prove to be of evil consequence if any of our new Socage men should like the Snakes thinking themselves the younger by casting off their Skins fancy in their old or the next factious humour they shall meet with that they are only to pay their rent and doe the services belonging to their Lands but are not bound to pay that principal part of their natural as well as sworn Allegiance to take Armes to defend the King and the Kingdome more especially when they shall hold their Lands in libero et communi Socagio et pro omnibus servitiis per fidelitatem tantum in free and common Socage by fealty for all services which may be more than a litle prejudicial to the Kingdome and the salus populi safety of the people so much fought for as was pretended to exchange the men of Armes and such as are fit for war as the Tenures in Capite doe truly and not feignedly import for those that shall claim exemption from wars and are by all nations understood to be the unfittest for it when those that by Tenure of their Lands and by reason of their Homage and Fealty were alwayes ready and bound to doe it and those that by a fealty not actually or but seldome taken will suppose themselves not to be bound at all unto it but being most disloyal will as some thousands of Phanatiques have lately done imagine themselves to be most faithful and where the Knight Service men were to forfeit their Lands so holden if they did not doe their service within two years or pay Escuage assessed by Parliament if they went not when they were summoned or sent another in their stead the new or old Socage men shall be under no manner of penalty of forfeiture at all Which may seem to be the cause that England and all other Civilized and well constituted Nations Kingdoms did put that value upon Homage of which there is some likeness of Fealty also in that of the Princes mighty men of Israel and all the Sons likewise of King David submitting themselvs at his command unto Solomon giving the hand under Solomon as the margent renders like that Oath of Abrahams Steward as they understood it to be of the Essence of Soveraignty the great Assistant and preserver of it and the Bond of Obedience fixed and radicated in the interest of mens Estates kept in and guarded by their fear of loosing them And made our Kings so highly prize the Homages of their Subjects and conceive them to be the Liaisons or fastenings that kept their Crowns fast upon their heads as King H. 2. when he had unadvisedly made his Son Henry King in his life time caused the English Nobility to do Homage unto him and R. 1. returning out of Captivity had found that his Brother Iohn had almost stollen into his Throne caused himself to be Crowned the second time and took the Homages of his Nobility and our Kings have been heretofore so careful as alwayes at their Coronation to take the Homages of their Nobility and after a vacancy of a Bishoprick not to restore the Temporalties until the succeeding Bishop shall have done his Homage And appears to be no lesse valued by Foreign Princes when as Phillip King of France would and did to his cost refuse to receive the Homage of our King E. 3. by proxie but compelled him to do it in his own person for the Dutchy of Aquitain and an Arch-Duke of Austria was constrained in person to do his Homage to the King of France between the hands of his Chancellor for Flan-Flanders and the now Emperor of Germany hath lately and most industriously travailed through many of his Dominions and Kingdoms to receive the personal Homages of the Princes and Nobility thereof and not omitted to go to Gratz and Carinthia to have it as formally as really done unto him And was such a Jewel in their Crowns as they could sometimes to pacifie the greatest of their troubles by the Seditions and Rebellions of their Subjects find no greater or fitter a pawn or security to assure the performance of their promises and agreements than an absolving their Subjects from their Homage and Obedience which were as Synonimes or of one and the same signification in case of Breach of promises as our King Henry the 3 d. did in his necessities to Richard Marshal Earl of Pembroke that he should be freed from his Homage Si rex pactum suum violaret if the King should break his agreement and as the Antient Earls of Brabant are said to have done in their Reversals or Grants to their Subjects if they should infringe their Liberties or Privileges Which the seditious party that deposed King Richard the 2 d. knew so well to be a grand Obligation or Tye which Kings had upon their Subjects as they put themselves to the trouble of inventing a new trick of Treason solemnly in the name of the three Estates of the Kingdom viz. Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons to renounce their Homages Fealties and Allegiance and all Bonds Charges and Services belonging thereunto which would have been to as little purpose as it was contradictory to all the Rules of Right Reason and Justice if they had not forced the distressed imprisoned King by a publick instrument upon Oath to absolve all his Subjects a Juramento fidelitatis homagiis omnique vinculo ligeanciae from their Oaths of Fealty and Homage and all Bonds of Allegiances and to swear and promise never to revoke it and is so precious inestimable of so high a nature so useful and of so great a value as nothing but the Kingdom it self can be equivalent unto it And our Nobility did so esteem of the Homage and Service of their Tenants and build as is were their Grandeur and Power upon it as they did antiently grant one to another Homagium Servicium of such and such Tenants Maud the Empresse gave to Earl Alberick de vere servicium decem militum the Service of ten Knights An Earl of Leicester gave to Bygod Earl of Norfolk ten Knights Fees which after the manner of those times may with reason enough be conceived to be only the Homage and Service of so many for the purchase of the Office of Lord high Steward of England and John Earl of Oxford in the Reign of H. 7. did at his Castle of Hedingham in Essex actually receive the Homages of many worthy Knights and Gentlemen that held of him May very much prejudice in their Dignities and Honors as well as Estates the antient Earls and Barons of this Kingâ—om by taking away Tenures in capite changeing them and Knight service Tenures into Socage when as the Earls of Arundel do hold the Castle and Rape of Arundel which is the Honor and Earldom it self by the Service of 84. Knights Fees the Earldom of Oxford is holden by the Service of 30 Knights Fees and that by a modus
and be admitted Turn the Tenures in Capite which are only so called from the duty of Homage and the acknowledgement of Soveraignity and Headship in the King into a Tenure in Socage which is so far from acknowledgeing the King to be chief or to ingage as the other doth their Lands to do him service as it is but a Tenure as it were a latere is no more then what one Neighbour may acknowledge to hold or doe to another for his Rent or money be a Lease for a Life or one or more years or as Tenant at will and levels and makes rather an equality then any respect of persons which if ever or at all reasonable or fit to be done is in a democratical or popular way of Government but will be unexampled and is not at all to be in Monarchy may make many of the people which are not yet recovered out of a gainful Lunacy to beleive they were in the right when they supposed themselves to be the Soveraigns Ireland which in the subverting Olivers time was to have their Swords by the like Tenure turned into Plow-shares though their warres and taxes were never intended to leave them was to pay but 12000 l. per annum to turn their better Tenures Conditions into worse will if they be not come again to their wits expect the like prejudicial bergain Bring many inconveniences and mischiefs to the Nobility and Gentry of Scotland if their Tenures in Capite and Knight service and those which are holden of them as Mesn Lords shall as ours be taken away with their services and dependencies Licences of Alienation benefits of Investitures infeodations and the like it being amongst others as a reason given for Wardships in that Kingdom in the Laws of Scotland in the reign of their Malcombe the 2. which was before the Conquerours entring into England Ne non suppeterent Regiae Majestatis facultates to the end that the King should have where-withall to defend the Kingdom And a letting loose of a fierce and unruly people who are best of all kept in awe order by a natural long well enough liked subjection to their Mesne Lords and Superiours into a liberty which cannot be done without a disjointing and over-turning all the Estates of the Nobility and Gentry of that Kingdom and may like our late English Levellers either endeavour to do it or bring themselves and the whole Nation to ruine by a renversing of the fundamental Laws and that antient order and constitution of that Kingdom wherein the estates and livelyhood of all the Nobility and Gentry and better part of the people are hugely concerned And besides a great damage to the King in his Revenues and profits arising out of such Tenures if not recompenced by some annual payment Will howsoever take away that antient Homage and acknowledgement of Superiority which from that Kingdom to this of England cannot be denyed to be due and to have been actually and antiently done and presidented and not in one but several ages fidem obsequium ut vassallos Angliae Regibus superioribus dominis jurejurando promisisse to have done their Homage and Fealty as vassals to our English Kings and bound themselves by oath thereunto as namely to Alfred Edgar Athelstane William the Conqueror William Rufus Maud the Empresse Henry the second and Edward the first the later of whom with all the Baronage of England in a Letter to the Pope did upon the search of many Evidences and Records stoutly assert it Will be no small damage and disturbance to the Kings other Regalities and Prerogatives and in the Tenures of the Cinque Ports who are to provide fifty ships for the guarding of the Seas and the Town of Maldon in Essex one the Town of Lewis in Sussex as the Book of Doomsday informeth where King Edward the Confessor had 127 Burgesses in dominio eorum consuetudo erat si Rex ad Mare custodiendum sine se suos mittere voluisset de omnibus hominibus cujuscunque terrae fuissent colligebant 20 sâ—lidos hos habebant qui in manibus arma custodieâ—ant had 127 Burgesses in his demeâ—ne of the King and when he sent any of his men to guard the Seas they were to gather 20 s. a man which was to be given to those that manned the Ships in Colchester where the custom then was that upon any expedition of the Kings by Sea or Land every house was to pay six pence ad victum soldariorum Regis towards the quarter or livelyhood of the Kings Souldiers and likewise prejudice him in his grand and Petit Serjeanties and many thousand other reservations of honour and profit by and upon Tenures in Capite and Knight service which revived and called out of their Cells wherein those that are to do and pay them are content they should sleep and take their rest for ever would go near to make and maintain an Army with men and Provisions The King when the Tenures in Capite shall be taken away shall never be able to errect his Standard and to call thereunto all that hold Lands Fees Annuities and Offices of him to come to his assistance according to the duty of their Tenures and the Acts of Parliament of 11 H. 7. chap. 18. And 19. H. 7. chap. 1. of forfeiting the Lands and Offices holden of him under the penalties which was the only means which the late King his Father had to protect as much as he could himself and his Subjects or to manifest the justice of his Cause in that War which was forced upon him and was very useful and necessary heretofore for the defence of the Kings of England and their People and proved to be no otherwise in the Bellum Standardi so called in the reign of King Stephen where some of the Barons of England and some of the English Gentry gathered themselves to the Royal Standard and repelled and beat the King of Scotland and in several Kings reigns afterwards repulsed the Scotch and Welch Hostilities and Invasions and at Floddon Field in King H. 8 ths time when the Duke of Norfolk and his Son the Earl of Surrey and diverse of the Nobility and Gentry which accompanied them vanquished and slew the King of Scots The benefit whereof the Commons of England had so often experimented as in diverse Parliaments they Petitioned the King and Lords to cause the Lord Marchers and other great men to repair into their Counties and defend the borders and was so necessary in France to assemble together the Bans and Arrierebans which were but as our Tenants in Capite as it helped King Charles the 7 th of France to recover that Kingdom again out of the hands and possession of our two Henries the 5. and 6. Kings of England And if any Rebellion or Conspiracy shall hereafter happen When Cum saepe coorta Seditio saevitque animis ignobile vulgus Fury and Rage of
under them and if any evil happened unto them either endured it with them or willingly ventured their lives with them others attribute it to the Saxons ubi jus antiquissimum feudorum semper viguit et adhuc saith the learned Craig religiose observatur where the feudal Laws were and are yet most religiouâ—ly observed and Cliens and Vasallus in matters of Fâ—wds and Tenures are not seldome in the Civil Law and very good Authors become to be as Synonimes and used one for the other And the later Grecians since the Raign of Constantine Porphyrogenneta in the East and the Roman Emperors in the West before since the Raign of Charlemain or Charles the great were not without those necessary defences of themselves and their people And such a general benefit and ready and certain way of ayd and help upon all emergencies in the like usage of other Nations making it to be as a Law of Nations There hath been in all or most Kingdoms and Monarchies of the World as well Heathen as Christian a dependency of the Subject upon the Prince or Soveraign and some duties to be performed by reason of their Lands and Estates which they held under their Protection and in many of them as amongst the Germans Saxons Franks and Longobards and several other Nations descending from them Tenures in capite and Knight service were esteemed as a foundation and subsistency of the right and power of Soveraignty and Government and being at the first precariae ex domini solius arbitrio upon courtesie at the will only of the Prince or Lord were afterwards Annales from year to year after that feuda ceperunt esse vitalia their Estates or Fees became to be for life and after for Inheritance So as by the Law of England we have nâ—t properly Allodium saith Coke that is any Subjects Land which is not holden of some Superior and that Tenures in capite appear not to be of any new institution in the book of Doomsday or in Edward the Confessors dayes an 1060. in King Athelstans an 903. in King Canutus his Raign in King Keâ—ulphus his Raign an 821. or in King Ina's Raign an 720. In Imitation whereof and the Norman no slavish Laws and usages which as to Tenures by the opinion of William Roville of Alenzon in his Preface to the grand Customier of Normandy were first brought into Normandy out of England by our Edward the Confessor the Customs Policies of other People and Kingdoms prudent Antiquity having in that manner so well provided by reservation of Tenures for the defence of the Realm William the Conquerour sound no better means to continue and support the Frame and Government of this Kingdom then upon many of his gifts and grants of Land the most part of England being then by conquest in his Demeasne to reserve the Tenures and Service of those and their Heirs to whom he gave it in Capite and by Knight Service and if Thomas Sprot and other antient Authors and Traditions mistake not in the number of them for that there were very many is agreed by the Red Book in the Exchequer and divers Authentiques created 60215 Knights Fees which with their Homage incidents and obligations to serve in Wars with the addition of those many other Tenures by Knights service which the Nobility great men and others besides those great quantities of Lands and Tenements which they and many as well as the King and others our succeeding Princes gave Colonis Hominibus inferioris notae to the ordinary and inferior sort of people to hold in Socage Burgage and Petit Serjeantie reserved upon their guifts and grants to their Friends Followers and Tenants who where to attend also their mesne Lords in the service of their Prince could not be otherwise then a safety and constant kind of defence for ever after to this Kingdom And by the Learned Sir Henry Spelman said to be due non solum jure positivo sed gentium quodammodo naturae not only by positive Law but the Law of Nations and in some sorts by the Law of Nature Especially when it was not to arise from any compulsary or incertain way or involuntary contribution or out of any personal or moveable estate but to fix and go along with the Land as an easy and beneficial tye and perpetuity upon it and is so incorporate and inherent with it as it hath upon the matter a co-existence or being with it and Glanvil and Bracton are of opinion that the King must have Arms as well as Laws to Govern by and not depend ex aliorum Arbitrio it being a Rule of Law that quando Lex aliquid concedit id concedit sine quo res ipsa esse non potest when the Law granteth any thing it granteth that also which is necessary and requisite to it And therefore the old oath of Fealty which by Edward the Confessors Laws was to be administred in the Folcmotes or assemblyes of the People once in every year Fide et Sacramento non fracto ad defendendum regnum contra Alienigenas et Inimicos cum Domino suo Rege et terras et honores illius omni fidelitate cum eo servare et quod illi ut Domino suo Regi intra et extra regnum Britanniae fideles esse volunt by faith and oath inviolable to defend the Kingdome against all strangers and the Kings Enemies and the Lands and dignity of the King to preserve and be faithful to him as to their Lord as well within as without the Kingdom of Britain which was not then also held to be enough unlesse also there were a tye and obligation upon the Land and therefore enacted that debeant universi liberi homines secundum feodum suum secundum tenementa sua arma habere illa semper prompta conservare ad tuitionem Regni servicium Dominorum suâ—rum juxta preceptum Domini Regis explendum peragendum every free man according to the proportion of his Fee and Lands should have his Arms in readinesse for the defence of the Kingdom and Service of their Lords as the King should command And it was by William the Conqueror ordained quod omnes liberi homines fide et Sacramento affirment quod intra extra universum Regnum Willielmo Regi Domino suo fideles esse volunt terras honores suos omni fidelitate ubique servare cum eo contra Inimicos Alieniginas defendere that all Free-men should take an Oath that as well within as without the Realm of England they should be faithful to their King and Lord and defend every where him and his Lands Dignity and Estate with all faithfulnesse against his Enemies and Foreiners Et Statuit firmiter precepit ut omnes Comites Barones Milites Servientes Teneant se semper in Armis in Equis ut decet oportet quod
of Gold over him with four Staves and four Bells at the four corners every Staff having four of those Barons to bear it Also to Dine and sit at the Table next to the King on his right hand in the Hall the day of his Coronation And for their Fees to have the said Canopy of Gold with the Bells and Staves Or that at the Coronation of Eliâ—nor Wife to King Henry the third Marchiones de Marchia Walliae videlicet Joannes filius Alani Radulphus de mâ—râ—uo mari Joannes de Monmouth et Walterus de Clifford nomine Marchiae jus Marchiae esse dicebant hastas argenteas inveniendi et las deferendi ad sustentandum pannum Sericum quadratum purpureum in Coronatione Regum et Reginarum Angliae The Lords Marchers of Wales videl Iohn Fitz Alan Rafe de Mortimer Iohn de Monmouth and Walter de Clifford in behalf of the Marches did claim and alleage it to be their right to provide silver Spears or Launces and with them to bear or carry a four square Canopy of Purple Silk over the Kings and Queens of England at their Coronation For those Tenures in grand serjeanty were ever as in all reason they deserved to be accompted to be so honourable as some have made it their Sir-name as the noble Earls of Ormond in Ireland descended from an antient and worthy English Family have done who carry in their Coat of Armes or part of their now marks of honour or bearing the Symbols or remembrance of the Office of cheif Butler in Ireland which with the prisage which is a part of it hath by King E. the 3 d. been granted to the Ancestors of the now Marquesse Earl of Ormond by Inheritance and a Knightly and good Family of the Chamberlaines in England do account it no dishonour to have been descended from thâ— Earls of Tankervile who were Chamberlains to our King H. 1. in Normandy And some branches of the noble Family of the Grey's of Wilton being antient Barons of England holding the Mannor of Waddon in Buckinghamshire of the King per servitium custodiendi unum Gerfalconem Domini Regis by the service of keeping a Gerfalcon of the Kings do use or bear as a badge or marque of honour in their Armes a Gerfaulcon the Mannor of Wymondley in the County of Hertford being holden of the King by Grand serjeanty of giving to the King the first Cup of Wine or Beer upon the day of his Coronation The Family of Argentons being by the marriage of a Daughter and Heir of the Lord Fitz Tece become at the Conquest the possessors of it have thought it honourable saith Camden to bear in their Shields in memory thereof three Cups argent in a feild Gules No oppression to the people of England to be kept safe in their peace and plenty from the Incursions of Foreign Enemies when William the Conquerour fortified Dover a strong and principal Bulwark betwixt England and France with whom we had then continual Wars or Jealousies and gave to Iohn Fines then a Noble Man of great prowesse and fidelity the Custody of that and the rest of the Cinque-Ports with 56 Knights Fees willing him as that Learned Antiquary Mr. Lambard tells us to communicate some parts of that gift to such other valiant and trusty persons as he should best like of for the more sure conservation of that most noble and precious Fort and Castle Who thereupon imparting liberally out of those Lands to eight worthy Knights viz. William of Albrance Fulbert of Dover William Arsick Geffery Peverel William Mainemouth Robert Porthe Robert Crevequer and Adam Fitz-Williams bound them and their Heirs by Tenure of their Lands received of the King to maintain 112 Souldiers amongst them which were so devided by Months of the years as five and twenty of them were continually to watch and ward within the Castle for their several parts of time and all the rest ready upon necessity each of which eight Knights had their several Charges in several Towers and Bulwarks and were contented as well they might at their own dispence to maintain and repair the same Of whom diverse of the Towers and Bulwarks do yet or did but in Queen Elizabeths reign bear their names No inconvenience or mischief to the publique that the Castle and Barony of Abergavenny in Monmouthshire was holden by John Hastings per Homâ—gâ—â—m Wardam Maritagium cum accideâ—it sâ— guerra fuerit inter Regem Angliae Principem Walliae deberet custodire patriam de Over went sumptibus proprijs meliori modo quo poterit pro commodo suo utilitate Regis defensione Regni Angliae by Homage Ward and Marriage when it should happen and if War should be between the King of England and the Prince of Wales was to guard at his own charges the Country called Over went the best way that he could for his profit and benefit of the King and defence of the Kingdom of England No cause of complaint to the Town or antiently called City of Leicester for that veteri Instituto by antient Custom they were to furnish the King with twelve Burgesses or Townsmen when he went to War and iâ— per Mare in Hostes ibat mittebant quatuor Equos usque Londinum ad arma comportanda vel alia quae opus essent he went by Sea were to send four Horses as far as London to carry his Arms or other necessaries Nor to the Town of Warwick to be enjoyned by Tenure to send twelve of their Burgesses or Towns-men with their King to War and qui monitus non ibat centum solidos Regi emendabat he which was summoned and did not go was to forfeit pay one hundred shillings to the King And cum contra Hostes per Mare ibat Rex quatuor Botesuenas vel quatuor libras denariorum mittebant when the King should bo by Sea against his Enemies should furnish four Boat-Swains or Marriners or send four pounds in money No harm done to give Lands at Seaton which Sr. Richard Rockslye Knight did hold by Serjeanty to be vantrarius Regis the Kings fore-footman when he went into Gascoigne donec per usus fuit parisolutarum precij 4d untill he had worn out a pair of Shoes of four pence then the price of a pair of Shooes for a worthy man not 4 s. 6. or 5 s. as they are now Or Lands to another to furnish duos Aâ—migeros two Esquires to march in his Vant-Guard upon occasion of War with the Welch Or that the Princes of Wales ab antiquis temporibus very antiently did hold that Principality and part of Brittain of the Kings of England in Capite by Military or Knight Service and that upon that ground only as he was a leige man and subject of England Leoline Prince of Wales was for raising of War against his Superior Lord imprisoned and hanged or beheaded by King E. 1. and the Principality of Wales
injury and gratitude and due acknowledgement for Subsistance Lively-hood and Liberty be made a cause of complaint every thing that gives the people not a Liberty to undoe cheat and ruine one another be called though it never deserved it a grievance it must and may well remain a wonder never to be satisfied how Tenures in Capite and by Knight service which until these distempered times had no complaint made of them nor could ever be proved to be any publique or general mischief or inconveniences for seldom or as to some particulars there may be in the best of Institutions or the most eminent or excellent of sublunary thingsâ— or actions something of trouble or molestation should after so long an approbation of so many ages past without any reason given other then by a bargain for increase or making a constant Revenue to lessen the Majesty and just power of our Kings which the Parliament will certainly endeavour all they can to uphold be now so unlucky as to be put and inclosed in the Skin of a Bear baited under the notion of a grievance and cryed down by a few and not many of the people as many other legal and beneficial constitutions have lately been by the vote and humour only of the common-people or a ruining Reformation which as to that particular was first occasioned by CHAP. IV. How the design of altering Tenures in Capite and Knight Service into Socage Tenures and dissolving the Court of Wards and Liveries and the Incidents and Revenue belonging thereunto came out of the Forges of some private mens imaginations to be afterwards agitated in Parliament OLD Sir Henry Vane the Father of young Sir Henry Vane who helped to steal away the Palladium of our happinesse and under the colour of sacrificing to Minerva or a needlesse Reformation was instrumental in bringing the Trojan Horse into our Senate like the crafty Sinon taught the people weary of their own happiness how to unlock him and to murder one another and massacre our Religion Laws and Liberties And Sir John Savil whose Son the Lord Savil afterwards Earl of Sussex was too busie and active in the hatching of our late Wars and troubles and some other men of design and invention perceiving about the first or second year of the reign of King Iames that his Revenue and Treasure by his over bounty to his people of Scotland and their necessitous importunities and cravings which is too much appropriate to that Nation were greatly exhausted did to sâ—rue themselves into some profitable actions and imployments upon a pretence of raising the King a constant Revenue of two hundred thousand pounds per annum propose the Dissolving of the Court of Wards and Liveries and the changing of Tenures in Capite and by Knight service into free and common Socage the only attempt and businesse whereof bringing some of them out of their Countries and colder stations into the warmth of several after Court preferments which like the opening of Pandoras Box proved afterwards to be very unhappy fatal to the most of all the kingdom but themselves and those that afterwards traded in the miseries and ruine of it It was in that Parliament after a large debate resolved saith Justice Iones in his argument of the Ship-money by the whole Parliament that such an Act to take away the Prerogative of Tenures in Capite would be void because it is inherent in the Crown it being again in the seventh year the eighteenth year of the reign of that King earnestly afterwards moved desired to be purchased of him and the King ready to grant it recomending it to the Parliament it was then found upon advice consultation with all the Judges of England to be of prejudicial consequence to the Subject as well as impossible in regard that all Lands as well as persons in the Kingdom being to acknowledge a Superiority if the old Tenures should be put down a new of a like nature might be again created and the recompence given for it still continue in the Crown as may be instanced in the Dane-gelt which continued here in England till the reign of King H. 1. long after this Nation was freed from the Danes and the Alcavalas or Cruzadas in Spain being a kind of Taxes there used and if new Tenures should not be created the old perhaps might be again assumed And with good reason was then denyed when King James was heard to tell his Son the late King Charles That such an yearly Revenue as was offered in lieu of those Tenures might make him a rich Prince but never a great and when so many Troops and Brigades of evils do march in the Rear or Company of that design which was so per se and non parâ—il as the necessity of Robert Duke of Normandies raising of money for want whereof he pawned that Dutchy for ten thousand pounds sterling to enable him in his voyage to Jerusalem to recover the holy Land the imprisonment troubles of K. Richard 1. in his return from thence and his ransom of one hundred thousand marks of silver raised by twenty shillings upon every Knights Fee the fourth part of the Revenues of the Clergy as well as the Laity with the tenth of their goods and the Chalices and Treasure which may tell us how litle money and more honesty England was then able to furnish of all the Churches taken as well here as in the Territories beyond the Seas to make up the sum those necessities which King John had upon him the great want of mony which his Son King H. 3. endured in the Barons wars when he was forced after sale of Lands and Jewels to pawn Gascoigne after that his Imperial Crown and Jewels to supply his wants having neither credit to borrow nor any more things to pawn could not deny his wants the gaging of the Jewels and Ornaments of St. Edwards Shrine and in the end as Sir Robert Cotton if he were the Author of the short view of the long life and reign of that King observeth not having means to defray the Dyet of his Court was constrained to break up House and as Mathew Paris saith with his Queen and Children cum Abbatibus Prioribus satis humiliter hospitia prandia quaerere to demand entertainment and Dyet at some Abbies and Priories and confessed to the Abbot of Peterburgh when he came to borrow money of him majorem Elâ—emosinam fâ—re sibi juvamen pecuniare quam alicui ostiatim mendicanti that it would be a greater act of Charity to lend or give him money then to one that begs from door to door Could never perswade them to any such remedies worse then their diseases nor did the unruly Barons of King H. 3. when they had him or his Father K. John at the most disadvantages ever demand it of them or any English man untill the beginning of the reign of King James
tenendi Parliamentum so beleived to be true that King John caused it when he sent our English Laws into Ireland to be exemplified and sent thither under the Great Seal of England it is said that every Earldom consisteth of 21 Knights Fees and every Barony of 13 Knights Fees and a third part of a Knights Fee and were of such a value and esteem as they were wont heretofore to bring Actions and Assizes for them and their Homage and Services And so litle lesse in France as the wealth of that great and populous Kingdom is not as may be rationally supposed enough to purchase of the Nobility and Gentry of that Kingdom the transmutation of their Fiefs nobles into the Roturier or Feifs ignobles nor are the Princes or Nobility of Germany likely to be perswaded out of their antient Rights and Tenures into that of the Boors or common sort of People The Nobility and Gentry of England when their Military Tenures and Dependencies shall be taken from them will not upon necessities of War and Danger according to the Tenures of their Lands their Homages and Oaths of Allegiance and their natural and legal Allegiance be able to succour or heâ—p their Prince and Father of their Country their Defender and Common Parent as they have heretofore done when as they stoutly and valiantly helped to guard their Standard and Lions but for want of those which held Lands of them and the Tenures by Knight service will be forced to abide with Gilead beyond Jordan and not be able to imitate their noble Ancestors nor each or any of them bring to his Service three Bannerets sixty one Knights and one hundred fifty four Archers on Horseback as Thomas de Bello campo Earl of Warwick did to E. 3. in anno 21. of his Raign at the Seige of Caleis or as the Earl of Kildare did to King E. 3. in the 25 th year of his Raign when he besieged Calice when he brought one Banneret six Knights thirty Esquires nineteen Hoblers twenty four Archers on Horseback and thirty two Archers on foot It will take away the subjection of the Bishop of the Isle of Man who holdeth of the Earl of Derby as King of the Isle of Man and not of the King of England and therefore cometh not to Parliament Take away from the King Nobility and Gentry who have Lands holden by Knight service all Escheats of such as die without Heirs or forfeit or be convicted of Felony and the Kings Annum diem vastum year day and wast where the Lands are holden of Mesne Lords the Escheats of those that held of Kings imediately being so considerable as the Castle of Barnard in Cumberland and the Counties of Northumberland and Huntington which the Kings of Scotland sometimes held of England came again to the Crown by them and the power which King Edward 1. had to make Baliol King of Scots and to determine the competition for that Kingdom was by reason it was held of him the Earldoms of Flanders and Artois were seised by Francis the 1. as forfeited being Fiefs of the Crown of France Flanders and many other Provinces forced to submit themselves upon some controversies to the Umpirage of France of whom they held Enervate at least if not spoil our original first Magna Charta which was grante by H. 3. tenendum de se heredibus suis and all our Liberties and the many after confirmations of that Magna Charta will be to seek for a support if it shall be turned into Socage the Libâ—rties also of the City of London all other antient Cities and Boroughs and such as antiently and before 9 H. 3. did use to send Burgesses unto Parliament Alter if not destroy the Charter of K. R. 1. granted to the City of London for their Hustings Court to be free of Toll Lastage through all England and all Sea-Ports with many other Priviledges which were granted to be held of the King and his Heirs and the same with many other immunities granted confirmed by King John with a Tenure reserved to him and his Heirs for where no Tenure is reserved nor expressed though it should be said absque aliquo inde reddendo it shall be intended for the King and the Law will create a new Tenure by Knight service in Capite A Socage Tenure for Cities and Boroughs which have no Ploughs or intermedle not with Husbandry will be improper when as there is not any fictio juris or supposition â—in Law which doth not sequi rationem so follow reason or allude unto it as to preserve the reason or cause which it either doth or would signify but doth not suppose things improper or which are either Heterogeneous or quite contrary Put into fresh disputes the question of precedency betwixt Spain England which being much insisted upon by the Spaniard at the treaty of peace betwixt the two Kingdoms in anno 42. of Q. Eliz. at Calice occasioned by the contests of the Embassadour of Spain and Sir Henry Nevil Embassadour for England it was argued or adjudged that England besides the arguments urged on its behalf viz. Antiquity of Christian Religion more authority Ecclesiastical more absolute authority Political eminency of royal dignity and Nobility of blood ought to have precedency in regard that it was Superiour to the Kingdoms of Scotland and Ireland and the Isle of Man which held of iâ— that Spain had no Kingdom held in Fee of it but was it self Feudatory to France and inthral'd by oath of Subjection to Charles the fifth King of France in anno 1369. holds a great part of the Netherlands of France Arragon both the Indies Sicily Granado and Navarre Sardinia Corsica and the Canary Islands of the Pope Portugal payeth an annual Tribute to him and Naples yearly presents him with a white Spanish Genner and a certain Tribute Lessen and take away the honour of the King in having the principality of Wales Kingdom of Ireland Isle of Man Isles of Wight Gernesey and Jersey holding of England as their Superiour in Capite Enervate or ruine the Counties Palatine of Chester Lancaster Durham and Isle of Ely if the Tenures should be Levelled into Socage Very much damnifie all the Nobility and Gentry of England who hold as they have antiently divers Mannors and Lands or Offices by grand Serjeanty as for the Earls of Chester which belongeth to the Princes of Wales and the eldest Son of the King to carry before the King at his Coronation the Sword called Curtana to be Earl Marshal of England and to lead the Kings Host to be Lord great Chamberlain of England which is claimed by the Earl of Oxford to carry the Sword called Lancaster before the King at his Coronation due to the Earl of Derby as Kings of the Isle of Man to be grand Faulconner or Master of the Hawks claimed by the Earl of Carnarvon and the Kings Champion at his Coronation claimed
Seisins and Liveries and all other incidents belonging to the Tenures in Capite and by Knight Service be reserved and continued to the King and Mesne Lords and the Mariages of the Wards be put to a just apportionment and rate not to boxing or bidding with every pretender or such as shall be procured on purpose and was thought by the Sons of Rapine to be a parcel of godliness according to two years present value of the Estate and a moderate Rate or Rent for the Lands And if that they do not like to sue or be sued in that Court may do it either in the Exchequer or Chancery and try which of those Courts they shall like the better There being no Reason to be shown why Wardships Rents and Marriage Money should not be paid as quietly or without the Noise or Clamour of Oppressioon by some orderly Course to be taken in the collecting of it as the first Fruits of Arch-bishoppricks Bishoppricks and all the Clergyes Benefices which was at first derived from the Popes Usurpations and afterwards setled in the Crown or as the Tenths of all the Monasteryes and Religious Lands which by Act of Parliament were setled in the Crown for the Support and Maintenance thereof And now all the Lines are come in and meet in one Center we may aske the Days that are past and demand of the Sons of Novelty how it should happen or where the Invisible Cause or Reason lurketh that a People at least too many of them not long agoe covenanting whether his late Majesty would or no to preserve his Honor Rights and Iurisdâ—ctions and calling God to witness that they had no Intention to diminish them should presse or perswade the King to part with the vitals of his Regalitie or let out the blood thereof to take in water instead of it which that learned John Earl of Bristol who in his many Travails and Embassies to forrein Princes had observed the several Strengths Policyes and defects of Governments of all the Kings and Princes of Christendom could think no otherwise of that high and just Prerogative of Kings then that to discharge the Tenures in Capite would be consequently to discharge them of their Service to the Crown When as their can be neither Cause nor Reason to make any such Demands and that all the Lords of Mannors in England who may already find the Inconveniences of making too many small sized Freeholders and I wish the Kingdom may not feel it in the Elections of Parliament men and Knights of the Shire as well as it doth already by the Faction and Ignorance of such as choose Burgesses in Towns and Corporations who many times choose without eyes ears or understanding would not be well content to have the many perplexed and tedious Suits at Law betwixt them and their troublesome Tenants about Customs and Fines incertain which in every year do vex and trouble the Courts in Westminster Hall or that which the late feavorish Fancies of some would call Norman Slaveryes should be either a Cause that they must be forced or over intreated to part with their Copy-hold Estates Herryots Fines for Alienations and all other Incidents thereunto belonging or that it would be a good Bargain to have no Compensation or Recompence at all for them or no more than after the Rate of what might Communibus Annis one year with another be made of them Whenas to have the intended Recompence for the Court of Wards paid as is now proposed by a part of the Excise or Curses of the People or to have the poor bear the burden of the rich or those to bear the Burden of it which are not at all concerned in any such purchase or Alteration and will be an Act which can have no more Justice or Equity in it then that the payment of First-Fruits which is merely Ecclesiastical should be distributed and charged for ever upon the Layety and the other part of the People as well as the Clergy That the Tenths which the Layety and some of the Clergy do now contentedly pay should be communicated and laid upon all the Kingdom in general in a perpetuity That the draining or maintaining the Banks and Sluces and Misfortunes many times of the Fenns in Lincolnshire and other particular Places should be charged upon the Estaâ—es of all the men in England that could not be concerned either in profit losse or Dâ—nger Or that in the enclosing of Commons or in Deafforrestations the Commoners should have their Compensation paid by all men in City Town and Country for that which was not 〈…〉 nor was ever like to be any Gain or Aâ—vaâ—tage to them Or that the losses of Merchants by Shipwâ—acks Pirates or letters of Reprisal should be repaired and born by all the rest of the people that went no partnership or gain with them Or which way the people of England should think it to be for their good or safety that as it was in the dayes of Saul there should not be a Sword or Spear in Israel that the Lords of England whose great Auncestors helped to maintain all our Liberties being in Parliament in the 20 th year of King H. 3. pressed by the Bishops to Enact that Children born before Matrimony when their Parents after married should be legitimate answered Nolumus mutare Leges Angliae we will not change the Lawes of England should not take the overturning so many of the Fundamental Lawes and Liberties of the Kingdome to be the ruine or destruction of it to be of a greater concernment And that the King will not think it to be a most Christian as well as an Heroick answer of John King of France when he was a Prisoner in England to our King E. 3. and was denied his Liberty unless he would amongst other things doe Homage for the Realm of France and acknowledge to hold it of England That he must not speak to him of that which he neither ought nor would doe to Alienate a Right Inalienable that he was resolved at what price soever to leave it to his Children as he had received it from his Auncestors that affliction might well ingage his person but not the inviolable right of the Crown where he had the honour to be born over which neither Prison nor Death had any power and especially in him who should hold his life well employed sacrificing it for the Immortal preservation of France And that the people of England should not rather imitate the wisdome as well as goodness of the Elders of Israel when as Benhadad not content with Ahabs Homage had demanded unreasonable things of him Say unto the King hearken not unto him nor consent But remember that it was their fore-Fathers which in a Parliament of King E. 3. holden in the 42 th year of his raign declared that they could not assent to any thing in Parliament that tended to the disherison of the King and his Crown to which they were sworn
Tenenda non Tollenda OR The Necessity of Preserving TENURES IN CAPITE and by KNIGHT-SERVICE VVhich according to their first Institution were and are yet a great part of the Salus Populi and the Safety and Defence of the King as well as of his People TOGETHER With a Prospect of the very many Mischiefs and Inconveniences which by the taking away or altering of those Tenures will inevitably happen to the KING and his KINGDOMES By Fabian Philipps Esq Claudian Lib. 2. Ne pereat tam priscus Honos qui portus honorum Semper erat nullo Sarciri Consule Damnum LONDON Printed by Thomas Leach for the Author and are to be sold by Abel Roper at the Sign of the Sun in Fleetstreet 1660. To the Right Honourable Sir Edward Hide Knight Baron of Hindon and Lord Chancellor of England My Lord EVery man who hath not been out of his Wits or his own Country or like the Poet Epimenides who is said to have slept more than Twenty years And hath but understood or experimented the many Miseryes and Confusions which our new Reformers and Modellers of Government who like unskilful Architects cannot amend a part of an house without overturning the whole Fabrick upon the heads of the Owners have treated the Faction and Ignorance of too many of the seduced people of this Kingdom withal And sitting by the Waters of Babylon had not forgot Jerusalem or but remembred the happinesse of the Condition we before enjoyed under a gratious and pious Prince in an Antient and for many ages past most happy Monarchy and with Tears of Joy welcommed it again in the Return of his sacred Majesty and all our peace and plenty from a sad and long oppressing Captivity must needs think himself obliged not only to pray for the Peace of our Syon but to endeavour all he can to uphold the Kings Rights and Jurisdictions Who being our Lex viva and guarding Himself us and our Laws is with them the sure support of us and all that is or can be of any Concernment to us and our Posterityes And therefore when we are taught by our Laws and the sage Interpreters and Expounders thereof That every Subject hath an Interest in the King as the Head of the Weâ—le Publick and as the inferior Members cannot estrange them selves from the Actions or Passions of the head no lesse can any Subject make himself a Stranger to any thing which toucheth the King or their supreme Head And that not a few but very many knowing and able men are of opinion not ushered in by Fancy or first Notions but well weighed and built with Reason and good Authorities that the exchanging of the Tenures in Capite and by Knight Service for a constant yearly payment of 100000 l. will level the Regality and turn the Soveraignty into a dangerous popularity and take away or blunt the Edge of the Sword by which his Majesty is to defend his people I could not but conceive it to be my Duty and a failer of my Duty and Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy not to do it to offer to consideration the antiquity and right use of Tenures in this and other Kingdoms that they are no Slavery nor Grievance how from a project in the beginning of the Raign of King James it came to trouble several Parliaments the small benefits will come to the Subjects by altering those Tenures and the many Inconveniences and Mischiefs which will inevitably follow and that it is such a flower of the Crown as the power of an Act of Parliament and consent of the King and his Nobility and people cannot take away wherein though I may well say it is a matter as Livy said of his undertaking to write the Roman History Immensi Operis and that the disquisition of it requiring greater Abilities than I can lay any claim unto and the excellent Order heretofore used that all Books of the Law or very much concerning it should be perused and allowed by the Reverend Judges of the Law before they should be Printed and published might have been enough to have made me either to desist or have attended their approbation Yet when the good intentions of many Parliament men of the House of Commons to make the King a constant Revenue were so busy to prepare an Act of Parliament to dissolve those more useful and honourable Tenures into a Socage which will never arrive to the Salus Populi they aim at I have like some well-wishing Roman to his Countries good in my Cares and fear least any thing should hurt dislocate or disturb that well ordered and constituted Government under which our Progenitors enjoyed so much Honor Peace und Plenty hasted Currente Calamo to a modest inquiry into the grounds and motives for the dissolution of them and the Court of Wards and an examination of that to be prepared Act in the General for as to the Preamble Clâ—uses or Provisoes they are not permitted to be seen before the Act passeth the Rogatio Legum as it was amongst the Romans being not here in use in some cases as it may be wished it were and when none else would publiquely endeavour to rescue them have without any Byasse or partiality as well as I could represented what hath been the right use of them and what may be the Inconveniences if they should be changed or altered and that they are not guilty of the charge which is supposed but never will be proved against them And confesse that it deserved a better Advocate than my self who having attempted to do it horis Succâ—sâ—vis interturbationes rerum am Conscious to my self that much more might have been said for it and that the matter was capable of a better form and might have appeared in a better dresse if my care to do something as fast as I could had not for want of time hindred me from doing what I might But I hope that your Lordship who hath trod the Pathes of Affliction and in the attendance and care of a persecuted Monarchy and an Afflicted most Gracious Prince who hath born the burthen of His own Sorrows Troubles as well as of a Loyal party that Suffered wiâ—h for Him and His Royal Father have in Your Travails and residence in many Kingdoms and parts beyond the Seas viewed and seen the Fundamentals and Order of other Kingdoms the Policies and good Reiglements of some and the Errors and Infirmities of others will with your learned Predecessor the Chancellor Fortescue in the Raign of King Henry the 6â—h the more admire and love the Laws and excellent Constitutions of England which as a Quintessence of right reason may seem to have been Limbecked and drawn out of the best of Laws and choice of all which might be learned out of other Nations or the Records or Treasury of Time and find reason enough to be of the opinion of that well knowing Statesman that non minime erit regno accommodum ut Incolae
ejus in artibus sint experti quod domus regia sit tanquam gymnasium supremum nobilitatis regni schola quoque Strenuitatis probitatis morum quibus regnum honoretur floret ac contra Irruentes securatur hoc revera bonum accidisse non pottuisset regno illi Si nobilium filâ—i Orphani Pupilli per pauperes amicos parentum suorum nutrirentur and greatly approve as he did of our Tenures in Capite and by Knight Service which have heen since better ordered and more deserve that and a better commendation and to put forth your hand to rescue them who have hitherto as great Beams peices of Tymber or Pillars helped to bear up and sustain the Fabrick of our Antient and Monarchical Government and have no other fault but that they are misunderstood and misrepresented to the vulgar who by making causelesse complaints multiplying them have done of late by our Laws and best Constitutions as the Boys are used to do when they hunt Squirrels with Drums shouts and Noyses And that your Lordship who is able to say much more for that Institution and Right use of Tenures will be pleased to accept of my good Intentions and pardon the Imperfections of London 23. November 1660. Your Lordships most Humble Servant Fabian Philipps THE CONTENTS CHAP. I. OF the antiquity and use of Tenures in Capite and by Knight service in England and other Nations page 1. CHAP. II. The holding of Lands in Capite and by Knight service is no Slavery or Bondage to the Tenant or Vassals 12. CHAP. III. Tenures of Lands in Capite and by Knight service are not so many in number as is supposed nor were or are any publique or general Grievance 29. CHAP. IV. How the design of altering Tenures in Capite and by Knight service into Socage Tenures and Dâ—ssolving the Court of Wards and Liveries and the Incidents and Revenue belonging thereunto 〈◊〉 out of the Forges of some private mens imagiâ—â—â—ions to be afterwards agitated in Parliaâ—â—nt 145. CHAP. V. The Benefits or Advantages which are expected â—y the people in putting down of the Court of wards â—nd Liveries and changing the Tenures in Capiâ—e and by Knight service into free and common Sâ—cage 154. CHAP. VI. The great and very many Mischiefs and Inconveniences which will happen to the King and Kingdom by taking away Tenures in Capite and Knight service 157. CHAP. VII That Tenures in Capite and Knight service holden of the King and the Homage and Incidents thereunto appertaining and the right of the Mesne Lords cannot be dissolved or taken away by any Act of Parliament The Conclusion 258. Errata's or Faults escaped in Printing by the hast of the Presse PAge 1 line 1 leave out and p. 2 l 28 for be read by p. 6 l 12 for or Knights r and Knights p. 8 l 16 leave out that ib. r in Capite and Knight service p. 9 l 25 for where r were p. 17 in the margent leave out the quotation note p. 21 l 18 r. his enfant p. 23 l 23 r. be the lesse free p. 24 l 26. for was r. were p. 36. l 12 r them 20 H. 3.6 p. 38 l 3 for E 1 r. E 3. p. ib. l 6. r person 42 E 3.5 p 40. l 31. for of r. or p. 43. l 18. r thought to p. 54 l. 16. leave out and. p. 68 l. 14 leave out was p· 81 l. 12 for aâ— r. in p. 82 l. 15 for E. 3 r E 1. p. 100 l. 7 for 1648 r. 1643. p. 111 l. 2 leave out his p. 125 l. 1 for Episcopium r Episcopum ib. l 18. r hold by ib. l. 23 r nor could 126. l 12 for â—e r. to p. 131 l 32. r For it p. 13â— l. 1 leave out Lawes after the. ib. l. 2 leave out the. ib. l. 15 for and r. for p. 135 l 6. r or by p. 136 l. 14 for and â— which p. 138 in the margent leave out Litletons quotation p. 140 l. 13 leave out an p. 154 l. 10 r. Grand and Petit. p 159. in the margent for XI r II. p. 162. against l 12 in the margent put V. ib. against l 33. put VI. p. 163. l 4. for Protections r Portions ib. in the margent against l 8 put VII ib. against â— 20 put VIII p. 164 l 4. for and r shall ib. in the margent against l 15 put IX p. 165 against l 33. put X. p. 166 against l 5. put XI ib. against l. 10 put XII ib. against l 14 put XIII ib. against l 26. put XIV p. 17 r l. 15 for amore r. more p. 174 in the margent for Olbertus r. Obertus p. 183 in margent for Lovelaces r. Loâ—es p. 184 l. 16. leavo out in p. 185 l. 32. leave out they p. 187 l. 9. for enernate r enervate ib. l 24. for displaced r. displayed p. 192 l. 15. leave out if not recompensed by some Annual payment p. 194 l. 8. r. under the penalties of ibib l 9. leave out under the penalties p. 212 l 22. r be a Baron ibib leave out of Holt. p. 217 l. 2. for derived r. deemed p. 222 in the margent against l. 15 put L. p. 241 in the margent against l 6. put LXIV p. 24â— against l 4 put LXV p. 246. against 26 put LXXII p. 247. l 4. for know r knowing p. 254. l 20 r which is ib. 28 r and theâ— p. 255 l 24 r or that p. 259 l 18. for it r them ib. l 23 leave out upon all p. 268. l 4. leave out and. p. 269 l 15 r or toâ— p. 274. l 33 for of r if p. 275. l 11 leave out would ruine◠〈◊〉 l 13 r Baronies would be ruined CAP. I. Of the Antiquity and use of Tenures in capite and by Knight service in England and other Nations THe Law of Nature that secret and great Director under God and his Holy Spirit of all mens Actions for their safety and self preservation by the Rules or Instinct of Right Reason and the Beams of Divine Light and Irradiations So far as those Laws of Nature are not contrary to positive and Humane Laws which are alwayes either actively or passively to be obeyed having in the beginning of time and its delivery out of the Chaos made and allowed Orders and distinctions of man-kind as they have been found to be more Rich Wise Virtuous Powerful and Able than others therfore the fitter to Protect Defend and do good unto such as wanted those Abilities Endowments and constituted ordained the faith and just performances also of Contracts Promises and Agreements and the acknowledgements of benefits and favours received being no strangers to those early dayes when the Patriarch Abraham had leave given him by Abimelech King of Gerar to dwell in the Land where it pleased him and that Abimelech in the presence of Phicol the chief Captain of his Host who took himself to have some concernment in it required an
Lands as much sometimes as amounted to a third part of a Shire or County were in the Nobilities or great mens possessions some of whom held of the King a 100 or more Mannors and had as many Knights Fees holden of them besides some Castles Forrests Parks and Chases or that the two Escheators which were many times all that were in England the one on this side the other beyond Trent did not nor could not so carefully look to the death of the Kings Tenants which the Statute of 14 E. 3. ca. 8. complaineth of or that the smaller sort of Lands in Capite or mean mens estates were not so much looked after And yet the old Records of the Kingdome do speak a great deal of care and looking after every part of the Kings Revenew the not mentioning in deeds or conveyances of whom or how the Land was holden the more frequent use of Feoffements with Livery seisin in former times which being not Inrolled hindred or obstructed the vigilance of the Escheators and Feodaries their sleepinesse in permitting where any one Mannor or parcel was holden in Capite many other Mannors or Lands of the same Tenure to be found in the same Inquisition by an Ignoramus of the Tenure services the craft industry of many if not most men to evade and elude as much as they can the Law or any Acts of Parliament though when they are sometimes catched they dearly pay for it Or by some other cause or reason not yet appearing many of the said Knights Fees are lost and never to be discovered the Offices post mortem now extant in the Tower of London being in the last year of the reign of King H. 3. in the beginning of whose reign they first began to be regularly found and recorded but 187. in an 35. E. 1 153. in an 20 E. 2 52. of the succeeding Kings untill the end of E. 4. when such Tenures were most valued and respected are in every year but few in number sometimes less than 200 and many times not above 300 in the most plentiful years of those times And of the Knights Fees Lands holden in Capite and by Knight service which are now to be discovered in the greatest diligence of Escheators their better looking unto them in this last Century of years where there hath been an Escheator for the most part in every County to look to the Tenures and Wardships there will not upon exact search thereof appear to be in an 21 Jac. Regis any more than 71.22 Jac. 73 in 2 Car. Regis primi 112 in 3 Car. Regis primi 85. Custodies wardships granted under the great Seal of England which in Wardships of any Bulk or concernment doe most commonly pass that way leaving those of ordinary and lesser value to passe only under the Seal of the Court of Wards and Liveryes in an 10 Car. primi not above 450 offices post mortem some of which did only entitle the King to a Livery are to be found filed returned in an 11 Car. Regis not above 580 which may give us some estimate of the small number which now remains of that huge number which former ages writers talked of that after that rate if there be 10000 Knights Fees holden in Capite there is scarce a twentieth part falls one year with another to make any profit or advantage to the King by Wardships Marriage Reliefs primer seisin c. Nor are there unless by some unluckiness or accidents commonly above one in every three or four discents in a Family holding in Capite which do die and leave their Heirs in minority then also it is either more of less chargeable to the Family as the Males shall be nearer unto or more remote from their full age of 21 or the Females to their age of 16 some of the supposed Inconveniences being prevented by an earlier marriage of the Inheritrixes or the Kings giving the honour of Knighthood to some of the Males in their minoritie which dispenseth with the value of their marriages And yet those Tenures Wardships and incidents thereunto though so antient legal and innocent in their use and institution were not without the watchful eye and â—are of Parliaments to prevent or pluck up any Grievances which like weeds in the best of Gardens or per accidens might annoy or blemish those fair flowers of the Crown Imperial as that of 9 H. 3 that the Tenant by Knight Service being at his full age when his Ancestor dyeth shall have his inheritance by the old relief according to the old custom of the Fees the Statute of Merton in anno 9 H. 3 ca 2. and 3 E. 1 ca 2â— the Kings Tenant being at full age shall pay according to the old custom that is to say five pounds for a Knights Fee or lesse according to proportion ca 4 and 5. The Keeper of the Lands of the Heir within age shall not take of the Lands of the Heir but reasonable issues customs and services without distruction and wast of his men and goods shall keep up the Houses Parks Warrens Ponds Mills and other things pertaining to the Lands with the issues of the Lands and deliver the Lands to the Heir when he comeâ—h of full age stored with Plowes and all other things at least as he recieved them ca 7. A Widdow shall have her Marriage inheritance and tarry in the chief house of her Husband forty days after her Husbands death with reasonable Estovers within which time her Dower shall be assigned if it were not assigned before The Wards shall not be married to Villains or other as Burgesses where they be disparaged or within the age of fourteen years or such age as they cannot consent to mariage and if they do and their Friends complain thereof the Lord shall loose the Wardship and all the profits that thereof shall be taken and they shall be converted to the use of the Heirs being within age after the disposition and provision of their Friends for the shame done unto them a Writ of Mortd'auncester shall be allowed to the Heir with dammages against the Lord that keepeth his Lands after he is of full age Heirs within age shall not loose their Inheritance by the neglect or wilfulnesse of their Guardians 52 H. 3. cap 7 and 16. The Lord shall not after the age of fourteen years keep a Female unmarried more than two years after and if he do not by that time marry her she shall have an Action to recover her Inheritance without giving any thing for her Wardship or Inheritance 3 E. 1 ca. 22. A Writ of Novel disseisin shall be awarded against any Escheator that by colour of his Office shall disseise any of his freehold with double dammages and to be grievously amerced Westmr. 1.3 E. 1 cap. 24 In aid to make the Son of the Lord a Knight or to marry the Daughter there shall be taken but twenty
shillings for a whole Knights Fee and after that rate proportionably ibm 35. If the Guardian maketh a Feoffement of the Wards Lands he shall have a Writ of Novel disseisin and upon recovery the Seisin shall be delivered to the next friend and the Guardian shall loose the Wardship 3. E. 1. ca. 47. Usurpation of a Church during the minority of the Heir shall not prejudice him 13 E. 1.5 Admeasurement of Dower shall be granted to a Guardian and the Heir shall not be barred by the suite of the Guardian if there be collusion 13 E. 1.7 Next Friends shall be permitted to sue if the Heir be â—loyned 13 E. 1.15 If part of the Lands be sold the services shall be apportioned Westmr. 3.2 Escheators shall commit no waste in Wards Lands 28 E. 1 18. If Lands without cause be seised by the Escheator the Issues and Mesne profits shall be restored 21 E. 1.19 where it is found by Inquest that Lands are not holden of the King the Escheator shall without delay return the possession Stat de Escheatoribus 29 E. 1. Escheators shall have sufficient in the places where they Minister to answer the King and his People if any shall complain 4 E 3.9.5 E. 3 4. Shall be chosen by the Chancelour Treasurer and chief Baron taking unto them the chief Justices of the one bench and the other if they be present and no Escheator shall tarry in his office above a year 14 E. 3.8 A Ward shall have an action of waste against his Guardian and Escheators shall make no waste in the Lands of the Kings wards 14 E. 3 13. Aid to make the Kings Son a Knight or to marry his Daughter shall be in no other manner then according to the Statute thereof formerly made 25 E. 3 11. Traverses of offices found before Escheators upon dyings seised or alienations without licence shall be tried in the Kings Bench 34 E. 3 14. An Escheator shall have no Pec of wood fish or venison out of the wards Lands 38 E. 3 13. An Idempnitate nominis shall be granted of another mans Lands seised by an Escheator 37 E 1.2 No Escheator shall be made unless he haue twenty pounds Land per annum or more in Fee and they shall execute their offices in proper person the Chancellor shall make Escheators without any Gift or Brokage and shall make them of the most lawful men and sufficient 12 R. 2.2 An Escheator or Commissioner shall take no Inquest but by such persons as shall be retorned by the Sheriff they shall retorn the offices found before them and the Lands shall be let to farm to him that tendereth a Traverse to the office 8 H. 6.16 Inquisitions shall be taken by Escheators in good Towns and open places and they shall not take above forty Shillings for finding an office under the penalty of forty pounds 23 H. 6 17. Women at the age of fourteen years at the time of the death of their Ancestors without question or difficulty shall have Livery of their Lands 39 H. 6.2 No office shall be retorned into any of the Kings Courts by any Escheator or Commissioner but which is found by a Jury and none to be an Escheator who hath not forty markes per annum above all reprises the Jurors to have Land of the yearly value of forty shillings within the Shire the Forman of the Jury shall keep the Counter part of the Inquisition and the Escheator must receive the Inquisition found by the Iury as also the offices or Inquisitions shall be received in the Chancery and Exchequer 1 H. 8 ca. 8. Lands shall be lâ—t to farme to him that offereth to traverse the office before the offices or Inquests retorned or within three Months after 1 H. 8 ca. 10. the respite of Homage of Lands not exceeding five pounds per Annum to be but eight pence the yearly value of Lands not exceeding twenty pounds per annum to be taken as it is found in the Inquisition except it by examination otherwise appear to the Master of the Wards Surveyer Atturney or Receiver General or three of them or that it shall otherwise appear and be declared in any of the Kings Courts No Escheator shall sit virtute officii where the Lands be five pounds per annum or above the Escheator shall take for finding of an office not exceeding five pounds per annum but six Shillings eight pence for his Fee and for the writing of the office three Shillings four pence for the charges of the Jury three Shillings and for the officers and Ministers of any Court that shall receive the same Record two shillings upon pain of five pounds to the Escheator for every time so offending the Master and Court shall have power to moderate any Fines or Recognisances 33 H 8.22 The Heir of Lands not exceeding five pounds per annum may sue his General Livery by warrant only out of the Court of wards although there be no Inquisition or office found or certified The Interest of every lesser Tenant for Term of years Copy-holder or other person having interest in any Lands found in any office or Inquisition shall be saved though they be not found by office The Heir upon an aetate probanda shall have an oustâ—e le maines and the profits of his Lands from the time that he comes to age and if any office be untruely found a Traverse shall be allowed or a Monstrans de Droit without being driven to any petition of right though the King be entitled by a double matter of Record A Traverse to an office shall be allowed where a wrong Tenure is found an ignoramus â—ound of a Tenure shall not be taken to be any Tenure in Capite and upon a Traverse a Scire facias shall be awarded against the Kings Patentee 2 and 3 E 6. ca. 8. And if there had been any certain or common grievances or so much as a likelyhood of any to have risen or happened by such Tenures and benefits which many were the better for and had no reason at all to find fault with w ch many more were striving to deserve of the Kings of England the Nobility great men of this Kingdom the Parliaments that have been ever since the 8 th year of the reign of H. 3. would not have made so many Acts of Parliament for their establishment or tending to their preservation if we should believe as it cannot be well denyed that Parliaments have been sometimes mistaken and enacted that which they have afterwards thought fit to repeal Yet it comes not within the virge or compass of any probability that Parliaments where all grievances are most commonly represented should for almost four hundred years together in a succession of many Kings Parliaments enact or continue grievances instead of remedies neither find those Tenures to be inconvenient or not fit to be continued or so much as complain of them but as if they were blessings of a
took up much of the Lands of the Kingdom came with their Plow-shares to the Court to shew the King the decay of Husbandry saith the Black Book of the Exchequâ—er when as a little before a measure of Wheat for bread for a hundred men was valued by the Kings Officers but at one shilling the Carcasse of a fat Oxe one shilling of a Sheep four pence and for Provender for twenty Horses but four pence And thought himself to have been on the surer side when he ordered six pence in every pound to be taken overplus or D'avantage least the rate and value of money should diminish is now not the hundreth part of the value of the old kind of Rents and Provisions and reducing also many incertain Customs into a certainty of yearly Rents which being then some thing proportionable unto it is not now the 50 th or 100 th part of what was then the value in the intention and estimation as well of the Kings which were to receive it as of the Tenants who were to pay it And therefore notwâ—thstanding the great Estates and Revenues of some Rebellious Subjects which have sometimes been forfeited came as an accession supplement to the wasting and decâ—ying Crown Lands much of them being either in merâ—y or policy restored afterwards to the Heirs of those which justly forfeited them The languishing Condition of the Royal Revenues were so little remedied as the Royal Expences in defraying the more expencefull Charges of their houshold Family and princely Retinue After the new enhaunced Rates and Prizes whilst they recelved their Rents and other Profits after the old carrying so great a difference and disproportion As there is betwixt one hundred four pounds seventeen shillings and six pence paid by Thomas Earl of Lancaster in the reign of King E. 2. for 184 Tuns of Clarret-Wine and one Tunne of White but litle exceeding eleaven shillings per Tunn and that which is now the price of the like quantity between one hundred forty seven pounds seventeen shillings and eight pence for seven Furres of variable Miniver or powdered Ermin seven hoods of Purple three hundred ninety five Furres of Budge for the Liveries of Barons Knights and Clerks 123 Furrs of Lamb for Esquires bought at Christmas as appears by the accompt of Henry Leicester the said Earls Cofferer Twenty four shillings for a fat stalled Oxe twenty pence for a Mutton two pence half penny for a Goose two pence for a Capon a penny for a Hen and twenty four Eggs for a penny which were the prizes assessed by the Magistrates and then thought to be equal for the Buyer as well as the Seller between the price of Cloath for two Gowns for the Clarks of the Chamber to the Lord Mayor of London now and that which in the raign of H. 6. cost but two shillings per yard and betwixt the price of a Capon in the middle of the reign of Queen Elizabeth at six pence and the rate of 2 s 6 d. or 3 s. which is now the least will be taken for one And that by reason of the Gentry and all private mens racking and inhauncing the Rents of their Lands letting it too often by the Acre and the strictest measure and the most that will be bid for it and the plenty of pride to an extremity of excesse rather than a plenty of mony in the Nation the rates of Victuals and Provisions and manner of living are increased to almost a third part more than what they were within this 20 years last past There must needs follow that Tabes or Consumption which is so apparent and visible in the Royal Revenue which will be as little for the peoples good who unless they can think it to be either Goodness or Wisdom in the Members to make or suffer the head to be sick and languish are by Subsidies Assessements to support it in its sicknesse or languishing condition as it will be for the King to presse or perswade them to it But least it should be objected that as the well ordering right use and manage of the best things is that only which blesseth and crowneth the Intention and first Institution of them and the ill is that which corrupteth and blasteth all that was hoped for or expected by it and that the Innocency and necessary use of Tenures in Capitâ— and Knight service may amount unro a grievance if the Court of Wards should either by the wickednesse extortion or avarice of the Judges or their ignorance which is as bad as either or their lenity or connivance to the Officers or those which are employed under them intend more their own profit than the Kings and in stead of being a protection to Wards pillage and ruine them and their estates or be like as they were not an Assembly or Congregation of men met together in the formality of a Court where rapine avarice and injustice under the vizard or Hypocrisie of doing justice strives who shall most advance their ends by a propension to what is unjust and an aversion from all that may relieve the oppressed It may be necessary to shew by whom or what manner of persons that Court of wards and Liveries was governed and guided Which was not like that Court of Civil Law upon whose Bench and Tribunal in our late times of delirium and confusion sate as Judges two common Lawyers Hugh Peters a a Traytor to his King and Country sometimes a Prompter at a Play-house and afterwards an extemporary Preacher together with an Atturney at common Law a Tradesman a Country Gentleman who would not at any time think it safe or becomming them in that their never the like practised in any age or time before Antipodes or contrarieties to right reason or the way of understanding or doing Justice to mention any Text or part of the Civil Law though it was daily and learnedly pleaded before them by the Advocates but when any Books or Authorities of the Civil Law were cited and urged which their capacities could not reach some of them like the Woman in Seneca which did not complain of her own want of sight but found fault with the darknesse of the House could to throw by the trouble or any further consideration of what they did not understand find no better a way than causelessely to rail at and reproach the Common Law as well as the Civil and unadvisedly and publickly declare them to be but Inventions to get mony Was not like the Court to remove Obstructions in the Godly as they called it but ungodly Purchasers where all the Kings grants after 1636. or thereabouts were adjudged as null and not to be allowed and all manner of obstructions laid in the way of Loyal and Distressed men to clear and make an open passage for their own Partie and such kind Purchasers Not like that of Haberdashers-Hall where the Just and Innocent were Sequesterd by the tender Conscienced Party as they stiled
Wigorniensis mentioned by that learned Knight Sr. Roger Twisden in his preface to the Laws of William the Conquerour published by the eminently learned Mr. Selden informs us did importune Maud the Empresse ut eis Edwardi Regis Leges observare liceret quia optimae erant That the Laws of King Edward might be observed because they were the best And when William the Conquerour ordered the Rents and Revenues of such as held of him to be paid into the Exchequer it was non simpliciter nec haeres ab hereditate nec ut ab ipso haereditas tollitur sed simul cum haereditate sub Regis custodia constitutus tempâ—râ— pupillaris aetatis Not to take away the Inheritance but to keep and educate him during his Minority For It could be no inconvenience to the publick welfare of the Nation to have the Children of the best ranck and quality for such were then the Tenants in Capite and by Knight service virtuously and nobly educated in Arts and Arms whereby to be enabled to do their Prince and Country service and their Lands and Estates in the interim to be protected and defended from Neighbour or other injuries Nor to be married to their own degree or a nobler quality when as by the means of intermarriages betwixt the Saxons Normans as between Lucia the Sister of Morchar Earl of Northumberland a Saxon and Juo Talbois a great Norman Baron and betwixt Ralph de waiet a Saxon by a British or Welch Woman Emme the Daughter of William Fitz Osbern Earl of Hereford by which he was by the Conquerour made Earl of the East Angles And many more which might be instanced their mutual discontents and animosities calming into reconciliations and friendships had the like effect as the tye and kindness of the intermarriages had not long before in King Ina's time who himself marrying with Guala a British woman his Lords and great men intermarrying with the Welch Scots their Sons also marrying with their Daughters the Nation became to be as Gens una one people in a near consociation and relation and the Norman H. 1. afterwards found it to be not unsuccessefull in his own marriage with Matilda the Daughter of Malcolm King of Scots by the Sister or Niece of Edgar Atheling of the Saxon Royal line It was no grievance when the Charter of Liberties which was the original of a great part of our after Magna Charta was granted to the people of England by K. H. 1. who is therein said omnes malas consuetudines quibus Anglia opprimebatur auferre to abolish all the evil customs with which England was oppressed when it would have been strange that Tenures in Capite and by Knight service should remain as a part of the Kings just prerogative and be so well liked of and approved consilio consensu Baronum By advice and consent of the Barons if there had been any grievance originally or naturally in them Nor so much as a Semblance of it in the reign of H. 2. when a general Inquisition was made per Angliam cui quis in servitio seculari de jure obnoxius teneretur thorough England What secular or temporal services due by Law were not performed And as little in the Parliament at Clarendon in the same Kings reign where in the presence of the King Bishops Earls Barons and Nobility facta fuit recognitio sive recordatio cujusdam partis consuetudinum libertatum Antecessorum suorum Regis viz. Henrici Avi sui aliorum quae observari debâ—bant in Regno ab omnibus teneri A recapitulation and rehearsal was made of some of the Customs and Liberties of their Ancestors and of the King that is to say of King H. 1. and others which ought of all to be observed and kept in the Kingdom in which there was nothing against the Feudal Laws or Tenures in Capite and by Knights service but many expressions and allowances of them And if otherwise it would have been something strange that the issue and posterity of those Barons should in King Johns time adventure all that could be dear or near unto them to gain the Liberties granted by H. 1. with some addition and never grudge that King the same Prerogative when as hazarding the forfeiture of their own Magna Charta of Heaven to gain a Magna Charta on Earth for their posterities They had greatly over-powered their King at Running Mede where their Armies stood in procinctu acie Facing one another Pila minantia pilis Threatning death and distruction to each other or would so willingly have hung up their Shields and Launces and returned to their peace and obedience by accepting of that Magna Charta if they had not taken it to be as much for their own defence the good of the Kingdom as it was for his nor so willingly afterwards in the reign of King Henry the 3 d. his Son have clad themselves in Steel made a Combination and bouâ—d themselves by oath one to another never to submit to a peace until they had a just performance of what his Father had granted them endured the Popes then direful Fulminations and never rested until the King himself had confirmed that Magna Charta by a most solemn oath in procession with the Bishops who with lighted Tapers in their hands anathematiz'd all the infringers thereof if Tenures in Capite and the enableing their Prince to defend them had not been a part of their own Liberties nor could they be imagined to be otherwise when as by an Act of Parliament also of that King the great Charter was to be duely read in all Counties of England and Writs and Letters were sent to all the Sheriffs of England commanding them by the oaths of twelve Knights of every County to enquire what were the antient Rights and Liberties of the People no return was ever made that Tenures in Capite and by Knight service either were or could be any obstructions to them or that so often bloodily contested and too dearly purchased Magna Charta nor was it any publique grievance when as in the Parliament of 26 H. 3 in a great contest betwixt him and the Baronage and great men of England touching his ill Government and diverse exactions and oppressions the profits which he had by his Tenures and Escheats were said to have been sufficient to have kept him from a want of mony and oppressing his Subjects Nor in Anno 42. H. 3. when the King upon those great complaints and stirres betwixt him and the then Robustious and sturdy Barons of England occasioned by his misgovernment which busied the people with Catalogues of grievances he by his Writs or Commissions appointed in every County of England Quatuour milites qui considerarent quâ—t et quantis granaminibus simpliciores a fortioribus opprimuntur et inquirent diligenter dâ— singulis quaerelis et injurijs a quocunque factis
vel quibuscunque illatis a multis retroactis temporibus et omnia inquisita sub sigillis suis inclusa secum coram Baronagio ad tempus sibi per breve praefixum Four Knights men of known worth and wisdom loving and beloved of their Countryes to enquire what grievances or oppressions the smaller sort of people suffered by the greater and also of all injuries and â—â—ongs done by any person whatsoever either lately or formerly and to certifie it under their Seals to the Barronage which what ever they were or if ever or never recorded for they have not for ought appears been certified or recorded no Record or Historian of that or the after times have said that Tenures in Capite and by Knights service were thereupon retorned to be oppressive or so much as inconvenient Neither are to be found amongst any of those huge heaps of evils which Mathew Paris that sower and honest Monk of St. Albons who lived in those times and especially remarked them hath delivered to posterity The 24 Reformers or Conservators of the Kingdom in that Kings Reign appointed by the Baronage never intimated any thing of their dislike of that honourable institution It was not complained of upon the refusal of Roger Bigod Earl of Norfolk Marshall of England Humphry Bohun Earl of Hereford and Essex Constable of England and Gilbert de Clare Earl of Glocester and Hertford great and mighty men and of Princely Estates to go at the Command of King E. 1. unto his Wars at Gascony upon pretence that the warning was to short whereby the Kings displeasure was so much incurred aâ— Bohun and Clare to escape the Seisure and forfeiture of their Lands and to purchase his favour again were glad each of them to marry one of his Daughters without any Dowry and surrender their Earldoms Honors Offices and Lands unto him take back Estates thereof in Tayle to them and the Heirs of their Bodies upon their wives to be severally begotten and Bigot surrendring also to him his Earledom and Marshals rod together with all his Lands and taking Back a grant of an Estate for life in his honors and Lands the reversion to the King if he should not have any Issue of his Body begotten the King in Parliament pardoned them and John de Ferrariâ—s and other Earls Barons Knights and Esquires and all other of their fellowship confederacy and Bond and all that held twenty pounds Land Per annum whether in chief of the King or other that were appointed at a certain day to pass over with him into Flanders their rancour and evil will and all other offences committed against him Were not in the Roll of general grievances which the Arch-Bishops Bishops Eaâ—ls Barons and Commons sent him when he was at the Sea side ready to take shipping into Gascoigne concerning his Taxes and other impositions Neither any vestigia or footsteps to be found of any grievance by them in that grand search or inquiry by the Commissions of Traile Baston in or about the 33 of E. 3. after intruders into other mens Lands exactions and oppressions or in the presentments in the Eyres when the Justices thereof in several Kings reigns carefully travailed into the several Counties and places of England and found out and returned the complaints and oppressions of every County and where the Natives themselves the witnesses cannot be supposed to be so much their own enemies as to conceal the Countries oppressions the Jurors were solemnly charged to present them upon their Oaths and if they should omit to do it had the malice of their Neighbours to watch accuse their Perjuries and the severity of the Judges to punish any failings in their duty Or in the Reformation which the Lords Ordainers as they were afterwards called in or about the fifth year of the Raign of King E. 2. pretended to make in that unadvised Commission which he granted them for the Government of the Kingdome No pretence or so much as a murmur against them by the Reformers in Wat Tylers and Jack Straws commotion when they were so willing to overthrow and extirpate all the Nobility and Gentry which should withstand their rude and unruly designs of making all Bondmen free and taking away Villenage and of making Wat Tyler and several other of their party Kings in several Counties and to devise what Laws they listed Or by Jack Cade or Captain Mend-all as he falsely stiled himself when many a grievance was picked up to colour his Rebellion in the reign of King H. 6. but could find nothing of that for a garnish of his Roguery Or Robert Ket the Tanner in the reign of King E. 6. sitting in judgment amongst the Rabble under his tree as they called it of Reformation where Tenures and Wardships being so obvious and every where insisted upon they would not probably have omitted them out of the Roll or list of their complaints if there could have been but a supposition or dream of any grievance in them which being the more noble beneficial and better sort of Tenures may better deserve an approbation of the People and Parliaments of England than Tenures in Villenage which by an Act of Parliament in 25 E. 3.18 may be pleaded and a Villain seized though a libertate probaâ—dâ— be depending And it was enacted in the Parliament of 9 R. 2.2 that if Villaines fled into places infranchised and sued their Lords their Lords should not be barred thereby and by an Act Parliament in 8 H. 6.11 that a Villain should not be admitted or put to be an Apprentice in the City of London and by an Act of Parliament in 19. H. 7.15 If any Bond-man purchase Lands and convey away the Lands the Bond-man being â—estui que use of thâ—se Lands they shall be seised by the Lord. Nor did the Act of Parliament of 25 E. 3. which provided that none should be constrained to find men of Armes Hâ—blers nor Archers but by common assent and grant made in Parliament mistake when it inserted a saving and exception of all those that held by such services Neither did the Commons in the Parliament of 5 R. 2. upon the Repeal in Parliament of the Manumissions of Bond-men extorted from the King by Wat Tyler and his Rout or men of Reformation think they did themselves or those they represented any hurt when they cryed with one voyce that the Repeal was good and that at their request the Repeal was by whole assent confirmed Tenures in Capite and by Knights service were not complained of in the Parliament of 13 R. 2. though the Commons in Parliament had prayed and were allowed that euery man might complain of the oppression of what person or Estate soever without incurring the pain of the Statute of Gloucester which under great penalties prohibited false Newes and Lies of the Nobility and great men of the Realm Chancellor Treasurer Justices of both Benches and other great
Debts or charge of Children connot rationally conclude or argue the Fines to be excessive no more than a common weight or burden which may easily be born or carried by any man in health doth make it to be of a greater weight or burden because another man by reason of sicknesse or other disabilities is not able to bear or stand under it or that a reasonable or small rent which Tenants are to pay to their Landlords is therefore too much or unreasonable because a poor or decayed Tenant cannot so well bear or pay it as he was wont or as one that is thriving or before hand might doe That all Leases of above One hundred years were made to draw Wardships contrary to Law when as such or the like Collusions were by the Statute of Marlebridge prohibited and the Parliament was mis-informed for long Leases under 500. years were not made by that Court lyable to Wardships and that undue proceedings were used in the finding of Offices to make Jurors find for the King which was but to adjorne or bind them over to the Bar of the Court of Wards in case that there was any doubt of the Law or Evidence Or when the Lords and Commons in Parliament the second day of June 1642. by the nineteen Propositions which were as they alleaged for the establishment of the Kings honour and safety and the wâ—lfare and â—ecurity of his Subjects and Dominions and being granted would be a necessary and effectual means to remove those jealousies and differences which have unhappily fallen betwixt him and his people and procure both his Majesty and them a constant course of honour peace and happiness Did propose petition and advise that the Lord high Constable of England Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper of the great Seal of England Lord Treasurer Lord privy Seal Earl Marshal Lord Admiral Warden of the Cinque Ports cheif Governour of Ireland Chancellor of the Exchequer Master of the Wards Secretaries of State two cheif Justices and cheif Baron may alwayes which shewed they had no desire for the present or the future to take away the Tenures in Capite and by Knight service be chosen by approbation of both Houses of Parliament Did not conceive them to be any Disease or Gangreen in the Body Politique at the making of the 2 d. Declaration of the Lords Commons in Parliament dated the 12 th of January 1642. Concerning the Commission of Array occasioned by a book then lately published Entituled his Majesties answer to the Declaration of both Houses of Parliament concerning the said Commission of Array Printed and Published by the care of Mr. Samuel Brown then and now a Member of the House of Commons wherein many Arguments being used and if they had been grievances would not have become the Parliament to have urged or pressed them as an argument against the Kings having power to raise men by his Commissions of Array and were then so little denyed to be for the necessary defence of the King and his Subjects as they were rather taken by that Parliament to be as the hands and Arms of the bodie politique worthy a continuance perpetuity and very well deserving the good opinion which the Parliament then had of them in the expressions following We deny that there is an impossibility of defence without such power viz. the Commissions of Array And affirm that the Kingdom may be defended in time of danger without issuing such Commissions or executing such power For we say that the Law hath provided several ways for provision of Arms and for defence of the Kingdom in time of danger without such Commissions 1. All the Tenures that are of his Majestie by Barony Grand Seâ—jeanty Knight service in Capite Knight service and other like Tenures were all originally instituted for the defence of the Kingdom in time of War and danger as appears by the Statute of 7 E. 1. of Mortmain which saith servitia quae ex hujus modi feodis dâ—bentur ad defensionem Regni ab initio provisa fuerunt vide Chart. H. 1. irrotulat in libro Rubro Scac. Coke Instit. 75. Bracton 36.37 Britton 162.35 H. 6.41 Coke 8.105 Coke 6. â— Instit. 1 part 103. These Tenures in the Conquerours time were many and since they are much increased and these are all bound to find men and arms according to their Tenures for the defence of the Kingdom 2. As those Tenures are for the defence of the Kingdom so the Law hath given to his Majestie diverse Priviledges and Prerogatives for the same end and purpose that with the profits of them he should defend himself and his people in times of danger of which his Majestie is and always hath been in actual possession since his accesse to the Crown For the defence of the Kingdom his Majestie haâ—h the profits oâ— Wardships Lâ—veries Primer seisins Marriages Reliefs Fines for Alienation Customs Mines Wrecks Treasure trove Escheats Forfeitures and diverse others the like casual profits That by these he may be enabled to defend the Kingdom and that he enjoying them his Subjects might enjoy their Estates under his Protection free from Taxes and Impositions for defence Therefore it is declared 14 E. 3. chap. 1. That all the profits arising of an aid then granted to the King by his people And of Wards Marriages Customes Escheats and other profits riseing of the Realm of England should â—e spent upon the safeguard of the Realm of England on the Wars in Scotland France and Gascoigne and no places elsewhere during the Wars And the Lords and Commons in Rich. 2 time knowing the Law to â—e so did as appears â—y the Parliament â—olls 6 Rich. â— m. 42 passe a â—etition that the King would live oâ— his own Revenues and that the Wards Marriages Reliefs Forâ—â—itures and other profits of the Crown might be kept to be spent in the Wars for the defence of the Kingdom 3. If the said Tenures and casual profits rising by his Prerogative will not serve for defence but more help is necessary by the fundamental Lawes and Constitutions of this Kingdom his Majestie is intrusted with a power to summon Parliaments as often as he pleases for defence of himself and his people when his ordinary Revenues will not serve the turn And there is no other legal way when the others are not sufficient but this and this last hath been ever found by experience the most sure and successefull way for supply in time of imminent danger for defence of the Kingdom and to this the Kings of this Realm have in times of danger frequently had recourse A main end why Parliaments are called is for defence of the Kingdom and that other Supplies thâ—n thâ—se before mentioned cannot be made without a Parliament Nor was there any publique or general damage so much as supposed to be in them the first of February 1642. when in the propositions sent by those Lords Commons which remain'd in Parliament
example of Magistracy put any grievance upon the people when as in the re-building of Ierusalem and to repell the Enemies and hinderers thereof there being as much necessity to defend a City or Commonwealth after it is built or established as it can be in the building framing or repairing of it he ordered the one half of the servants to work and the other to hold the Spears the shields Bows and Habergeons and every one of the builders had his Sword girded by his side and the Nobles were appointed when the Trumpeter should sound that stood by Nehemiah because they were separated one from another to resort thither unto him upon occasion of â—ight or danger and did after their work finished cause the Rulers of the people to dwell at Jerusalem and out of the rest of the people by lot to bring one of every Tribe to inhabit and dwell in there such as were valiant or mighty men of valour and had for overseers the principal and most eminent men and Zabdiel the Son of one of the mighty men David did not turn aside from God nor bind heavy burdens upon the people because he had mighty men about him and that Joshebbassebet the Tachmonite sate like a Constable or Marshal of England chief amongst the Captains nor did Solomon bruise the broken Reeds because he had many Princes and great Officers under him as Benajah the Son of Jehoiada who served his Father David and was Captain over his Guard was over the Host Azariah the Son of Nathan over the Officers like as in England a Lord great Chamberlain or Lord Chamberlain of the Kings Houshold Zabud the Son of Nathan Principal Officer and Aâ—ishar as a Treasurer or Comptrouler over the Houshold none of which could take it for any injury to enjoy those great Offices and places during the Kings pleasure but would have esteemed it to have been a greater favour if they had a grant for life and most of all and not to be complained of to have it to them and to their Heirs or after Generations for that all good things and blessings by a natural propension and custom amongst the Sons of men are very desireable to be continued and transmitted to posterity and the sacred Volumes have told us that it is a reward of wisdom and vertue to stand before Princes Nor was it any dishonour to the men of Judah and people of Israel that the Queen of Sheba wondring even to astonishment at the Attendance of Solomons Servants and Ministers and his Cup bearers or Butlers as the Margin reads it pronounced them happy that stood continually before him Or to the Subjects of Ahasuerus who reigned from India to Ethiopia over an hundred and seventeen Provinces that besides his seven Chamberlains or Officers of honour he had the seven Princes of Persia and Media which saw the Kings face and sate the first in the Kingdom Nor any to our heretofore happy Nation enjoying in a long Series and tract of time an envied peace and plenty under famous and glorious Kings and Princes that they did give Places Castles Mannors and Lands of great yearly values to certain great and well-deserving men and their Heirs to serve in great Imployments Solemnities and Managements of State-affairs to the honour of their Soveraigns and the good safety of the People in the Offices of great Chamberlain high Steward Constable or Marshal of England chief Butler of England and the like For when the guift of the Land it self was a great kindness it must needs be a greater to have an honourable Office Imployment annexed to it that an act of bounty done by a Prince in giving the Land should oblige the claim or receiving a far greater in the executing of that Office or Attendance which belonged to it And could have nothing of affinity to a burden when as besides the original guift of the Lands which were very considerable and to be valued many of those personal services by grand Serjeanty were not unprofitable or without the addition or accession of other Bounties and Priviledges as the guift to the Lord great Chamberlain of forty yards of Crimson Velvet for his Robes upon the Coronation day the Bed and furniture that the King lay in the night before the silver Bason and Ewer when he washed his hands with the Towels and Linnens c. The Earl Marshal to have the granting of the Marshals and Ushers in the Courts of Exchecquer and Common Pleas with many other guifts and Priviledges and Dymock who holds some of his Lands by the service of being the Kings Champion and to come upon the Coronation day into Westminster-Hall on Horse-back compleatly armed and defie or bid battel to any that shall deny him to be rightful King of England is to have the Kings best Horse and were not in the least any charge to the people or laid upon them as Cromwel did the stipends of his mock Lords or Officers of his imaginary Magnificence to be paid out of the publick Purse or Taxes as were the self created Lords of his Counsel who had 1000 l. per an for advising him how to fool the people build up himself by the wickedness of some and ruines of all the rest or as the Lord so called Pickering or Chamberlain of his Houshold and the quondam would be Lord Philip Jones who was called the Comptrouler of his Household had to buy them white staves to cause the people to make way and gape upon them No Prejudice to the Common-wealth that the Beauchamps Earls of Warwick did hold Land by right of inheritance to be Panterer at the Kings Coronation and to bear the 3 Sword before him the Duke of Lancaster before that Dutchy came again into the possession of the Kings of England to bear before him the sword called Curtana or the Earls of Derby as Kings of the Isle of Man to bear before the King at his Coronation the Sword called Lancaster which Henry the 4 th did wear when he returned from exile into England or for the Earl of Arundel to be chief Butler of England the day of the Coronation No disfranchisement to the City of London that some Citizens of London chosen forth by the City served in the Hall at the Kings Coronation assistants to the Lord chief Butler whilst the King sits at Dinner the day of his Coronation and when he enters into his Chamber after Dinner and calls for Wine the Lord Mayor of London is to bring him a Cup of Gold with Wine and have the Cup afterwards given to him together with the Cup that containes water to allay the Wine and that after the King hath drunck the said Lord Mayor and the Aldermen of London are to have their Table to Dine at on the left hand of the King in the Hall Or to the Barons of the Cinque Ports who claim are allowed to bear at the Kings Coronation a Canopy â—f cloth
the broaching of this project ever adventure to ask or give such demands any room or entertainment in their imaginations and is more then the Athenians and Romans ever aimed at who in all their popular and restlesse turmoils seditions and agitations by the people or their Tribunes concerning the Agrarian Laws and making and changing of many other Laws and several forms of Government did never seek to take away or root out those long lasting monuments of benefits and the acknowledgements and returns of gratitude which ought to be made of them More then the people of France in those hard Conditions which they would have put upon the Daulphine of France afterwards Charles the fifth of France in the troubles and imprisonment of his Father King John in England in the Raign of our King Edward the third and the strange and insolent behaviour of the Citizens of Paris towards him when the Provost or Mayor put his own hood half blew half red upon his head compelling him to wear his Livery did all that day wear the Daulphines being of a brown black embrodered with gold in token of his Dictatorship did ever demand nor did in those great afflictions wants which were upon Charles the seventh when he was reproached by his Subjects and the English had so much of France in their possession in the Raign of our King H. 5. and King H. 6. who by their numerous Armies and the gallantry of their nobility and Tenants in Capite and by Knight Service were Masters of the Field as well as of that Crown as he was in disgrace called the King of Berry being a small Province wherein he made what shift he could to defend himself when his Table failed him so that he eat no more in publick but sparingly in his Chamber attended by his domestical Servants had pawned the County of Gyan for mony ever require to be discharged of their Homages and Tenures and the duties and incidents which belonged to them Neither did the Justices or domineering Officers of State in Arragon in their height and extravagancy of power which for some time until by its own weight their Tyranny or the subtile politique patience of their Kings it came to be dissolved into the Royal proper Rights of that Crown Government they excercised over their Kings ever make that to be any part of it nor did the wants of John King of Arragon when he had pawned the County of Roussilion to Lewis the eleventh King of France nor of Ferdinand the Second Emperor when within these forty years in those devouring and destroying Wars of Germany when the pale horse of death and the red of destruction rid up to the bridles in blood he pawned Lusatia and Silesia to the Duke of Saxony and the upper Palatinate to the Duke of Bavaria beget any such motion of the people or Condiscention of their Princes And that unhappy project and design had in all probability no more disquieted our old Albion or Brittain sitting upon a Rock mediis tranquilla in undis in the midst of all our late Storms and Tempests which had broken the bag of Eolus getting loose vied with the raging waves of a distempered Sea who should be most destructive and play the Bedlam Had not a necessity of the Parliament in An. 1645. and their want of mony to maintain their Wars put them again in mind of that way of raising mony all other that could be almost thought upon as far as the mony which should be spared by one meal in every family in a week having been before put in Execution so dangerous and of fatal consequence are sometimes but the attempts or beginning of designs and then as the vote tells us the house of Commons having received the report from the grand Committee which was ordered to consider of raising of monyes for supply of the whole Kingdom after some debate thereupon ordered that the Court of Wards and Liveries with the Primer Seisins Oustres les maines and all other profits arising by the said Court should be fully taken away and be made null and voyd And that the Sum of one hundred thousand pounds per Annum should be raised in this Kingdom instead of the Revenue thereof to be disposed for the good of this Kingdom and that the proceedings of the said Court should continue Statu quo prius untill an Ordinance for taking away the said Court and paying the yearly Sum of 100000 l. be brought in and past both Houses Which might well have been forborn when no general or extraordinary and not otherwise to be prevented evils but only want of mony for ought yet appears did or could perswade them unto it for a Subversion of so grand a Fundamental of the Government Regality and Laws will never be able to avoid the dangerous consequences which will inevitably follow thereupon and though it should be done by Act of Parliament will but produce and usher in many numberlesse mischiefs and inconveniences to the King Kingdom Nobility Gentry and the most substantial and considerable part of the people And will never be recompenced by the benefits hoped for or which may happen by the intended dissolution of that Court and alteration of those Tenures which in the prospect or event will appear if so many to be no more than these Chap. V. The Benefits or Advantages which are expected by the people in the putting down of the Court of Wardes and Liveryes and changeing the Tenures in Capite and by Knight Service into free and common Socage BY taking away the Service of Warre without the Kingdom when the King or his Lieutenant goeth to warre for forty dayes bearing the Charge of a man and Horse and the payment of Escuage to be assessed by Parliment if he neither go nor send one in his place Respites of Homage petit Serjeanties Fines for Alienation Wardships and payments of Fines for the marriage of the Heirs in minority a rent for the Lands in the interim Reliefs primer seisins Oustre les maines Mesne Rates Liveries and assignment of Widdow Dower The troublesome and powerfull process of the Exchequer costly and long pleadings of their Evidences to avoid seisures for not sueing out Licences of Alienation thereby enforcing them to procure pardons and to plead them Costly Attendance upon Escheators and Feodaries finding of Offices or Inquisitions post mortem producing and finding if the party hath a mind to it of their Evidences Compositions chargeable passing and obtaining grants of the custody of the body and Lands of Wards Trouble and charge of Writs of diem clausit extremum quae plura melâ—us inquirendum Processe of privy Seals Messengers Informations Bills Demurrers as the Case may happen Answers Traverses Replications Rejoynders Commissions Examinations Depositions of Witnesses Orders Hearings Decrees Injunctions all which are but to help to recover or defend the Wards rights and if not in that Court would be
to charge the Heir An Heir may now be disinherited by the frowardness of an aged Father Instigated by the cunning and practise of a Step-mother whereas a third part could not have before been conveyed or given from him In Socage Tenures there will be nothing for the defence and safety of his Majesties Kingdome Person and People when every man shall be holding his Plow or be supposed to hold by it but the moyety of the Excise of Ale and Beer to the value of one hundred thousand pounds per annum The Kingdom will upon occasion of war or invasion lose the ready defence and personal service of the Nobility who held per Baroniam or as Tenants in Capite and of many worthy and able men Knights Esquires Gentry and other sufficient Freeholders and men of good Estate and Reputation well educated and fitted for war and compleatly armed on Horse-back not like to be Run-aways or treacherous which hold the remainder and yet to be discovered Knights Fees or any part thereof in an ordinary course of defence for forty days service which in those times and after the manner and way of war and the Militia then used was time enough to determine all or a great part of the unhappy controversies of War by and out of so many several Estates than at twenty pounds per annum since improved to two or three hundred pounds per annum with not a few of their Tenants Friends Servants and Attendants going along with them and may call or summon them to go with· him out of the Kingdom in case of a diversive War or otherwise which by the Statutes of 1 E. 3.8 E. 3.25 E. 3. 4 H. 4. 17 Car. he cannot do to Hoblers Archers Footmen or the Train Bands but in case of necessity and suddain comming of Foreign Enemies into the Realm and would have been sure of a gallant Army of Horse which being the more active and ready part of an Army fittest for charge or retreat forage or traversing a Country is by the French whose Nobless in War are presently on Horse-back and make it their Ioy and subsistence to appear in the defence of their King and Country found to be a great part of the Successe in war as well as the Persians have done who hath many times overcome the Turk by the strength of Horse as the Hungarians and Poles have often done And the Germans and Italians did heretofore make great use of their Nobility in Wars and made their Armies to consist most of Horse for that they presumed quod in Equestri militia praevalerent nobiles that the Nobility would do best and prevail when they served on Horseback for as the great Estates of England were held by Knight Service so it was most performed on horseback and such as found or furnished out Horses in War were to be men of Gentility and value and did in person go with their Prince or their Lieutenant and until H. 5. Time Gentlemen which every high Constable and Mechanique now thinks it to be too little to usurp the Title of were not distinguished by any Title of addition but by their forinsecum servitium which was Knight Service and in Kent where they claimed Gavelkind were never put under that kind of partition It must needs be very prejudicial to the King who is to protect his people and to his people who are to be protected by him when as the King that hath none or very few Inland Castles Citadels or places of strength as Holland Flanders France Italy Germany most Nations have to retard the March of an Enemy landed untill he can summon or call together his Subjects and Forces and cannot at once or upon a suddain be able to raise so many men as may be able to incounter or vanquish him in the Field Shall have no Legions or standing parts of an Army as Oliver and his Son Richard had paid at the charge of the publique to rally and unite at pleasure redresse Rebellions Repel and Oppose an Enemy and if need be visit him at home and make his Country rather than his own Sedem Belli the Stage of War to indure the Spoyles Plundrings Insolencies and free quartering of Souldiers But shall when the Floods shall rore and lift up their voice his Enemies compasse him in on every side and there be none to help him be as a Prince disarmed and left to intreat and expect the good will of his people or the care which they will be pleased to take for themselves in the first place for him at leasure hoping that they will not devide into parties of factions call or summon a Parliament which will take up forty days or six weeks and give the Enemy all that while the mastery of the field and time enough to make up all his advantages and in the mean time must not so much as require aid of them who have had their lands freely given them or of those who hold Offices or Annuities under him for the performance of their Homages Oaths Fealties Contracts Promises and grateful acknowledgments and when the Parliament are met must tarry until the majority of opinions shall agree how and in what manner he shall be helped which will not if it should be agreed upon the second or third day but useth not to be in so many weeks be speedily furnished when the mony must be first raised which in the late necessity of disbanding and paying of Souldiers could not be finished in two or three months and the men after leavied armed and cloathed which where the Enemy shall in the mean time have gained some Forts Passages or Counties will not be so ready a way or help at hand as the use of Tenures in Capite which like so many Garrisons invisibly dispersed but no way oppressing their several Neighbourhoods are upon the score of gratitude as well as loyalty quickly called out and imbodied which made the Kingdom have the lesse use of Forts Castles to be able in the Raign of King Stephen by agreement betwixt him and Henry the second to demolish at once 1150 Castles Will loose also his Homage of his Tenants in Capite and by Knight service being the Seminary and root of the Oath of Allegiance and the Genus or original of Fealty which saith Sir Edward Coke is a part of Homage and is so much saith Sir Henry Spelman a part of Homage as a release of Fealty is a discharge of Homage which the Oaths of Allegiance and Fealty the duty of them being now by the delusions of Satan too much disused and strangely Metamorphosed into factions will though the Oaths of Allegiance and Fealty should faile remain fixed and radicated in the Tenures of Lands in Capite and by Knight Service and when they concurre do altogether if rightly observed make a threefold Cord which will not easyly be broken and were therefore by as careful as wise Antiquity
invented to fasten Subjects to their Duty any one of which cannot now with any safety to the King or his Kingdom and people be separated or disjointed more especially that of Homage for that former ages understood the Obligation of self Preservation and Interest to be more binding than Oaths as Salmuthius in his learned and accurate Comment upon Pancirollus well noteth Ut amore humani ingenii pro illis habeant maximam Curam in quibus suam vident esse positam Substantiam That men most commonly take most care of that wherein their Lands and Estates are concerned which that antient Committee-man and old Sequestrator the Devil well understood when he got an Order or Permission to ruine the Righteous Job in his Estate and our last twenty years can inform us how impotent and unable Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy Protestations National Covenants with hands lifted up to heaven calling God to witnesse Loyalties hot and fiery Zeals and pretences of Religion setting up of Christ and his Interest and walking with God in the more as it was wrongfully called refiâ—â—ed way of his worship to resist or stand in the way of Interest Dangers Hazards Self-seeking and Self-having in this world but nothing at all in the better Which the reserving of Fealty or its being always to be taken upon Tenures in Socage and as well upon Leases for years as Estates of freehold and inheritance will not remedy when as Sir Henry Spelman hath well observed Fealty though it be taken upon Oath is not so obligatory as Homage though it be not taken upon Oath for that the Words of Homage are devenio homo vester ab hac die in posterum de vita de membro de terreno honore verus fidelis vobis ero fidem vobis portabo ob terras quas a vobis teneo I become from this day forward your man of life member and earthly honour and shall be faithful and bear faith unto you for the Lands which I hold of you And is not so awful binding as that which was used in the British or Saxon times or shortly after the Conquest viz. ad defendendum Regnum contra alienigenas contra inimicos una cum Domino suo Rege terras honores cum omni fidelitate cum eo servare quod illi intra extra Regnum fidelis esse voluit intra extra Regnum defendere that is to defend the Kingdom against Foreigners and Enemies within and without the Kingdom and with the King to defend his Lands and Honours with all fidelity and would be faithful to the King within and without the Kingdom that that which is prescribed by the Statute of 17 E. 2. in which also the form and words of the Homage is declared and expressed ever since used viz. Quod vobis ero fidelis et legalis et fidem vobis feram de tenementis quae de vobis teneo et legaliter vobis faciam Consuetudines et servitus quae vobis facere debeo ad terminos assignatos ut deus me adjuvet that I shall be faithful and loyal and faith bear to you for the Tenements which I hold of you and shall lawfully doe and perform to you all Customes and Services which I ought to doe at the Tearms assigned So God me help is far lesse obliging and comprehensive and so litle in the opinion of the Tenants or Fealty makers as sufficit plerunque As Sr. Henry Spelman saith si pactos redditus exoluerit sectamque Curiae Domini ex more praestiterit Domini autem non milit at nec armis cingitur they most commonly think it extendeth but to pay the rents agreed upon and doe the accustomed suit and service to their Lords Court Which in the Civil Law form of an Oath of Fealty used in the parts beyond the Seas in this manner viz. Ego juro ad sancta dei Evangelia quod a modo in antea ero fidelis ei ut vassallus domino nec id quod mihi sub nomine fidelitatis commiserit pandam alii ad ejus detrimentum me sciente I swear upon the holy Evangelists that from henceforth I shall be faithfull to him id est the Lord as a vassal to his Lord nor shall willingly discover to another any secret which under the name of Fealty he shall commit unto me was taken and found to be so slender a tye or obligation as Alia de novo super fidelitatis juramento inventa forma et utentium consuetudine quae hodie When Obertus de Orto wrote his books de feudis in omni curia videtur obtinere a new form of the Oath of fidelity was found and invented and is used saith he almost in every Court and approved by those that used it Scilicet ego Titius juro super haec sancta dei Evangelia quod ab hac hora in antea usque ad ultimum diem vitae meae ero fidelis tibi Caio domino meo contra omnem hominem where it is to a mesne Lord excepto Imperatore vel Rege I Titius doe swear that from this hour to the last day of my life I shall be faithful to thee Caius my Lord against all men except the Emperour or the King which saith the great Cujacius by reason that the genuine sence or meaning of the words would not be so well understood by ignorant men haec adijci solet other clauses words were used to be added which amounted to as much as the duty of one that doth homage for Lands holden by Knights service which Cujacius thought to be necessary enough quod plaerique fidem sibi promitti satis non habent nisi et fidei partes muniaque specialiter enumerentur veleo maxime si quid contra ea fecerint ut non possint negare se commisisse in Jusjurandum et feudum amisisse for that they did not think it to be enough to have fealty promises made unto them unless the duties and parts thereof should be especially enumerated to the end more especially that iâ— they should doe any thing contrary therunto they should not be able to deny that they had broken their Oath and forfeited their Fee and Lands so litle were they satisfied with the slight or general words formerly used in the Oathes of fealty though in more just and honest times about the reign of Charles the great Emperour the word fidelis or a fealty did contain in it howsoever not expressed a promise de tuenda vita et honore domini et si quid aliud specialiter jurejurando exprimi solet to defend the life and honour of the Lord and every thing else which was specially expressed in the Oath so great a care was taken to make the first intentions and promises of those that had those Fees given them to come up and be answerable to the good will and expectations of those that gave them And therefore it may
by the Family of the Dymocks in Lincolnshire and very many others holding by divers other grand Serjeanties Prejudice the Families of Cornwal Hilton and Venables who though not priviledged and allowed to sit as Peers in Parliament are by an antient custome and prescription allowed to use the Title of Baron of Burford Baron Hilton and Baron of Kinderton because they hold their Lands per Baronâ—am Disparage the Esquires and Gentry of England the first sort of which being as antiently as the dayes of the Emperour Julian called Scutarii of their bearing of shields in the Wars and the other as our excellently learned Mr. Selden teacheth us called Gentlemen a gente or the stock out of which they were derived or because they were ex origine gentis of noble kind distinguished from them whom Horace termeth sine gente or that they had servile Auncestors had by their fears and prowess in War not only gained great reputation but Lands given to them and their Heirs for their reward support and maintenance from which custome and usage amongst the Romaâ—s saâ—th Pasquier the French in imitation of the Gaules did call those Esquires Genâ—â—â—men Quilz viâ—â—ent estre pourvâ—uz de tels benefices whom they did see so provided with those benefices or rewards Et pour autant quilz veterent ceux cy n' estre chargez d' aucune redevance pecuâ—iare à raison de leurs terres benificiales envers le Prince et outre plus qu'a l' occasion d'icelles ils devoient prendre les armes pour la protection et dâ—ffense de Royaume le peuple commenca de fonder le seul et unique degrè de noblesse sur telle maniere de gens â—or that they did see that they were not charged with any Assessement in money to the Prince by reason of the Tenures of their Lands and that therefore they were upon all occasions to take Armes for the protection and defence of the Realm the people took them to be a degree of Nobility as appeareth by the stature of 1 E. 2. touching such as ought to be Knights and came not to receive that order Take away a great part of the root and foundation of the Equestris ordo and antient and honourable degree of Knighthood in England which was derived and took its beginning from the service of their Lands which were military for the cheif Gentlemen or Free-holdes of every County in regard they usually held by Knights service saith the learned Selden were called Chivalers in the statute of W. 1. touching Coroners and was so honourable a Title as the name of Chivaler was antiently given to every temporal Baron whether he were dubbed a Knight or no. Blast and enernate that also of our not long agoe instituted order of Baronetts which are though there be no Tenure expressed in their Patents held by service in War and a more noble Tenure then Socage Take away the cause and original of that antiently very eminent degree of Banneret when as such as hold Lands in Capite and by Knight service and had many Tenants also holding of them by Knight service were able in a more then ordinary manner to do their King and Country service by bringing their own Banner in the Feild which was to be displaced by the King or his Leivetenant Make our heretofore famous English Nation in matters of Armes and feats of Chivalry to be as a Pastoritium or agreste genus hominum to be Rusticks and Plowmen which the followers of Romulus which were many of them but Rubulâ—i et opiliones Sheppheards and Heardsmen did not take to be a degree worthy the Founders of that great Empire of Rome nor could be content with any lesâ— then that of their Patricij or Equites Senaâ—ors or Knights And was therefore called Feudum nâ—bile et cognoscitur mulâ—is privilegiis inhaerentibus viz. Gardia Fidelitas Homagium Curia Consuetudinâ—s Jurisdictio in Vassallos Banni et retrobannâ— privilegium jus Columbarij jus molendini c. A noble Fee which hath many priviledges belonging to it viz. Wardship Fealty Homage a Court Customes Jurisdiction over Tenants priviledge of Ban and Arriere Ban calling them to War in defence of their Prince a right to have a Dove-house and a Mill the two latter of which others could not heretofore build or enjoy without the Kings licence Equibus liquet ingentem maneriorum nostrorum multitudinem Normannis enim abunde auctam videmus ex privilegiis ad feuda militaria olim spectantibus originem sumpsisse by which it is manifest that our great number of Mannors came to be abundantly increased by the Normans and took their begining from the priviledges belonging to Knights Fees Take away all the Mannors and Court Barons of the Kingdome which being before the statute of Quia emptores terrarum created by the Lords who parcelled out the Lands which the King had before given them to several Friends or Tenants to be held of them and their Heirs by Knight service and some other part in Socage to plow their Lands and carry their Hay c. and to do suit to the Courts of which the Free-holders are said to be the Homage holden for their Mannor in whose Jurisdiction the Lands do lye and are no small part of the legal and necessary priviledges and power of the Gentry or Lords of Mannors over their Tenants which were as Sr. Edward Coke saith given them for the defence of the Kingdome and doe not only very much conduce to the well ordering of their Tenants but to the universal peace and welfare of the Nation in their inferior Orbes and Motions subordinate to the higher Were all at the first derived out of Knight service as evidently appears by Edward the Confessors Laws wherein it was ordained that Barones qui suam habent Curiam de suis hominibus which have their Court consisting of their men and Tenants Et qui Sacham et Socam habent id est Curiam et Jurisdictionem super Vassallis suis have a Court and Jurisdiction over their Tenants are to doe right to their Tenants and by the fall of those many thousand Mannors Court Barons in the Kingdoms which will at the same time dye and perish with the Tenures in Capite and by Knight service Extinguish the Copyhold Estates which belong unto them which by the destruction of the Mannors and Court Barons will also fall for as there can be no Court Baron without Freeholders so no customary Court without Copiholders And once lost or but altered cannot be created again for that now a Subject cannot make a Mannor which must be part in demesnes and part in services to hold of him by services and Suit of Court which is to be by a long continuance of time a tempore cujus contrarij memoria hominum non existit and if there be no Court the Customary Tenants or Copiholders cannot enter their Plaints make Surrenders
worthily reckoned to be honoris species exercitium nobile proprium nobilium a degree or part of honor a noble exercise and proper breeding for Nobility hinc militum nomen in Jure feudali pro nobili usurpatur and thence a Knight was in the feudal Laws taken and used for a Nobleman and though Hector Boethius calleth equites Barons speaking of those that paid for Wardship and releifs to Malcolme the King of Scots yet Sir Henry Spelman is cleerly of opinion that Miles quem ea tempestate Baronem vocabant non a militari cingulo quo equites creabantur sed a militari feudo quo alâ—â—s possessor libere tenens nuncupatus est nomen sumpsit that a Knight which in those â—imes they called a Baron was not so called from the Military Belt or Girdle by which they were created but took his title or denomination from the Knights Fee of which he was otherwise caâ—led Possessor or free Tenant had jus Annulorum amongst the Romans a right to wear Rings and was gradus ad Senatorium a step or means to be a Senator For Nobilium Ordo pro seminario munerum praecipuorum habetur quia liberaliter educati sapientiores esse censentur saith Besoldus the degree of Nobilitie hath been accompted to be the foundation or original of the greatest Offices or places for that being liberally and more then ordinaryly educated they were judged to be the wisest and therefore Comites or Earls being antiently in the reign of the Emperour Charlemain which was in anno Christi 806. if not long before praefecti Provinciarum qui Provincias Administrabant the Governours of Countries and Provinces under their Emperours and Kings were with Dukes also and Barons not only in France in those times but in Germany also afterwards inserted or put into the Matricula or Roll of the States of the Empire in Comitijs jus suffragij habuerunt and had voice or judicature in their Dyets or greatest Assemblies which corresponds with that more antient Custom amongst the Hebrewes in Gods once peculiar Commonwealth where the Princes of the twelve Tribes summo Magistratui in consilijs assidebant did assist the chief Magistrate in their great Counsels and Arumaeus as well as many other is of opinion that it was libertatis pars a great part of the peoples Liberties foâ— their good that deliberatio oâ—dinum consiliâ— authoritate quorum periculo res agitur suscipitur qui apud Principem in mâ—gna gâ—â—cia suâ—â— in those great Counsels Resolves should be made by those who should be inâ—â—ressed or pertakers in any dangers or misfortunes which should happen thereupon jure Comitiorum una perpetua privativa est mediata subjectio qua qui infectus est nec Comitiorum particeps esse potest That it is a Rule or Law in such Assemblies that those that sit there or have voice and suffrage in it are to hold immediately of the Empire and the Reasons of the first Institution of the Parliament of France composed of the Nobility by the antient Kings of France and King Pepin was as Pasquier that learned Advocate of France observeth in partem solicitudinis to assist their Kings for the better management of the Affairs of Government who did thereby communicate les Affaires publiques a leurs premiers et grandes seigneurs come si avec la monarchie ils eussent voulu entre mesler l'ordre d'vne Aristocratie et Governement de plusiâ—urs personnages d'honneâ—r the publique affairs to their chief and greatest Lords to the end to intermingle and blend with Monarchy the order and manner of an Aristocratie and Government by many personages of Honour et ne se mettre en hain des grandâ—s Seigneurs Potentats and not to draw upon them the envy of their great and mighty men Et â—estans les grands Seigneurs â—insi loâ—s unis se composa un corps general de toutes les Princes et Governeurs par l' advis desquels se viudereient non seulement les differents qui se presenteroient entre le Roy et eux mais entre le Roy et ses Subjects And the great Lords being so united composed and made one general body of all the princes and Governours of Provinces by whose advice and council not only the differences which should happen betwixt the King and them but between the King and his Subjects might be determined Et estoit l' usance de nos anciens Roys telle qu' es lieux ou la necessite les sumomioit se uvidojent ordinairement les affaires par assemblees generales des Barons and it was the usage of the antient French Kings in all cases of necessity most commonly to consult of their affairs in the general Assemblies of their Barons and accordingly by the directions of reason or of that and the more antient Governments amongst the Greekes in their great Council of Amphiction or of the Romans in their Senate our Saxon Kings did in Anno 712. which was almost one hundred years before the raign of the Emperour Charlemâ—in call to their Assemblies and great Councels for the enacting of Laws and redressing of Griveances their regni Scientissimos et Aldermannos Aldermen Earls or Governours of Provinces the wisest most knowing of the Kingdome thereâ—ore after the Conquest King John did at the request of the Barons not to call to his Parliaments the Barones minores the men of lesser estates which hoâ—d also in Capite promise under his great Seal Ut Archiepiscopos Abbares Comites et majores Barones Angliae sigillatem per literas summoniri faceret that he would severally summon to Parliaments the Arch-Bishops Abbotts Earls and greater Barons of England and that the lesser Barons were summoned or sat in Parliament falsum esse ipsa ratio suadet saith the no less Judicious than Learned Sr. Henry Spelman reason it self will not allow for a Truth when as there was as he observeth ingens multitudo a great number et plus minus 30000 quos nullo tecto convocari poterat and no less then 30000 which no one house was able to contain Quemadmodum itaque saith he nequâ— Barones ipsi consiliavè majores neque minores quempiam in Curiis suis ad Judicia ferenda de rebus sui Dominij admittant nisi Vassallos suos qui de ipsis immediate tenent hoc est milites suos et tenentes libere ita in summa Curia totius Regni nulli olim ad Judicia et Consilia administranda personaliter accersendi erant· nisi qui proximi essent a Rege ipsique arctioris fidei homagii vinculo conjuncti hoc est immediate vassalli sui As therefore neither the greater nor lesser Barons do admit any in their Courts to advise them or meddle with matters of Judicature concerning things belonging to their Estate or Jurisdiction but their Tenants and such as hold immediately of
them that is Freeholders and such as hold by Knight Service So in the great Court of all the Kingdome none were antiently personally called to give Judgement and advâ—se therein but such as were near to the King and bound and obliged to him by a greater Bond and Tye of Faith and Homage that is to say his immediate vassals Barones nempe cujuscunque generis qui de ipsi tenuere in Capite ut videndum est in breve de summonitione wherein they are summoned in fide homagio quibus tenentur in the Faith and Homage by which they held partim in charta libertatum Regis Johannis and Barons of any kind whatsoever which held of him in Capite as may appear by the Writs of Summons to Parliament the Charter of King John Hence the Barons of England are in our laws said to be Nati Consiliarij born Counsellors of State and Baro signifying Capitalem Vassallum majorem qui tenetur Principi Homagij vinculo seu potius Baronagij hoc est de agendo vel essendo Baronem suum quod hominem seu clientem praestantiorem significat A Baron who is a chief or Capital Vassal is bound to his Prince by the Bond of Homage or rather Baronage which is to be his Baron or man or more considerable Clyent and makes a threefold dvision of Barons who by Bracton are called Potentes sub Rege great or mighty men under the King Barones hoc est robur belli and Barons which is as much to say as the strength of War into feudal or by prescription 1. Qui a priscis feodalibus Baronibus oriundi suam prescriptione tuentur dignitatem which being discended from Antient feudal Barons do continue their dignity by prescription 2. Rescriptitios qui brevi Regio evocantur ad Parliamentum which are called to Parliament by the Kings Writs 3. Diplomaticos which are by Letters Patents and Creation and that Barones isti Feodales nomen dignitatem suam ratione fundi obtinuerunt those Feudal Barons doe hold their dignity by reason of their Lands and Tenures and that Episcopi suas sortiuntur Baronias sola fundorum investitura Bishops are Barons only by investiture of their Baronies Lands and Temporalties And the most excellently Learned Mr. Selden who was well known to be no stranger to the old and most choice Records and Antiquities of the Kingdome doth not doubt but that the Bishops and Abbots did sit in Parliament and were summoned thither only as Barons by their Tenures per Baroniam and in his Epistle to Mr. Augustine Vincent concerning his Corrections of Yorkes Catalogue of Nobility doth most learnedly prove it by many Instances besides that in â—he Case of Thomas Becket Arch-bishop of Canterbury in 11 H. 2. and the claime made and allowed in Parliament in 11 R. 2. by all the Bishop Abbots and Priors of the Province of Canterbury which used to sit in Parliament that de Jure et consuetuâ—ine Regni Angliae all Bishops Abbots Priors and other Prelates whatsoever per Baroniam Domini Regis tenentes holding of the King by Barony were Peers of the Parliament which agreeth with the opinion of Stamford that the Bâ—shops ne ont lieu en Parlement eins in respâ—ct de lour possessions annexes a lour dignities have no plaâ—e in Parliament but in respect of their Possessions annexed to their Dignities and that Mr. Camden saith that divers Abbots and other spiritual men formerly summonned by writ to Parliament were afterwards omitted because they held not by Barony and that it was mentioned and allowed to be good Law in a Parliament of King E. 3. que toutes les religieuses que teignent per Barony soient tenus de vener au Parlement that all the religious which hold by Barony are to be summoned to Parliament And as to the temporal Barons doth besides what he alleageth of the Thanes or Barons of England in the Saxon times that they held by personal service of the King and that their honorary possessions were called Taine-Lands and in the Norman times after denoted by Baronies and the eminent and noted Case of the Earls of Arundel claiming and allowed to be Earls of Arundel by reason of their holding or Tenure of Arundel Castle and Sir John Talbots being Lord Lisle ratione Dominij et Manerij de Kingston Lisle doth by 22 E. 3 fo 18.48 E. 3. fo 30. other good Authorityes conclude that the Tenure of a Barony is the main principal Cause of the Dignity that 130 temporal Barons by Tenure were called by several writs to assist the King cum equis Armis with horse and Armes and the spiritual being about 50 were called ad habendum servicium suum and that the greatest number of Barons during all that time were by Tenure that the most part of the Barons by Tenure and Writ untill the middle of the Raign of King R. 2. and those that were called by Writ were such as had Baronyes in Possession that the honorary possessions of Earls were called Honors and reckoned as part of their Earldoms which were holden in Capite the chief Castle or seat of the Earls or Barons were called Caput Comitatus seu Baroniae the head or chief of the Earldom or Barony and that in this sence Comitatus integer is used for a whole Earldom in the grand Charter and Bracton and Servicium quarte partis Comitatus for the fourth part of an Earldom that Hugh de Vere Earl of Oxford Magnavile Earl of Essex and divers other antient Earles were Cingulo Comitatus Gladio Comitatus cincti girt with the Girdle or sword of their Earldoms which he conceiveth to be an Investiture All which may by the Records of this Kingdom be plentyfully illustrated by very many instances and by the Rolls of the Constables and Marshals of England in which upon the March of the Army of King E. 1. towards Scotland in the 28 year of that King Humfridus de Bohun Comes Hereford Essex Constabularius Angliae recognovit per os Nichoâ—ai de Segrave Baneretti sui locum suum tenentis se acquietari per servitium suum per Corpus suum in Exercitu presenti Scotiae pro Constabularia in Comitatu Hereford Humfry de Bohun Earl of Hereford and Essex Constable of England declared by Sir Nicholas Segrave his Baneret and Lieutenant that he was to be acquitted for the Constabulary in the County of Hereford where it seems some Manors or Lands in that County were annexed to the said Office or held by grand Serjeanty by the Service of himself in the Army for Scotland I tem idem Comes recognovit per eundem Nicholaum Servitium trium feodorum Militum faciendum in dicto Exercitu pro Comitatu Essex per Dominos Iohannem de Ferrariis Henricum de Bohun et Gilbeâ—tum de Lindsey milites Also the said Earl acknowledgeth by the said Sir Segraveâ—â—e â—â—e Service of
Tenures in Capite and finding of Offices wherein the Evidences being produduced and many Times found did not only find but declare what Estate the deceased was seised of and if the truth did not then appear which could hardly be hid when as the Jury were commanded by the Writ of Diem clausit extremum to inquirâ— upon their Oaths of what Estate the last Ancestor dyed seised of and that the vigilancy and cares of the Feodaries and Escheators who were also to be present to attend them would cause them to be the more careful and if the fraud of the Heir should be able to make its way or escape thorough them the Estate found in the Office would after prove to be an Evidence against them and either overthrow or perplex the Knavery of such wicked designs The Recompence of 100000 l. per Annum if it could be raised without Injustice or the breach of the Laws of God Nature and Nations and our oftentimes confirmed Magna Charta and the inforcing of 19 men in every 20 to bear burdens which nothing at all appertains to them will not be adaequate to the losse of a great part of the Kings Revenue which did serve for the maintenance of his Crown and Dignity and to exempt and ease the Subjects of extraordinary Taxes and Assessements which the Necessity of Princes for the good and Defence of the Kingdom must otherwise bring upon them Nor to the want of Tenures in Capite and by Knight Service the Services Incidents belonging unto them being a certain and never failing Defence of himself and the Kingdom Castle-guard Licence of Alienations giving him notice and continuing him safe in the Change of his Tenants being so necessary to Government as some have been grievously fined for alienating their Lands in Capite without it Mariage Dependancy of the Heirs which hold of him Livery and Reliefs Grand Serjeantyes and a great part of the Honour and Priviledges which all other neighbour Kings ond Princes are neither desired to part with nor can he perswaded so much to lessen themselves and their Regalities For gold and Silver and precious Stones or any thing lesse than the whole Kingdom of England it self is not of value or to be compared to the Honour of a King and the homage and duty of his Subjects the Gratitude Faith and Promises of their Ancestors which should descend to them with the Lands holden by those Tenures whenas Omnes habent Causam a primo et ex tunâ— non ut ex nunc are bounden to the Cause which obliged their first Ancestor and Progenitor and are to consider that it is now as it was then a most ready means and help which did and doth naturally and kindly arise for the Defence of themselves and the Kingdom for as it is not the weight of an inestimable Dyamond or Ruby that makes either of them to be better than a Flint or any other Stone but the lustre vertue and scarcenesse of them and that a greater poise or weight of a man makes not a Solomon an Alexander Sir-named the great or an Aristotle but that all men and things are to be esteemed according to the vertues and Excellencyes which are in them so it will not be the yearly Profit in money which was made of the Wardships primer Seisins Liveryes and Incidents which belong to those Tenures but the Homage Dutie gratitude and necessary Attendance in War not only of those that held immediatly of the King but those that were the mediate Tenants and came also with the immediate the grand and mutual Tye betwixt the King and his people and the Regality Prerogative intrinsical and true worth and value of them when there should be any use of those necessary Defences of the King and his Kingdom in making a diversive War or succouring his Friends and Allies which are not seldom or were in more heroick times justly accounted to be as Outworks Ante Murales or Bulwarks of the Kingdom that the Rate which is now offered for those Tenures are but like a Tender or Offer to give the weight in Gold for an incomparable not to be got again and unvaluable Meddal or for Aarons Brest-Plate Moses rod or the Scepters of Princes if they could have been purchased at all and by weight It will be as unsafe as unusual to take money or Turn into a Rent that which in its first Institution and a happy long and right use which was made of it was only intended for a defence of the Kingdom when the King is not likely to be any â—aver by it and shall not gain 90000 l. per Annum his own Income by Licences of Alienation deducted for the clear Profit of the Court of Wards which the Lord Cottington when he was Master of that Court did but a year before the Troubles make as much by it besides the many great and royal Prerogatives which he shall lose to gain more mischiefs and Inconveniencyes to himself his People then at the present can be instanced or numbred The giving the King a Recompence by an yearly Rate amounting to one hundred thousand pounds per Annum to be charged upon all mens Lands Tenements and Hereditaments holden in Capite or Socage by Copy-hold Leases for Lives or Tenants at Will or for yeares will be against right Reason Justice and Equity as well as unwarranted by any hitherto Law or Custom of England to make 19 parts of 20 for so much if not more will probably be the odds that were not liable to Wardships or any imagined Inconveniences which might happen thereby not only to bear their proportionable part of the general Assessements for War but a share also in the burden of others where it could never be laid upon them and wherein they or the major part of them by more than two in three have no Lands in Fee simple Fee taile or by Leases for 100 years or any longer Term nor are never like to be purchasers of any Lands at all and if they had mony to do it are not likely to buy Inheritances if inheritances not Capite or Knight Service Lands when there is by more than 9 parts in 10 of Socage or Copy-hold Lands to be purchased were not nor are like to be in any danger of Wardships or under any fear or Apprehensions of it and render the Capite Land three or four years purchase dearer than it was wont to be and the Socage Lands three or four years purchase the cheaper only to free the Nobility Gentry and men of greatest Riches and Estates in the Kingdom which are subject to those small Burdens which are only said to be in Tenures in Capite and by Knight Service Or if laid upon the Moyety of the Excise upon Ale Beer Syder and Coffee c. or any other native or Inland Commodity will fall upon those that have no Land as well as those which have as upon Citizens Mechanicks Children
Servants and the like and heaviest uâ—on the poorer sort of people and be a burden which the lowly Cobler and reverend Applewomen the Botcher and Stockingmenders in their pittiful subterraneous Tenements and the poor Women which in the Streets do cry Fruits and Fish by a double retail and pay twelve pence a week for the loan of twenty shillings and pawn a Petticoat for security the Chimney Sweepers Brooom-men and Beggars cannot escape Will be no good way of raising mony nor an Honourable Revenue and though it might become the Dutch in their grand necessities of War where they have but few Gentlemen will not be for the honor of England and the Nobility and Gentry of England to have their provisions of War and Defence arise out of so low a businesse as Aâ—e and Beer and make the Brewers and Ale-house-keepers to be as it were the Tenants in Capite and to supply the Knight Service in the exchange of that which is but pretended to be a Greivance for a most certain and undeniable greivance and for one Greivance if it could be proved to be one for a Seminary and complication of Greivances and to take away wardships from the estates of 1 in every 20. of the people when they should happen and make 19 in every 20 to be every day in every yeare in wardship to an Excise upon a considerable part of their dayly Dyer and Sustenance That small Sum of 100000 l. per an may upon any discontent of the people by reason of the payment of that Excise be Petitioned against or taken away by Parliament or by some insurrection or mutiny of the common people which Naples and France this Kingdom can tell us do sometimes happen and the wisdom of Kings and Princes do use to suspect and provide against or if some other unlucky difference which God avert should happen betwixt the King and his people may fall into the Case or Example of the Customs and Poundage and Tonnage in the beginning of the Raign of his late Majesty which being stopped by the Parliament and declared against did put him into unâ—it necessities and made those unhappy controversies and misunderstandings betwixt him and many of the shorter Parliaments which disabled him from aiding his Friends and Allyes and was the beginning of our never enough to be lamented national Calamities and Reproaches and proved to be the ruine and disturbance also of a great part of Christendome Such an imposed or continued excise will by the Arts and Deceipts of the Brewers and Ale men and those that gather and pay it in the first place be as all excises commonly are double charged upon the people who instead of 100000 l. per an laid upon their Beer Ale will by the abuse which will be committed therein as to quantity and quality lay and charge another 100000 l. per an upon the people and the Brewer in every 6 d. or 12 d. Excise to be laid upon every Barrel of six shillings Beer will be sure to make his Beer so as he shall get double if not more than that Excise amounts unto And as it could never have been at first setled without the awe and help of Garrisons Troops of Horse and Companies of Foot in every County and City and the Souldiers assistance to enforce and gather it from those that would not pay it or were not able so in all probability it will be now again never be brought into a constant yearly Revenue without a constant formerly used way of keeping a standing Army at the charge of sixty or ninety thousand pounds per mensem or the month which will be more troublesome and chargeable than 52 Escheators and as many Feodaries who may be men of wisdom Integrity good Estates in their Countries for there will be a great difference between the charge or yearly Revenue of the Court of Wards which is made up of many small parts and favourable and easy Rents Fines and compositions quietly gathered and paid in by the Justice and Order of a Court of Wards honest and responsable Officers and 90000 l. per annum being to be Collected by this Excise at the charge of as much for every month in the year from the ruder and most ignorant part of the people who will not Tributorum causam quaerere sed quaeri sooner murmure and complain of Taxes or Tributes than rationally enquire into the causes of them and by a weeping woful Arithmeticque of the poor and inferior sort of people in every County be reckoned to be no great part or peice of Husbandry to purchase off 90000 l. per annum yearly charges to free those that held in Capite at the rate of 100000 l. or rather 200000 l. per annum which is to be paid out of the Excise and pay 90000 l. per mensem or 60. or 30000 l. per mensem besides for collecting of it besides the free quarterings and other insolencies of the common Souldiers And by making that part of the Excise perpetual give the people to understand that the next occasion given or made may introduce a perpetuity of Excise upon all other things which to have been introduced but upon a temporary and not like to be long lasting necessity would before Olivers Sadle had been put upon the peoples backs have put them into multitudes of Complaints And in the Raign of King James and that of our late blessed Martir King Charles before he was driven from his Throne would have been but only in the advising of it more Capital and offensive than that which was charged upon the late Earl of Strafford and made more in one single fault or crime than all the accumulations of Crimes against him could arrive unto and was so dreadful to this Nation and before hand hated as they were afraid of every thing that tended that way So as in a Parliament in the Raign of King James some of the House of Commons having been informed that the King had imployed a Gentleman into Holland to inquire concerning the manner manage of their Excise which as afterwards appeared upon examination was but for curiosity and learning sake were so troubled at it as the Gentleman hardly escaped a vote whether he should not be most severely punished And whether Excise or not Excise will if those Tenures in Capite and by Knight Service which have hitherto been as the Life and Land-guards of the King and his people should be taken away some other wayes of means are to be found out to supply it for the people being sworn by their Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy to assist and defend the King and all his Rights and Jurisdictions if they would not defend him and take a care of those Oaths will likely be willing enough to defend themselves in defending him Or if they should not their Representatives in Parliament would as they have for this twenty years last past not only assesse them but make them
their winding Sheets It will be against the Peoples Oaths of Supremacy to desire to purchase of or diminish the Kings Rights and Jurisdictions And against their own safety to weaken the hands and power of their Prince that should protect and defend them and commit the trust of protecting and defending the oppressed poor to the oppressing Rich the Chickens to the Kites the harmless Lambs to the cunning Foxes or greedy Wolves the weak and the Innocent to such as shall endeavour to hurt them and charge and burden themselves and their Posterities with a Rent and excise for mischiefs and inconveniences enough in perpetuity Take away that power and ready means of protecting and defending them and that which should enable him to procure according to his Coronation Oath to the Church of God and the Clergy and people firm peace and unity in God according to his power and to administer indifferent and upright Justice by forsaking a certain willing way of defence for a constrained or incertain by taking away the best for so much of it of all defences for that which in the very birth of it is justly feared to be the worst Draw a Curse rather than any expected blessing or happinesse upon all such Tenures in Capite and by Knight service as by seeking to purchase their Homages and obedience to their Prince and a better and long experimented and prosperous way of defence of themselves posterity shall seek or endeavour to break the reiterated oaths and contracts of all their Ancestors to be but a part for a short time of the general defence of the Kingdom like a Life-guard at hand to skirmish and make head against an Enemy untill a Parliament can be called and have time to consult of the means or the whole Nation summoned for help and imbodied will be a perjury more sinful then that of the Children of Israel to the deceitful and turn-coat Gibeonites and may be more severely punished by God Almighty upon the hereafter withering Estates of those men and their generations who shall not only break their own oaths and faith but the oaths and faith also of their more grateful Ancestors who would never have done it Will make our common people which were wont like the lesser Wheels in a well ordered watch to be governed by the greater or superior to run themselves into as many blessings as they did in these last twenty years when they wrested the Sword out of their Kings hands and by the power of those two great Devils Interest Reformation in the abuse and not right use of the words which may well wear the name of those Devils which were called Legion to cut murder pillage and rob the honest and loyal part of the the people lasciviendo in quaerelas quaestiones playing the wantons in their complaints and evil practices which they found to be so beaten a track or rode of prosperity to the journeys end of their wickedness complain of every thing that likes not their fancies or ignorance and from Wardships and Tenures return again in their ingratitude to God and man to their late design of taking away Tithes Coppyholds by enforcing the Lords to take a year or two years purchase for the rights of their Mannors Copyhold Estates from thence to the Act of Parliament intended in our Reformers late deformations to abate Rents where the Landlords were not so well affected as the Tenants to make or maintaine War against their Soveraign And if there had nothing been said or written as we hope there is sufficient to justify the Innocency or right use of Tenures in Capite and by Knight service it had been enough as it was to the vertuous Seneca to be persecuted and put to death by Nero who loved all Ill and hated all Good that Cromwel that Minotaure to whom in his Labâ—rinth of Subtilties Hypocrisy and abused Scripture our Lawes and Liberties were daily sacrificed by the Flattering Addresses of a company of Knaves or Fooles very well know after he had cut down the Royal Oak and blasted all the lofty Pines and Firres in Druina's Forrest procured an Act for renouncing and disannulling the Title of our now most graciovs Soveraign and his Brothers to the Crown of England and their Fathers Dominions and all other which should pretend any Title or Claim from by or under them or any of them how much it concerned his most wicked purposes of establishing that which should be called a Common-wealth under His and his posterities Protectorship and most Arbitrary and Tyrannical Government by a perpetual standing Army of 30000. Horse and Foot an intollerable Excise and monthly Assessements to pay them set up the other or tother House instead of a House of Peers made up for the most part of Mechanicks transformed into Colonels and Major Generalls and some other who might have been better Englishmen then to have been catched in the Trap of Ambition or Titles made the wrong way By which he might check the growing Factions in the House of Commons and destroy their pretended Soveraignity Tax and Rack the estates of all men and more then a Grand Seignior or Turk ever durst adventure upon Command as he should please the Bodies and Souls of the people take away every Surculus or little Sprigs that might grow out of the remaining Sap of that mighty Tree and every thing that might either contribute to it or remain but as Reliques of the Regal Estate and peoples happiness did by an Ordinance as he called it of himself and his Council the 12 th of April 1654. not only ordain an Union betwixt the two Kingdoms but that all the Nation of Scotland should be discharged of all Fealty Homage and Allegiance which is or should be pretended to be due to his Majesty that now is and that neither he nor any of his Royal Brothers or any deriving from the late King should hold Name Title and Dignity of King of Scotland and that all Herritors Proprietors and Possessors of Lands in Scotland should hold their Lands of their respective Lords by and under their accustomed yearly Boones and Annual services without rendring any Duty or Vassallage and discharged them of all military services and well knowing that their old Customes being taken away the Court-Barons would also fail did by another Ordinance erect new Court-Barons for them And having made store of Slaves in that Kingdome made all the hast he could to compleat his wickednesse in this and did the 17 th day of September 1656. procure his houses of Parliament or good will and pleasure rather to doe as much for England and take away all Tenures in Capite by Knight service and all Homages and Reliefs not only do all he could to destroy the heirs thereof but cut the Nerves let out the blood of a most noble antient Monarchy But if there could be any hopes in the Exchange of those
innocent as useful Tenures in Capite and Knight service of bettering the condition of the Commonwealth and people increasing their Liberties and content and to maintain and keep them in a most happy peace and plenty which will never be done if the Sword and Scepter of the King shall only be like the Ensignes and Ornaments of Regality and made only to represent a Majestie there will another difficulty stand in the way and meet the design of doing it by Act of Parliament and offer this question to consideration Whether an Act of Parliament and the consent of the House of Peers the desire of all the Commons and People of England which must be understood to be signified by their Representatives and the Roy le veult the King giving life and breath and being to it can in the great power and respect which ever hath been by the Law and justly ought to be always attributed unto it Take away Tenures in Capite and by Knight service grand and Petit Sejeanties Homage and all other incidents belonging unto them or the right which the Nobility and Gentry and mesne Lords have to enjoy their Tenures by Knight service the incidents thereunto belonging Which howsoever that in many other things it hath been said that Consensus tollit errorem Conventiâ— vincit Legem Consents and Agreements are more binding then Law will by the Laws of God and Nature and Nations and the Laws of this Kingdom and the opinion of some eminent and learned Sages and Lawyers thereof be resolved in the Negative viz. CHAP. VII That Tenures in Capite and by Knight service holden of the King and the Homage and Incidents thereunto appertaining and the Right of the Mesne Lords cannot be dissolved or taken away by any Act of Parliament FOR that Gods Law and the Law of Nature and Nations have taken care not only to preserve the Rights of Soveraignity and the means and order of Government but the Rights property of every particular Subject do prohibit all injustice it is a Maxime or Aphorism undeniable that Laws made against the Word of God the Laws of Nature or which are impossible or contra bonos more 's right Reason or natural Equity will be void in themselves be the Seal or Stamp of Authority never so eminent And therefore if as the Law hath often determined that the Kings Charters are void and not pleadable by Law when they are repugnant to the Laws Acts of Parliament Maxims and reasonable Customs of the Realm that it is not in the Kings power by his Charter or last Will and Testament to grant away the Crown of England to another Prince or Potentate as it was resolved in the Case of the supposed grant of King Edward the Confessor to William Duke of Normandy and that grant of King John to the Pope to hold England and Ireland of him and that notwithstanding the grant made by William the Conquerour to Hugh Lupus of the Earldom of Chester tenendum per gladium and ita libere as the King himself did hold England the Earldom of Chester was holden of the King that the grant of King H. 2. to the Monks of St. Bartholomews in London that the Prior the Monks should be as free in their Church as the King was in his Crown was adjudged to be void for that the Prior and the Monks were but Subjects and that by the Law the King may no more denude himself of his Royal Superiority over his Subjects then his Subjects can renounce or avoid their subjection to their King and the reason why such or the like grants of the King by his Charter are void is not in regard it was granted without the consent of the people in Parliament but that it was in disherison of his Crown and disabling himself to govern or if he should by his grant exempt a man from paying his Debts or maintenance of hise Wife and Children the joyning of the Lords and Commons with him in an Act of Parliament would not make such a Law to be binding or obligatory And therefore the King cannot saith Dier release or grant a Tenure in Capite to any Subject Dier 44. when King Edward the 3 d. granted to the Black Prince his Son the grant of the Dutchy of Cornwal all Wards Marriages and Reliefs non obstante the Kings Prerogative it was adjudged that the Prince could not seise a Ward which held of the Kings Ward because it belonged to the King by his Prerogative And in 2 R. 2. Robert de Hauley Esquire being arrested and pursued upon an Action of Debt in Westminster Abby where he took Sanctuary was in the tumult slain at the high Altar when the Priest was singing high Masse And the offence and breach of priviledge as it was then pretended to be complained of in Parliament by the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and the rest of the Prelates and Clergy and prayed that due satisfaction and amends might be made of so horrible a fact It was opposed by the Lords and Commons and they vouched Records and called to witness the Justices and others that were learned in rhe Lawes of the Land that in the Church of England it hath not been accustomed nor ought to have Immunity for Debt or Trespass or other Cause whatsoever except for Crime only And certain Doctors of Divinity Canon and Civil Lawes being thereupon sworn and examined before the King himself to speak the plain truth said upon mature and sound deliberation that in case of Debt Accompt or Trespass where a man is not to lose life or member no man ought to have Immunity in holy Church and said further in the highest expressions those times could afford that God saving his Perfection the Pope saving his Holiness nor any King or Prince can grant such a priviledge and that if the King should grant such a priviledge the Church is and ought to be favoured and nourished ought not to axcept of it whereof offence or occasion of offence may arise for it is a sin and occasion of offence saith the Record to delay a man willingly from his Debt or the just recovery of the same And if an Act of the Commons alone or of the Lords alone or of both together cannot amount to an Act of Parliament the King himself cannot grant away his Regality or Power or means of governing by his Charter or any Act which he can singly doe his concurrence with both the Lords and Commons can no more make an Act to confirme that which should not be done or granted then his own grant or Charter could have done or than if he and the House of Commons only had made an Act As it appeareth by the Ordinance which the Lords Ordainers so from thence called did obtain from Edward 2. whereby he delegated much of his Regal Authority unto them which was afterwards complained of in Parliament made void and the Authors or Lords Ordainers
punished for it hath been clearly asserted by eminent and learned Judges and Sages of the Law as the Lord cheif Justice Hobart Sr. Francis Bacon and Sr. Jonh Davis Attorney General to King James in Ireland that the Superlative power of Parliaments above all but the King is in some things for restrained as it cannot enact things against Right Reason or common Right or against the Lawes of God or Nature that a man shall be Judge in his own Case as that the King shall have no Subsidies whereby to defend himself and his people that Children shall not obey their Parents and the like And that Tenures in Capite and by Knight service are of so transcendent a nature and so radically in the Crown and Fundamental Lawes as no Act of Parliament can take it away or alter it and are so inseperable as Sr. John Davis saith that in a Parliament holden in England in the latter end of the raign of King James it was resolved by the House of Commons that the Wit of man could not frame an Act of Parliament whereby all Tenures of the Crown might be extinguished And Judge Hutton who in the Case of the Ship-money would allow the King no more Prerogative then what could not be denyed him did publicquely deliver it for Law which in that great and learned Assembly of Judges and Lawyers was not contradicted that Tenures in Capite are so inseperable in the Crown as the Parliament will not nor cannot sever them and the King cannot release them And such is the care for the defence of the Kingdome which belongeth inseperably to the King as Head or supream Protector so as if any Act of Parliament should enact that he should not defend the Kingdome or that he should have no aides from his Subjects to defend the Realm such Acts would not bind but would be void because they would be against all natural Reason And Judge Crooke also doth in his Argument against the Ship-money wherein he concurred with Justice Hutton alleage that if a statute were made that a King should not defend the Kingdome it were void being against Law and Reason And when a Parliament is called by the Kings Writ to preserve his Kingdom and Magna Charta so little intends that any future Parliament should alter or take away any Liberties granted or confirmed thereby or any fundamental Laws which are incorporate with the essence of Government as it hath been by several confirmations of it enacted that all Laws hereafter to be made to the contrary shall be Null and void and with good reason as to the King and Mesne Lords in the changing of their Tenures into Socage when as ex contractu obligatio and ex obligatione Actio should as well hold in those benificial pactions which were in the Creation of those Tenures betwixt the King Lords and Tenants as in Bonds Bills and Assumpsits or any other contracts whatsoever And is so great a part of right Reason in the opinion of Forreigners and according to the Law of Nature and Nations as in the German Empire though it hath heretofore lost much of its power and authority by the greatnesse of some of the Princes and the many Liberties and Priviledges granted to Cities Towns its remaining Prerogatives notwithstanding are said to be Jura Majestatis instar puncti divisionem non recipientia adeoque Imperatoris personae cohaerent ut nec volens ijs se abdicare aut alium in consortium vocare possit so inseperable as they are capable of no division and do so adhere unto the Emperors person as he cannot if he would renounce or transferre them over to any other And Bodiâ— that understood France very well saith that Si Princeps publica praedia cum imperio aut jurisdictione eo modo fruenda concesserit quo ipse fruetur etiam si Tabulis jura Majestatis excepta non fuerunt ipso jure tamen excepta judicantur if the King shall grant any of his Lands to hold as freely and with as much power and jurisdiction as he himself enjoyed it the jura Majestatis or Regalities are always adjudged and taken to be excepted though there be no reservation or exception in the Letters Patents And the Parliament of Paris were so careful of the Kings Rights in Governing as when Francis the first had granted to the Queen his Mother a Commission to pardon and restore condemned persons it declared that such a grant quum sine Majestatis diminutione communicari non possit seeing it could not be granted without diminution of his Royal Authority was void thereupon the Queen Mother intermedled no more therein The Conclusion WHen all therefore which can be but pretended against Tenures in Capite and by Knight service shall be put together and said and done they will come to no more then this The general Assessements for men and Horses and necessaries for War whether men will or no are a service incumbent upon every mans estate though they bought and purchased their Lands the Knight service which is now complained of is but where their Lands were given them for that purpose and ex pacto voluntate by Agreement For it hath allwayes been accompted to be no less than reason that qui sentit commodum sentire debet et onus the Rose and the Prickle must goe together and he that hath the profit may be well contented to doe something for it especially when it is no more then what he did agree to doe and beleived it to be a favour And if they now take those Lands to be a burden may if they please give themselves an ease by retorning of them to those that gave it And should not be murmured at or complained of when as those that live near the Sea doe live under a Charge or Imposition which is annual and sometimes very great upon all And in Holland are commanded and ordered yearly by the Dijck Graven or Magistrates appointed for that purpose to repair and amend their Sea walles Or as it is also in England by Direction of Law and Commissions of Sewers and doe but in that though their Lands were dearly paid for and not freely given as those doe which hold their Lands by Knight service and defend themselves by defending others And it will ever be a Rule and Maxime in Loyalty as well as in Law and right Reason that by the Lawes of God Nature and Nations as well as of England there is and ought to be a natural Allegiance to the King that Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy doe enjoyn every Subject to defend his Prince and his just Rights and Jurisdictions And that the safety of every man in particular and his own discretion should advise him to it unless they will think it to be wisdome in the Citizens of Constantinople who in the Seige thereof would rather keep their money and riches for the Turks to plunder then help
that in a Parliament holden in the 14 th year of the raign of King Richard the 2 d. the Lords and Commons did pray the King that the Prerogative of Him and his Crown may be kept and that all things done or attempted to the contrary may be redressed and that the King might be as free as any of his Progenitors were which the King granting gave to it the force and power of an Act of Parlaiment And consider that the innovation of Laws or change of Customs are dangerous and as St Augustine saith non tam utilitate if there were any profit in them prosunt quam Novitâ—â—e perturbant do more hurt than good by their Novelty that it will be unsafe to take away or dig up foundations that where the inconveniences in the old Laws are not apparant and the conveniences to come by the new not infallible or not likely to deceive our expectation of them it will be perilous to change our Laws more perilous when they be many and most of all when they be fundamental That the more Power and Might is in the King to defend us the better will be the Ends which by the Means is intended and that therefore in the Parliament of 7 E. 1. the Prelates Earls Barons and the Commonaltie of the Realm did acknowledge that to the King it belonged of his Royal Signory streightly to defend force of Armour and all other force against the Peace and to punish them which shall do contrary according to the Laws and usages of the Realm and thereunto were bound to ayd their Soveraign Lord at all Seasons when need shall be that to make a Captain of a Cripple or a Constable which should keep the Peace in a Parish and be ready to repell any violence which should be offered to the Inhabitanâ—s to be blind or Bed-rid would not answer the End or bâ— for the Safety of those that expect it from him And that his Majesties opinion expressed in his Message or Declaration from Breda before his return into England is and ever will be a maxime composed of very great reason and truth that his Majesties just rights are the best preserver of the peoples Liberties And may believe before it be too late that to take away Tenures in Capite and introduce the inconveniences before mentioned will be but as a Prologue or usher to Levelling and the gate or entrance to the Agrarian Devices and the supposed Saints taking possession of the Estates of those which they call the wicked And that the laying by of Tenures in Capite and their services and making use of Mercenary and Mechanick Souldiers may help us to as many miseries and follies as we have pertaked of in our late troubles from our Servants make them to become our Masters and by inureing them to insolencies against others teach them how to domineer over the people which shall be their pay-Masters after that over Parliaments garbling and purging the House pulling out and putting in whom they please turn Legislators and Remonstrance makers from their head quarters make themselves not the Repairers of Breaches but the makers and causers of them ingrosse all the places and imployments of the Kingdom throw down Laws and Government create out of themselves and their own Party Mayors Generals to tyranize awe the people and abuse their Laws and Liberties and play the fools at Coffee-Houses with disputing and discoursing of Rotas and Balloting Boxes and which of their Whimsies and ignorant contrivances would best make a Government Committ Perjuries in abundance and make their oaths more changeable and lesse to be trusted then the Wind or Weather or a Lillies Almanack and make it their only businesse to enslave and insult over the people and Metamorphose them into as many shapes of baseness perjuries Hipocrisies dissembling and wickednesse as poverty hope of gain or to get or preserve estates though it be but to have Poliphemus his curtesie to be last of all ruined fear or flattery or an accursed ambition to raise an estate out of other mens miseries could perswade or draw them unto That the taking away of Tenures in Capite by Knight service is not desired by any universal or general Petition at all of the People that not one in every 20 of those that are concerned hold by those Tenures nor one in every 100 of those that hold by other Tenures and are not concerned do desire it That the injudicial and inconsiderate desires of a very few of the common people who doe sometimes as they have many times done in our late troubles and too late repented it out-do Children in asking Stones instead of Bread and Serpents for Fishes are not to be hearkened unto that the Surfets upon Liberty are many times very dangerous may prove as fatal unhappy though granted or asked with the best of intentions as that of giving great Sums of money to the Scots in the begining of our unhappy Wars calling their invasion a brotherly assistance or that of giving Liberty to the long Parliament not to dissolve without their consent That if Augustus Caesar when by his great Prudence he had put the broken peices of the Roman Republick which was Civilibus Discordiis lacerata wofully torn with civil Discords into a well composed Monarchy and blest the Empire a great part of the World with an universal Peace could find no better a way to fix and make it lasting then to put many of the Souldiers under a Gratitude and Concernment to love and cherish it by giving them Lands for Life or Inheritance to engage them to their former Duties when occasion should happen which saved the Charge and Trouble on all sides as well to the conquered as the conquering in maintaining Roman Legions made up of a Medley or Gallimausry of all manner of Nations It cannot now be good when the long lasting Monarchy of England hath been lately and lamentably torn into peeces to make up a Common-wealth could never be agreed upon to alter or take away a Course of constant and ordinary defence which hath been for so many Ages past the happy Support of this Antient Monarchy And that it could not have been any bad or likely to be unsuccessefull Policy but a means of an Establishment of our late Souldiers and Controullers had in the Allowance of their cheap purchases been tyed to Tenures by Knight Service for the Defence of the Kingdom as the late King of Sweden was to hold of the Empire by the Treaty of Munster And if that Bracton who was a Lord Chief Justice in the Reign of King H. 3. was of opinion that by a paâ—tition of Earldoms and Baronies deficeret Regnum quod ex Comitatibus Baronijs dicitur esse constitutum would ruine the Kingdom which is constituted of Earldoms and Baronies he would now certainly foresee greater Mischiefs and Inconveniencies in the taking away of Tenures in Capite and by Knight Service or changeing