mend this slip and addes a resolution that till the Commissioners did the thing he advises he would take a Commission from himselfe to doe it To al which I say no more then indignus tu qui diceres tamen For the charge I may adde neque hoc opprobrio digni sunt Men in trust and Authority should take care that the People may rather have the advantage then the knowledge of their proceedings Things that are to be done by them are necessarily to be made knowne to them and to satisfie them in their obedience the ground of the command or something shewing the Equity and necessity of it is usually premitted as is done in the preamble of Acts Ordinances and Declarations But to make knowne the debates and those humane passions incident thereunto it were sometimes to discover nakednesse where it ought not to minister strifes to make the people Judges of them whom they have made so I have heard that the custome of Scotland is otherwise where there is a diligent eye had to the Presse which is not as here which is one of our faults prostitute to the lust of every Pamphlet and a reverend reservednesse kept upon their Counsels and actions onely so farre as the people are concerned in obeying things are carefully made knowne to them and difficulties removed And certainly those that are reserved at home will not judge it meet to be very open elsewhere for though the Proverb is not strictly to be applyed yet it carries a generall equity and decency In alienâ—m domum cum veneris mutus surdus esto The Gentleman makes some Objections which he answers he that hides can finde but unawares ties some knots which he cannot easily undoe For instance his second Objection in the Answer to which he affirmes that the Commissioners of Scotland doe not sufficiently discharge their duty in making knowne to the Parliament and Assembly to the full the truth of all things by their papers which he proves by an assertion which for want of other strength he doubles that what is de facto concerning all must be made knowne to all The sounder axiome were what concernes all to know must be made knowne to all for otherwise who will deny but the people are concerned in Counsels Deliberations and conclusions of things to be done they being the subject and end of them and yet this Author grants that these things are to be made knowne to the Trustees of State But I have no mind to wrangle Let us see the strength of the Argument which is this The Trustees of the State and Church are not Lords of them but servants therefore the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland are to impart to the people of England their papers and proceedings This conclusion seemes to me larger then the Premisses and like to have the lot of a building wider then the foundation the true inference from the Antecedent is rather this Therefore the Commissioners of Scotland as good servants should give an accompt to them that intrust them so farre as is expected or required But shew me where the people of England conferred that trust upon the Commissioners from Scotland or where they required any accompt Doubtlesse those Honourable Persons doe give accompt and satisfaction to them from whom they received their Commission and trust and need not doe it to any other And though that expression of servants as opposed to a Lordly usurpation is good as to the thing yet the word seemes to give too specious a ground for such a corrupt inference as this If the Rulers be servants the people are Masters whereas the truth is the Magistrate serves the good of the people rather then the people as the Apostle expresseth it Rom. 13. They are the Ministers of God to the people for good Ministers or servants of God that this their appellation to the peoples good that is their use Thus the Angels serve the Saints who are yet lower then the Angels and Pastours the people whom yet they rule over in the Lord Me thinks those that hate Independency in the Church should not affect popularity in the State but any thing for a turne But let me leave this Rule with my friends and Country-men that though it be fit that all exorbitant usurpation and arbitrary dominion of Rulers have a seasonable stop lest publike Liberty suffer yet must it be done without debasing those in authority whose honour and esteeme with the people is necessary to the order and conservation of the whole alwayes provided that this tender regard need not be had to any of what place soever that are in open hostility against the people who make no other use of their power and Reputation then to deceive and destroy the people of which our instance is too neare As for the freedome of Iohn Knox and George Bucanan mentioned pag. 12. I could well consent it were revived so it be rightly bestowed as by them it was sc. against the Popery of the then Queen and the self-interests of great men in publick works and against tyranny in Princes King Charles deserves a severer Schoolemaster then ever King Iames had Secondly after this expostulation with the Commissioners ending pag. 14. the Narration begins in which the Author layes open in the first place the carriage of things betwixt the Scots and the King at their first entrance which I meddle not with onely give this note on the behalfe of England that whatsoever was then done as is alleadged contrary to justice and Faith must not be set in the least degree upon the accompt of this Kingdome whose proper Representative is the Parliament who disclaimed the whole businesse it was the work of the King not the Kingdome of the Faction not the Nation But I rest in the thoughts of the Act of pacification Thirdly the next thing to be insisted on is of more consequence and will require a full clearing which is found at the 18. pag. sc. The Scots under God are the cause of assembling the Parliament of the continuance of it and of the preservation of it from totall destruction and ruine And to this purpose there are divers passages which I think fittest to summe up together and give them some dilucidation rather then opposition Another expression of this kind is pag. 94. The Scots were in a kinde the onely hinderers of the Kings compassing his designe pag. 99. 100. For whom they have hazarded and many lost their lives when they might all this while have sate at home quietly pag. 112. They make our quarrell theirs have undergone the burthen for our sakes to free us from it They are become miserable to pull us out of misery a thing not to be parallel'd Pag. 114. They have crucified themselves for their Brethren Pag. 142. Who have ventured yea lost themselves in a manner with all that is deare unto men for their sakes to doe them a double good to help them out of trouble and
settle a Reformation among them God forbid that I should be one of those ingrate children mentioned and cryed out on by this Author It is farre from my thought or purpose to deny or to diminish the kindnesse of our brethren whose help was desired and was seasonable but let us understand our selves and how the matter stands betwixt these two Kingdomes We are indebted to Scotland I wish an even reckning and long friendship but I am not yet of opinion we owe our selves to them and if the Author of the Manifest be consulted you shall find an intimation of some other Obligations then meere kindnesse unto us As for instance pag. 24. It is said that the Scots when they began to interesse themselves in this businesse they could not in Conscience and honesty sit quiet any longer and neither say nor doe but I take no advantage of this we are beholding to men for doing what in conscience and honesty they are bound though they should hurt themselves more in violating Conscience and honour then in suffering us to be violated To this you shall find a more externall ground added pag. 28. viz. Now the State of Scotland seeing the common Enemy come to that height that nothing will satisfie him but totall subversion of Church and State inthese Dominions onely they perhaps might be kept for the last though in intention they had been the first judge it not enough for their interest in the common cause to keepe an Army in Ireland but to bee upon their Guard at home and to help their Brethren in England with the Sword since all other meanes so often tryed were disappointed by the malice of the Enemies And this resolution is said to have been taken before Commissioners were sent from England to desire their assistance Pag. 30. So that you may observe the Enemy was a common Enemy the Cause a common Cause the danger to these Dominions the Scots like to suffer as deep though not so soone if they had sate still But give me leave paulo altius repetere and to consider the ancient mutuall tyes and later friendships betwixt these Kingdomes which may be a good meanes to continue and confirme their present correspondence So long as these Kingdomes were under divers especially popish Princes their condition was like that of Israel 2. Chron. 15. 3. when it was without a true God without a teaching Priest and without Law At which time there was no peace to him that went out nor to him that came in but great vexations were upon all the Inhabitants of the Countries and Nation was destroyed of Nation and City of City The mutuall spoyles and losses of these neighbour Kingdomes being well considered by that wise Prince Henry the seventh he layes a probable foundation of conjunction in giving his eldest Daughter to the King of Scots whose posterity upon the failing of the issue of his Sonne Henry the eight might inherit both Kingdomes which hath since come to passe In the time of Edward the sixt it was thought fit by that Prince whose wisdome and vertue was beyond his yeares and his Councell to make the conjunction more sure and therefore agreed with the Kingdom of Scotland for a Match betwixt this young King and the Daughter of Iames the fifth afterward Queen of France and Scotland But the Polititians of those times in Scotland chose rather to marry their young Princesse to France then England it may be forecasting upon the faile of issue in Henry the eights children that it would be more for their advantage to have a Scottish-man or a French-man King of England then an English-man of Scotland though if I may speake it without offence I think they might have had more comfort in that young Prince Edward 6. had God continued his life and reigne then England hath had of the two Kings they have had from Scotland of whom Truths Manifest sayes That there hath been more Christian bloud shed in these latter yeares under the end of King Iames his and King Charles his Reignes by their Commissions Approbations Connivences and not forbidding what at home and what abroad all which upon the matter they might have stopped if it had been their pleasure then were in the time of the ten Romane Persecutions But although the English had received some dis-ingagement by the non-performance of that Match which was aggravated on both parts by a Fight at Musselborough field yet when the Scots were sore troubled and their Religion Liberty indangered by the said Queene returned from France into Scotland who called the French in to her assistance against her native Subjects the renowned Queene Elizabeth and her prudent Councell though this Kingdome had continuall warre with Spaine yet feared not to provoke the French by affording seasonable helpe to her distressed Neighbours sending to their reliefe 6000 men which were maintained at the charge of the Kingdome of England Which was then thankfully and justly called to minde by the Kingdome of Scotland when this last treaty was to be made So that if we breake off here the kindnesse rests not on our part But I shall as gladly proceed to repeate the good turnes done to this Kingdome as by it and rejoyce in the mutuall obligation And that I may not breake in too suddenly upon the late affaires of these Kingdomes give me leave as a manuduction thereto to give a briefe touch of the Method of Reformation in this Island and but a word for the body of the Story may be had elswhere It pleased God at the bringing of this Island out of Popery to honour Scotland with a more full departure from Romish Idolatry and Superstition for though England wholly renounced their Doctrine yet some dregges of discipline and superstitious Ceremonies remained The Scots had indeed some advantages that wee had not Their Queene was obnoxious their young King in his nonage they had some Nobles and Ministers zealous and well affected so that through Gods blessing they obtained a Reformation in that point though not with so little difficulty as should give them ground to expect it should be done here on a suddaine But as for England in Queene Elizabeths time shee had so much trouble for Holland with Spaine and in Ireland that her Councell thought not fit to adventure upon the trouble of an alteration in this point which they foresaw and wee finde to be great And besides many of our Reformers being Bishops could not so well understand the convenience of their own abolishment In King Iames his time though wee might have expected to have been better in regard he came from a reformed Kingdome yet it was far worse with us for he came with an innate bitternesse against Puritanes which was fomented by our English Bishops so that he became a great Persecutor of unconformity And according to the Proverb Seldome comes a better since the Reigne of this King especially since the preferment of the late Archbishop of Canterbury
it hath been much worse with us for in stead of reforming we were deforming and in stead of renouncing returning to Rome apace But all this while England wanted not its honour in the eyes of God and good men For God favoured it with men eminent in learning able and earnest assertors of the Doctrine of the Gospel against the Champions of Rome Bellarmine and his Fellowes such were Whitaker Reynolds Iewel Fulke Perkings c. with more practicall Preachers and Writers and a greater measure of the Power of Godlines then other reformed Churches Thus we see Non omnis fert omnia tellus Scotland had its advantages and so had England that neither they without us nor wee without them might be made perfect but that we might contribute to the reformation of each other and both to our neighbours You will pardon this digression I returne After King Iames had outgrown his tutors hankered after Spaine and was come into England He went about to pull downe what was built in Scotland for matter of discipline and interrupted the Liberty of the Assemblies as at Perth more especially though his nature was to accomplish his designes rather by artifice then by violence King Charles succeeds him in his Crowne and intention but drives more furiously then his Father and ventures the overturning all and so am I come to the late troubles of Scotland about the yeare 1638. At which time both Kingdomes had Bishops but Scotland first cast them off to which they had these advantages First their naturall Antipathy against Episcopacy which is generally remarkable in that Nation Secondly the absence of the King who was not there to countenance them with his presence and support them with his interest and authority as here It is no small advantage to have an absent King A King prevents the Factions of an Aristocracy His absence takes away the Enormities of a Court and the advantages to Tyranny And as they had more advantage so had they more reason to begin They had a Service-book put upon them against Law more corrupt then ours which was established by a Law then in force Their worke was but to assert their Rights against innovation ours to inlarge our Reformation and adde something de novo which is a much harder and a more questionable worke But however it was very happie for them and us that they had such an opportunitie hearts to use it as they did in standing in the breach like to be made upon the Religion and Liberties of both Kingdomes To come yet nearer This dispute betwixt the King and his Party on the one side the Lords and Ministers of Scotland on the other growes to blowes and Armies are prepared on each hand How stood the affection of the Commonaltie of England in this Cause How backward were they to raise men to pay money the Souldiers that were raised in many places fell to pulling downe Altars breaking Images as a worke which pleased them better then to goe against Scotland in that Cause And whilst some were preparing to fight against them many were actually stirring and wrastling with God for them in prayers Such was the affection they bore to that Cause and Kingdome And when the Parliament was called to which God made the Scottish broyles an advantage though the affaires of England could not long have stood in that temper they were in how tender were they of contributing any thing to the warre against them and chose rather to adventure their own dissolution then a breach with them And when they were the second time conveened even to this present Parliament how readily did they gratifie their brethren with a competent sum called brotherly assistance to be paid by this Kingdome for the injuries done by a Faction in it And this carriage of the Parliament is acknowledged to be worthy and obliging by the Convention of the Estates of Scotland in their Declaration premitted at their Entrance So that hitherto wee were not behind-hand with them It remaines then that this great obligation must arise from the present conjunction But if we consider the grounds the termes and issue it may appeare not to be extraordinary As for the grounds if this Author in his 28. Pag. already mentioned be not authenticke let me alledge those that are sc. the Convention in the short Declaration premitted at their comming into this Kingdome in Ianuary 1643. Where beside and before the Law of Love requiring us to beare each others burthen you may finde a Law of Nature mentioned injoyning them to preserve themselves by preventing their neighbours ruine It is indeed a kindnesse for a man to helpe to quench a fire in his neighbours house though his own be next but if his house had not been so neare it may be the man had been further off So that it was not a sole respect to us that brought them for that is no Fiction though it be Poetry Tua res agitur paries cum proximus ardet So much for the Ground The termes were as betwixt Strangers and Mercenaries though we love and embrace the title of brethren as appeares by the Treaty wherein it is required and agreed that England be at the whole charge of paying this Army the termes upon which they serve France and Holland and expected that this Kingdome be responsable for incident charges and losses What could be further asked And looke to the issue if God grant it when this Kingdome will be found to have afforded all the charge and most of the force for the preservation of England and Ireland directly and Scotland as really though by consequence for prius and posterius makes no great difference which was the case as this Author acknowledgeth Pag. 28. And thus have I given accompt of the true state as neare as I could learne it of the Obligations betwixt these two Kingdomes which afford this Result That wee should love one another As for the particular words which occasioned this discourse which are three times repeated in the Manifest sc. that the Scots were the cause of calling continuing preserving from ruine this present Parliament let me say thus much to them As for the calling it they were the occasion but not the cause As for the continuance of it this is the account Wee feeling the smart of broken Parliaments as also our debts and necessities calling for money it could not be borrowed but upon publique Faith this was not to be given but in Parliament whereupon a noble Gentleman Mr Pierrepont by name who was not then much acquainted with the Scots moved upon those grounds for an act of continuance of this Parliament and it passed As for the preservation of it from ruine this Clause following immediately upon the Authors discourse of the Scots refusing the Kings offers which he made them of the foure Northerne Counties c. if they would lend their hand to the Parliaments ruine induceth me to beleeve he meanes that not destruction for
Manifest Truth OR AN INVERSION OF Truths Manifest Containing a NARRATION of the Proceedings of the Scottish Army and a Vindication of the Parliament and Kingdome of England from the false and injurious aspersions cast on them by the Author of the said Manifest PROV. 18. 17. He that is first in his own cause seemeth just but his neighbour commeth and searcheth him Published by Authoritie LONDON Printed by M. S. for Henry Overton in Popes-head-Alley and Giles Calvert at the Spread Eagle at West end of Pauls 1646. THE PREFACE THough all possible care shall be taken that this ensuing Discourse may need no Apology yet the misconstruction it is lyable to in this quarrelsome age may require a Preface in which I shall not as the Author of Truths Manifest goe about to quicken the appetite of my Reader by a self-commendation but if I regarded the praise of men should much rather choose to be commended by another in the end of my worke then by my selfe in the beginning But out of a great and just tendernesse of doing or being thought to doe any thing which might tend to any alienation betwixt these happily united Kingdomes I thought fit to declare as followeth First that a hearty union betwixt the two Kingdomes of England and Scotland as it is most agreeable to Religion and the solemne Covenant so it is eminently requisite to their mutuall preservation both from the illegall intrenchments of their owne King and from the attempts of forreigne Princes or States for by such an inviolate conjunction they shall be kept from being instrumentall to each others ruine which hath lately been designed upon both successively by their owne King that he might become absolute Lord of them both to the prejudice if not ruine of Religion and Liberty As also Strangers especially the French shall be prevented in their wonted designe which hath been to raise and foment differences betwixt these Kingdomes and have been forward to assist Scotland against England not for love to Scotland but hatred or feare of England which they have looked upon as a dangerous Neighbour And let me adde further that the continuation and confirmation of this Union will not prove onely an Ornament to the Protestant Religion but a great advantage to the propagating of it and will also make us more capable of righting our selves Confederates and Allyes against any injuries or usurpations that are or shall be offered And I hope these apprehensions shall over-awe my pen that it walke very circumspectly in the ensuing discourse Secondly give me leave to say that this Union doth not necessarily inferre a confusion or mixture but may as well and it may be better stand with a full reservation to each of their peculiar Lawes Priviledges Governments and possessions It is hard if not impossible to find two persons that shall concurre to an universall compliance in their friendship but are glad to find a correspondence in some things and content to yield a mutuall forbearance in others This is more difficult to be found in States who have besides their diversities of Lawes and Government more differences of generall and particular Interests then private persōs are capable of And though through Gods mercy these two Kingdomes are more happy then other Confederates who like bodies exactly sphericall touch but in a point as they have occasion by their Ambassadours yet the nature of affaires and men permits not they should meet as two bodies exactly plaine in every point For though their Interests be the same sc the conservation of their Liberties against Tyranny and Religion the choycest fruite of their Liberty against any thing destructive to it yet the customes and constitutions of the Kingdoms and the dispositions of the people may be so different besides other incident disadvantages that an universall close is rather to be desired then expected and something must be left to time and more to him who alone challenges the Prerogative of fashioning mens hearts alike And it may be added that such an union is not onely not possible but not necessary for Conjunction being but a meanes to some further end is no further requisite then it conduces to that end of mutuall preservation There is indeed beside the benefit a native beauty in unity but to be violent in pressing of it is to scratch the face that it may be beautifull and when accomplishd as it is thought it will be found rather to be a paint then a naturall complexion I shall onely take Liberty to adde further that the pressing an exact uniformity in Church or a union of mixture in State the nature of persons and things not admitting it may hinder a union of conjunction in those things which are possible and necessary And I pray God it be not the Designe of some under the pretence of union in things presently impossible to promote a difference in that which is necessary Thirdly as this discourse springs not from any principle of disaffection to the Scottish Nation so I hope none will force any such conclusions from it beyond my meaning though without my guilt For my part I freely professe that I think it may in its owne nature as well as its intent tend more to the preservation of union then the occasioning of distraction Upon this ground we have patiently received and read two Manifests to which the Questionist from St. Andrewes hath added something not a little reflecting upon the Parliament and Kingdome of England the first untouch'd produced a second this second may bring forth and in the close of it intimates a third and possibly a worse till under pretence of justification of our brethren the charges against our selves may grow intolerable and occasion greater inconveniences Fourthly I hope the distance of time intervening betwixt the booke and the Answer cannot afford an objection against it First I staid to see if somebody that was more able or more concerned would undertake it Secondly it is a businesse of great tendernesse and importance and occasioned many thoughts of heart which did long delay it but could not prevaile against it For I am able truly to say with the Author of Truths Manifest that not so much the love and honour of my own Nation which yet I hope shall be alwayes deare to me as Covenant and conscience and consideration of the good of both Kingdomes have put me upon this worke and carried me through it for it is found that unequall complyances especially with natures not so good doe but make way for greater disadvantages which cannot alwayes be borne And though it be alwayes better to suffer wrong then doe it and sometimes better to receive wrong then require right yet the most beaten path to peace and justice which I thinke now it becomes me and others to walk in is neither to doe wrong nor to suffer it For though a man may part with his owne Right for publick advantage yet I know no Rule of parting with other mens
right for my owne advantage And therefore though not without sense yet without feare of any danger that may spring from men impatient and mindfull of oppositions I enter upon the worke in which I shall observe this method First to give a true and short Narrative of the proceedings of the Scotch Army since they came into England wherein I shall endeavour to doe them all possible right And secondly make some Animadversions upon divers passages in Truths Manifest wherein though something may be said against the Manifest yet nothing against the Truth for we can doe nothing against the Truth THE NARRATIVE AFter that the Parliament of England had conflicted for the space of a yeare ' with the dangers and difficulties of this unhappy Warre God in his Wisdome and Justice not seeing fit to direct us to the right improvement of our owne strength they dispatch Commissioners to the Kingdome of Scotland to treat with them about the raising and bringing in an Army to their assistance against the combination of Papists Prelates and Malignants endeavouring to subvert Religion and Liberty The Commissioners being foure Members of the House of Commons accompanyed with two Reverend Divines of the Assembly went from London towards the latter end of Iuly 1643. and in the beginning of August came to Edenburgh where they were expected before they came and when they came welcome The Commissioners upon their coming addresse themselves to the convention of Estates then sitting as also to the generall Assembly that they would contribute their help so farre as they were concerned after few dayes a Covenant was propounded and agreed on by the Commissioners and a Committee appointed to consider of that businesse with them which was sent immediately into England for approbation and received it with little or no materiall alteration and was returned to Scotland in a short time and so was generally taken in both Kingdomes while this was in hand a Treaty also was offered and debated about bringing an Army for the assistance of the Parliament of England which was also mutually agreed betwixt the Kingdomes and is of late published After this foundation laid though the time of year was something unseasonable for building upon it being winter the Estates of Scotland having received 50000 l. of the 100000 l. mentioned in the Treaty bestowed their power and diligence in levying men so that about the middle of Ianuary an Army well cloathed and armed was brought to the Borders of England which they entred about the twentieth of that moneth at which time Lieutenant Generall Lesley passed over Barwick bridge with some Troopes of Horse for the Towne of Barwick by the care of the Commissioners of Parliament then in Scotland who sent one of their owne number for that purpose was happily made a Garrison for the Parliament and after that by Treaty betwixt the Kingdomes assigned to the Scots for a Magazine and retreat while there should be use of their Army in England A little after the entrance of those Horse and Foot that came in by the way of Barwick the Lieutenant Generall of Foot Baly passed the water at Kelsey by the advantage of a great Frost which bore the Ordnance and met the noble Generall the Earle of Leven about Alnwick The Enemy commanded by Sir Thomas Glenham made no opposition in Northumberland but retreated from the borders to Alnwick and so to Morpeth and then to New-Castle where the Earl of New-Castle met him with more Forces so that the Scottish Army had a free passage to the workes and wals of New-Castle which they came to about the beginning of February At their approach after some slight Skirmishes of Horse there was an attempt made upon a strong Fort at the East-side of the Towne but without successe a little after it was thought fit to dispose the Army to some Quarters neare the Towne on the North-side of the River Tyne During the time of their lying there nothing of moment fell out but the fight at Corbridge where there was not much hurt done but the Scots had the worse losing some Prisoners and retreating yet not so hastily but they tooke Collonel Brandling in their returne who after that became a Proselyte this was all that passed on the North-side Tyne saving that the Castle of Warkworth was surrendred to the Marquesse of Argyle who marched by the way of the Sea with some Forces to the Army of which Castle he made one Captain Lysle Governour after some time spent on the North-side Trent the lying of the Army there was found uselesse and inconvenient and a resolution was taken towards the end of February to passe the Tyne leaving onely some Forces at Bedlington and Blythesnooke to secure that little Harbour being very convenient for Provisions The Enemy at the passing over Tyne made no opposition but were so kind as to let them march over Newbridge a very inconvenient passage had it beene disputed and so take possession of Sunderland a place which proved full of advantages to the Army afterwards in respect of provisions which were brought thither in great plenty from London and other places and exchanged for Coale During the aboade of the Army about Sunderland in the moneth of March ending the yeare 1643. they fortifyed Sunderland as well as the place was capable and tooke a strong Fort at Southshields over against Tynmouth Castle at the second attempt In the meane time the Enemies head Quarter was at Durham where were the Earle of New-Castle Lieutenant Generall King sir Charles Lucas lately come from the South with a supply of Horse and a very considerable Army they came and faced the Scots Army twice within two miles of Sunderland first on the South side then on the North-side the River Were At first we heard of nothing memorable but very cold nights in which the Scots Army had good advantage of the Kings and made good use of it for by keeping close to them many of the Enemies Horses were reported to be strayed and their souldiers courage cooled which was found true at their next appearance Shortly after when they drew up about Hilton and Bowdon at which time also the Scottish Army was drawn out against them but no ingagement of consequence each Army kept its advantage onely there was some slight skirmishing amongst the hedges where for ought I ever heard the number of the slaine was equall or little different but at last the Kings Army drew off and being discerned so to doe by the Scottish Armie they fell upon their Reare and tooke some Prisoners but killed very few not the tenth part of the number mentioned in Truths manifest and so they parted After this the Scottish Army not being well able to endure their straitnesse of Quarters tooke a resolution to march towards the Enemy and either fight with him or enlarge their Quarters about this my Lord Fairefax who had beene long confined to Hull tooke the field againe and with sir Thomas Fairfax a
Quarters To that purpose two or three Regiments of Horse and a Regiment of Dragoones were alotted to abide in Cumberland and Westmerland three Regiments of Horse sent into the North-Riding of Yorkshire Northumberland and Bishopricke of Durham were appointed to the Foote and some odde Troops of Horse The Horse in Cumberland had by this time made some entrance upon the Siege of Carlile Sir Wilfrid Lawson and others Cumberland men being joyned with them who had raised both Horse and Foote for that service of which more in the Animadversions After the Army thus was disposed of the Committee also and the Generall disposed themselves into Scotland and left our English Commanders and the Souldiers to dispute matters of Assessement and Provision Impar Congressus During this time of Winter I have not heard any thing of service from that Army onely that some Foote were sent to the assistance of Sir Iohn Meldrum at the Siege of Scarborough-Castle and some also were sent to Pontfract but had not libertie to stay the end of these works in regard of other employment So that wee have free leave to passe on to the Spring at which time the Scottish Committee for the Army after the dispatch of their own affaires in Parliament and Assembly returned The Generall himselfe being come before into England toward the end of Ianuary In the second yeares service the first thing that offers it selfe was Lievtenant Generall Lesleys going with a Party of Horse and Foote to the assistance of Sir William Brereton who was then besieging Beeston-Castle and intending Chester but hearing that Prince Rupert was drawing towards him with a considerable force sent to the Committee of both Kingdomes at Westmorland for ayd who desired that Lievtenant Generall Lesley might goe with a Party of Horse to his assistance which accordingly was done A Party of Yorkshire Horse being also joyned with him but of that conjunction wee had no further newes or fruit but that the Enemy came not far enough to fight us and our Forces stood upon the defensive Whereupon the Lieutenant Generall shortly after returned into the West-Riding of Yorkshire about Hallifax where he remained for a space About this time the Parliament finding ground to new-mould the severall Armies under the Command of the Earles of Essex and Manchester and Sir William Walter a course of equall hazard and necessity which God hath since blessed with successe to admiration into one body under the Command of the valiant and victorious Sir Thomas Fairfax by this means and especially by the forwardnesse and opposition of some who made it their great businesse to crosse this worke so little did they value the publique good in respect of their owne conceits wills and interests it came to passe that we lost some ground in the start at the Spring but through mens diligence and Gods blessing it was quickly recovered About this time I say the Parliament sent to the Scots Army and their Committee that they would hasten the advance of that Army Southward with all possible speed in regard that this change and opposition had brought their affaires into some distraction And to enable and encourage them for their March sent them 30000. li And accordingly about the time that Sir Thomas Fairfax upon order from the Committee of both Kingdomes marched from Windsor westward with a piece of an Army which was the first of May the Scots Army came to Rippon in Yorkshire where there were severall debates betwixt their Committee and our Commanders about matter of Provisions the English Commanders still pressing the necessity of Marching Southward the King having drawne his Army into the field and promising all possible care for accommodation But in the midst of these disputes the King drawing Northward and the Scots having intelligence out of Cheshire of the Kings intendment to send a flying Army over the Hills through Lancashire into Scotland The debate about marching Southwards and making Provisions for it was turned into a dispute which was the best way into Lancashire for the journey was resolved by the Scots The English Commissioners told them if they must goe the neerest way passable enough was the way that Prince Rupert marched from Lancashire to the reliefe of Yorke which was by Skippon but they chose rather to goe about by the way of Stainmore commonly called in those parts The Devills Gallary for the uncouthnesse of it into Westmerland which had a little before resisted some Scottish Officers requiring Contribution as they say beyond their power and beside the Parliaments authority There they stayed some time but the flying Army being not to be found or heard of the Scots march back againe the same way to Rippon about the beginning of Iune First having sent some more commanded men to Carlisle which was shortly after reduced by the joyned Forces Scots and English which I onely mention now left in the Narrative I should be thought fit to omit an action of moment but reserve the story of it to another place at which time the Parliament sent downe two of their owne Members to waite on the Scots Army and hasten their march Southwards who accompanyed the Army to Nottingham and from thence the chiefe Officers of the Scots Army sent a Letter to the Parliament which the Author of Truth 's manifest thinks fitter to print though neither they that writ it nor they that received it judged meet to doe Within two dayes after the date of the Letter it pleased God to honour the Army under the Command of sir Thomas Fairfax and blesse these Kingdomes with an eminent and seasonable victory over the Royall Army at Nazeby which was a happy foundation of the recovery of Leicester within three dayes after and many other successes wherewith God hath followed their valour and diligence to this day By this meanes the heat of the Warre was over for that yeare especially in these parts the King having no field Forces left but those under the Command of Goring in the West After this the Scots Army with all readinesse march Southward through Warwickshire Worstershire and so towards Hereford whither some Commissioners were sent from Parliament to joyne Counsels and endeavours with them a field Enemy not appearing they resolve to besiege Hereford the reducing which place was thought very necessary for the prevention of the Kings recruits commonly fetch't from those parts The siege went on hopefully Mines and Batteries were prepared and the taking of the City which never was accounted very strong continually expected but in the meane time it pleased God to suffer Montrosse with his wicked crue to give our Brethren in Scotland a sad overthrow I am sure all good people had reason to accompt it so at Kylsyth where many good men were lost and the Forces of that Kingdome almost totally dissipated which occasioned the recourse of many eminent persons to Barwick and discovered a more generall malignancy in Scotland then was expected The newes of
this coming to the Army after some consultation had they raised their siege to which they were induced as by the condition of their owne Country so by the report of the Kings coming towards them with a strength of Horse which might endanger them they having sent Lieutenant generall Lesley away towards the North where he stayed with respect to Scotland as also to interrupt the Kings intentions Northward whither he most applyed himselfe When sir Thomas Fairfax was gone Westward with his Army it was expected that the Partie with Lieutenant Generall Lesley and the English with him should have pursued or fallen upon the Enemie at that time but the King marching Southward towards Huntington and the Scottish Horse being bound Northward it could not be At this time the necessities of Scotland so requiring the Lieutenant Generall marched into Scotland where suddenly after his arrivall he happily fals upon Montrosse now divided from Kilketto and not looking for him so soone and obtaines a happy victory over him and seasonably through Gods mercy alters the face of things in Scotland This newes meets the Scottish Armie marching Northwards in Yorkshire and staies their journey further and gives them libertie to repose in the North and West ridings of that County which by the calamitie of these Warres are now almost wasted and will be brought either to utter ruine or some dangerous way of preventing it unlesse the Parliament afford timely reliefe While the Army was quartering here the Lord Digby comes with a Party of Horse as is said for Scotland he surprizes the English Foot quartered at Sherburne but by the seasonable pursuit of Collonel Copley and Collonel Lilburne was defeated lost his booty and his baggage with divers Letters of moment into the bargaine and was forced to take a hilly way to Cumberland where sir Iohn Browne got an advantage of him as his remnant was passing over a water where the tyde hindered one part from the reliefe of the other and so he was forced to the Isle of Man and thence hath betaken himselfe into Ireland from whence we daily heare from him This passage concerning my Lord Digby though his greatest blow was by the Yorkeshire Forces I thought fit to insert that I might not omit that action of sir Iohn Brownes which the Parliament was pleas'd to take notice of After the Scottish Army had lyen sometime in Yorkeshire about November at the desire of the Parliament and the Committee of both Kingdomes they marched to block up Newarke on the North-side where they had possession given them of Muskham Bridge which the Enemy had intended to burne but did it not and the Fort in the Island that commands it which makes their worke on the North-side Trent very easie in regard the Towne Forts and Castle stand on the South-side the River Since their blocking up Newarke there hath not beene much of action once the Enemy by the advantage of the Ice fell into their Quarters killed the Adjutant Generall of Foot but received as well as did hurts since that the Enemy made a sally upon the Scots who were making a Fort in the Island but after some little losse on each part were very well repelled and beaten in And let me not forget the readinesse of the Lieutenant Generall to send some Foot to Collonel Poyntz for the strengthning his Quarters at Stoake And so have we followed the Scots Army consisting now of about seven or eight thousand Horse and Foote most Horse according to a Muster lately taken by the English Commissioners to the siege of Newarke where also is a Committee of Lords and Commons from the Parliament contributing their best assistance to the carrying on the Service against Newarke who have above these three moneths expected a Committee from Scotland to joyne with them according to the Treaty but they are not yet come It is hoped notwithstanding that there shall be such mutuall care and concurrence betwixt the Forces as that strong Garrison shall in due time be reduced to the great advantage of the North and happinesse of the whole Kingdome which is very much concerned in the successe of it And thus have you a true Narrative of the entrance and proceedings of the Scottish Army since it came into England where I have not willingly nor I hope negligently omitted any thing materiall more circumstances might have been brought in to attend the substance of this discourse but many of them being not acceptable it was thought best to omit them or at least referre them to the second part which containes Animadversions upon some passages of the Manifest and other Papers printed to the disadvantage of Truth and reflecting upon the Parliament of England THE Animadversions FIRST the whole Booke and the printing of it to me deserves an Animadversion Who is this man that makes so bold an adventure to intermeddle in things of highest consequence betwixt the two Kingdomes their Parliaments and Armies which their Wisdome and tendernesse made them forbeare Me thinks their silence might have prompted reverence to the Author He calls indeed his booke An Answer pag. 4. and alleadges Scripture for it but to whom is it An Answer none had put pen to paper in this businesse it came not into the thought of any wise man to meddle and the very Diurnals which bespatter every body were very modest as to the Scots and their Army Therefore is the Gentleman constrained for want of work to make himselfe an Adversary which he calls by the name of Sinisirous Reports in the second line of his Relation Had it not been better to have suffered these Reports to have vanished in the ayre then to give them the advantage of an Eccho I feare lest the work prove unprofitable as unnecessary works use to doe forward vindications sometimes occason untoward Questions and controverted things have sometimes more advantage by silence then debate But well meaning men as they are styled must be undeceived Let that be put to the issue whether so or rather whether those that have been before deceived by Reports be not now cousned in Print If it be found so it is a double fault the falshood in the Booke is one Truth in the title another Per amici fallere nomen Tuta frequensque via est sed via crimen habet But to the particulars The first thing is his Animadversions upon the Commissioners of Scotland for not being so popular in their applications and satisfactions to the multitude as he thinks fit In which notice may be taken of his expressions and of his charge the expressions to mee seeme disproportionable to the honour and employment of so Honourable and worthy persons He tells them pag. 3 That he cannot esteeme their prudence in this Pag. 4. You have mistaken the right way sirs ibid. you are hugely mistaken Pag. 11. He chargeth them with being meale-mouth'd and with remissenesse and concludes with his Magisteriall hopes pag. 13. that being freely admonished they will
preservation But doe not the Publicanes so Could they doe lesse then forbeare the attempt of ruining that Parliament which had been so carefull to hinder all means of furthering the wrong or ruine of Scotland I know not what kindnesse it was not to doe it I am sure it had been barbarous cruelty and injustice to have done it but if the Gentleman meane they were the cause of our preservation positively by affording their seasonable helpe it is acknowledged upon the Grounds and Termes already mentioned sc. their own preservation as well as ours and full satisfaction The Manifest proceeds in declaring the readinesse of the Scots for the helpe of Ireland I will by no meanes extenuate the courtesie but that also is easily reducible to their own interest which they had reason to regard their labour being bestowed in Ulster which lay neare to Scotland and would have been a very ill Neighbour in the Rebels hands As also it may be considered that they had divers Scottish Plantations in those parts which it concerned them to doe their best to preserve for their love to their Countrymen and to keep off the burthen of their comming over to themselves But I deny not but they have suffered something from Ireland and done something for it and nodoubt with respect to Religion and the common good of these Kingdomes But I being not so well acquainted with those affaires forbeare to speake more of them Let the Brittish in Ulster speake After the narration of the Scots interposing with the King by Commissioners sent to Oxford and their resolution upon the successe of it already mentioned he proceeds to the Parliaments sending into Scotland for assistance and to aggravate the kindnesse of their comming he reflects upon the Parliament for not sending till their affaires were almost in despaire adding the danger of not calling for helpe till things were too low This low condition is described by him in the same page viz. The overrunning of the North the beating Sir William Waller at the Devizes surrendring Bristoll and Banbury Castle basely as he calls it Toward the clearing of the truth in this the Author affords us some helpe which I shall endeavour to make out as farre as truth will suffer His words that I shall make use of are these For the Parliament to try if they could do the businesse themselves without troubling the Scots was wisdome for what need you call for ayde and trouble your Neighbours when you can do your businesse alone Certainly the hopes of compassing our businesse without the helpe of an Army thence was the ground of their being no sooner called though this Author alledgeth other mysticall grounds pag. 30. But wee staid too long Not so long as the Gentleman mentions neither were our affaires so low as he expresses Wee have good reason to remember the time of our sending thither which was in Iuly 1643. But whereas it is said that Sir William Waller was ruined at the Vies and Bristoll taken before our sending The latter is absolutely denied for our Commissioners had not newes of the losse of Bristoll till they were in Scotland As for Sir William Wallers Defeate it is true he was scattered before the Commissioners went from London but the Commissioners were named and the Instructions preparing and the journey fully resolved on before that Defeate even when Sir William Waller had utterly spoyled Hopto's Army with continuall fighting And as for the subjection of the North to the Earle of Newcastle except Hull it is not strictly true for Wraisell-Castle likewise held out and was never taken by the Kings Forces But I acknowledge that added not much to the state of our affaires I seek not advantages I have too many given me Pag. 31. as also pag. 56. Upon mention of the Covenant for setling of the Church according to the Word of God and conforme to the best reformed Churches he addes and by name to the Church of Scotland This I take to be a falsification of the Covenant which when I tooke I understood to have no more reference to one reformed Church then to another no more to Scotland then New-England though I beleeve Old England uncapable of that Government is in New All that is particularized with respect to Church-Government on the behalfe of Scotland is that wee joyno in preservation of it against the common Enemy supposed by all to be Pupists and Prelates the plaine intent of which to me seemes to be an endeavour to preserve Scotland from any relapse to the corruptions they had escaped and not to preclude it from any further reformation if need should be I can hardly forbeare urging you with that of Iob cap. 13. ver. 7. Let us alledge faire and argue accordingly especially since your Title is Truths Manifest and mine Manifest Truths As for the Relation of their passing Northumberland with so little opposition yet so much want you are referred partly to the Narrative which is true as for the want spoken of it was not so great as is pretended neither was the Countie of Northumberland so much then wasted for it hath indured very much since but that it afforded many sheep which were killed by the Scots the first or second night of their Entrance If their want had been greater the fault had been partly their own who undertook to bring in fortie dayes provision which if it had been done would have given libertie for getting Provisions before-hand Pag. 35. 36. He gives a Relation of the raising the Siege at Yorke and the Battell at Marston Moore where the fault is laid wholly upon the Yorkeshire Horse which was not so but I referre to the Narrative Onely I must take notice of his extolling the service of the Major Generall of the Scotch Horse who is certainly a very able Commander But I must differ in that point with Truths Manifest For the Scotch Horse which he commanded on the left Wing were none of them drawne up in the Front that day nor yet the next Reserve as I am informed but as a Reserve to the Reserve and being weaker Horse then my Lord Manchesters were designed rather to the Chace if God should so blesse us then to the Charge What whole bodies they charged I know not but have made the best inquirie I can As for the provocation which the Author had to magnifie the fore-named Gentleman by the unseemly appellation of the Saviour of the three Kingdomes for so I beleeve he meanes though it be printed the Savour given to Lieutenant Generall Cromwell for ought I heare it was attributed to him by a Scottishman Major Generall Craford by name which he could not help and I hope and thinke I may say that he is angry at the expression his modesty and piety in that respect hath been answerable to his valour and successe and upon a strict examination you will find that he was in the field to the last though his service might be a little hindred
after the first charge by the shot which though it was not very dangerous being but a rake in the neck yet the Pistoll being discharged so neare that the powder hurt his face and troubled his eyes was a better excuse for withdrawing if he had done so which yet he did not then many a gay man had that day Pag. 37. It is said that the Scots upon the taking of New-Castle carryed themselves with such moderation that the Enemies who had been in Armes against them were constrained to speake well of them Their moderation is acknowledged as to violence but as for the Testimony fetched from the mouth of the Enemies there was too much reason for it in regard that they especially one of the principall of them Sir Nicholas Cole a person excepted from pardon in the Propositions of both Kingdomes sent to the King at Oxford was detained for some time from the Justice of the Parliament of England who sent a Warrant for him by the Generall of the Artillery then commanding in Chiefe in the absence of the noble Generall who kept him company frequently let him live in all freedome and jollity and would not part with him till by an Order from the Parliament of Scotland procured by a Commissioner sent thither he was constrained so to doe and for other Enemies they sought and found protection in some Regiments of the Scottish Army which occasioned their speaking well But I have no mind to aggravate but must adde that the excuse he makes of Military order in the next page satisfies not for as I take it our Military force serves for nothing but the establishment of Civill power and peace I know no Military Order could keep the party above named from being disposed according to the will of the Parliament from the 20. of October till the February after and till the Parliament of Scotland very justly and honourably interposed their Authority Pag. 38. and 39. He makes a digression to set forth the malignancy and poverty of the North thereby to prejudice many of their just complaints and to make the stirring of the Westmoreland-men the more inexcusable I shall give you as true an account as the Manifest of the North both in generall and with respect to the particular mentioned of the rising in Westmoreland First as for the Malignancy of the North it had three disadvantages first its distance from the Parliament and City of London Secondly the want of good Ministers which I wish the Parliament and Assembly would heartily consider of there being not above foure Ministers in the foure Northern Counties capable of persecution by the Enemy when these Warres began The people are destroyed for want of knowledge If some of that strength which hath been spent at London in endlesse Debares about Discipline had been bestowed in Doctrine in the North and such like barren places Heu quantum terrae potuit pelagique parari Hoc quem civiles c. I wish Ministers were more of the temper of that holy Apostle who laboured more abundantly then they all who strived to preach the Gospel not where Christ was named lest he should build on another mans foundation But the warmth and accommodations of the South and Principles of self-love in men too suitable to them are fundi nostri calamitas This hath been the principall means how the Northern parts both of England and Scotland have proved so disadvantagious to this Cause And lastly the Nobility of these parts who were well affected lived out of the Countrey and the Gentry through the want of the powerfull preaching of the Gospel were not so sound which hath made the North in the condition it was But yet give me leave to say that for ought I ever observed or heard the Commonalty of these parts were never so ill affected but if due care had been taken to ingage them they had been as serviceable to this Cause as any other Northumberland as Norfolke But more particularly for Cumberland and Westmoreland they have shewed themselves the least disaffected of any other For first though they were arrayed by Sir Philip Musgrave under the pretence of the defence of their owne Countries yet they never would be perswaded to goe out of them to the prejudice of the Parliament for ought I have heard they were willing to agree with Laneashire and when they were in Armes and might have resisted the Scotch Horse for they had that strength which the Horse thought not fit to force yet upon a Letter from Mr. Barwis they gave way for the Scots to come in among them And the County of Cumberland raised 1800. Foot and 400. Horse at their own charge under the Command of Sir Wilfred Lawson for the reduction of Carlile And these Counties were not so poore but that in the space of six moneths or little more the Scottish Horse and Dragoones had from thence about the value of one hundred thousand pounds in mony and provisions more then ever the Earle of Newcastle had from them which argues they were not so poore and spent as that they were sensible of the least thing could be demanded And to speake more particularly of Westmoreland where the resistance to the Scots was though I know no man justifies the action for they should have addressed to the Parliament yet these things may be considered First they had expended for the entertainment of the Scotch Army 40000. l. or thereabouts as much as they could well indure without intermission so that now indeed they began to be sensible Secondly the Generall had so farre resented their charge that he had under his hand forbidden his Souldiers levies of money Thirdly the Parliament had also made an Ordinance for the entertainment of the Scottish Army dated February 20. laying the charge of it upon all parts of the Kingdome in their power that the North might be eased which for ought the Scottish Officers then knew might be effectuall for their pay Fourthly the Scottish Horse there quartered had so full pay for the Winter that the necessities of the County were beyond the necessitie of the Souldier These things considered will make the Westmorland mens resistance though it may be not justifiable yet not wholly inexcusable seeing their ground was necessity and their end the vindication not onely of the Authority of Parliament forbidding arbitrary Impositions by Armies and ordering other wayes of provision for Souldiers but of the Scottish Generall who had strictly forbidden the continuance of the assessement There is added pag. 39. a bitter and I think unjust reflection upon the Commissioners employed by the Parliament in the North who were Sir William Armyne Mr. Hatcher Mr. Robert Goodwin Mr. Barwis Mr. Darley Mr. Fenwick who put too much power in the hands of wicked Malignants as Recusants Prelaticks men lately in actuall Rebellion who spoyle the Countrey oppresse honest men c. A high Charge but no proofe except the Assertion he sayes indeed that men without
betwixt the Scots Committee joyned with the English Commissioners in the North for ordering the Scots Army where the English have been so farre from having a negative in any thing that in many things they have had no vote at all How often have those Forces been disposed of diminished increased removed from place to place from England to Scotland and back againe without the knowledge and consent of our Commissioners How are some Garrisons put into English Townes and Castles without their consent required others without their consent obtained for there is no Scottish Garrison in any English Towne or Castle which hath the consent of the Parliament except Barwicke where a Governour was placed with the approbation of the English Commissioners to whom equally with the Scots the disposall of the Army is by Treaty committed and this hath been done or at least not altered by the Scots Committee of themselves without sending to the Parliament or convention of Estates in Scotland as we are constrained to the Parliament of England in case of the dissent of the Scots so that there we have no negative or to no purpose which is here so strictly expected I am sorry you have put me to this discourse Pag. 54. 55. as also 59. 60. you will pardon my going backwards and forwards I must follow my Leader The Manifest gives an accompt of the divers correspondencies of the Scots Commissioners sometimes with one sort of men sometimes with another I suppose the Gentleman may be bolder with them then I they are men in publick employment and should not be bandied by a private pen I shall say nothing to their disadvantage they notwithstanding any alteration of their company have kept constant to their Principles and Counsels which have been to set up the Presbyteriall Government in England which is their declared businesse and that in full power and vertue without connivence at Sects Schismes this could not be done till the common Enemy was weakned and therefore both the Scots and Independents might well joyne for they both had hopes but when the Scots saw the Sectaries not altered in opinions but expecting the Liberty of their owne practise the grow strange to each other as being bound severall wayes and to supply their place another party strikes in partly out of concurrence with the Scots in Church-Government and partly out of envie and opposition to the Independents who as they thought had supplanted them but since those men who were most averse to the coming in of the Scots greatest strangers afterwards most forward to have them gone are so handsomely come about to an intimate conjunction with the Scots quid non speremus the world may turne once againe and the old friendship may be renewed let us not be too much prejudiced And the Author reduces this mistake to the Church-Government as I doe onely he speaks of a stipulation given from the English Commissioners to the Scots when in Scotland to goe heartily along with them in setling Church-Government I know no private stipulation as for the Covenant which is the mutuall publique stipulation I hope we shall all stand to to endeavour Reformation according to the word of God but if my observation faile me not the distances though I desire not to meddle with them have been also kept with men like affected with them for the maine of Church-Government and was occasioned also by the businesse of the new Modell of which more by and by Pag. 57. 58. There is mention made of the unreasonablenesse of the Siege at Oxford while the Enemy was ranging abroad and calling back the Party that followed the King both being against the advice of the Scots and how fit it was rather for Sir Tho Fairfax his Army to follow the King at that time then the Scots and herein referre to the condition of each Army And since we are called upon to try these things and not suffer them to be carryed away in hugger mugger as the word is let it be tryed First for the siege at Oxford of which I thinke this a true accompt it is well knowne how earnest endeavours there were almost on all parts to hinder the new moulding of the Armies how when seven thousand Horse and Foote were got together about Redding and Windsor they were dispatched into the West and when they had marched as faire as Blairford which is about seventy miles from Windsor they were by Order from the Committee of both Kingdomes divided and Sir Thomas Fairfax with 3500. commanded back towards Oxford where the King had joyned his Horse and almost compleated his Army for the Spring so that Sir Thomas Fairfax with his party could not march through Wiltshire but was constrained to goe through Hamshire for safety before his returne the King marched from Oxford Lieutenant Generall Cromwell and Major Generall Browne followed him as neare as they well might with another part of the Army so that that Army was already in three parts farre distant from each other the desires of the Parliament were sent downe to the North for the speedy advance of the Scots Army which was fitter for the field then Sir Thomas Fairfaxes for they had twelve or fourteen thousand men in a body in Yorkeshire and besides the Yorkeshire Horse a Party of the new Modell which makes another division of the Army was sent under Collonel Vermuden to joyne with them so that they wanted neither men money for 30000. l. was sent them in order to their advance Armes nor Ammunition which also they had received in good proportion as for Draughts and Provisions we have said enough before but Sir Thomas Fairfaxes Army when joyned with Cromwell Rosseter and when Vermuden not finding the Scots Army which was gone into Westmorland was returned and when he had the accession of some Association and Northampton Horse was but eleven hundred or thereabouts and therefore was it thought but reasonable that his Army should have a little time to gather together and that the pretence of sitting still might not be made against it it was appointed rather to lie upon the Enemies Quarters about Oxford then our owne that the reduction and recruiting of it might be perfected As for the calling back the Party following the King they were too weak to follow him because too weake to fight him for they were but equall when joyned with the other part of the Army at Naseby fight And besides if they had advanced it had been under the Command of Lieutenant Generall Cromwell with whom the Scots had no mind to joyne and so the Service might have been prejudiced And so have you the story of the Siege of Oxford in which you think there is so much disadvantage to the Publick on our part Pag. 62. We have a story of the Treaty at Uxbridge wherein this Author as if he meant division is not content to extoll the faithfulnesse Resolution Prudence knowledge of the Scottish Commissioners which never was questioned but he
discourse Pag. 67 68 69. occasioned by a Speech uttered publiquely by one to this purpose That the maine quarrell the Parliament stood for at first and thereafter did take up armes for was not Religion nor the reformation of the Church but the freedome and libertie of the Subject Which saying he pleads to be injurious but handles it injuriously for he makes the sense of that speech to be this The Parliament did not from the beginning intend a true reformation of Religion wch it affords not the Parliament may intend reformation and yet not fight for it And without prejudice to the Parliament let me declare my opinion The Parliament I doubt not did looke at Religion as the foundation and perfection of the Kingdomes happinesse and had it chiefly in their eye Some indeed have thought them more intent to Liberty upoÌ„ a mistake they could not be earnest for Religion unlesse they were for Liberty which is the fence and preservative of the practise of it But yet if I were asked the ground of the Parliaments taking up armes de facto I should not answer the reformation of Religion for I make some question whether Religion especially the reformation of it be so proper a quarrell for the sword but that seeing the King instead of suffering Justice to be executed upon offenders prepared violence against the Parliament and in it against our liberty with all the fruits of it of which the enjoyment of Religion was the choicest they raised an Army to defend us and themselves that they might sit with freedome and liberty to performe their trust for the preservation and reformation of the Kingdome which they have attended as much as the difficulties and distractions of the times would permit And to that end called an Assembly of Divines that they might from them receive some light to direct them in the execution of their power in matters of Religion He spends some further time in discussing that Position Whether Liberty were the maine quarrell I answer They looked at Libertie primò but not primarioÌ„ Religion as the furthest end but Liberty as the next meanes The infringement of libertie gives advantage to corruption in Religion as our Adversaries well know when they with equall pace brought on slavery and superstition Here the Author takes a needlesse ground to tell the people that which is not true That they are in a worse case in respect of Liberty then formerly by paralleling Committees with the Star-Chamber and Taxes with Ship-money This sounds more like sedition then truth For howsoever Committees may be guilty of partialities and miscarriages yet their maine intent is our preservation not our burthen as the other Courts were And we have now a better appeale from a Committee to the Parliament then we had from the Star-chamber to the King Injury may be done now as well as then but not so professedly or with so little remedy And as for taxes heavier then Shipmoney I wonder either at your face or at your judgement In the beginning of the 70 pag. you make a plaister of the necessitie of taxes but it is not so wide as the wound The wiser of the people see and discover your fallacious dealing and see a great deale of difference betwixt the Kings destroying their right in Ship money and the Parliaments preserving their right notwithstanding taxes which I hope will not last long I passe to the second exception against the new Modell pag. 72. 74. which is led up by a story of the Kings courting the Scottish Officers and his successe which I meddle not with The exception is that at the making of the New Modell were cashiered of the Scots in one day above two hundred brave fellowes I answer the Parliament were entring upon a way of good husbandry in reducing their Armies and it may be they thought these brave fellowes would be too chargeable But in earnest you say two hundred of the Scots were cashiered you should have used a milder terme and said reduced Cashiering implyes a fault Reduction none As two hundred Scots so soure hundred English were at that time put out of employment and brave fellowes too for ought I know It 's strange to mee that the Parliament of England should not without exception forme an Army as seemes best to them for their own defence and the Kingdomes Especially when the Scots had so great an Army in England and another in Ireland where employment was to be had But the Parliament to shew they had no nationall respect named foure Colonels of the new Modell and some Captaines besides a Lievtenant Colonel who is adjutant Generall of their foot a place of great trust who all except the last refused to serve The grounds of their laying downe are said to be three First because the rest of their Countrymen were not employed There was no use of them if we had men of our own Nation they were in reason to be preferred â—eteris paribus and it is not without its exception that they will not serve unlesse so many together Secondly They were nominated to inferiour employments that is a question they were but Major Generalls to Major Generalls and Commanders of parties but I stand not upon that Let the Earle of Manchester Sir William Waller be Generalls yet those Gentlemen knew that in the places they came from beyond Sea if they returned they must accept of such employments as these or lower and I hope we shall not have a perpetuall warre in England Sudden risings from a Lieutenant Colonell to a Lieutenant Generall must have fudden falls Thirdly Men unacquainted with warre and averse to the Covenant should have been employed with them from whom they could not expect true sellowship or obedience to Orders The men have confuted your Exception for Military vertue by their diligence and valour And though there be in the Army men that have taken the Covenant and make conscience of it yet if there be any that have not there is no discord but all unanimously prosecute the ends in the Covenant so farre as they are matter of Warre As for your question Whether the Parliament in leaving out some or the Officers not left out in laying downe their Commissions were more in the Wrong It 's answered neither of them in the Wrong Me thinkes he that considers how faithfull and how succesfull the Army under Sir Thomas Fairfax hath been and reckons up Naseby Leicester Langport Bridgewater Sherborne Bristoll Basing Winchester Barkley and other Honour which God hath put upon that Army should be well content with the New Modell But an Objection followes But God hath blessed the honesty and piety of some men extraordinarily in the new Army so that great things are done by it This is a sad objection but you answer'd it by acknowledging the good done but no thanks to the profession of Holinesse of this or that man they will joyne with you and say in the Apostles language Acts 3.