saying In the yeare of our Lorde 1335. Easter day being the 16. of Aprill the English warre began which of all other continued longest and was moste cruell And which helde out with truces betweene whiles aboue 100. yeares Which might rather be called a Domesticall sedition than a Warre The Christian common-weale is one kingdome and one house Whatsoeuer warres are made therein are made with great blemish Neither if we shoulde say the trueth they are Warres but most reprochfull seditions King Edward opposed to the Salike Law of the French the diuine Bibles which call the woman to inheritance in defect of the issue male Certaine there were in Fraunce that misliked not those argumentes of Edward Which men being put to death Edward determined to pursue his right although with long and hard warre and with most mightie force of armes to extinguish that Heathenish custome of the French The Salij are sayde while they yet liued among the Scithians to haue ordrined and kept that lawe These Salikes in the time of the decay of the Romane Empire got to themselues the surname of Frankes and began to be called Salij Francici Salike Frankons As also the Frisian Frankes the Saxon Frankes that is to saie the free Frisons the free Saxons to wit those that could bee no longer compelled to paie tributes These Salik Frāks after that they pierced first vnto the riuer of the Rhen and after that euen to the riuer of Sequana or Seine albeit that they also became Christian yet renued they and tooth and naile euen to this daie they haue held that lawe But that this is not so wee haue alreadie shewed euen by Caenalis the chiefest vrger of it Howbeit not without great detrimēt of Christian piety as me thinks And here he noteth in the margine The Lawe Salike hurtfull to the Christian common weale For if these laying aside their hatred and the superstition of that Lawe had nowe ioyned to themselues the riches of Englande thē had the French the English the Scots the Flemmish and the Burgundians growen together into one kingdome and with so mightie a power had easilie destroied that barbarousnesse of Mahomet which continued in Spaine euen almost vntill our times But after that I knowe not by what euill spirit of the French the French haue alwaies attempted to beare rule among other men all things haue bene troubled all things haue beene full of discomfort all things lamentable all thinges seditious Wee haue since that time seene peace no where no where quietnesse England was seene to offer the occasion that was most to be wished for but that Frēch blockishnesse and infelicitie could not take hold thereon being sotted by that Salike lawe And againe Fol. 148. lamenting the greate slaughter at the battaile of Chertsey where hee telleth how the French King called King Edward a Marchant of wooll and King Edward called him the Marchant and author of the Salike Lawe hee sayth The Frenth men alleadge certaine fonde causes of so great a slaughter But I thinke there ought none other to bee alleadged than wee haue before mencioned that is to witte the frinolous right of the French men which is full of controuersie vncertaine and that I may not saie false verilie most farre vnworthie of so great bloudshed I suppresse herein his vnreuerent tearmes of Queene Isabel by whom the right of this title came Onelie I note his iudgement of this pretended Salike Lawe Which sith that all the French writers so earnestlie vrge to stoppe there with the title of the Kings and Queenes of England not one-onelie then in the time of ignoraunce and superstition raigning but that also in this cléere light of the Gospell and manifestation of Gods Lawe euen these notable and excellent learned professours of the Gospell in the French refourmed Churches Caluine and Danaeus sauour yet so much of this French faction that vpon the occasion of womens publike speaking in the congregation they cannot refraine themselues from this humour of their Countrie but must also most vnnecessarilie cast forth these intemperate spéeches and disputations against the right and title of womens publike regiment and that some also among our selues snatching at their arguments with more gréedie newfanglednesse than with aduised confideration haue likewise to disturbe and indaunger our state attempted the like inuectiues I therefore thought it not amisse both for the playner manifestation of the right of that title which I haue heard many desire to bee discussed further than any yet hath done although I meddle not here with titles anie farther than defensiuely for womens right of gouernment to iustifie against all slanders the right of our Princes title for euery mans fuller satisfaction in these questiōs upon these foresaid occasions to be somwhat the larger though withal crauing pardon I confesse to be som what also the more tedious in this long processe herevpō But tedious or not the more pains was mine and they that haue lust and leasure to reade it may or may not at their owne liking I regarding chieflie the satisfying of the curious in these daies at least the staying of the simple from this curiousnesse am driuen my selfe to be rather ouer curious than ouer negligent in slubbering ouer a slight slender answere To returne nowe therefore to Danaeus further argument Of which matter also saith Danaeus procéeding on the proues of his foresayd question in his treatie on 1. Tim. 2 verse 12. folio 84. the examples are extant in Semiramis the Queene of the Assyrians Candace of the Aethiopians Act. 8. verse 27. Cleopatra of the Aegyptians vnder Augustus and Zenobia a most valyant woman vnder Adrian the Emperour To the Empire of which Zenobia many Christian Churches also did obey This argument séemeth to tende to the confirmation of that hée spake before that in Spaine England Scotland and diuerse other regions it was a right and honest matter for a woman to haue the chiefe gouernment ouer men But Danaeus dooth it so coldlie and brings out onelie héere these foure examples of Heathen women and those not of the choisest neither which among the Heathen women hee might haue founde that hée rather séemeth in so slender defending it to oppugne it But let vs take the view of these his examples that hee alleadgeth And first for Semiramis
administration of a kingdome requireth they are lesse apt and are vnable by reason of the nature and imbecillitie of their sexe As for exāple to gouerne an armie to pronounce the lawe sitting in publike Which thinges certainely do not become at all a womans shamefastnesse In commending the wisedome of those people which haue prouided by their lawes that women should not haue the supreme gouernement among or ouer them Danaeus séemeth though with more modest couerture then did Caenalis to insinuate the French his countrie men But with what wisedome they could deuise better lawes than Gods lawes and oppose their caueats or prouisions of those their lawes to cutte off his lawes I referre to Danaeus and to the indifferent readers further deliberation But if we may coniecture by the euent as wee haue séene alreadie out of Meierus the Chronicler of the Lowe countries this wise prouision of their lawes contrarie to the prouision of Gods lawe hath béene the very folly which hath made that realme of France refuse to vnite it selfe with this Realme of Englande and with all those countries wherby such a mightie Monarchie might haue growen as might haue both repressed the vsurpation of Antichrist and the inuasion of the Saracens and Turkes the one hauing woonne and spoyled more than halfe the other hauing seduced and tyrannized almost ouer all Christendome without anie Christian Monarke sufficient to resist or stoppe them For the kinges of Englande that euer to their power did most withstande these two open priuie enemies of Christs Gospell were either still crossed by the french or for want of this vnion that in right ought then to haue béen made had not might sufficient to atchieue it While in the meane season France hath felt that the only mayntaining of this their wise prouision hath béen the greatest plague and scourge that euer France hath had and the chiefest occasion of their greatest ouerthrowes And at this day God be praysed for it Englande hath the light and libertie of the Gospell and is so blessed withall vnder her Maiesties most happie raigne as Danaeus sayth that would to God France and euery Christian kingdome yea all the worlde had the like blessings of God if it were according to his good will Not that they should be all gouerned still by women for so is not Englande But not to debarre the right of inheritance no not to a woman And if all the world neuer saw so happie a raigne as is the Queenes of England Why might we not charitably wish that all the world Fraunce and all might sée the like happines in their dominions What could it preiudice if a woman now and then reigned ouer them so long as God blessed their raigne as he doth her Maiesties But now where Danaeus drawes his sentence further with this conditionall if we conferre the sexe it selfe of the woman with the mans If he adde this as a reason that moued the French or any other to make this prouiso against womens supreme gouernement then I aunswere that indéede in this conferring the womans sexe is inferiour to the mans Howbeit gouernment hauing rather relation to that principall person that is represented in the gouernement which is God and with all to the abilitie by the giftes and spirite of gouernement which God giueth to the partie whom he aduaunceth and also to the right of inheritaunce whereby the Gouernour claimeth title or comes thereto the superioritie is rather to be conferred in these or the like respects or cōparisons thā in the sexe of man womā only And yet we grant that the sex of the man cateris paribus all other thinges in conferring of them being found to be equall is euermore as the more worthy to be preferred before the sexe of the womā But if now this conferring of the sexes be referred to the later part of the sentence which rendreth a cause hereof saying because that vnto many functions which the administration of a kingdom doth require they are lesse apt and are vnable by reason of the nature and imbecilitie of their sexe then I deny this also to be a sufficient cause or reason to debarre any persons of their right to a kingdome onely for that they are not able personally to administer many functions which the administratiō of a kingdō doth require For if he mean that all Princes must of necessitie administer all such functions in their owne persons or else they be not lawfully administred then not only as we haue shewed a man childe while he is a childe is cleane cut off from the possession of a kingdome and must for conferring his age with the age of a man that is of riper yeares be excluded because that vnto many functions which the administration of a kingdome requireth the nature and imbecilitie of his age is lesse apt and is vnable but also of what age soeuer he be yet his sickenesse may so greatly or so continually empaire the strength of nature that he may be euen altogether vnable at least the lesse apt to administer many of those functions Yea what health so euer he haue also and might and wisedome yet if hee haue many kingdomes or prouinces vnder him as diuerse Princes had that are not therfore improoued in the scripture yea Dauid Salomon Iehosaphat c. had suche Prouinces too and deputies in them and howe then can the king administer those functions in his prouinces personally Yea haue he but one kingdome and that but a small one too yet will there still bée many functions which the administration of a kingdome doth require that he shall be driuen to doe by other persons in his name and right and not all of them in his owne person If nowe this administration of those functions by a deputie or minister in his name and hauing authoritie from him be good and lawful in a man why it is not good and lawfull also in a woman If any reply that although the King may appoint such deputies yet he must appoint a man to doe the actions that appertaine to a man I denie it not But can not a woman Prince appoint men also to do them as well as a man Prince can appoint them But of that after only this now why should a woman be more bounde to the personall administration of suche functions more than a man is bounde Or shoulde shée not rather euen for the nature imbecilitie of her sexe be of the twaine séeing she is the weaker and so the more to be honoured and borne withall be permitted to administer all such functions by other men as she can not administer by her selfe without any preiudice to her right or supreme authoritie in the kingdome The Apostle S. Peter went not thus strictly to worke for Princes personall administration of all their functions but saith 1. Pet. 2. v. 13. c. submit your selues vnto all manner of humane ordinance for the Lords sake
can-not bee queene If hée referre it to the Romaynes call her Empresse or queene or any other Title of chéefe souerainty vnder God so shée haue the supreme Gouernment of that Monarchie either in her owne name or the cheefe administration of the Common-weale in the name of another as we sée in the diuersity of these examples it comes all to one reckoning and sufficiently satisfieth the question of Womens publike Gouernment And as it was thus of the Romayne Empire so for other Kingdomes in Chrystendome of the Lombardes of Cicilia Polonia Suetia Demnarke Boemia c. Because also we finde that euery one of these haue béene gouerned by Women since the time they haue receiued the faith of Christe I referre then ouer to those diuers Regions which Danaeus saith doe admit the right of Womens cheefe Gouernment so well as England Spaine and Scotland doe as appeareth by their particuler histories Nowe when Danaeus hath thus farre discoursed of Womens supreme Gouernment ouer empires and Kingdomes descending downe hee graunteth VVomens supreme Gouernment in inferiour states and sayth But where inferior Iurisdictions such as are Dukes earles Barons Castellanes are patrimoniall or succeeding by inheritance as in Fraunce they verily in my iudgement may be holden and possessed by Women because these dignities offices are not cheefe empires And in my iudgement this is but a méere shift and friuolous deuise if I may be so bolde so to call it to elude the matter For although I might shewe how diuerse Dukedomes haue béene turned into Kingdomes as Boemia Polonia Muscouia Croatia Dalmatia c. And Kingdomes turned into Dukedomes as Austriche Burgundy Lumbardie Gascoin Britannie c And some Dukedomes holde the méere royalties saue the bare Title of kinges acknowledging no superiour Prince as Venice or perhaps Florence c. Or in some respect of vassaiship they bée ●eodatarie inferiour to Emperours and Kinges as Saxonie Bauier Prussia Cleueland Gelderland c. Besides manie that be vnited vnto kingdoms as Nomandie Guien Britannie Lancaster Cornwall c. Or holden of kinges in respect of other Titles as Millaine Brabande Holland Zeelande Friselande c. Besides many Earledomes and Baronnies also vnder Emperours and kinges yet sithe in Danaeus Iudgement all these Dukedomes Earledomes and Baronies or the moste of these bee patrimoniall that is to say may passe in the right of succession and enheritance and so be holden and possessed of Women then is the Question clearely euicted that a Woman may be a publike gouernor Which being graunted it is not the greatnesse or smalnesse nor the quality of superiority nor yet the supremacy anie more than the inferiority that can be a sufficient debarre vnto them But if any thing be it must be the nature it selfe of publike gouernment or else if she may haue the iurisdiction of a Duchie Earledome or Barony she may haue it of a kingdom also Yea and in my iudgement against his iudgement she may haue the higher dignities much better than the inferiour dignities because the higher require the lesse personall exercise of those functions and actions that the inferior dignities offices do require And therefore where he sayth But neuerthelesse these iurisdictions neither can neither ought to be exercised of the same women I gladly graunt hereunto for some of these iurisdictions and for the ordinary exercise of them But this also is against Danaeus him-selfe For if in these inferiour dignities the iurisdictions may be exercised by another and yet they may be helde and possessed and that by patrimony as wel of women as of men then what letteth but that it may be so and that much more easily in the supreme gouernment of a kingdome And withall this aunswereth all Caenalis and Danaeus former argumentes that a woman can not gouerne an army nor sitte in publike iudgement nor can doe those thinges that belong to men May not these thinges bee done in Dukedomes Earledomes and Baronies so wel as in kingdoms and if they hinder not a womans possession of the one why hinder they her possession of the other but here againe Danaeus groweth into a misliking and sayth Although this be vtterly euil and most naughtily receiued any where that Iurisdiction should bee any part of patrimony and of our rent or reuenue and dominion But so largely stretcheth and rageth couetousnesse ouer all that it hath made the thinges that are moste holy as is magistracy to bee patrimoniall and numbreth it in a rent but attributeth it not to the vertue and doctrine of them that are capable of the same functions This is a moste daungerous conclusion that Danaeus heere maketh of this matter For by this rule that Magistracy shoulde not be patrimoniall or that it is vtterly euill and naughtily any where receiued that iurisdiction should be any part of patrimony he quite condemneth not only all the auncient birth-right of the Patriarkes but also the prophecy of Iacob Gen. 49. ver 10. The scepter shall not bee taken from Iuda and a gouernor from his Loynes vntill he come with vs to bee sent and hee shall bee the expectation of the Gentiles And was not this promise renued to Dauid 2. Sam. 7. ver 12. And to Solomon 1. Reg. 9. vers 5. Which promises so continued vntill their accomplishment in Iesus Christe that alwaies either in the supreame iurisdiction of the kings or at the least in some iurisdiction and that in matters capitall pertaining to the Sanedrin the Tribe of Iuda the roote of Iesse the stocke of Dauid and Salomon or Nathan had patrimoniall iurisdiction Yea the high Priest and all the Priests add all the Leuites in that time before Christ had also their iurisdictions patrimoniall And therefore patrimoniall iurisdiction is not a thing vtterly naught anie where and brought in by the rage of couetousnesse for it was then brought in by God himselfe And though that sacrificing Priesthood be ceased in Christ and the Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction of our ministerie now be not patrimoniall yet can we not so saie of the Ciuill magistracie For though Christ be both the King and Priest prefigured by both their estates yet sith he would not meddle with the external ciuill state of the magistracie in such real manner as he medled with the Ecclesiasticall wherein he both taught personally and personallie also offered vp himselfe for a full and perfect sacrifice to translate that Priesthood and to rest it for euer in his owne person and founded in that respect a newe ministerie vnto vs but in the ciuill dominion he woulde not take vppon him the kindome due to him but all in spirituall manner confessing himselfe though to be a King yet that his kindome was not of this worlde therefore the ciuill iurisdiction of magistracie and dominion beeing allowed of God to be patrimoniall before though the Iewes pollicie and ciuil iurisdiction be extinguished remaineth entire throughout all Christendome
like to this for the administration of gouernment and to haue the hearing of all difficult waighty matters amōg vs as the Sanedrin had among the Iewes if this be as our Brethren in the title of this their Learned Discourse do say a breefe plain declaration of the desires of al those faithful Ministers that haue do seeke for the discipline reformation of the Church of England If our Br. aske to mary this Abisag her Maiesty then in-déed● may quickly say as Solomon did Let them aske the kindom too For what is here left in temporal politike and worldly matters or in the gouernment and state of the kingdome wherein these Seniors will not haue a stroke yea and a negatiue voice and that in euery parish which is cleane different frō the Sanhedrin For both their lesse kind of Sanedrin either greater as they afterward deuided it was only in one place for all the realm As first at Sylo and then at Ierusalem the head citie vntill these last alterations came Where as our Br. would haue the like if not the same to be erected in euery congregation which is the playne ouerthrowe of a kingdom to make euery congregatiō a kingdō in it self For if it be not such a Senate as was their Sanedrin then is it not the same nor like the same that Christ they say did heere allude vnto And if it be not then do they plainly delude vs and wrest Christes wordes in gathering such allusions and building on them and inforcing on vs this their Seniory by force hereof And say that here Christe also translated the same into his church in the newe Testament And yet when all is done they must néeds confesse that it is cleane different For in both these consistories of the Sanedrin the greater of the 70. and the lesse of the 23. They were all eyther Preestes or Doctors of the Lawe and teachers the King and the Princes or noble peeres onlie excepted So that except they will be Kings Princes or noble Peeres all these Seniors must not bee gouernors not teaching but Interpreters Doctors teachers of the Law of God or else they be neither the same nor the like nor fi●te at all to be any Seniors in this Senate And whereas Beza saith in his Christian Confession cap. 5. artic 32. but we must know that this Iurisdiction hee speaketh of these Seniors doth not appertaine to earthly and transistory matters and is altogether different from the ciuile as witnesseth Christe and after Christe Paul although eyther of them particularly comprehendeth all the faithfull without exception for al are also thral to ●he ciuil Magistrate whose power also in respect is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an edifying or building power so farre forth as it ought to procure peace 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 good order or discipline especially inthose things that respect the first table And on the other side ther is none which should not be subiect to the word of God so of cōsequēce vnto the eccl discipline Howbeit I confesse the apostle willeth that for the cause of auoiding offence Christians should iudge their cōtrouersies priuatly without the ciuil magistrate But it appeareth sufficiently that Paul which followed the steps of Christ and of all the saintes would not therefore withdraw any thing from the ciuil iurisdiction nor confound those things that the Lord hath distinguished but only haue consideration of the time in the which it could not be that the faythfull should contend before infidel Iudges but that they should bee thrall to diuerse slaunders For the which cause hee admonisheth the Corinehians that all such kinde of controuersies should rather be eyther once taken away or taken vp by domesticall debating of them This admonition therefore of Paule doth nothing fauour the furious and giddi-brayned Anabaptistes which leaue no place to the Ciuill Magistrate in a Christian Church To returne therefore to the matter there is a certaine ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction but vtterly distinguished from the ciuill Thus writeth Beza of the Iurisdiction of these Seniors to be mere Ecclesiasticall and cleane different from the ciuill Iurisdiction Yea Danaeus also concludeth as is foresaide in the 10. chapter saying For although the Presbytery or Synedrion of the Iewes which was the same Act. 22. verse 5. 30. in Math. 5. ver 22. seemeth to aunswere to our presbytery iudged often of certaine causes notwithstanding our Presbyteries doe not iudge and thereupon are different from those of the Iewes Because they had partly politicall partly Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction both together as appeareth Esd. 10 verse v. But our presbyteries haue only Ecclesiasticall it pertaineth indeede to their office and function to reclaim if they can to peace and concorde the faithf●●●●leading or about to plead Verily they ought to exhort them to m●tuall charity Cor. 6. verse 1. Mat. 5.25 But to sit Iudges in their pleaes they ought not for this is the office of the ciuill magistrate Yea neither the whole presbytery neither any part of the presbytery ought so much as to be chosen arbytrators but onely as priuate men if any of the presbytery be taken to be arbytrators If this be true than is all this deuise of translating the Sanedrin of the Iewes into the newe testament and Church of Christe or of willing the like thereof to be established in his Church for administration of gouernment quite ouerthrown For what the Iewes eldership was we haue seene at large already And yet there were then also Ciuill Magistrates aswell as now And therfore if Christ had translated their Sanedrin vnto vs ours might haue like authority as theirs had notwithstanding our ciuill Magistrates But besides this in generall that Danaeus here confesseth that the presbyteries of the Iewes Iudged often in some causes and mixed together the temporall and Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction which our brethren mislike in the Bishops and ministers Chytraeus also vpon the 17. of Deut. Tit. de Iudiciis doth confirme the moste of that which we haue shewed at large out of Bertram Sigonius for the Iewes Iudgements and Sanhedrin saying Three kindes of iudgements are written to haue beene distinguished among the Iewes vnto whome it is agreeable that Christ alludeth Math 5 in the declaration of the ten commaundements setting down the degrees and differences of sinnes repugnant to the Lawe thou shalt not kill And that he woulde declare the same out of the forme of the ciuill iudgements accustomed to the people Heer 's he 〈…〉 of Christes more proper alluding to the Iewes orders in th●se thinges But doth he gather thereupon that the same ciuile iudgements were either translated or the like to them established amongst vs The first was Triumuirall ouer the which were Gouernors in euerie Citie three men In the which money matters and the lighter trespasses of bearings of priua●e iniu●ies of the●● c. wer decided They suppose that Christe signified that
occupie and what a charge is imposed vpon you Adde this that the enemies of godlinesse while in their clutterie darkenesse they can not abide the small sparkes of your godlinesse they as it were thrust you out of their faction which you voluntarily should haue fledde from Pardon me of your courtesie if in one worde I be more sharpe because that to profite you I must speake freelye that I thinke when you shall come to the heauenlie iudgement seate the offence of betraying can not be washed away except in time you with-drawe your selfe from that bande that openlie conspireth to oppresse the name of Christe But if nowe it bee greeuous to you to be diminished that Christ may increase in you thinke on Moses example which vnder obscure shadowes did yet not doubt to prefer the rebuke of Christ before the delightes and riches of the Aegyptians But although peraduenture I haue beene more bolde with your Excellencie then was meete not-withstanding sithe my purpose was to regard your saluotion I hope my libertye shall not be odiousto you c. Fare you wel most excellent man illustrious and Reuerend Lord c. But here againe least we might thinke hee goeth about to persuade him to leaue his B. as a dignitie that he could not lawefully retaine with the profession of the gospel which was not his drift but to haue himretain still his place and dignitie so farre as hee might doe it without houering betwéene the Papistes and the Epicures and thereto he willeth him to thinke on the place he occupied and what charge was layde vpon him and yet to renounce it rather than to ioyne with those enemies of the Gospel to shew this better Caluine setteth downe more fully in his Epistle to the King of that countrey of Polonia Epist. 190. what manner of superiour dignitie and authoritie he not onely alloweth to remaine in a Bishop but also in an Archb. so little shunneth he or disaloweth either the name or the office of them To conclude saith he onely ambition and pride hath forged that Primacie that the Romanistes oppose vnto vs. The auncient Church indeede did institute Patriarchies did appoint also to euery of the Prouin●●●●ertaine Primacies that the Bishops by this bonde of concorde migh● 〈◊〉 better knitte together among themselues Euen as if so be at this day in the most noble kingdome of Polonia one Archbishop were ouer the residue Not that he should ouerrule the residue or snatching the right or Lawe from them arrogate it vnto him-selfe but that for because of order he should in the Synodes hold the first place and nourish an holie vnitie among his collegues brethren And furthermore there should bee either Prouinciall or Citie Bishops which peculierly should giue attendance to the conseruing of order Euen as nature suggesteth this vnto vs that out of al Colleges one ought to be chosen vp on whom the chiefest care should lie But it is one thing to beare a moderate Honor to wit so farre as the facultie or power of man extendeth it self another to comprehende th● whole compasse of the world in a gouernmēt vnmeasurable Thus doth Caluine most clearely though he condemne the Popes vsurpation approue both the superioritie of Pastorship not onely in Bishops ouer Cities and Prouinces where manie Pastors be but also of Archb. and of one Archb. the chiefe and primate of a mightie kingdome more th●n fiue times as bigge as Englande to bée ouer all the residue And this being well vsed without offring iniurie to the right of other bishops vnder him hee thinketh to be both good and necessarie So farre off is he as our Brethren here doe from condemning the very name of Archbishops No he alloweth both the office and the name euen here in Englande also as appeareth by his letter vnto the Archb. of Canterburie Epist. 127. Caluinus Cranmero Archiepisc. Cantuariensi salutem When as at this time it was not to be hoped which was most to bee wished that euerie one of the chiefest teachers out of diuerse Churches which haue embraced the pure doctrine of the Gospell shoulde come together and out of the pure word of God should set foorth to the posteritie a certaine and cleare confession of euerie one of the capitall pointes at this day in controuersie I doe greatly commende right Reuerende Lorde the counsell which you haue begunne that the English men might ripely establish religion among them that the mindes of the people should not sticke longer in suspence while thinges are vncertaine or lesse orderly composed than were meete To which purpose it behooueth all those that haue the gouernment there to apply in common their studies notwithstanding so that the chiefest parts be yours You see what this place requireth or rather what God according to the reason of the office which hee hath enioyned vnto you doeth by his right require of you In you is the chiefest authoritie which the noblenesse of honor doth not more procure vnto you than the opinion long since conceaued of your prudence integritie c. Thus doth Caluine where he still calleth vpon for increase and spéede of further and full reformation acknowledge both his title of Arch-bishop and his office of Primacie with the honour and authoritie thereof aboue all other in the Churches ministerie to be good and lawfull And to shewe further howe he alloweth the generall practise of Episcopall authoritie where when and whosoeuer Bishop shoulde receaue the Gospell whether he should giue ouer or reteyne still a Superiour authoritie in his Diocesse ouer the other Pastors in the same hée hath fully decided this Question Epist. 373. Si Episcopus vel curatus ad Ecclesiam se aediunxerit If a Bishop or a Curate shall adioyne himselfe vnto the Church Caluine aunswereth on this wise Being asked my sentence or opinion concerning Bishops Curates and others of like degree or whome they call Graduates if that the Lorde shoulde vouchsafe any of them his grace that they would adioyne themselues vnto the Church howe must they behaue themselues towardes them c. Here after his excuse for breuitie by reason of his rewme he sayth If therefore it shall happen that in Poperie anie to whome the cure of soules shall haue beene committed that is to wit a Bishop or a Curate shall receaue the grace of the Lorde so that he professe the pure doctrine of the Gospell if he shal be founde not to be so fitte for the office of a Pastor nor to be endewed with that knowledge and dexteritie that is requisite hee shoulde altogether doe very rashly if he would intermitte himselfe into so great a matter The fruite therefore of his conuersion shall consist in that if so be hee discharge him-selfe of all cure and doe so acknowledge that grosse abuse that he did beare before a voide title with-out matter and thereuppon giue place to a fitte successor that may lawefully be instituted it shall
exhorte the Elders of the Church euen then durst he not call himself other than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 What did S. Peter then seeke authority to himselfe or if he did it did he seek it by that name was not the name of the Apostle of more antiquity than Praesbyter was or then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was yea or then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had ben if he had vsed it or did he not rather then sette aside his authority and set aside the name of apostle and descende down to their owne name order vnto whome he wrote being but in respect of their Ministers Priests or Elders and abasing him selfe to insinuate and perswade them the rather as though that excellent and high apost had béene but their fellow in that office of Priesthoode or Eldership though in his apostleship far aboue them And therefore be it spoken vnder correction this seemeth not to be so well auouched of our brethren that S. Peter durste not call himselfe other than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a fellowe Elder no not when he sought authority to himselfe by that name to be bold to exhorte the Elders of the Church For S. Peter could durst if he would haue done it And he did it when he would vse his authority But héere it shoulde séeme he vsed or soughte it not but set it aside and vsed this lower tearme in his modest humility to the which he exhorted them And yet this no white hindred his superior dignity office of apostleship far aboue them But wherefore is this word fellow Elder héere so vrged that S. Peter where he sought authority to himself durst vse no other name doth this word fellow Elder inferre that all that are fellowes euen in the very Eldership must be in all respects fellow fellow like and all of such equality that no superior dignity may be admitted in this felowship S. Paul also calleth diuerse persons his fellow labourers in the Gospel his fellow seruaunts yea he mencioneth his yoake-fellowe which is of diuerse expounded for his wife yea he calleth all the sonnes of God fellow heires with Christe and is there no difference of dignities in these fellowships In the Courte the best noble man in Englande wil many times cal those that are of far inferior offices yet her Maiesties sworne men in her most honorable houshold their fellowes shall we say they durst not call themselues other than their fellowes or that they are all alike aequall But if this fellowship that Peter speaketh of be in the Eldership then by the way we haue héere to note that S. Peter was both an apostle an elder But our brether●n say an elder is all one with a B. therefore the name office of a B. was not so separated but that euen the Apostles also both might be and were their selues Bishops But least say our Brethren any man should thinke we stay only in names and tearmes which are not so greatly materiall let him consider that Saint Peter expresly forbiddeth the Elders to exercise Lordship ouer theirseueral cōgregatiōs how much more ouer their fellow Elders If our brethren woulde not that any man shoulde thinke they stay only in names and tearmes and if names and tearmes are not so greatly materiall I maruell they make so much adoo about them or rather as it seemeth for any thing héere alleaged stay if not onely yet moste vppon them the thing indéede that S. Peter héere expresly forbiddeth is to exer-Lordship So that Saint Peters forbidding is not for any name or tearme but for exercise of Lordship Neither do we deny but that which the Apostle Saint peter forbibdeth th● Elders should be still forbidden them And with our brethren allowing Caluines Bezaes interpretation sith from Caluine they séeme to haue taken all these their obseruations on the foresaid place of Peter though somewhat altering both Caluines words sense héerein that the word Cleargie signifieth not the whole order of the Ministers but the particular Churches and the vniuersal body of the Ch. that is al the congregation being the L. inheritaunce allotment as well as the Ministers Doth S. Peter then forbid that any one Elder should haue exercise any superior gouernmēt ouer the cleargy vnderstanding the cleargy in this sense If he doth not but alloweth it his self practised it then howsoeuer the name both of gouerning of clergy may be abused the matter is cleare that one Priest or Elder amōg the residue may haue a lawfull superior auth gouernmēt ouer the cleargy that is ouer all the vniuersal body of the Church in euery particular or seueral cogregation so not only ouer the people but also ouer the whole order of Minist For the matter that is héere forbidden the Elders is not to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which simply is gouerning and exercising a lawful authority but rather manifestly he doth inferre it saying 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 neither as misruling of the cleargy On which word saith Caluine Because with the Grecians the proposition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the most part is taken in euil part Peter heere reproueth a preposterous Lordship such as theirs who not cōsidering with thēselus that they are the Minist of Christ of the church do couet somewhat more Erasmus noteth on it Nō dominātes more Regum Not ruling after the māner of Kings or Non Dominio prementes Not pressing thē with Dominiō or Lordship so that here is nothing at al spokē against any vnlawful superiority that any elders may exercise ouer the cleargy For otherwise he should permit no gouernment at all vnto them ouer the congregatiō or of one at anie time in a synode And therfore these wordes of Saint Peter must needs be vnderstood either of too excelling or of too tyrannicall gouernment and so Caluine concludes thus For God deliuereth not a kingdome to the Pastors but onelie enioyenth them a care so that theright in the mean time remaines entier to himself and so saith Beza he sheweth that not a kingdome but a care is committed to them So that this Lordship that Saint Peter expreslie forbiddeth is only against their exercise of a kinglike or of a tyrannicall Lordship and not against anie moderate Lordship and superior authority ouer the cleargie But to proue this further and better as they thinke our brethren ascend from Saint Peter vnto Christ saying Which thing also our Sauiour Christ precisely forbiddeth when there was a contention among his apo about the primacy The Kings of the nations haue dominion ouer them and they that beare rule ouer them are called gratious Lordes or beneficiall but you shall not be so Also Mat. 20.25 and Mar. 10.41 Vpon the ambitious request of the sonnes of Zebedy the disdain of the other against thē The princes of the Gentiles exercise lordship ouer them and they that bee great exercise authority
required at our handes by God Almighty that we must néedes confesse are euen altogether and absolutely on our parts impossible as the perfecte obedience of Gods lawe And yet especiallye our negligence in our firste parents fall and our owne sinnes in vs are the cause of our not difficulty but méere impossibility to do those things that Almighty God necessarily requireth at our handes Except wee shoulde say with the Papists that we can fulfil Gods law or else with them accuse God of iniustice if he should require at our handes an impossibility And that therfore we must obiect no impossibility for we replie it is a thing necessarily required at our hands by God almighty If our brethren say that therein God helpeth vs another way so may he doo héere also though the Minister be not all thing so learned a Pastor as God necessarily requireth at his handes that he should be Wee confesse say our brethren it wil be harde at firste but we muste do our endeuour and commit the successe vnto God and there is no doubt but in time it will grow to an happy end This confession is very true it will be hard at the first And wee assent that we must do our endeuour so far forth as we conueniently may but not to the iniury much lesse to the vndoing of any neuer so simple poore a Minister if he be vertuous diligent to his power in his function and so commit the successe vnto God To whome if our brethren would indéede commit it they woulde omit these vnnecessary contentions nor so vrge their desires of reforming discipline nor publish these devises platformes of Ecclesiasticall gouernement entituling them solemnelye Learned discourses prescribing more than is lawfull for priuate men to doe at leastwise they would neuer so far procéed in them with such-vnbrotherlike iuuectiues against the publike Magistrates and Ministers learned and vnlearned but desire those thinges that they thinke are amisse and would wish reformed in a more Christian charitable and good subiectlike manner than they do thē there is no doubt but that whatsoeuer were indéede to be reformed though it be hard at the first yet by this softnesse in time it would at last grow to an happy end For as the Prouerbe is A good beginning maketh a good ending But such a preposterous and violent beginning continuing and encreasing as hetherto our brethren haue vsed for these matters and do vse not only breedeth a present disturbance and continuall schisme but also boadeth a doubtful suspition without gods mercifull help of a tragicall and vnhappy ending But when say they we shal be altogether carelesse as wee haue beene long time and that is worse not acknowledging any default in this behalfe as there be that do not and that is most of all maintayning such lettes and hinderances as be continuall nurseries of ignorance and ignorant Pastors we may be ashamed to alleage that difficulty for which none are to be blamed but we our selues To be carelesse in so carefull matters is a great default But we must take héed on the other side of too much curiositye and of rashnesse both in thrusting our selues béeyond our calling into actions of pretensed reformation and also take héede whome thus at randone and in these generall speeches we accuse to haue bene so long time carelesse For as this carefulnesse principally pertayneth to those that by authoritye are called to the charge and care thereof so her Maiestie with her honorable counsell and the godly learned-Praelates haue not onely had great care in this behalfe but with carefull trauayles haue muche endeuoured that these troubles might bee happilye ended But euermore hetherto vnhappily these our Brethrens intempestiue sturres haue bredde such lettes and hinderaunces héereunto that they are now further off and call moe and higher pointes in question than they did about Caps and Surplesses at the beginning And these contentions being more earnestly trauersed betwéen the learned haue geuen aduauntage to embolden the common aduersarye of vs both and withall haue occasioned the moe vnlearned in the Ministerye to bee lesse taken heede vnto than otherwise more easily they mought haue beene Which neuerthelesse we complaine not vpon as Adam did on Eue to poste all the fault vnto our brethren not acknowledge any default herein among our selues but noting the same with duetifull submission to their authority we wish that some euen of our Bishops had bene so carefull in this long time that they had not admitted some though prettilye learned yet too head-strong and newfangled Ministers that since they haue entred into the Ministery forgetting the calling of them by whome they were called if they haue any calling in the Ministery forgetting the othe of their Canonicall obedience to their Bishops and of their loyall obedience to their prince haue and do make all or the most parte of all these sturres But their carelesnesse in admitting suche hath beene since méetlie well punished by these their disobedient and vnthankfull children And some also they haue admitted into this function too vnlearned wee confesse and vnworthy Ministers and so are not altogther cleare of maintayning the continuall nurseries of ignoraunce and ignorant Pastors Yet neither haue they beene maintayned but greatly rebuked for their so carelesse doings and therupon lawes and prouisions haue bene made and stande in force to represse such vnlearned Ministers and the makers of them And though we acknowledge that we may be well ashamed and sory in respecte of the defaultes of some to alleage that difficultye for the which we our selues are to be blamed yet sith our brethren also do héere confesse with vs the difficultye that it will bee hard at the firste and are themselues also in no smal part a cause thereof and of greater letts and hinderaunces to a happy ende of these vntimely brawles and troubles Let them take part of this blame and shame with vs and either of vs so soone as much as we may carefully endeuour to amend it We may say they be ashamed now that our Church hath had rest peace with free preaching of the Gospell these 25. or 26. yeeres vnder the protection of our most gratious Queene to be so vnfurnished with learned Pastors as we are whereas if that diligence had beene vsed of all parts as might and should haue bene employed of all them that vnfeynedly seeke the kingdome of God and his righteousnesse almoste in halfe the time this necessity might haue bene well supplyed If our Churche haue had reste and peace with free preaching of the Gospell these 25. or 26 yeeres and now since also this 27. this 28. and vpward vnder the protection of our most gratious Queene how much are we bound with all thankfulnesse first to Almightye God and after vnto our moste gratious Queene to re-acknowledge the same And how may they be ashamed then that where we haue had
to yéelde to it in the ende and in a byous manner to acknowledge it that the Ecclesiasticall gouernment order for ouerseeing the Churches which they pretend is not of anie necessitie by GOD commanded nor anie perpetuall order to all ages and Churches by Christ and his Apostles prescribed Which if it be not then our Churches state is not so corrupt as they exclaime Nay let them looke then vnto it how trulie they auouch it so to bee and make such a contentious rupture in the Church for it If it be howe can they héere giue anie extraordinarie and temporall order warrant or plakarde for anie meane time to the contrarie So that both wayes our Brethren apparantlie goe about héerein both to abuse themselues and vs. But now thinking that by this Interim wrought by all these foresayd meanes they should effect many and mightie matters our Bretheren waxing bolde procéede to aunswere euen to anie mannes thoughtes that shoulde doubt so much as anie difficultie in bringing about these things If anie man saie they thinke this is ouerhard to bee brought to passe let him consider that there was neuer woorke of more difficultie than to build vp the Church of God so that the necessitie cōmoditie of the work shuld cause vs to staie nothing at the difficultie therof for with our faithfull endeauour wee shall not want the mightie assistance of God who will blesse our godlie labours with greater successe than wee can looke for How hard many of these things are we haue heard alreadie and easilie may coniecture Yea how dangerous and vnnecessarie some of them be and how some of them are alreadie in experience But nowe to our better incouragement to giue the onset on all these meanes wee must imagine that they are the building vp of the Church of God than the which nothing is more necessarie or commodious and therefore nothing should cause vs to staie at the difficultie thereof Verilie Fortis imaginatio can do much as we sée in our Brethren that imagine these presupposals and thereon dare aduenture to enterprise neuer so difficult attemptes to atchieue this their strong imagination But godlie and staied men must not run on such headstrong fantasies but vppon assured groundes Now when we should come to the ground-worke of this building and finde that which our Brethren imagine hath no better foundation on Gods word for the building vp of such a frame as they and not the word of God prescribeth withall that this their modill which they haue complotted is the manifest scattering and pulling downe of that which in the Church of God is alreadie builded and for the chiefest part is not so necessarie and in some pointes most dangerous besides the difficultie to bring the same to passe no meruaile though so many staie and dare not hazard to build on this platforme and in this manner as our Brethren call vpon vs. For as Saint Paul saith Gal. 2.18 If I build againe the things which I haue pulled downe I make my self a trāsgressor so If I pul down the things that I haue builded if they be wel builded vp I make my selfe also another trāsgressor And sith we haue alredie builded on the onlie foundation Iesus Christ and God hath alreadie blessed our building if now anie other will build thereon and turquise our building except he can bring better proofes that we build amisse and that God allowes not nor likes our building and shewe that not onelie we may more easilie and also with more beautie and profite build after another order that he wil teach vs but that we must and are bound to build on that fashion he presumeth too farre and offereth vs wrong and maye doe more hurt and hinderaunce to the building of the Church of GOD than euer for all his zeale hee shall doe good or bee able to further the same except to put it further off than alreadie it is But saie our Brethren with our faithfull endeauour wee shall not want the mightie assistance of God who will blesse our godlie labours with greater successe than we can looke for Verie true in all faithfull endeauours grounded on a good matter and proceeding by a good order GOD will blesse our godlie labours and his name bee blessed for it so he hath done notwithstanding all the stops both of our foraine enimies and of our owne brethrens domesticall impediments we haue not wanted the mightie assistaunce of God blessing our godlie labors and that with greater successe than they acknowledge or wish or we haue deserued or in these troubles wee could haue looked for So that in this behalf we may wel recomfort our selue● with that saying of the 124. Psalme If the Lord had not bene on our side maie Israel now saie if the Lord had not beene on our side when men rose vp against vs they had swallowed vs vp quicke when their wrath was kindled against vs. And in the 127. following Except the Lord build their house the labour is in vaine that build it And since God hath thus blessed our handie workes euen beyond all that wee looked for for although wee might well looke for no lesse of the professed aduersaries of the Gospell yet who would haue looked for such vnthankfulnesse to God and such hinderance of the worke of God among our selues at our Brethrens hands the professors with vs of Christs Gospel Shal we now also looke for new deuises and with them contemne and alter all that the Lord hath alredie so mightilie blessed and looke for him also to blesse the labours of our handes in the contrarie to that we haue begun to labour and wherein we haue so prosperouslie proceeded and which God hath alreadie blessed with such mightie assistance and successe But now our Brethren supposing these thinges might bee well compassed most confidenilie they auowe and saie If God therefore will graunt that these and such like meanes may take place by the high authoritie of our dreade Soueraigne the Queenes Maiestie and continue this comfortable peace which wee inioie vnder her most gracious gouernment we dare ieopard our liues that in lesse than halfe the time that is alreadie properouslie passed of her Maiesties moste honourable and glorious raigne the necessitie of learned Pastors shall be so well supplied as we shall haue no great cause to complaine for lack of them if we may vse like diligence to continue them if not wee will spend the rest of our life in mourning expectation of the heauie vengeance of GOD which must needes fall vpon vs for this manifest contempt of his expresse commandement and neglect of increasing the glorious kingdome of our sauiour Christ. In the meane time we may boldlie saie with the Apostle Act. 20. We testifie vnto you this daie that wee are cleane from the bloud of you all for we haue not failed to shew you the whole councell of God concerning the regiment of his
occasion at the same time yet may the pastor rightly procéede in executing the part of a pastors duety for his publike prayers and perfourming the administration of the sacramentes And though the Sacramentes also vpon any occasion or necessity bee not administred as for Baptisme if there be none to bée baptized or the people do not receiue the communion at euery assembly as our Brethr. I think will not say it is necessary especially in the assemblies at the euening prayers except they will haue no publike euening prayers or the communion to be receiued in the euening yet without the sacramentes may the publike prayers rightly proceede Yea though there bee neither sacramentes nor sermon at that time yea and though there were a Preacher neuer so learned except they will in euery Congregation prouide at least for two preachers one to preach at the Morning Prayer the other at the euening prayer or prouide sufficient health and strength for one to serue alwayes both the turnes or else cease the publike euening prayers and now and then Morning Prayers too for want of the sacramentes and the preaching And although it be more requisite that publike praiers shold be made both at the preaching of a sermon and especially at the ministration of the Sacramentes yet as publike prayers may procéede without eyther of these so may either of these both preaching also baptisme though not the cōmunion of the L. body bloud be administred without the publike prayers if such necessity or occasion serued as we haue séene sufficient examples thereof euen in the Word of God Notwithstanding with publike prayer we stil grant it is alwayes better And when all these three parts of a pastors duty preaching ministring the sacraments and praying are ioyned one with another we deny not but it is best of all As for referring the blessing of Mariages vnto prayer I like it also very wel But then I would haue our Brethren marke this withal that here they say of this blessing or praying for them that it is not of necessity but of an auncient vse of the Church Now if the praier for the maried be not of necessitie but of conueniencie because it is an ancient custome of the Church what then shall we thinke of the administration of the sacramentes vnto them at the time of their Mariage or of a sermon to be preached vnto them when the publike praier that God would vouch safe to blesse those that are to bee ioined in the sanctified and honourable estate of Matrim is not of necesitie yet are our Bre. héerein to be again much commended that would haue these prayers of blessings vsed at mariages because though they be not of necessity yet are they of an auncient custome of the Church Which rule if they woulde consider in many other things being neither wicked nor superstitions being neither against good manners nor true Doctrine though they bee not prescribed nor yet expressed in the word of God nor are of any necessitie but of an auncient custome in the Church they would not reiect so many things cheefely not so contemptuously as they doe The argument of the 9. Booke THE 9. Booke treateth of the Churches authority in disposing matters of order comlinesse and edification and of the church of Engl. lawfull proceeding herein Of these Discoursers disobedience and reproches of the churches dooings and vrging their owne orders without authority of the daunger in contentions for small matters and of vrging and impugning ceremonies how comlinesse order and edification are ioyned and seperated Of S. Paules reproouing the vncomlinesse of Womens prophecying and preaching and why these Learned discoursers so especially note this vncomelinesse how their owne positions inferre Womens preaching on necessity extraordinarily and so of consequence Baptizing How Women did then prophesy in the congregation of the Corinthians and of our late abusage in that exercise the confuting of Beza and others interpretations for Womens prophecying to haue beene but onely in hearing with the manifolde examples to the contrary How farre Caluine and other Protestantes allow it or debarre it how Caluine digresseth hereupon from Womens publique speaking to their publike gouernment and with what hard tearmes he concludes against it How Danaeus resumeth the same question followeth further vpon it Of the cause that carieth away Caluine Danaeus all the French writers from the oeconimicall to the politicall gouernment of Women howe requisite it is to pursue this digression both to stande on our necessary defence in this point and to confute all suche as heretofore both in other countries and among vs haue set foorth Bookes against Womens Regiment To which pointes are first examined the arguments that Caenalis the French chronicleo hath gathered together against all womēs Gouernmēt vnder pretence of the Salike Lawe in France with examining conferring the law of God the law of Nations the ciuill law besides the examination of the often practise in France by the gouernment of Women of the ancient state of France the pedegrees in and before the time of Pharamund and since The lynes of the Merouingians the Carolines and the Capetians or Hugonians all from the rig●t and title of Women The arguments for the gift of healing and of the same also in the kings Queenes of England The hurt and troubles that the deuise of the Salike lawe hath bred to all Christiā kingdomes The examples obiections reasons pro contra in Daneus the answeres vnto him with the examples of wom gouernment in all ages and in all the most famous peoples of the World besides England cheefly in the Empire of Rome which Daneus excepteth of Daneus conclusiō against patrimonial magistracy iurisdiction Lastly the aunswere to the argumentes of Bodinus and of Hottomanus against womens regiment for the Salike Lawe with Hottomans Iudgement thereupon FVrthermore in those things that are necessary partes of the Pastors of fice the Church hath authority to dispose them as touching the circumstaunces for order and comelinesse sake but cheefely for edification As the dayes and times of preaching and administring the sacraments the places meete for the same and for publike prayers also the forme and manner of vsing those things so that al things be done comly and agreeable to order but especially that in all things principall regarde bee had to edification which Saint Paule so often so precisely vrgeth in the 14. Chapter of the 1. Cor. For therfore ought our assemblies commings together to serue that therefore we may be better that we may be taught that we may be edified 1. Cor. 11.17 1. Cor. 14.23.24.25.26.31 IF the Churche haue authority to dispose these thinge that are necessary partes of the pastors Office as touching the circumstances for order and comelinesse sake but cheefely for edification as the dayes and times of preaching and administring the sacramentes the places meete for
this part of the sentence is most apparant false For euery woman that ruleth doth not so take that is by vsurpation a certaine kinde of gouernment and authority that is a wrong title or an vsurped tyranny as did Athalia For shée may be specially called thereunto of God she may be lawfully chosen thereunto of man and shée may be lineally borne thereunto by nature and so vsurpes it not Debora was no vsurper But we shall come to moe examples all in time And also the other part of the Proposition thus distinguished is apparant defectiue Shee that speaketh teacheth Do all teache that speake if he meane all that speake In that manner of speaking what is that else then in effect to say She that teacheth teacheth and indéede S. Paul speaketh not héere simply of speaking but of teaching As we heard before 1. Corin. 14.34 Where be said it is not permitted to them to speak which was thus expounded by Calu. He forbids them therefore to speake in publike for because of teaching or of prophecying So that this cause being set aside speaking in the Church is not forbidden No nor teaching neither simply as wée haue shewed both by the Scripture and by Caluine also And yet if Danae had set his rest against wom teaching in the church it had béene more tollerable But nowe all his conclusion is against Womens speaking in the church And he reasoneth thus they may not teach in the Church ergo they may not speake in the Church And in this proposition shee that speaketh teacheth What a kinde of teaching or speaking is this a genere affirmatiuè ad speciem shee speaketh ergo she teacheth And if this consequence bée good then of consequence she may teach in the Church Sith it is apparant she may speake For if all the congregation may say but Amen if she be one of the congregation she may publikely speake say she but onely bare Amen And may not shée say some of the responses as may the other people that are not Ministers and may she not say the publike Confession with them may she not be openly Catechised and aunswere to the articles of her fayth may shée not sing with the congregation the psalmes and Hymnes And is not that also a publike speaking and must shée not speake when she is to bee maried and before all the Congregation confesse beeing streightly charged so to doe if shee knowe any lawfull impediment why she ought not to bee ioyned in matrimony to that man and doe not our brethren also enioine her euen in the knot of mariage to say these wordes Euen so I take him before God and in the presence of this his congregation How therfore doth Danaeus conclude that women neither can nor ought to speak in the Church If hee say this speaking is not teaching that hée speaketh only héere of such speaking as is teaching why then doth he not driue his argument from speaking to teaching and to haue reasoned thus she may not speake ergo she may not teach Rather than from teaching vnto speking saying thus she may not teach ergo she may not speake which is againe a specie ad genus negatiuè But which way soeuer he driue it it is both apparant that shee may both speake in the Church without the breach of Saint Paules precept yea and her speaking may be teaching also if shee take not on her the ordinary Ecclesiasticall function of teaching in the Church which is the thing in-déede that Saint Paule forbiddeth For otherwise if eyther necessity happen as Caluine graunteth she may extraordinarily teach also or if she be any way lawfully called to the authority of publike regiment not onely she may both speake and teache in the publike congregation but her place of consequence doth often times require it Which Danaeus perceiuing though hée concludeth not his argument against Womens gouerning yet to prooue that shée ought not to speake hee taketh all his force from these two which hee thus intermingleth one with another ruling and teaching And why doth he so Is it ●●r that teaching inferreth ruling or that ruling inferreth teaching and y●● which soeuer inferreth the other or they be both conioined whereas hee dr●●● it thus Women may not publikely rule ergo they may not publikely 〈◊〉 Or women may not publikely teach ergo they may not publikely rule Why may not we sende these argumentes backe againe to their Master which this reciprocall aunswere VVomen may publikely rule ergo Women may publikely teach Or Women may publikely teache ergo Women may publikely rule That women may teach we haue seene the examples and testimonies of Scripture and our brethrens owne Confessions And as for the lawfulnesse of womens publike ruling as wee haue séene the scripture and Caluine c Let vs nowe sée what Danaeus saith thereto after this his argument against their speaking For that which followeth concerning women deacons I stande not vpon Nowe vpon this occasion commeth Danaeus directly to the Question of the regiment of VVomen with the which as wee hard before Caluine so rigorously did conclude But sayth Danaeus out of this place it is also among some thereupon disputed whether it bee honest for women to reigne that is to commaunde men and to obteine a cheefe empire and right ouer men and ouer the male-kinde which thing hath place in Spayne in Englande in Scotland and in diuerse other regions Heere Danaeus setteth downe this Question playne for the gouernment of Wome● ouer men both for the reigning in the chéefe and publike regiment of a kingdome and the right thereof and whether it bee honest yea or no● Which hee maketh but a Question disputed vpon by some that take occasion on this place So that hee séemeth to inferre that there is no direct and playne place in the Scripture which doth impugne it but that by occasion of this place some do dispute thereon So that first this place and much lesse the other 1. Corint 14. Which accordeth with this are not directly spoken against the reigne or cheefe and publique gouernment of Women ouer men in the souerainty of a kingdome or royall Empyre But that rule which Saint Paule both heere and there forbiddeth women to haue and exercise ouer men is properly of another kinde of rule And therefore whosoeuer alleageth those places as by them to drawe a direct argument against the publike regiment of women in the right of a Kingdome manifestly wresteth those places And so consequently wresteth all Saint Paules reasons there vsed and also the Lawe Genesis 3. Whereon hee groundes these reasons Nowe where Danaeus sayth that for women to reigne that is to command mē to obtain the chiefe Empire right or law ouer men is of some disputed vpon and that the question is vtrum honestum fit whether it be honest that is whether it be of the best kinde of those things that are called good to
to her children And againe 105. a. the kingdome of the Burgundians is the first section from Gondengus alias Gondochius or Gondebundus vntill Clotildis placed in matrimonie to Clodoueus vnto whom succeded heyres suruiuing Gondebaldus and Gondesigillus But to Gondebaldus succeeded Sigisimundus who beeing slayne the scepter of the kingdom came to Clotildis and to her posteritie But whē as vnto Clotildis and vnto her posteritie succeeded a great many children the kingdome of Burgundie flewe among them with doubtfull fethers which must needes fall out that at the length the kingdome of Burgundie should come to the last suruiuer which should be only called the Monarch of the Gaules And all this fell out after Pharamundus about the time of Clodoueus who was the first Frenche king that was Christened by the meanes of this his wife Clotildis frō whose issue succéeded the line of the Merouingians of Meroueus grand-father to Clodoueus and by affinitie as Aimonius witnesseth that is through title of kindred by his wife the successor of Clodio Pharamundus son so that againe all the line of the Merouingians came by the woman Which line of the Merouingians continued till Charles Martell the Father of Pipine and Grandfather to Charles the great In whose stocke both Burgundie and the regiment of all Fraunce continued vntill the time of Hughe Capete who gaue the same vnto his brother it being not long before abased by Lotharius from the state of a kingdome to a dukedome for his contumelious striking of an Arch-bishop But now sayth Caenalis after that the inheritaunce of the Burgundian dukedome came to the French kinges ye shall scarse finde concerning the race of the Princes of the Burgundians where ye may safely fixe your foote euen vntill the time of S. Loyes and that chiefely by reason of women S. Loyes had Agnes or Agnet his daughter Duchesse of Burgundie whom not long time after Lewes surnamed Hutin succeding married Philip surnamed the fayre married Margaret ennobled by the ftocke of Burgundie Then followed Ioane giuen in mariage to Philip the long Whom straight-way followed Blanch Duches of Burgundie ioyned in mariage to Charles the fayrer that succeeded Philip the long After whome Philip of Valoys following married Ioane Duchesse of Burgundie This Philip gotte the crowne of France from Edwarde the 3. King of Englande By whose meanes this Salike law against the inheritance of the female was first vnder the name of Pharamunde deuised Vppon pretence as the fame went that a certaine Queene of France cast her fancie on a Butcher as Iohannes Methensis witnesseth and married him For detestation of which fact they made the Salike lawe that no woman should after that inherite the kingdome of Fraunce And although Gaguinus to defeate king Edwardes title alleage that euerie one of the thrée sonnes of Philip the faire both Lewes Hutin and Philip the long Charles the fayre had all issue besides the other daughters that he mentioneth of Philip le Beau yet sithe it is apparant that of none of all those issued any heyres male or female how could Philip of Valoys pretende from his Vncle Philip S. Lewes sonne which Philip was Father to Isabel Edwarde the thirde his mother to bereaue Isabell and her sonne Edwarde of this right but vnder pretence only of this deuised lawe Which lawe as we haue séene by Caenalis owne confession taking no place in Burgundie the Burgundians and the Frankes following one condition of inheritaunce it followeth that this lawe Salike is but a méere deuise and that in searching the practise wée finde all cleane contrarie And as the inheritance of Burgundie went thus vntill that time that this deuise was hatched so hath it gone since For although Caenalis when he commeth to Charles Carolese or rather Careles which last was flaine by the Switzers sayth who when hee wanted an heyre male by the vertue of the Salike lawe the Dukedome of Burgundie came to the kinges of Fraunce euen vntill this day I much maruell what face Caenalis durst so constantly auouch this thing sithe all Christendome knoweth that although the French King scambled for his share and gotte a parte thereof in that time of hauocke yet Maximilian the Emperour marying afterwarde the daughter and heyre obteyned by her the right and title of that inheritance By which it is most cleare that these two estates of France and Burgundie the one following in inheritance the condition of the other that as Burgundie notwithstanding any Salike lawe admitteth the inheritance of the woman so should France also Yea and by reason of this house of Burgundie hath title come by the woman also euen to the crowne of Fraunce The which Caenalis himselfe can not denie For sayth he fol. 106. a. speaking of Philip the long whom he calleth the Brother he should say the sonne of Philip the faire he succeded his elder brother Lewes surnamed Hutin that is as some interpret it troublesome or brawling vnto whom Margaret the sister of Robert Duke of Burgundie was maried Of whom Hutine begat Ioane which Ioane was maried vnto the Earle of Eureux and to the king of Nauarre Whereupon controuersie arose betweene the Duke of Burgundie and Philip he meaneth Philip of Valoys which of a regent was created king about the yeare 1316. by reason of which Ioan the Scepter was staide to be diuolued to the Duke of Burgundie brother of Ioan. But the lawe Salike directlie withstood this sentence How beit the mariage of Ioan daughter of Philip whome the Duke of Burgundie tooke to his wife brake off that strife But because this Ioane Hutines daughter had no issue Edwarde therefore came still before the Duke of Burgundie And yet had this Duke carried it away euen by affinitie for all the lawe Salike had not the matter béene otherwise composed And Caenalis reckoning vp the Genealogie of the Earles of Burgundie comming from Otto he sayth Otto begat Ioane the French Queene and Queene of Nauarre the Ladie of the countrye Palatine of Burgundie whom Philip the French king chose to his wife of which mariage issued Lewes the french King and his 2. sonne Philip Earle Palatine of Burgundie c. Ioane had daughter Elisa or Elisabeth maried to Robert Duke of Burgundie about the yeare 1306. Lewes the French king and of Nauarre begat the Earle of Poyters Palatin of Burgundie and Lorde of Salinople not long after French king This Philip of whom we haue spoken begat Margaret enriched with a triple Earledome of Flaunders of Artoys and of Burgundie c. Thus doth Caenalis in prosecuting these pedegrées of these Princes declare withall what inheritances also came to them with women that vnto the French king besides Britanie diuerse other Prouinces by mariages of the heires female Yea what title to the French crowne himself had Pipine but on the mothers side As Caenalis is faine to confesse though he would turne
gouernement of one And what then is included in the worde Monarke of what sexe that one chiefe gouernour should be So it be but the chiefe gouernement of one and not of moe But sayth he they that in their kingdomes claime the chief gouernment to themselues admitting the chiefe right of the kingdome in a woman seeme to doe nothing else than that they diminish the Maiestie of the Monarchicall principalitie If they that hauing right thereto and be not otherwise by their demerites barred be women that claime the Monarchie to themselues what diminishing is this when the Maiestie of the Monarchicall principalitie still remayneth entier in them If he speake of men his wordes haue no sense For how can they claime to them selues the chief gouernment in their kingdomes and withall admit the chiefe right of the kingdom in a woman Except whosoeuer should so do would confesse himselfe to be a plaine vsurper confessing the chiefe right to be in her and yet claime the chiefe gouernment to himselfe If he meane not of any title of right in present but right in possibilitie when it deuolueth to a woman then neither he diminisheth any whitte the Maiestie of the Monarchicall principalitie nor she when she lawfully atteyneth thereunto any whit diminisheth the same by reason of her sexe except by any her demerites otherwise she diminish it or perhaps may lose it But that may happen and hath hapned to a man as well as vnto a woman Of which matter sayth Caenalis let them looke to it to witte the English men the Spaniardes and the Sicilians well ne●re all other Sith not only Englande Spaine and Sicile but almost all other doe admitte this right it argueth it is not an vnlawefull and vnnaturall thing Except the French would condemne the most part of Christendom for their owne peuish standing on this Salike lawe which they confesse came from Infidelles But as we of England haue good companie herein so let the French rather looke vnto it that separate themselues for the maintenance of a Pagan lawe if not rather a lawe méere forged from the most part of Christendome And is there now no Monarchie or kingdom in all Christendome but only in France If there be then to be a Monark and to be a woman are not repugnant And he that doubts therof heares not himselfe nor knowes the force of the worde Monarke As for the residue of Ditions or Signiories sayth Caenalis howe excellent soeuer they are the dignitie of their principalitie being safe so that it be not supreme and Monarchicall they may admit the feminine sexe in the succession of lande If he make this exception of the residue of ditions or Signiories from Englande Spaine Sicill all other which he granteth to admit womens supreame gouernement then of what other signiories he speaketh he should haue plainer expressed But what signiories soeuer he meane or what municipall lawes soeuer they haue sith he graunteth this that how excellent soeuer they be they may admitte the woman kinde in the succession of the soyle the dignitie of their principalitie being safe and vnblemished and yet that dignitie is annexed to the possession of that soyle how then doth he not graunt but that women may gouerne neuer so excellent a signiorie dition or territorie without impayring the dignitie of the principalitie thereof Which if they may doe then this exception so that it be not supreme and Monarchicall comes too late and is a vaine exception Neither is his reason hereof any more of value to debarre a womans right from the succession of a kingdom than of a Princedom or of a dukedome For sayth he there shall not want the top or soueraigntie of the Monarchie that with the defence of armes shal supply the fraylty of the sex in defending of or restoring her right And cannot this be done as well and better by her own subiects or confederates whē she her selfe hath the Monarchical principalitie And may not men pretende as well and much easier to take away an Erledome a Dukedome or Princedome or other inferiour Signiories from her as vpon such pretence of defence to take away her right of the kingdom Yea by this reason n● male heyre being yet a childe can enioy a Monarchie because the fraylti● of his age as well as of her sexe in defending or restoring his right must be supplyed by the force of armes which lies as little in him to doe as in a woman But sayth Caenalis in a Monarchie if a woman gouerne it should be necessarie that a man should be subiect to a woman against al the disposing both of the holy and of the prophane lawe Well may it be against the disposing of this prophane pretended Salike lawe but we haue shewed sufficiently yea and Caenalis hath sufficiently confessed that it is not against the holy lawe of God but that a man may be a subiect to a woman in respect of the person of her vocation without any subiection or derogation to the superioritie his sexe and nature in respect that he is a man And let this reason sayth he be in steede of all If he meane this last reason I may reply and let that his own distinctiō stand for answer of al his own reasons If he meane that which foloweth But also it was neuer heard spokē that the gift of healing whereby the sicke are healed of the Squinancie should light on a woman Indéede it may be he makes this his principall reason For afterward fol. 110. He commeth in againe ruffling with this selfe same reason saying by the same worke the legitimate issue of the Hugonians is from heauen approoued to succeede in the kingdome of the French by the vertue of an heauenly myracle to witte while it reteineth the power of healing the squinancy or the scrophules which thing is apparant that it is not graunted to the English vsurper They that haue attempted contrary haue beene theeues and robbers Neyther haue the sheepe heard them VVhat hath the chough to doe with the harpe or the sowe with the sweete Oyle of Maioram with this one argument all the inuaders of that kingdome are driuen backe from the royall scepter of the French These villanous tearmes not aunswerable to the Maiesty of a princes royall estate nor séemely for any modest person much lesse for the mouth or writing of a Bishop to haue vttered being reiected as procéeding from one all inflamed with choller blinded with partiality besides poperye and likewise this blasphamy against Christe that his sheepe wil heere no others voyce but his applying the same to the French king being remooued If there remaine any monument in this which he maketh his cheefest argument Let vs with more moderation than he maketh it aduise and weigh the same And first for this gift of healing this disease I deny not but
their gouernment in many actions not so commendable in some vicious yea beyond the boūds of the sexe feminine yet hindereth not this but that their gouernmēt authority if they vsurped if not nor abused the same might notwithstanding be good lawful in thē But Danaeus setting thē aside turns to the gouernmēt of Gods people saith But in the people of God we haue no such kind of thing whether the Iewes or the Israelites kingdome be looked vpon For that which may be alleaged of Athalia 2. of Kings 11. is easilie washed awaie For that gouernment of Athalia was an vsurpation and an vniust inuasion of the kingdome not a kingdome or lawfull power to the which the people willinglie woulde assent as it appeared afterwarde Wherefore shee was iustlie by Ioiada the chieefe sacrificer ouerturned and thrust out of the roiall throne and slaine also for that she vsurped the kingdome In saying we haue no such kind of thing in Gods people whether we looke on the kingdome of the Iewes or of the Israelites Danaeus doth too straightlie abridge the examples of womens gouernment ouer Gods people to limit the same onelie to the times and stories of the Kings For they were Gods people as well before and after as then euen vntil they were cut off and the Gentiles ingrafted in their place And gouernment was as necessarie for them they had gouernours also called Iudges for the greatest part of that time and for the most part of those their gouernors till toward the end of that their policie they were better gouernors farre than many of their Kings were So that if Danaeus would haue throughly looked vpon their whole estate so long as they remained Gods people hee should forthwith haue beholden Debora such a gouernor in maner as that state was ordained vnder God ouer his people though not such hereditarie Monarkes to raigne ouer them as the Gentiles round about them had for that was the state of the gouernmēt that the people desired 1. Sam. 8 yet was she vnder God the chiefe and supreame Magistrate so is called their Iudge as were the other Iudges that were men which sufficientlie answereth to our purpose For if a woman may be a Iudge sit in iudgement administer iustice be vnder God the chiefest in those iudicial actions which are the chiefest points of a Monarks office What thē letteth but that a womā also may be a Queene or Monark And by so much more r●ason as a Monarke King or Queene are not so necessarilie bound to execute in their owne persons by themselues all those Iudiciall actions that a Iudge is bound to do But now set aside a while this example of Debora although there had ben in that estate while the kingdomes of the Iewes and the Israelites did continue not one Queene that had the chiefe gouernment or any publike administration of the cōmon weale ouer the people of God Were this a good consequence that for defect of such an exāple either he or any may conclude a rule thereon that therefore it was not lawfull for a woman at any time al that while to haue had anie chiefe or publike gouernmēt of Gods people Or rather Why might we not better holde our selues contented with this reason That there was no woman gouernor all that while because that either God so prouided as in the kingdome of the Iewes there wanted neuer an heire male all that space and therefore there was no occasion of the womans supreame gouernment which is no debarre to their right therunto if that the issue male had failed Or els that god rooted clean out diuerse of their kings whole posteritie male and female raised vp others as he did in the kingdome of the Israelites so destroying the house of Ieroboam by Baasa that he left none aliue 1. Reg. 15. ver 29. And this punishment of rooting out his house God also threatned to Baasa 1. Reg. 16 ver 3. 4. and performed it by Zimri ver 11. 12. and the like hee did to the house of Omri that slew Zimri by the hand of Iehu destroying Ioram his mother Iesabel all the issue of Ahab saue onelie this wicked Athalia whom Iehoram Iehosophats sonne the king of Iuda had maried Yea not onelie the issue of diuerse kings of Israel were thus destroied for their wickednesse but also the kings of Iuda were slaine partlie by Iehu 2. Reg. 10. ver 13. who afterward also slue Ochozias and partlie by the Philistines and Arabians 2. Chron. 21. verse 16. and 17. and Chap. 22. verse 1. but chieflie and most vnnaturallie all that remained by this bloudie tyger Athalia saue that Ioas Ochosias sonne an infant one yeere olde was hidden by his aunt Iosaba the wife of Ioiada the high Priest So that ther was none of them which was then knowen to remaine aliue excepte this Iosaba the high Priests wife and sister to Ochozias to whome in that line the inheritance of the crowne could immediatlie deuolue Which Iosaba being not capable therof because of hir mariage with the high priest which though it were lawfull yet sith these offices of the Prince and of the priest were diuided she lost therefore by her mariage had shee béene by nature the neerest yea the onely heire her title of inheritance to the kingdome So that if there had remained anie male or female which female had béen knowen and had not ben maried to another Tribe or familie all Athalias crueltie had not serued her turne but the partie male or female had beene straight waies inheritour to the kingdome For Athalia her selfe had thereto no right in the world at all but was as Danaeus saith a meere vsurper besides her vnnaturall tyrannie in murthering her owne sonnes children to establish vnto her self the kingdome Unto the which although she had no title she being not onelie of another Tribe but extract from another kingdome the daughter of Iesabel which was daughter to the king of Sidon yet notwithstanding hauing ben before both the Queene and the Queene mother and in both estates hauing also borne the chiefest swaie as well in the impotencie of her husbande Iehoram who laie sicke a long while and euen rotted aboue the ground by Gods iust punishment of him 2. Chron. 21. verse 15.18 19. and in her sonnes daies also hauing borne all the stroke as appeareth ● Chron. 22. verse 3. 4. the king following her and her kindreds counsell shee hauing thus continued all the gouernmēt at her own wicked Idolatrous dispositiō it was the easier both for her to make awaie all the right heires and to establish her selfe in the kingdome Now although this especiallie proue that shee had no right yet withall this proues the stronger that a woman that had right had not bene cleane cut off sith she that had so little and vsed
in such virulent and treacherous manner as doe the aduersaries of the Gospell which her Maiestie defendeth and setteth foorth and wherein chiefely consisteth this her happines b●t in an other way-warde and not contented sorte as maintayning such a disordred corrupt and deformed state of the gouernement and discipline of Christs Church As though her reigne suppressed the reigne of Christ and the syncere aduauncing of his kingdome which in the Lordes prayer we desire If her Maiestie did thus what happinesse were there or rather what vnhappinesse were there not in her reigne But now when such as worthily are accounted to be the most learned professours of the Gospell in other Nations and suche as so hardly can brooke womens gouernment smackering too much of the frenche humor as we haue shewed shall notwithstanding giue this honorable testimony of her Maiesty and of her reigne And I hope they do it no more for flatterie than they néede for feare but euen for the truth sake it selfe for except they would suppresse it they can in conscience say no lesse shall now her Maiesties owne subiectes and those Protestantes too that féele the benefite whereat other reioyce so muche for the hearing thereof shall not they confesse as much as doth a straunger What a great ingratitude should this be Howbeit Danaeus confesseth not so much but wée finde much more the experience and benefite of this her most happie reigne God make vs with like thankfulnesse to acknowledge it For certainly if we shall consider al circumstances we shal not choose at leastwise in our consciences though we would not with our mouthes but confesse as much as doth Danaeus that the whole compasse of the worlde hath seene nothing at any time that is more happie or more to bee wished for than is her reigne or gouernement Neither the gouernement vnder the Quéene of Saba or of Gods people vnder Deborah neither yet vnder the most excellent men Dauid Salomon Asa Iehosaphat Iosias or Ezechias no not in Christendome vnder Constantine the greate or the great Charles though their reignes did in some thinges excell her Maiesties reigne yet all thinges pondered especially those kinde of good thinges wherein true happinesse most consisteth Danaeus spake heere a great word but we may well vpholde it for a truthe that the whole circle of the worlde sawe nothing at anie time more happie or blessed and a thing more to bee wished for if men might haue their wishes than is the reigne or gouernement of her Maiestie The Lorde I say againe and againe make vs thankefull to him chiefely and after him to her for the same and vouchsafe to continue and encrease this her most happie and wished reigne still among vs to his further glorie to our aunswerable thankefulnesse and to the refuge succour and comforte of other kingdomes where his Churche also is dispersed and yet by the seducinges and oppressions of Antichriste haue not atteyned to this happinesse and wished state for all their Kinges that wée in Englande vnder our Queene Elizabeth his most happie hand-mayde and our most gratious Soueraigne haue all the time of her reigne and yet God be magnified therefore doe enioye And still shall a straunger say these spéeches and our selues burie them in dumbe silence or if we speake thereof denie it or depraue it This is much to our shame to the great commendation of Danaeus if happily he had staied euen here so concluded vp this question For what could he or anie haue sayde better that coulde more fully confirme the supreme gouernement of a woman to bee lawefull in the Churche of Christe than this so manifest example and present instance of Gods so happily blessing her Maiesties supreme gouernment ouer vs his people But what shall wee foade our selues with all these goodly spéeches when the matter for all this is still impugned For to what purpose doth Danaeus driue all these great prayses of her Maiesties reigne To confirme and establish a womans gouernement Or not rather in the end euen as our Bretheren do but with a more cunning compasse to vndermine it And yet our Brethren as we haue heard cast foorth now then very fayre spéeches of her Maiestie of her happie reigne of her lawfull gouernmēt also But when it commeth to the very point they not only refuse to obey her Maiesties lawes and gouernmēt but they so cry out vpon the same as a most deformed corrupt state of gods Church that all their praysings are nothing comparable to their dispraysinges What a strange kinde of dealing is this in so high matters and with such great and noble personages It is an old saying Non est bonum ludere cum sanctis And shall wee dally thus in the chiefest matters of estate with Princes What could haue béen more auouched for confirmation of a womans lawfull gouernement then this so high recommending to all the worlde her Maiesties gouernement Solemnely pronouncing Verily for Elizabeth the Queene of Englande that nowe most happily raigneth the circuite of the worlde hath seene nothing at any time more happie or blessed and more to be wished for then is here reigne If here Danaeus haue not flattered as he had no cause but spoken as indéede we finde it the verie trueth what then can he afterwarde or all the circuite of the worlde alleage against this so excellent a president of Gods approbation for womens supreme gouernement In very déede nothing can be rightly opposed that shall euer be able to ouerturne this instance And verily if Danaeus shall nowe alleage any thing against the lawefulnesse of a womans supreme gouernment ouer Gods people he shall but contrarie and werie himselfe in vaine as we sawe howe Caenalis did And in the ende we shall sée likewise how Danaeus fayre and softly driues the matter not only to the same but to a farre worse pitche though in better spéeches and with more learning For Danaeus hauing gone thus farre dare not nowe say that the gouernement of women is a naughtie vnhonest or monstrous thing which terme Caluine vsed for then all the worlde would haue straightway séene it and cryed out vpon it as a grosse and manifest contradiction But he so fetcheth it about by little and little vnder hande that in the end it comes all to one passe as if had flat and plaine denied it And first here as he hath so highly commended her Maiesties raigne so will he not séeme to discommend but to giue at least some sober commendation to those that will admitte no such gouernment Notwithstanding sayth he those people seeme to haue wisely looked vnto their profite which haue taken heede vnto or prouided by their lawes and by a right or lawe publike least that women should rule among them and ouer them and should haue the chiefe right and gouernement If we conferre the sexe of the woman with the mans because that vnto manie offices which the
neuerthelesse the number of the 70. Elders was preserued For Ezechiel in the 8. chap. said And the threescore and tenne men of the Elders of Israel when notwithstanding in the Age of Ezechiel the 10. Tribes of Israel were in Assyria And Ieremie in the 19. named the Elders of the people Take an earthen bottell of the Elders of the people and of the Priests Neither onelie did this Senate flourishe while the kingdome stoode but also the kingdome being ouerthrowen after the Iewes returne out of the captiuitie of Babylon the same was restored For in the 1. of Esay it is written I will restore thy Iudges and thy Counsellours as in the auncient time And in the 10. of Esdras which place we haue hearde cited by Danaeus Euerie one that shal not come within three daies according to the coūsell of the Princes and of the Elders all his substance shall be forfaised And the 12. of the first of the Machabees Ionathas the high Priest of the Nation and the Elders and the residue of the people of the Iewes And in the first of the 2. booke The people that is at Ierusalem and the Senate and Iudas to Aristobulus the Maister of King Prolomeus sendeth greeting And in the 11. King Antiochus to the Senate of the Iewes and to the other Iewes And in the 14. To Simon the Bishop and to the Seniors and to the whole people And Saint Luke 22. The Seniours of the people being called in Greeke the Presbyterie or Eldershippe of the people Iosephus also sheweth that in last times of the Citie Florus the Procurator of Iurie calling vnto him the Princes of the Senatours and the Senatours and the Senate he said that he woulde depart out of the Citie And hee addeth that with the Temple the Court also was set on fire which Court he calleth Buleuterion the Counsell-house But although this Senate for consultation sake remained alwaies notwithstanding we haue to vnderstande that the Kings which haue had the Common-weale in their power were not thrall vnto the Lawes although they made Decrees without the authoritie of the Senate as those that were in chiefest authoritie not such as God had prescribed but such as their selues wished Moreouer that the Tribes had euerie one their Senatours different from those that were the Senatours of the Common-people it is more probable by coniecture than certaine by authoritie For although it be written in the 20. chap. of the 4. booke of the Kinges All the Seniors of Iuda and Ierusalem were gathered together to the King Iosias and in the 30. of the first booke Dauid sent giftes of the Pray● to the Seniors of Iuda his neighbours and 19. of Hieremie God said I will destroy the Counsell of Iuda notwithstanding it may bee that they that were the Seniors of Iuda were all one with the Seniors of the people But without doubte euerie one of the Cities had gotten their Senatours separate from those whome we haue spoken of Whereupon are these speaches All the Seniors of Iuda and Hierusalem were gathered together to the King Iosias And Iosephus lib. 2. The Seniors of Ierusalem tooke it greeuouslie that the brother of Iaddi the Bishop maried a straunger And Iudges 11. the Seniors of Galaad proceeded to take Iephthe for their aide said vnto him Come and bee our Prince And in the 8. Hee tooke a childe of the men of Sucoth and asked of him the names of the Princes and Seniors of Sucoth And Ruth 4. Booz taking tenne men of the Seniors of the Citie of Bethleem said vnto them c. Thus dooth Sigonius deuide the Seniors into three sortes The Sēniors of all the people the Seniors of euerie Tribe and the Seniors of euerie Citie And if Christe had meant anie of these Seniors it is farre more likelie that he shoulde haue meant this last sort if not some yet of lower degrée than these of euerie Synagogue of the Citie than the highest of all that sate with the Prince in Counsell and had the consultation of all the summe and principall points of all the Churches Common-weales affaires which were the manifest endaungering of her Maiesties estate and the cleane altering of all the Common-weale In the next Chapter Sigonius procéedeth to their Iudgements saying cap. 5. We haue spoken of the Counsells in which chiefelie the Cities profite is disputed vpon After which we haue to speake of the Iudgements wherin the singular or particular equitie is defined that could not either be prouided for or prescribed by the Lawe But these iudgments the Greeke Interpreters of the Bible haue now and then translated them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 now and then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to wit respecting the double force it selfe of Iudgements in which condemning and acquiting is conteined which by these two wordes Iudgement and Iustice or iustification they expressed as we haue shewed before Furthermore among the Hebrues there were two Tribunall seates of the Iudgements the one in euerie of the Cities called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the other chiefelie at Hierusalem named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which the Latine Interpreter translated Iudgement and Counsell Whereupon in S. Mathew Christe saith Euerie one that is angrie with his brother shall be guiltie of Iudgement But he that shall say Racha shal be guiltie of a Counsell But that the Iudgement was an other thing from the Counsell Dauid in the first Psalme sheweth when hee saide Therefore the wicked shall not arise agayne in Iudgement neither the sinners in the counsell of the righteous And héere commeth in our 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 corruptlie called Sanedrin that Caluine and our Brethren applie Christes wordes vnto Which Synedrion was the Iudiciall Consistorie of the seuentie Elders that with the Prince as Counsellors had the gouernment of all the policie of the Iewes But because the other called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was the Iudgement of euerie Citie if Christe had meant to haue alluded to the Iewes orders and to haue translated and established the same or the like in euery Congregation among the Christians is it not more likelie of the twaine he would haue taken that which was the Iudgement of euerie Citie than the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which was onelie in Ierusalem the head Citie a chiefe Iudgement to ouer rule all the other But yet for our further resolution let it not be tedious to heare also Sigonius testimonies at large for both these Iudgements of these Seniors Let vs first saith he chap. 6. treate of the Iudgements of the Cities and then of the Counsell of Ierusalem when they were instituted and confirmed who they were that entred into them who were Gouernours of them where they came together and to conclude in what order they tooke notice of the causes I say therefore that the Iudges of the Cities with their Princes which in Greeke were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 introducers informers or teachers of the writings or of
their sentence for the reducing of the Arke Yea rather than the Princes state should not be thus translated it must be conformed to that example also of the Israelites state of the ten Tribes For they as Bertram saith cap. 12. had their Sanhedrin too The policie sayth he of the ten Tribes came verie neere to the ciuil policie of the kingdome of Iuda For it had the king their head and then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chorim that is the men which were the Patriciens or noble Fathers which otherwise we said were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sarim that is Princes which made also the Synedrion and chiefe Consistorie of Iudges of that kingdome Here the Consistorie sate most commonlie at the Kings pallace such as was Iesrael in the time of Achab. It had also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Zechonium Seniors or Elders to wit Chiliarks Cēturiōs c. Either of these magistrates is so called in Nehemias That also argueth the peoples power that the witnesses suborned against Naboth are sayd to haue giuen their witnesse before all the people But that policie seemeth to bee so mixt of the Regall Aristocratical and Democraticall power that was altogether Tyrannicall as appeareth by the gestes of the Kings of the tenne Tribes True indéede those Kings for the most part of them did degenerate into a kind of Tyrants But this argument is but weake that the state was mixt with the peoples gouernment because the witnesse of the Elders was giuen before the people for what witnes in so waightie a iudgement should not rather be giuen before the people than in secret or in priuate But may we not better finde fault with those wicked Elders which gaue that iudgement And yet what difference betwéene these among the Israelites and those among the Iewes that by al meanes sought the murthering of the prophet Ieremie And if such good Elders came in the time while they say whatsoeuer the persons were their state was intier and according to the first and auncient institution whereunto our Breth would haue our state translated might not we feare also that when these Seniors should become such Princes that might peraduenture breake out into such parts Which least they shuld do how they might be repressed or rather preuented wold be better thought on before they were put in possession especiallie of the estate which is here so expreslie by Caluine and our Brethren chalenged that they should be admitted vnto As for the state of the regiment following in the time of the Iewes captiuitie afterward vntill Christs comming was more disturbed And yet Bertram telleth cap. 13. that first Darius Artaxer●es Longimanus permitted to the Iewes some part of their former power whereby Esdras did so againe let in order the ciuil policy that in the place of a king it had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pechah that is a presidēt prouinciall that gouerned Iurie vnder the direction of the Persian Monarke and of him he was sent thether As appeareth out of the storie occasion of sending Zerubbabel Ezr. 3. 4. out of Nehe. 5.14 In the second place they had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sarim that is Princes which are oftē 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chorim that is Patritiās And somtimes also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ari aueth that is the Princes of the Fathers or of the families and these made the Synedriō of the 70. Thirdly it had their ordinary Iudges the Chiliarks Centurions c. which were not onely called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Iekonim that is Seniors or Elders c. In the 4. place it had the assembly and iudgement of al the Citizens this kind of assemblie is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Kaalah Gedolah that is the great company or great gathering together Thus were all these orders retained so wel as that troubled and tributary state would permit it Ouer whom in all their assemblies iudgements stil were much more thā before the Leuites the prefects gouernours of thē Of which State saith Bertram in the same Chap pag 69. To conclude if euer that Policie of Magistrates and Iudges which our Thalmudistes doo recorde had place verelie it is to be referred to the processe of this time For they tell that the chiefe Senate of the Hebrues to wit of the 70. the power which they had of the sword or putting to death which they had in the greater causes such as were of the Tribe of the high Priest of a false Prophet and of Treason they communicated the same to three twentie headmen c. Whereby it appeareth what great authoritie they still reteined or had then moste of all hauing no King among them And in the next page he saith The Presidents prouinciall excelled in greatest authoritie insomuch that they had the chiefe gouernment as it appeareth by those things which Nehemias did To proue Nehemias had chiefe auth that last fact of his dooth argue wherein he reioyceth that he had banished a certaine man of the posteritie of Ioiada the sonne of Eliazib the chiefe Priest because he had married the daughter of Sanballat the Horonite to proue also that he had the cheefest gouernment in that he had rebuked he had cōmanded to be excommunicated to be beaten with roddes and to be made bald in token of greatest reproch the residue of the Iewes that had married women strangers Iosephus chap. 11. in the 7. booke of the Iewes antiquities doth so touch the foresaid story that he saith the elders of Ierusalem that is the chiefe Magistrates and the synedrion it selfe decreed commaunded Manasses the brother of the high Priest Iaddi to sende away and put from him his wife an alien borne that is a Samaritan the daughter of Samballat c. Such auth had this synedrion albeitnot so called among them vnder Nehemias Iaddi the high Priest but Bart. saith in the page following of the state declining after Nehemias Neuerthelesse it might be that Iaddus and the other Guides of the Iewes didde choose one of the Tribe of Iuda that shoulde beare the principalitie in the chiefe Synedrion howbeit rather for name-sake than indeed when as all things depended on the high Bishops And on this sort continued the State till the time of the Macchabees in whose time saith Bertram pa. 79. Yea Ionathas that he might the better reteine safe and sound 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the vse of their own lawes and state of their owne power he sent Ambassadours to Rome and to Lacaedemonia which should renue the league with the Romanes and the Lacaedemonians But that their auncient policie was restored appeareth in this that the Ambassadours expresselie signified to the Romanes that they were sent of Ionathas the high Priest and of the Nation of the Iewes also by the verie superscription of the letters which by the same Ambassadours he sent vnto Lacaedemonia which was endited in
these wordes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ionathas the high Priest and the Senate or Eldership of the Nation and the other people of the Iewes send greeting to the Spartanes their brethren And in Iosephus Ant. itq Iud. 13. c. 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Ionathas the high Priest of the Nation of the Iewes and the Eldership and the Comminaltie of the Iewes c. These things doo manifestlie argue what was then the forme of the Iewes Common-weale how they were returned to that former mix Policie For first Ionathas is set downe as the Prince then the Senate which terme comprehendeth the superior and inferior Iudges last of all the people it selfe And that in these tearmes it is apparant they did it not to the Romanes and Lacaedemonians to make a shewe it is said 1. Macchab. 12.35 that Ionathas called together to an assemblie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is the Elders of the people to treate of building the Fortresses in Iurier c. But those whome the author of the booke booke of the Machabees calleth the Elders of the people Iosephus calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the whole people So that either in their names come all the Citizens which is properlie called the people or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is the Senate to wit that superiour Senate which when it representeth the people is called the people it selfe This sense of the Senate especiallie of the superiour Seniors is héere verie violentlie by Bertram wrested as I vnder correction take it for the People Being the Gouernours of the people and so cléerelie distinguished from them betwéene the Prince and the People But his conclusion is this Heere certainlie it seemeth that this former time of the Machabees had somwhat more of the popular state and of the best mens gouernment than of a kingdome For when all is done both Bertram Caluine Beza Danaeus and these our Learned Discoursing Brethren en●line moste to this estate that moste declineth from a kingdome And so we should quickly come to a good estate of Regiment the Prince being ouerruled by the Senate and the Senate representing but the people and so all comes to the state popular as it was among the Graecians and the Romaynes Which in short time would bring England and all Christendome into a proper state And of this estate he alleageth further many mo instances 1. Mat. 13.36.14.20.27 41 42. c. Besides still his confirmations out of Iosephus And so lesse or more the authority of the Synedrion continued for by this time after the Gretian Monarchie it had gotten that corrupt Sanhedrin of Synedrion til Gabinius subdued the Iews vnder the Romanes Who restoring Hyrcanus to the high preesthood distinguished saith Bertram pag. 84. The nation of the Iewes into fiue Courts or session places of these Elders and to euery court assigned his Synedrion And here loe began the corruption of the state by making many Synedrions as our Br. now would do The Synedrions of Ierusalem ministred the Lawe in the territory of Ierusalem Gadarens in Gaderene territory c. So that saith Bertram nowe their affayres might be lawfully administred not by the gouernment of one but by the decree of the cheefe persons But nowe when in this goodly estate Iulius Caesar had made Antipater the Father of Herode to be Hyrcanus procurator and that these Elders and cheefe persons complayned to Hyrcanus of Antipaters his sons affectation of tyranny especially saith Bert. pag 85 taking occasiō hereupon that Herod had cōmitted many things in Galile against the country lawes of the Hebrues and right of the Synedrion and that for the same he was a little afterwardes cited vnto the cheefe Synedrion at Ierusalem moreouer saith he Iosephus treating of these matters teacheth that in those times the right of that chee●e Synedrion endured which sate at Ierusalem and that the dignity t●ereof together with the principality of the nation was plainly restored vnder Hyrcanus c. When it was thus in the cheefest estate Antonie setting vp Herod to be a Tetrarch Augustus afterward making him a King all this state and cheefe power of the Synedrion was ouerthrown For saith Bertrā pag. 86. Herod prouided that all the Iudges of the cheefe Synedrion except one or two were slaine and all other that excelled in any authority or obteined the degree of any dignity so that hee placed in their steedes whome he pleased After which Herods death when Augustus diuided all that state into four gouernments there followed of necessity this distracting saith Bertram pag. 87 of the Iewes kingdom into Tetrarchies a new distinction of Synedrions euery Tetrach no doubt vpholding separately his own Iurisdiction Which occasiō we see that Pilate greedily snatched whē he sent Christe as a Galilean in which dooing hee verilye pleased the Iewes nothing at all vnto Herod the Tetrarch of Galilaea whome notwithstanding Luke calleth King Thus haue wee seene all the state of the Iewes Seniors in the Sanhedrin so much pretended and vrged by our Brethren from the time that their selues fetch it Numb 11. And before descending downe euen vntill Christes time who gaue this precept Math. 18. Dic Ecclesia Tell the Church In which wordes they say Christe translated the Iewes Synedrion as it was ordeined of God but not as it was then in Christes times altered to bee restored renewed and continued in his Church If this be true howe must not all the state of the Realme and all realmes Christian bee quite altered Yea if this bee true howe did not Christe translate withall restore renewe and continue the Iudiciall ciuill and politike Lawe of Moses Our Brethren pretend at the superficiall view nothing but the restoring of the Eccl. regiment and Discipline but when wee come thus to the sounding of th● matter we finde it is indéed the alteration of all the whole state Yea it is litle or leaste of all Ecclesiasticall Regiment Discipline or policie I graunt the Iewes had also their Ecclesiasticall Regiment Discipline and policie whereof Bertram treateth at large afterwarde But what was that to the Sanedrin or Synedrion of the Iewes either corrupted or in the best estate Ecclesiasticall persons also did deale therein but was not their authoritie most in the cheefest matters of estate if our Brethren meane but the state Ecclesiasticall why doe they vrge so peremptorily that Synedrion and those Elders before it had that name of the 70 ordained of God Numb 11. All these therefore duelie and thus at large considered to say nowe that Christe alluded to this order of the Iewes senate to this Sanedrin or Synedrion among them to this consistory and councell of seniors not so much corrupted by their vices as instituted approued of God that Christ translated this into the Church in the new Testament and that to continue while the world endure to be established now in euery Church or congregation either the same or the
three yea their consistorie in their seuerall Churches or assemblies by this their owne confession haue diuers cases among them that I perceiue all they may bee so cumbred withall that they may bee driuen to pray the ayde of the Synode and may not a Synode yea a generall counsell disagree or agree and not conclude in diuerse cases and graunt they bee gathered together in the name of Christe and that hee is among them too Howebeit according to such measure of his grace and knowledge that perhaps they may not haue all cases reuealed vnto them or not agree vpon them And yet are Synodes and Counselles a verie excellent good meanes if they be gathered together in his name indeede and that it please God to open also those cases vnto them But nowe to let vs vnderstande further of whome this Synode shall consist and who shall determine these cases and gouerne the same they proceede and say With the Synode the Pastor hath authoritie to determine concerning the regiment of the Church Wherefore wee haue to inquire of what persons a Synode doth consist for which intent we finde in the historie of Actes 15.6 That when a greate controuersie arose concerning the ceremonies of the Lawe whether they were to bee vsed by those Christians that were conuerted of the Gentiles the Apostles and Elders came together to consider of this matter and that the people was not excluded appeareth by the twelfth verse the whole multitude beeing perswaded by the argumentes alleaged by Peter helde their peace and quietlie heard Paule and Barnabas declare what signes and wonders God had wrought by them amongest the Gentiles And leaste yee should vnderstande the multitude in that place for the multitude of the Apostles it followeth in the 22. verse Then it pleased the Apostles and Elders with the whole Church to choose certain men c. By which scripture we learne that the Synod● consisteth principally of pastors Elders Teachers and men of Wisedome Iudgement and grauitie as it were of necessarie regents For although the whole multitude came together yet the Apostles Elders came together to inquire and consider of the matter in controuersy the multitude heard and for their better instruction and modestie submitted their consent vnto the determination of the Apostles and Elders All mens reasons were heard For there was greate disputation but the authoritie of Gods worde preuayled good order was obserued So after the matter was throughly discussed by the godlie argumentes alleaged by Peter and Barnabas and Paule the controuersie was concluded by the sentence of Iames to whome that prerogatiue was graunted not of singular authoritie but for orders sake Heere are three points touched by our Brethren First for the Pastors authoritie Secondlie of what persons the Synode consistes and thirdly who hath the prerogatiue therein aboue all the residue And first for authority of the Pastor they say with the Synode the Pastor hath authoritie to determine concerning regiment of the Church They begin heere mee thinkes vnder correction verie preposterously with the authority to determine in the Synode Whereas more orderlie they might haue begun with the beginning of the Synode and who hath authoritie to summon or call the same By authoritie of which summons they ought to assemble and meete together at time and place assigned and to direct them an order to proceede by For if the seuerall Churches and Bishops thereof be as our Brethren say all alike equal in the authoritie of these thinges then hath no one among them any authoritie to prescribe these thinges to any other and much lesse to many other or to all the seuerall Churches and Bishops in a kingdome The godly and auncient Emperors and Kinges had the cheefe partes of this authoritie in their Dominions ouer all Bishops and Churches in the olde time All the foure generall Councelles were summoned and assigned both time and place yea and the reuerende manner of their proceeding voyde of friuolous contentions by the godly Emperours Constantinus Theodosius Martianus c. Besides diuers prouinciall counselles All which is here not expressed but suppressed by our Brethren And I maruaile what they meane hereby Is it to put the Christian Prince out of this authoritie and to take and part it among these tetrarkes or to giue it to some one or fewe among them besides the Prince the Prince hauing so fayre presidents to shewe for it in the foresayd examples yea in the paterne of the olde Testament by Moses Iosue Samuel Dauid Solomon Iosaphat Iosias c. But of this we shall God willing anone see further what they giue or leaue to the Prince when we shall come thereto And since that heere we must skip ouer all the beginning and processe of the synode or councell and come to the determining or ending of it and the controuersies in it Let vs see vpon whome our Brethren will nowe bestowe this authoritie The Pastor say they hath authority to determine Whome meane they heere by the pastor any one pastor alone for that they say the pastor not the pastors or haue the pastors onelie this authoritie No say they but with the synode And hath the synode then the authoritie of determining with the pastor they sayde before that in their seuerall consistories the Elders or Gouernors had both the hearing examining and determining of all matters pertaining to discipline and gouernment of the congregation pag. 84. and the matter heere in hande is also of the authoritie to determine concerning regiment of the Church But what if the doubtfull and diuerse cases bee of doctrine and not onelie of the Regiment of the church shall the Elders or Gouernours that are no Teachers nor pastors determine then those cases as they say heere with the synode the pastor hath authoritie to determine whome meane they by this word synode which heere they doe thus distinguish from the pastor though in this authority they ioyne the one with the other Wherefore say they we haue to inquire of what persons a synode doth consist This indeede is the second point here touched and it is necessarie to be considered For if the synode shoulde consist of such persons as bee pastors then they can-not say the pastor hath authoritie with the synode the pastors them-selues beeing the synode for that were as much as to say a man hath ioint authoritie with him-selfe And did not they their selues confesse before euen on the other side of the leafe that a generall assemblie of all the pastors is called a synode or generall councell is it called so and is not so and if it bee so How is not the assemblie of the pastors themselues the synode it selfe But of whome nowe if not of the pastors doe they make a synode to consist For which intent say they wee finde 〈◊〉 Acts. 15. That when a controuersie arose concerning the ceremonies of the Lawe whether they were to bee vsed by those Christians that were
Magistrates for we will not speake of Sergius Paulus Proconsull of Cyprus because he was but a Liefetenant of the Romane Emperour this authoritie was proper vnto the Synode If Donatistes Anabaptistes or Papistes had repeted this reason I would lesse haue marueiled For this argument is the common refuge of all these three most pernitious Heretikes and enemies to the authoritie of the ciuill Christian Magistrate When the Emperours made lawes against the Donatistes and they vsed this reason against the Emperours Saint Augustine aunswereth them thus Non inuenitur c. There is not founde an example in the Euangelicall and Apostolicall writinges that any thing was craued of the Kinges of the earth for the Church against the enemies of the Church who denieth that it is not founde But as yet that prophecie was not fulfilled And nowe ye kinges vnderstande and bee yee learned that iudge the earth serue the Lorde in feare For as yet that was fulfilled which is sayde a little before in the same psalme Wherefore did the Gentiles fret and the people imagine vaine thinges The Kinges of the earth and the Princes came together in one against the Lorde and against his Christe or his annointed Neuerthelesse if the factes forepassed in the propheticall bookes were figures of thinges to come in that King which is called Nabuchodonozor eyther of the times was figured both that which the Church had vnder the Apostles and that it nowe hath In the time therefore of the Apostles and martyrs that was fulfilled which was figured when the King whome wee haue mentioned did compell the Godly and the iust to worship Images and commaunded them that refused to bee cas● into the flambes But now is that fulfilled which a little after was figured in the same King when as hee beeing conuerted to honour the true God decreed in his kingdome that whosoeuer blasphemed the God of Sydrak Misak and Abednago shoulde suffer due punishmentes The former time therefore of that King did signify the former times of the infidell Kings which the Christians suffered for the wicked But the later time of that king did signify the times of the later Kinges that are nowe faythfull which the wicked suffer for the Christians Thus sayth S. Augustine against the Donatistes that vsed this argument against the Lawes and decrees of the Emperors that in the Apostles times there were no Christian Princes that Christ appointed not Princes but Preachers to meddle in matters of Religion and at this day the Papistes and Anabaptistes furbish ouer a fresh the same arguments and will our Brethren nowe gather vp once again the off-scourings of these their rotten reasons to furnish their Learned Discourse of their Pastors and Elders in their assemblies and Synodes against the lawfull authoritie in Ecclesiasticall matters of the ciuil Christian Magistrate But wee haue scene this reason before sufficiently confuted by Gellius Snecanus a principall fauorite of our Brethren to whose further confutations I remit them Who confuteth also this exception of Paulus Sergius which namely heere our Brethren put backe and will not admitte But their reason is ouer weake Because hee was but a liefetenant of the Romayne Emperour For if he were the Emperors Lifetenant he represented to them where he was liefetenant the cheef authoritie of the Emperour himselfe euen as much as Pilato Festus or Felix did in Iurie And if the people did obey him before hee was a Christian did his Christianitie among those people that were conuer●ed likewise ouer whome he still gouerned diminish his authoritie but what meane they heereby doe they reiect all argumentes for proofe of the authoritie of the ciuill Christian Magistrate if they bee not as meere Monarkes as was the Emperor what an aduantage were this giuen to the Anabaptists and what a number of Snecanus examples were hereby defeated And yet doth not this argument holde that because this authoritie was proper to the Synode before there were any Christian Magistrates and ●o the Synode then decreed all such caeremonial constitutions without yea agaynst the consent of the ciuill magistrate because as they say there were not then any Christian Magistrates that yet it so remayneth still proper to the Synode to decree all such caeremonial constitutions without yea against the Ciuill Magistrate being now become a Christian Magistrate But they can-not doe so nowe the state of the Prince being the principall partie ouer them and agreeing in faith with them as they could do them or rather could do them otherwise So that all the case is cleane altered by this so great an alteration And nowe if they will not haue the ciuill Christian Magistrate to decree any such caeremonial constitutions without and against the Pastors consent is it meete the Pastors shoulde on the other side decree any such constitutions without and against the consent of the ciuil Christian Magistrate what an arrogancie were this in them and what an iniurie offered to the ciuil Christian Magistrate But as they can shewe no such Caeremoniall Constitution in force among vs made by our gracious souereigne against or without the consent of sufficient store of our Learned Bishops and Pastors so they can shewe none made by our Learned Bishops and Pastors whereby the Church of England must bee gouerned without the consent of our moste Christian soueraigne and cheefe Magistrate No God forbid that euer we should contend with so godly a Prince And would God our Brethren would not so farre presume herein hauing such a blessed Prince of her Maiestie as they and wee haue to contend thus to get vnto them selues the only or cheefe authoritie to call Synodes to decree caeremoniall constitutions to prescribe lawes to frame modilles and to lay plot-fourmes of Ecclesiasticall regiment and Christian Discipline to set foorth newe bookes of Common Prayer of the diuine seruice and administring Sacraments of ordeining Ministers of making new maners of marying of Excommunicating the offenders by new gouernors of burying the dead without all accustomed orders of altering parishes of deposing B. of making al Past. to be equall of bringing in new officers of disposing al the Clergies liuings yea of limitting the authority of the ciuil Christian magistrate and commending al these things vnto the subiects in the title of Learned Discourses and faithfull ministers and to do all this and many thinges mo besides those that yet wee see not so plainly opened both without and against the consent and authoritie of their moste dread and Christian Soueraigne yea verilie to her greate greefe and no small daunger both of her royall estate and person But as though all were cleare and safe our Brethren still go on against the ciuil Christian Magistrates authoritie saying Which authoritie we knowe to bee graunted to the Church by our Sauiour Christe practized by his Apostles continued by their successors three hundred yeres before there was any Chris●ian Emperors
named but loose that name which God forbid God graunt that you may so rule your Realme of Brytannie that with him whose Vicar you are you may raigne euerlastingly Whereby it appeareth both that there were ciuill Christian Magistrates before Constantine and also what authoritie in making Ecclesiasticall lawes and constitutions with the consent of the Pastors was thē attributed vnto them in so much that Socrates sayth in his Preface to his first booke of the Ecclesiasticall Histories that after the Emperours beganne to embrace the Christian religion the Ecclesiasticall matters depended much on them yea the chiefest councels haue bene and are called together appointed by thē But now had there béen no Christian Prince all that time of three hundred yeres had this béen any debarre to their authoritie if there had béene any Nay rather how doe not our Brethrens owne wordes confute themselues And long time say they after there were Christian Emperours euen as long as any puritie continued in religion vntill both Emperors and Synodes were thrust out of all lawfull authoritie which they ought to haue in the Church by the tyrannie of Antichrist Ah ha go to then after the Emperours were become Christians they had authoritie and it was a lawfull authoritie and they ought to haue it in the Church And how were they thrust out of it if they had it not If they meane not this of their authoritie in Church matters how then do they say they were by the tyrannie of Antichrist thrust out of all lawful authoritie which they ought to haue in the Church Sith they are not yet by the tyrannie of Antichrist thrust out of all lawefull authoritie but chiefely of that which they ought with the synode and in some thinges aboue the synode to haue in Churche matters And if their authoritie had continued in possession and practise so long as heere they say anie puritie had continued in religion then had not the Emperours and other Christian Princes béene yet thrust out For thankes be to God among so many pollutions errors Idolatries superstitions ignorances and other infinite abhominations of Antichrist yet still some puritie continued in religion and euer shall do against which the gates of hell shall not preuaile Or else neither the Church of God and kingdome of Christe nor the inuincible truth of his Gospell were eternall All these spéeches therfore are too inconsiderate for so Learned a discourse as is pretended But we finde not in the scripture this authoritie graunted by Christ to ciuill Magistrates which in his and his Apostles time were not nor any promise that when they were the Synode shoulde resigne it vnto them We finde in the scripture so much authoritie graunted to ciuill Magistrates as we ascribe vnto them or as her Maiestie claimeth Example Moses Iosue Samuel Dauid Salomon Asa Iosaphat Iosias Ezechias c. But they except it was not graunted by Christ. I aunswere this is the common exception of the aduersaries and also of the Anabaptistes both of them drawing it from the Donatistes as we haue séene But it is most vntrue For vnderstande by the name of Christe the eternall Deitie of the sonne of God and his regiment in the Church before he ioyned our humane nature to his diuine nature as Saint Paule sayth 1. Cor. 10.4 They dranke of the spirituall rocke that followed them and the rocke was Christ so was this authoritie euen then graunted by Christe vnto those Christian ciuill Magistrates in his Church They reply again as they did before against the christian Magistrates that yet they were not in his and his Apostles time And I aunswere againe they were in his time that is in the time of that regiment of his Churche before that fulnesse of time wherein God sent his sonne made of woman as Saint Paule speaketh Gal. 4. ver 4. Christe had his day and a day is a time euen in the time of Abraham and in all times And yet if at any time there were not in his Church ciuill Christian Magistrates as at manie times we grant there were not both before the time of his comming in the fleshe and after yet is this right of so strong interest that time can not plead prescription against it And sith we can prooue that the ciuill Magistrate in the Church of Christe had and had lawefully this authoritie in Ecclesiasticall matters before the time of Christes taking our nature on him let them shewe that it ceased vtterly or was lost or is abridged by Christes comming and then they shall say some what to the purpose Which if they can not doe then the want of furnishing the place for a time disanulleth not the right for euer And therefore this is but a mere babbling sauing Brotherly reuerence and losse of time if it be not much worse to vse and thus still to beate vppon these cauilling false and sophisticall argumentes of the olde Scismaticall Donatistes of the newe libertine Anabaptistes and of the Romane Antichristian aduersaries which they make in their trecherous books against the supreme gouernement of Christian Princes And yet we haue sufficiently shewed before especially out of Gellius that there were ciuill christian Magistrates euen in the Apostles times Yea how those also whom our Brethren misconceaue to haue béen Eccl. Gouerning and not teaching Elders Gualter thinketh them to haue béen in those times of persecutions their ciuill christian Magistrates Iudges and Gouernors that they chose among thēselues till the higher Magistrates Princes Monarkes receaued the publike profession and maintenance of Christianitie But they say besides there is not any promise made in the scripture that when they were become christians the Synode should resigne it vnto them What talke they of the Synodes resigning to the ciuill christian Magistrate the authoritie that in the right of his office is due vnto him As though the Magistrate had it by their resignation or as though they before had vsurped the Magistrates authoritie No doubt but that those persons in the synode which exercised in defect of the Magistrates any part of that authoritie that is competent vnto them when their higher powers and soueraigne Magistrates became Christians yéelded all due authoritie vnto them without the synode resigning from them selues that authoritie which properly appertayneth to the synode And fōr this authoritie that we acknowledge to belong to the ciuill Christian Magistrate there was and is extant in the scripture fayre recorde euen of promise for it Which as we haue seene before out of S. Augustine so because they presse still on the same argument that the Donatistes did it may suffice to represse them with Saint Augustines aunswere and his prooues of the promise for the same out of the scripture who sayth Epist. 50. ad B●nif quod enim dicunt c. For when as they that would not haue iust lawes to be constituted against their impieties do say
that the Apostles desired not such thinges of the kinges of the earth they consider not that then it was another time and that all things are to be done in their times For what Emperour did then beleeue in Christ that might serue him in making lawes for pietie against impietie where as yet that propheticall saying was fulfilled why did the Gentiles frette and the people imagine vaine thinges the kinges of the eart● stoode vppe and the Princes came together against the Lorde and against his Christ. But as yet that was not done ●hich in the same Psalme is sayde a little after and now yee ki●ges vnderstande bee yee wise that iudge the earth serue the Lorde with feare and reioyce vnto him with trembling Howe then doe kinges serue the Lorde with feare but in forbidding with a religious seueritie and in punishing those thinges that are doone contrarie to the commaundementes of the Lorde For hee serueth otherwise for that he is a man and otherwise for that hee is a king For that he is a man he serueth in liuing faythfully But for that he is also a king he serueth in enacting with a conuenient vigor lawes that commaunde iust thinges and forbid the contrarie Euen as Ezechias serued in destroying the groaues and temples of the Idolles and those high places that were builded contrarie to the commaundements of God Euen as Iosias serued he also dooing the same things Euen as the king of the Niniuits serued in compelling the whole Citie to pacifie God Euen as Darius serued in giuing it vnto Daniel into his power to breake the Idoll and in casting his enemies to the Lyons Euen as Nabuchodonozer serued of whom wee haue alreadi spoken in forbidding by a terrible lawe all that were placed in his kingdome from blaspheming God In this therfore kings do serue the Lord so farre forth as they be kinges when they do those things to serue him that none but kinges can doe Sith kinges therefore did not as yet serue the L. in the Apostles times but as yet did imagine vaine thinges against God and against his Christ that all the foretellings of the Prophets should be fulfilled impieties could not then indeede be forbidden by lawes but rather be exercised For so was the order of the times rowled about that both the Iewes killed the preachers of Christe thinking they did a dutie to God as Christ foretold and the Gentiles fretted against Christ and the Martyrs patience ouercame them all But when tha● began to bee fulfilled which was written and all the kinges of the earth shall worship him and all Nations shall serue him what man that is sober in his wit can say to kinges Haue not you care in your kingdome of whom the Church of your Lord is holden or is oppugned It perteineth not in your kingdome vnto you who will bee eyther religious or sacrilegious vnto whom it cannot be sayde it pertayneth not vnto you in your kingdome who will be shamefast who will be vnshamefast For when free choyse is giuen of God vnto a man why shoulde adulteries bee punished by lawes and sacrileges be suffered Is it a lighter matter for the soule not to keepe her fayth to God than for a woman not to keepe her faith to her husbande Thus doth Augustine proue that this authoritie of the Christian Magistrates and Monarkes in making constitutions lawes for Eccl. matters as wel as for temporall though it were not accomplished in the Apostles time yet it was prefigured prophecied and promised that it should be afterward fulfilled and in conuenient time it was performed Therefore it remayneth that it be shewed by them that defend that this absolute authoritie is in the ciuill Magistrate by what spirite or reuelation or scripture if there be any that we knowe not for wee would be glad to learne how this authoritie was translated from the Church in which it was once lawfully vested vnto the ciuill Christian Magistrate I knowe none of vs that defendeth that an absolute authoritie is in the ciuill Magistrate And therefore it remayneth not in vs to shewe any thing for that which we defende not If wee defende it let them name the man and shewe the place and let the partie defende himselfe as he can And I would learne of them also by what spirite or reuelation or scripture if there be any that wee knowe not they can so vntruelie burden their so gratious Soueraigne to take vpon her an absolute authoritie Or to sclaunder vs their Brethren that we defend that this absolute authoritie is in the ciuill Magistrate They say they would be glad to learne how this authoritie was translated from the Church in which it was lawfully vested vnto the ciuill Christian Magistrate And can they proue then that the Church was euer lawfully vested with this absolute authoritie For my part I am of contrarie opinion nor euer yet learned for all the Papists harpe much vpon some what the like string that the Churche of God euer had or tooke vpon her any absolute authoritie in any Eccl. matters whatsoeuer and much lesse do I learne that it was translated from the Church vnto the ciuill Christian Magistrates Howbeit I trust they will giue vs leaue to learne thus much as euen Beza himselfe out of the worde of God shall teach vs to be a lawefull authoritie and a needefull of the ciuill Christian Magistrate ioyned with the Synode in these matters Beza in the 5. Chapter of his christian confession in the 15. article afore cited for the Princes calling the generall councels or synodes for making the Presidents or Gouernors of the same first he alle●geth some obiections to the contrarie that the Princes gouernment is different from the Ministers of the word And that it is for many causes a most perilous thing to throwe the councels vnder the authoritie of Princes For that thereby the ambition of them that would gratifie Princes is so kindled and on the contrarie the simplicitie of many terrified with the vnwonted presence of the Princes not to speak of that which would God were not true that there haue alwayes bene but fewe Princes that haue bin indued with so much both learning and godlinesse as is necessarily required for the moderating of such actions or that thinke they ought seriously to consider of these matters When as rather by a certaine calamitie of the world as it were fatall they vse to be intentiue either to euery bodie or to hearken rather to the euill than to the good Notwithstanding all these obiections to the contrarie Beza sayth but it seemeth not verie difficult to aunswere these arguments First I iudge that heede must be taken that wee so discerne not the Princes of this worlde from the ministers of the worde that wee shoulde also separate them as though they were prophane Which was the first st●ppe whereby the
contayning withall his care industrie in these matters For the which doing the Councell reacknowledgeth the king to deserue the reward of an Apostle because he had performed the office of an Apostle And when al the nobilitie had giuē vp also their confessions in writing and subscribed openly vnto thē then the king commanded the Synode to go in hand with the repayring and establishing some forme of eccl discipline saying that the care of a king ought to stretch forth it selfe not to cease till he haue brought the subiects to a full knowledge perfect age in Christ. And as a king ought to bend al his power authoritie to represse the insolencie of the euill and to nourish the common peace tranquillitie euen so ought he much more to studie to labour and be carefull not only to bring his subiectes from errors false religion but also to see thē instructed taught trayned vp in the truth of the cleare light And hereupon by this his authoritie he maketh a decree cōmandeth the Bishops to sée it put in executiō that euery time at the receiuing of the cōmuniō al the people together do distinctly with a lowde voice recite the Nicene creede Which being done that the Synode had cōsulted about the orders of their discipline exhibited the same vnto the king he considering the same ratifieth and confirmeth al their doings And first he himselfe and after him all the Synode subscribeth to those orders The like wee read in the Councell of diuerse kinges of Spayne afterwardes Sisenandus that called the fourth Councell of Toledo Chintillanus that called the 5. and 6. Chinaswindus that called the seuenth Reccessinuthus that called the 8.9 and 10. Councels at Toledo Bamba that called the 12. 13. Egita that called the 14.15 and 16. all which kinges of Spayne as they summoned the Councelles their selues and commaunded th● Bishops to assemble so they sate in the Councels with them and when the Councels had consulted and agreed vpon any Ecclesiasticall matters th●y offred the same to the Prince to be ratified and confirmed This authoritie had the Christian kinges of Spayne not only in gouerning of all the eccl persons but in making together with the Bishops and in ratifying and confirming all their Synodall decrees and constitutions of Eccl. matters And no lesse authoritie had the kings of this our Britannie also in gouerning their Eccl. state by the aduise of the Clergie of their dominion For profe whereof we haue séene the Bishop of Romes owne letter to king Lucius that is reputed to be the first Christian king of Brytannie Who when he wrote to Eleutherius then Bishop of Rome to haue the Romaine and the Imperiall lawes to vse them in his kingdome the Bishop returneth him this aunswere as we haue séene those lawes wee may disprooue but not the lawes of God You haue receaued lately through the goodnesse of God in your kingdome the faith and law of Christ. You haue there in your kingdome both the testamentes out of them by Gods grace and the aduise of your Realme take a Iawe and thereby patiently gouerne your kingdome You are in your kingdome the Vicare of God c. In which wordes hee plai●ely confesseth that the Christian kinges authoritie stretcheth euen to the very making and ordeyning of Ecclesiast lawes with the aduise of the Realme and so withall of the Clergie And that thi● supreme authoritie of th● king was so practised in this lande not only by Lucius but also by the Christian kinges that succéeded him while the Brittaines had the kingdome which rather were not full kinges but vnder the soueraigntie of the Romaine Emperours which beeing at that time the most of them Paganes the Princes in Brytannie hadde the lesse authoritie whereby there grewe manie corruptions especiallye the Heresie of Pelagianisme in this realme till the Brytaynes were expulsed by the Saxons And therefore what with the oft●n warres eyther with the Romaines or with the Pictes or with the Saxons little or no certaine recorde remayneth of anie Councelles helden or of anie Ecclesiasticall Lawes made in the times of those brittish Princes Except we shall account Constantine the great as one of them beeing the sonne of Constantius Chlorus by the most noble and Christian Queene Helena who being excellently learned in the tongues wrote diuerse treatises of Religion and Ecclesiasticall matters of the prouidence of God of the immortalitie of the soule of the rule of godly life c. As Bale reporteth of this Queene of whose husband and sonne we haue heard sufficiently before But to come to the Saxon kinges after they had receaued the faith of Christ for perhaps our Brethren also comprehende them in the name of the Christian Kinges of this our Brytanie William Lambert hath much helped vs in gathering and translating though rather to the sense than to the wordes the auncient lawes of those kinges whereby we also may gather what great authoritie they hadde in these matters who beginning with the Lawes of Kinge Inas setteth them downe in these wordes I Inas by the benefite of God King of the West Saxons through the persuasion and institution of Cenrede my father of Lyedda and Erknwalde my Bishoppes and of all mine Aldermen or Senators and of the most auncient wise men of my people in the great assemblie of the seruauntes of God I studied both for the saluation of our soules and for the conseruation of our kingdome that lawefull contractes of matrimonie and that right iudgementes might be founded and established throughout all our dominion and that hereafter it be not lawfull to any Senator or to any other inhabiting our dominion to breake these our iudgementes This preface béeing made by all their aduice and consentes but as is aforesayde by his authoritie he setteth downe his Lawes in Chapters both for Ecclesiasticall and ciuill matters And first he beginneth with Ecclesiasticall of the forme howe the ministers of God should liue First of all wee commaunde that the Ministers of GOD doe care for and keepe the appointed forme of lyuing And afterwarde wee will that among all our people the lawes and iudgementes be thus holden An infant shal be baptized within 30. daies after it is come forth into the worlde Which thing if it be not done the default shal be punished with the paying of 30. s. but and if it die before it be baptized he shall forfaite all his goods If a bondseruant be put to any seruile worke on the Lordes day his Master shall make him free and his Maister shall paye thirtie shillings but if he did that worke without the commaundement of his Maister the seruaunt shall bee beaten with stripes or at least let him redeeme with a price of money the feare of his beating If a free man labour on this day without his Maisters commaundement let him eyther bee made a bonde
same Guthrune and Allfred had before made but belike not till then sette foorth which lawes were these Before all thinges they enact that one God onely should be honorably and holily worshipped dispising and renouncing all the barbarous worship And then because they certainely knewe that many would not be kept in the boundes of their dutie nor obey the Eccl. discipline without them they prouided humane lawes to be written out and they sette forth the lawes pertayning to Christe in common together with the lawes pertayning to the king that by these the rashnes of them might be restrayned that would not obey the commandements of the Bishop This therefore did they first decree That the peace of the Church within her walles and that the tranquillitie which is deliuered by the hande of the king should be kept godly and inuiolably And so they procéede against them that forsake the Christian fayth Against eccl persons that robbe the Churches that fight or periure themselues or commit fornication c. And against incest If anie being condemned desire to confesse himselfe to the Priest that all doo-earnestly and diligently promote all the lawes of God c. For payment of tithes for the money ●hat then was payde to Rome called the Peter pence for the Church lightes for the plowe almes or as I take it almes giuen by the rate of their plow lande and if any Dane denied or suppressed the diuine rightes or duties Of them that doe their businesses on the Lordes daye of fastinges And iudiciall swearinges on the festiuall dayes and against witches Of those that are entred into orders and are deceaued of their goods Next of these are the lawes of Ethelstane I Ethelstane the king by the prudent Counsell of the Arch-bishop Vlfhelme and of other my Bishoppes doe verie straightly charge and commaunde all the Gouernours that are in my dominion by the holie diuine powers of God and of all the Saintes and for my loue that I beare to them that before all other thinges they paye the iust and due tenthes or tythes of that that is mine owne in proper as well of liuing beastes as of the yearely profites comming of the earth which thing besides mee euerie one of my Bishops Senators and Gouernors shall do c. After Athelstane followeth Edmunde In the solemne feast of Easter king Edmunde did celebrate at London a great assembly as well of the Ecclesiasticall persons as of the Laye in the which were present Oda and the Arch-bishop Wolstane and many other Bishops to consult about the health of their soules and all them that they had care of First they that haue entred into holy orders and of whom the people of God ought to require the example of vertue to followe the same they shall leade their life chastly as the reason of their order shall suffer be they men or women which thing if they shall not doe they shall be punished according to the rules of their orders that is to witte they shall forfeit all their earthly possessions so long as they liue and beeing dead they shall not be buried with holy buriall except that they amended their manners Euery Christian shall religiously pay their tythes and the first fruites of their seedes and the money that is due for the plowe almes He that payeth it not let him be accursed Euerie Bishop at his owne charges shal repaire the house of God and may admonish the king that the other Churches may be decently adorned which is a very necessary matter Whosoeuer forswere themselues or make any barbarous sacrifices except they repent and amend their minde the sooner they shall for euer be debarred of all the diuine seruices I Edmund the King to all that are in my Dominion and power yong and olde doe clearely signify that I haue earnestly inquired of the moste skilfull of my kingdome in the assembly as wel of the Ecclesiasticall as lay persons by what meanes Christendome might be moste aduaunced and it seemed best vnto vs all that we should nourish loue and mutuall good will amongst vs through out all our Dominions for we are all wearie of these continuall fightinges And therefore we ordeyne in this manner And so hee procéedeth to Lawes for these matters After this follow the Lawes of Edgar The Lawes which Edgar the King decreed in the great Senate God to loue and him-selfe to preserue and to benefite all his Lordship or Dominion And so hee also procéedeth to the making of Lawes Eccl. Of the rightes immunities and tithes of the Church Of the manner of their tything to them that haue a place of buriall in the Church Of the times when the tythes of all sortes are due to payde of the Penie to Rome out of euery house Of the Feast dayes and fastings And then he commeth to humaine and politike Lawes Thus did all these Saxon Kinges with the aduice of their Bishops Cleargy make as well Ecclesiasticall Lawes as temporall with the aduice of the Lordes and other their officers temporall And this they did their selues and by their owne authoritie and not onely allowed of that which the Bishops and Cleargie before had decreed All which I alleage not to allowe of all those their Ecclesiasticall decrees for many of the thinges especially in the Kings following were full of superstition and error as by Gods permission the blindnesse of the time then was but I note them onely for the point in question of the Princes authoritie not onely in making Ciuill Lawes for Ecclesiasticall matters but in making Lawes of Ecclesiasticall matters and so in making Ecclesiasticall Lawes themselues And thus it continued heere in Englande till the Danes got the Kingdome Neither did Canutus the Dane take vpon him any whit lesse the dealing in Ecclesiasticall matters than the Saxon Kings had done but rather sheweth it more liuely than all the other as appeareth in the collection of his Lawes as well Ecclesiasticall as temporall The decree that Canutus King of the English men of the Danes and of the Norwayes to the loue of God to his own ornament and to the profit of his people enacted at Winchester on the feast of Mid wintertide or the natiuitie of Christe First that all men shall through out all ages honourablie and aboue all other thinges worship one God And holde religiously the onely Christian religion and loue the king Canutus with all fidelitie and obseruaunce Let vs maintain the temple of God with Godly continuall peace let vs all often frequent it both for the health of our soules and for the encrease and profite of other things for the onely peace of Christ comprehendeth all the Churches and therefore it is meete that all Christians holde the Church in greate worship and honour For the peace of God ought to bee desired and retayned aboue other thinges And next after that the kings peace ought to bee