MARIE R. WILLIAM and MARY by the Grace of God King and Queen of England Scotland France and Ireland Defenders of the Faith c. To all Our loving Subjects of what Degree Condition and Quality soever within Our Kingdoms and Domiminions Greeting Whereas Our Trusty and Well-beloved John Dunton Citizen and Stationer of London hath represented unto Us That he is Printing an English Translation out of French of the Edict of Nantes in Four Volumes and that in regard of the great Costs and Charges it hath already been and will be to him he hath humbly besought Us to grant him Our Royal License for the sole Printing and Publishing thereof We are graciously pleased to gratifie him therein and accordingly We do therefore hereby grant unto him the said John Dunton Our Royal License for the sole Printing and Publishing of the said Book for the Term of Fourteen Years from the Date hereof strictly charging prohibiting and forbidding all Our Subjects to Reprint the said Book in whole or in part or to imprint buy vend utter or distribute any Copies or Exemplaries of the same or any part thereof Reprinted beyond the Seas within the said Term without the Consent and Approbation of him the said John Dunton his Executors Administrators or Assignes first had and obtained as they and every of them offending herein will answer the contrary at their Peril whereof the Master Wardens and Company of Stationers of Our City of London the Commissioners and Officers of Our Customs and all other Our Officers and Ministers whom it may concern are to take notice that due Obedience may be given to Our Pleasure herein signified Given at Our Court at White-Hall the 30th day of June 1693. in the Fifth Year of Our Reign By Her MAJESTIES Command J. TRENCHARD THE HISTORY Of the Famous Edict of Nantes CONTAINING AN ACCOUNT OF ALL THE PERSECUTIONS That have been in FRANCE From its First Publication to this Present Time Faithfully Extracted from all the Publick and Private Memoirs that could possibly be procured VOL. 1. Printed first in French by the Authority of the States of Holland and West-Friezland And now Translated into English With Her Majesties Royal Priviledge LONDON Printed for JOHN DUNTON at the Raven in the Poultry MDCXCIV TO THE QUEENS Most Excellent Majesty MADAM YOVR Majesties Eminent Zeal for the Protestant Religion and the tender Compassion and Charity you have shewn to multitudes of French Refugiez of all Ranks and Degrees who have been forced to fly hither for your Glorious Protection and Relief encourages me to hope that your Majesty will be pleased to pardon me this presumption of humbly laying at your Royal Feet an account of their deplorable Afflictions by permitting me to dedicate to your Illustrious Name this Translation of their History of the Edict of NANTES Your Majesty may see in it with what an astonishing Barbarity the formerly Flourishing Churches of France have been ruined and destroyed with what Rage Fury and Cruelty their Persecutors have treated them and how many thousand Dangers those miserable Innocents have run to find Sanctuary in your Kingdoms The Reading of this History how afflicting soever it may be in it self will I am confident Madam notwithstanding afford your Majesty some considerable satisfaction for tho' the Ruin of these Churches cannot but very deeply afflict your most tender and Christian Breast yet your Extream Piety will however receive no small measure of Joy and Comfort to find that this corrupt and Infidel Age wherein Open wickedness hath reigned with Reputation hath yet produced Martyrs and Confessors whose Courage and Constancy have scarce been inferiour to those of the Primitive Church tho' they have suffered almost beyond Expression for the sake of their Religion and for their Holy Faith have undergone a Persecution which taken in all its dismal Circumstances is far beyond the Blackest of any that can be met with in all the Records and Monuments of Pagan Antiquity Nor may it please your Majesty will this History be unprofitable to your Subjects for it will teach them what Dutiful Respect Obedience and Acknowledgements they owe to your most Excellent Majesties by informing them what a Horrid Persecution Popery was preparing for them too and the unexpressible Calamities into which they must inevitably have fallen if God had not wrought a Wonderful Salvation for us by making use of your Majesties Piety and Zeal to effect this Great and Happy Deliverance That signal Favour Heaven was pleased to shew to England at a time when both Church and State were over-run with Popery and Arbitrary Power and brought to the point of Destruction gives those miserable Refugiez strong hopes that they shall one day be re-established as it doth your Subjects a mighty Expectation of seeing a Noble Change of the whole Face of Affairs with respect to the Peace and Liberty of EUROPE Your Refugiez have no other Recourse next to Almighty God than to your Majesties who are engaged to labour their Re-establishment not only by that Tenderness and Compassion so natural to all generous Souls and which is so peculiarly Bright in your Majesty to the Afflicted and the Miserable but by the endearing Obligations which one and the same Communion lays upon you by all the Christian and Honourable ways to procure it for them And here MADAM I have a fair occasion to speak of the Royal Vertues which adorn your Majesties to acquaint the world with that profound Reverence you have for the Protestant Religion and with that Great Zeal you shew in the Defence of it with what a disinteressed Vertue the KING opposes the unjust Vsurpations of France with what firmness of Courage He hath exposed his Royal Person to the most imminent Dangers of War with what Prudence and Policy He hath united so many Princes of Europe of different Religions and confederated them all in a steady Resolution to put an end to those unparalelled Violences which have so long raged in a Neighbouring Kingdom under the name of a Most Christian Monarch who notwithstanding makes it his Glory to be Insensible of those almost Insupportable Calamities which his own Subjects suffer and groan under by his means and is the Inhumane Ravisher of the Publick Liberties of Christendom I could enlarge upon these and many other of your Great and Illustrious Vertues which are the supream Ornaments of Crowns and Scepters but where your Majesty commands my Silence I have nothing to do but to submit and to pay a most profound Obedience But I humbly beseech your permission to let me speak this Truth that your Majesties have both testified that an Vniversal Good hath been the end of all your Royal Cares that you have preferred the Raising of the Honour of the Nation to your own Glory How often hath that precious that Invaluable Life been hazarded abroad in the publick Cause of the Rights and Liberties of almost all Europe whilst You MADAM here at home have governed with so Careful
Pacification of the Trouble of the Kingdom given at Nantes April 1598 with the particular Articles intervening upon it c. 526 Particular Articles extracted from the General which the King granted to those of the pretended Reformed Religion which the King would not have compris'd in the General Edicts nor in the Edict which was made and fram'd upon those given at Nantes in April last c. 553 A Breviat granted by Hen. the Great to his Subjects of the pretended Reformed Religion April 30. 1598. 563 FINIS MARIE R. WILLIAM and MARY by the Grace of God King and Queen of England Scotland France and Ireland Defenders of the Faith c. To all Our loving Subjects of what Degree Condition and Quality soever within our Kingdoms and Domiminions Greeting Whereas our Trusty and Well-beloved John Dunton Citizen and Stationer of London hath represented unto Us That he is Printing an English Translation out of French of the Edict of Nantes in Four Volumes and that in regard of the great Costs and Charges it hath already been and will be to him he hath humbly besought Us to grant him our Royal License for the sole Printing and Publishing thereof We are graciously pleased to gratifie him therein and accordingly we do therefore hereby grant unto him the said John Dunton Our Royal License for the sole Printing and Publishing of the said Book for the Term of Fourteen Years from the Date hereof strictly charging prohibiting and forbiding all Our Subjects to Reprint the said Book in whole or in part or to imprint buy vend utter or distribute any Copies or Exemplaries of the same or any part thereof Reprinted beyond the Seas within the said Term without the Consent and Approbation of him the said John Dunton his Executors Administrators or Assigns first had and obtained as they and every of them offending herein will answer the contrary at their Peril whereof the Master Wardens and Company of Stationers of Our City of London the Commissioners and Officers of Our Customs and all other Our Officers and Ministers whom it may concern are to take Notice that due Obedience may be given to Our pleasure herein signified Given at our Court at White-Hall the 30th day of June 1693. in the Fifth Year of Our Reign By Her MAJESTIES Command J. TRENCHARD The SECOND VOLUME OF THE HISTORY Of the Famous Edict of Nantes CONTAINING AN ACCOUNT OF ALL THE PERSECUTIONS That have been in FRANCE During the Reign of Lewis the XIII Faithfully Extracted from all the Publick and Private Memoirs that could possibly be procured Printed first in French by the Authority of the States of Holland and West-Friezland And now Translated into English With Her Majesties Royal Priviledge LONDON Printed for JOHN DUNTON at the Raven in the Poultrey MDCXCIV THE PREFACE OF THE Second Part. WE left the Reform'd at the end of our First Part in a tolerable condition and in a tranquility which settled it self by degrees under the Protection of their King After the hardships of War Infidelitys and Massacres they began to relish the sweets of Peace with assurance by the love of a Prince who had not forgot their Services They thought themselves secure against the Malice of their Enemies and were under no apprehensions for their Consciences or Lives If they retain'd the least doubts or suspicions they only proceeded from a Prudence which consider'd the future and consequently oblig'd them under a King who was favourable towards them to take measures against the designs of another who might perhaps not entertain the same kindness for them This was the Aim of their Assemblies both General and Particular of their Councils of their Synods of their Associations Petitions and Demands All this was lawfu They had had so many dismal proofs of the Maxims of the Church of Rome in respect to those that are declar'd Hereticks by them that they had no reason to confide too much on the appearences of the Peace that Church had granted them They were not ignorant that the Popes had only consented to it because the Catholick Religion did lose considerably by the War and that the Court of Rome finds its account much better in the intrigues of the Cabinet and in the arificies of a fraudulent Policy than in Military Expeditions which they do not understand So that the Reform'd who had learn'd to be wise by an experience of fourscore years could not without relapsing into that ancient simplicity which had done their Fore-fathers so much harm and which their very Enemies had often upbraided them with in an insulting manner neglect to take precautions to secure themselves against the secret snares which the Church of Rome can set with so much Art and prepare at such a Distance Tho the King sometimes gave them causes of distrust yet he was not averse to their Pretentions and had he lived as long as his Constitution and Vigor seem'd to promise he might have put them in a condition which would have oblig'd the Catholicks to cultivate a Peace which they could not have broken without exposing themselves to sustain at least part of the damages of such a Breach It is true that he was stopt sometimes by a political consideration when the Jesuits and the Catholicks of their Party had filled his Head with the dread of a Cabal ever ready to break out ever dispos'd to receive malecontents and to asist them ever Mistress of the Government by reason that by the number of the places of surety and by the credit of the Lords who enter'd into that Vnion it was strong enough whenever Factions should be form'd in the Kingdom to incline the Ballance to that Party they should side with Moreover they told that Prince that it did not consist with his interest to suffer a Confederacy of part of his Subjects amongst themselves for their own preservation as if it had been against his Authority and that it had form'd a state within his Kingdom having Cities of their own Laws Interests and Politicks contrary to the common good of the Kingdom The King who was haughty passionate and jealous of his Grandeur easily suffer'd himself to be deluded by those shadows and at those times let fall words which gave cause to believe that he thought the Reform'd too great too formidable already to grant them any new favours But then those little heats were as soon allaid as they were assum'd His resentments were only lightnings the matter whereof was as soon consum'd as it had taken Fire there neither remain'd the least track of the heat or smoak of it All his anger was evaporated by a Frown and a threatning Word He thought himself sufficiently reveng'd when he had express'd that it was in his Power to take his revenge when ever he pleas'd Those who are well acquainted with the Character of that Prince know that this was his real temper which cannot be look'd upon as a Weakness since the principle of it was
feared more mischief from the Assembly than perhaps the Assembly designed to do and on the other hand the Assembly apprehended more harm from the Court than was there prepared for them Thus in dubious Affairs Fear is often mutual and there is a kind of emulation who shall shew most Resolution and Courage when really the Fright is equal on both sides The King severely complained to the Assembly by his Letters and laid openly the Fault at the doors of the Dukes of Bouillon and Trimouille but there happened such Divisions in the very Assembly as did e'en almost ruin their Affairs It may be 't was â—n effect of the usual Intrigues of the Court who designedly had drawn the Assembly nearer home the better to have them within the reach of its Caresses and Favours Not but that it might be also the effect of that Misfortune commonly attending the union of divers Persons differing in Genius Abilities and Interest who tho' agreeing in a general Design do often fall out about the choice of necessary Expedients It is with them as with that Harmony by which the World subsisteth through a correspondency of several discording Causes which might easily break out of that just proportion whereby they agree if they were not preserved and maintained by an Almighty and Divine Hand Thus the union of many Men who aim at different ends may break of it self tho' they often have the same Motives for acting concertedly when each one wou'd regulate the Conduct and Interest of all others by his own Maxims and Prejudices The Assembly who ascribed the Progress of those Disorders to the influence of the Court to prevent more Mischief thought it fit to remove elsewhere and accordingly came to Saumur on the Fifth of March This removal might be agreeable to both Parties to the King to whom du Pâ—â—ssâ—â— might be very serviceable there in allaying with his Wisdom the Heat of the most forward and accordingly the King had sent for him a while before and commanded him to go to Vendome and endeavour to bring them to a better Temper and it was agreeable to the Reformed also in that the Authority of du Plessis his Prudence and Equity might heal their Divisions and bring them all to an unanimous Effort for the common Cause In the mean while Matters went on slowly and the Assembly being very little satisfied with the Commissioner's delays which were supposed by several Members to be designedly made they carried their Discontents along with them to Saumur Nay on a Report spread abroad that the King was secretly treating of a Peace with the Arch-duke their Jealousies increased and they thought that the Court used so many delays to the end that if a Peace could be made before any thing was concluded with the Reformed the King might be in a condition to grant them only what the Catholicks pleased But a little while after the Assembly was settled at Saumur there happened an Accident which did extreamly allarm all sorts of People the Spaniards having surprised Amiens the defence whereof was left to its Inhabitants they defended it very ill This Blow made a great noise through all Europe France was counted lost the old Caballs began to revive and the consternation was so great that People knew not what course or resolution was best to take the King himself was disheartened in this Misfortune and fell from that greatness of Soul he had always been Master of before In short one may judge what condition France was thought to be in by what happed in Britany Brissac who was Deputy Lieutenant in that Province and a late reconciled League man caused an Assembly of the Nobility to be held there in his presence being therein as 't was said countenanced by Mompensier and the Dukes of Bouillon and la Trimouille There they proposed to put themselves under the Protection of the Queen of England by the Name of the good French People bons Francois taking it for granted that the King after that loss was no longer able to keep his Kingdom and defend his Subjects against a foreign Invasion The same accident occasioned great Agitations amongst the Reformed some were for taking up Arms and endeavoured to draw to their Opinion all such as were capable to bear them insomuch that one moved for an Attempt upon Tours whither some Troops were to be sent in the Name of la Trimouille others thought that they ought not to make use of such a dismal occasion and that it was even more honourable for them to desist from their former Demands than to make new ones As for the two Dukes they pushed on briskly their Proposals and endeavoured to perswade them that War was the only remedy they had left But almost all the Churches rejected it the great Towns whose example might have drawn in the rest and the best part of the Nobility were deaf to it so that the Project of the two Dukes fell to the ground It was nevertheless reported abroad that Discord had alone hindred the Reformed from voting the War because the Nobility and Consistory men renewed their old Quarrel and fell out about the management of the Money that was to be raised the Nobility claiming it as their right and the Consistory men being for Commissioners to be appointed by the respective Churches for the safe management of it But all these Intrigues as it was given out miscarrying through the dissention of the different Parties every one at Court after the retaking of Amiens valued himself for having no share therein and strove very hard who should make the first discovery to the King so that all the odium fell upon the two Dukes who had been the authors and promoters of the whole matter From whence it follows that their misdemeanour might be misrepresented and made a great deal more than really it was since in Reports of that nature Men use to say more than they know and consequently run the hazard of telling more than the truth As for the Motive of the two Dukes 't is not easie to guess at them The Catholic Writers charge them with designing to make advantage of the Disorders of the State that they might get by force those Preferments that were denied them but the President de Thou who saw the matters nearer than any body else as being present in all these Transactions gives us a more innocent Motive of those two Dukes He ascribeth their Design to Necessity and the Publick Calamity because in the General Confusion of the Kingdom every one did almost despair of his own safety and thought he ought to seek his security from himself for the proof of which he saith that as soon as Amiens was retaken they submitted to what Terms the King was pleased to prescribe to them because then their former hopes of enjoying Peace under a King capable to defend them were without doubt revived That is in a word that we may
which passage in the Scripture was the most clear to prove Purgatory and to shew the equality of the Pope's Power to that of St. Peter He demanded of it also in what time the Heresie of Calvin would be extinct He question'd it concerning the Depravation of Passages in the Scripture by the Heretics And he had Reason to ask the Lights of the Prince of Darkness concerning that because he had prepar'd a Work wherein he accus'd the version of Geneva of a great number of Falsifications He pass'd to Foreign Affairs to know what measures might be taken to Convert the King and Queen of England and all the Kingdom and which way to succeed therein with most Ease How the Turk might be Defeated and the Infidels Converted Whence it came to pass that Geneva had been so often preserv'd Then returning to the Affairs of the Kingdom he demanded something concerning the places of surety concerning Lesdiguieres and his Conversion and of the Duration of Heresie The Question about the preservation of Geneva no doubt was very Curious The Duke of Savoy made continual Attempts on this City and towards the end of the foregoing year he miss'd very narrowly of becoming Master of it He held intelligence with Blondel one of the Syndics of the City whose Treason was neither found out nor punish'd till many years But his Men already Masters of the Wall already enter'd the City and ready to force the Court of Guards that kept the Gates were nevertheless Defeated Those who were not kill'd were taken Prisoners and in the sequel were Executed as Robbers The Duke being desirous to gain that by force which he had been so near obtaining by surprise the King interven'd and told the Duke that he must expect him to be his Enemy if he push'd on the matter any farther Insomuch that the Duke was oblig'd to defer his designs till another time Geneva had implor'd succours of the Churches of France in this business and had written to their Deputies General to pray 'em to make a good Collection to assist 'em in the War which they thought to have against this formidable Neighbour and St. Germain did not fail to write concerning it throughout the whole Kingdom But the Interposition of the King deliver'd Geneva of this Dread and the Reformed of this Expence Cotton the Jesuit not being able to comprehend how Providence so openly had favour'd this Heretic City against the Pretensions of so Catholic a Prince was desirous that the Doemon should unfold to him the Mysteries of the Council of God and ask'd it whence it came that this City did never fall under the Attempts of a Neighbour much more Powerful then she All or most part of these Questions were set down in half Words But it was not hard to understand the meaning of every one of 'em did a Man but never so little understand what was the State of the Court and Religion in that time and that they were the Prospects and Intrigues of the Jesuits The Jesuit was so indiscreet as to Write all these Questions with his own hand upon a loose Leaf and to put 'em in a Book which Gillot Counsellor of the Parlament of Paris had lent him in 1603. Some years after returning the Book he forgot the Leaf which the President de Thou found there in Reading The thing seem'd too extraordinary to this Wise Magistrate not to endeavour to discover the Author of this curious Interrogatory It was plain enough that the Jesuit had a part in it because this Writing was found in a Book that came out of his Closet but the suspition turn'd into certainty when this Paper was compar'd with his Writing which it was not difficult to find The King did not Rellish this Piece of Curiosity but the Jesuit Reign'd there was no Noise to be made of it and the King call'd for the Paper to suppress it No Body could forbear Wondring at it Murmuring at it and fretting at it Many diverted themselves with it and found something very Comical in the design of questioning the Doemon not only upon Affairs of State but upon Religion upon the State and Conversion of Hearts and to take the Lights of this Doctor for Guides in understanding the Scripture Others expected that this Jesuit should have been Mortify'd at least by this Adventure But he did not much trouble himself about it because he was never the Worse for it at Court The Tractableness of his Temper his Complaisance his Flattering and insinuating behaviour maintain'd him in a Degree of Favor whose Cheats and Rashness ought to have thrown him down if the good Will of Kings were bestow'd on Merit They who have Written the Life of Cotton the Jesuit not knowing how to Reconcile this Adventure with all the Falsities which they put off in Honour of this Profligate Man bethought themselves of altering the Recital by all â—orts of Disguises Principally the Last of these Authors has gone beyond the Impudence of the other And as he has well judg'd that those who should compare the manner by which he Writes the History of him to that by which the President of Thou relates it would admire at this difference and would make no difficulty to believe this Venerable Magistrate before the Jesuit he endeavour'd to render him suspected of Passion and Infidelity upon this occasion But the Integrity and Exactness of this Wise Historian is so well Establish'd that his Testimony in things that have pass'd under his Eyes and through his Hands will always carry it in the Judgment of honest Men upon that from the whole Order of Jesuits That which these Authors say then that the Jesuit had not set down in this Writing but that which was permitted him by the Canons to demand of a Doemon is altogether a pure invention to Disguise the Truth There are also great variety of Copies of it which appear'd in Publick 'T is true the Jesuits themselves might sow among the people Memoirs made at pleasure to perswade those that will not ascend back again to the very source that it was a piece of Malice that was intended against their Society that every one mingling therein what came into his mind thereupon arose this multitude of Writings differing from one another But it was impossible that the President de Thou and the Counsellor Gillot Roni and the King himself who had seen the Original Piece before the thing became Publick should suffer themselves to be Cheated by this Artifice The Verification of the Writing which the Jesuit caus'd to be made by these who were most immediately at his Devotion without Form of Justice without having any party that took Notice of it and upon such a Writing that he pleas'd to produce to 'em because the Original could no be found by what his Historian says is a Trick that ought not to prevail against the Testimony of those Magistrates who had had the Original in their Hands ond who before they
ordinary and local Charges which were to be acquitted before all others the Assignments â—â— which should not be Converted to any other use They â—â—â— bethought themselves of this Illusion of Reimplacement â—â— render the said Decree of Restauration more tollerable â—â— such as only judge of things by appearances And indeed the Churches and all particular Persons seem'd thereby to be Indemnify'd Finally the Decree adjourn'd the Demand of the Clergâ— to be admitted into the Estates of the Country to the returâ— of the Commissioner the King would send thither to put thâ— said Decree in Execution After which the King writ to those who had the management of the Ecclesiastical Affairs in Bearn to send some body at Court to be present at the making of â—â—â— said Reimplacement It was an Exquisite Subtilty of the Clergy to order thâ—â— Affair in the Nature of a Civil Process as if it had only beâ—â— a Contsteation between private Persons Whereas the thing in question was to revoke a Law pass'd by the Authority â—â— the Soveraign with the Consent of the Estates for the punishment of a Rebellious Clergy who had betray'd their Lawful Princes and caus'd their Subjects to take up Arms to dâ—prive them of their Inheritance But they were sensible that it would prove an easier Task to judge a Process than to revoke a Law grounded upon such good Reasons Nevertheless as Decrees are no Laws in France they were oblig'd afterwards to convert the said Decree into the form of an Edict â—o the end that the Inrollment of it might be perform'd with â—ore Formality In the mean while the Clergy being unwilling to appear Ingrateful caus'd the Bishop of Are to â—eturn the King Thanks on the 18th of July whose Speech had â—ét more Violence in it than the Bishop of Macon's Among â—he Complaints which follow'd those Thanks there was one â—gainst the Book of the four Ministers and against their Deâ—ication to the King He call'd them Impudent Ministers of â—rreligion and of Falshood and he stil'd their Religion the Whore â—f Satan He bragg'd that they had been forc'd to lay down â—he Cudgels in the Conferences of Mantes and of Foâ—taineâ—â—eaâ— He Elevated the Fidelity of the Clergy very high â—nd in order to create Jealousies about the Reform'd he apâ—â—y'd to them what the King of England had sometimes said â—â— the Independents of his Kingdom of Scotland After this â—…hen the Assembly broke up they charg'd their Agents with a 〈…〉 Cahier containing 46 Articles And they acquitted themâ—â—lves so well of what was recommended to them upon that â—ubject that exeepting only one Article they obtain'd all â—â—eir Demands as I will observe elsewhere The News of this Decree being carry'd into Bearn the Eâ—â—ates who were Assembled at Orthez resolv'd to undergo any â—â—ing tather than to put it in Execution being equally ofâ—â—nded at the thing and at the manner of it A Decree given â—â—ntrary to the Promise made to Lescun and without having â—eard half of what the Parties concern'd had to say especiâ—ly a Decree which in a Despotick manner abrogated Laws â—â—at had been made with all the requir'd Solemnities seem'd 〈…〉 them unjust not being sensible as yet that Modern Policy â—â—lls nothing Justice but the Will of the Strongest They Deâ—uted Lescun to the King with humble Remonstrances and to â—â—treat him to allow that the Deputies his Majesty should deâ—â—re them to send to him to be present at the making of the â—â—eimplacement might be chosen in an Assembly compos'd 〈…〉 the three Estates of Bearn and the Deputies of all the Churches of France Lescun took Letters in his way from â—ochel from whence the Assembly was already gone He could not obtain an Audience at St. Germains before the 17th of September La Force presented him The Deputies General seconded him and acquainted the King that all the Churches of the Kingdom would have writen to him as well as Rochel if they could have met together again without offending him Lescun made an Excellent Speech to the King and seconded the Petition he presented to him from the Estates with powerful Reasons alledging that the Contractual Law had been duly observ'd for the space of above three hundred Years and that there was no example of its having been Violated or that ever the Customs receiv'd in Bearn according to that Law had been alter'd otherwise than by the Consent of the Estates He desir'd an Answer to a Cahier of Grievances and to divers Petitions he had presented and begg'd a Proâ—cution might be made against the Authors of a Libel Intiâ—uâ—… Le Mâ—ine which had been writen upon the Affairs of Bearn in a stile full of Venom and Violence One may judge of it bâ— what the Author said that it was in the power of the Catholicks to destroy the Reform'd and that the only thing which hinder'd them from doing it was that they valu'd the Life of one Catholick more than the Death of a hundred Huguenâ—… In another which introduc'd two Peasants speaking about the Affairs of the Times they made one of them say That the Huguenots were Impudent to complain of St. Bartholomâ—… Day and to call the Butchery of it a Massacre by reason that it was one of the most Equitable Acts of Justice that had ever been or that ever could be done Moreover Lescun deny'd whatever had been said of the State of Beâ—â— by the Bishop of Macon He affirm'd that the Catholicks were so far from being Twenty five in Thirty there that on the contrary the Reform'd were Ten to One particularly among Persons of Consideration and that they sustain'd almost all the Charges That the Catholicks were so far from being ill serv'd in the Exercises and Rites of their Religion that they had upwards of 300 Priests besides Bishops Canons and Preachers whereas the Reform'd had but 60 Ministers That the Catholicks were also so far from being inconvenienc'd in their Worship being forc'd to seek out places distant from their Habitation to perform the same that most of them had â—ass said at home or very near them whereas the Reform'dâ—n â—n several Cantons went to Church at three â—eagues distance from their Houses That the Catholicks had three parts â—â— four of the Churches and possess'd two thirds of the Ecclesiastical Revenues That the number of those which were Enemies to their Churches daily increas'd whereas of late â—he Places of Ministers which became vacant by Death were â—uppress'd by the King's Authority These Cases were considerable enough to deserâ—e to be â—lear'd before a Definitive Judgment were given in that Affair Since that if Lâ—scun spoke the truth nothing could be more ridiculous or false than the Complaints of the Clergy â—or more Inhumane or Unjust than their Ambitious Prosecutions But Equity had already for some years been banish'd â—â—om the Court Justice and Sincerity were Bury'd with the â—ate King and as little care was taken to raise them
with Equivocal Councils and Irresolutions Lesdiguieres form'd a Party separated from the rest and though all the Corruption of his Heart was not known the Reform'd were sensible that Interest was the chief Article of his Religion Chatillion had as much if not more Ambition than Piety and was as much ingag'd to the Court by the first as to Religion by the second La Trimouille was so young that it was not possible to judge what might be expected from him The Letters written by the Assembly of Rochel to the said Lords had produc'd no great effect and had neither been able to unite them among themselves nor yet to awaken them in favour of the Common Cause The Duke of Rohan Soubise his Brother and La Force were the only Persons who seem'd resolv'd to undertake every thing Moreover Affairs abroad afforded no prospect to hope that the Protestants would assist the Churches of France The House of Austria taking the advantage of the Troubles of the Kingdom began to execute their Projects in Germany and assuming the pretence of Religion in order to hinder the Catholck Princes from opposing them oppress'd the Protestants publickly Bohemia was full of Troubles and the ill success of the Arms which the People had taken up for the preservation of their Liberties made them lose in a short time both their Political Liberty and that of their Consciences These Confusions held all the Princes of the same Communion in suspence expecting the Event to see what measures they should take Prince Maurice was imploy'd in the Vnited Provinces and the Arminians afforded him too much business to permit him to ingage in the Affairs of France The King of England plaid the Theologian And while on one side he suffer'd People to give the Pope great hopes in his Name to restore his three Kingdoms to the Roman Communion he disturb'd all the North with Disputes which made him pass for a Zealous Protestant So that considering the present State of Europe it was impossible to expect a happy Issue of the Resistance of Bearn The King's Forces not being imploy'd elsewhere might all be sent that way and subdue the Country before the rest of the Reform'd had taken their final Resolutions Moderate Councils only serv'd to break their Measures and occasion'd great loss of time They prevail'd with those who only wanted a pretence not to meddle with any thing to forsake the Party of the others And the time which would have been necessary to put themselves in a posture of defence being consum'd in useless disputes when the King was ready to go into Bearn to force them to obey he found no body ready to resist him Too much consideration commonly ruines the Affairs of the People A little boldness is better in those Cases than slow considerate Proceedings Particularly when we are to deal with Enemies who esteem themselves to be above all Laws and who lay aside the Maxims of Integrity and Justice by reason that they know no other Rules of it but their Will That Prudence which sticks scrupulously to the Maxims of Probity is for the most part Unfortunate The Enemy takes the advantage of the Niceness of the Consciences of those he attacks and while they were deliberating about the Right of Resistance they afforded him time to prevent them Towards the end of the Year the Bearnois publish'd an Apology compos'd by Lescun with the advice and approbation of the Assembly of Orthez to whom it was Dedicated That piece was written at different times as may easily be discover'd by the management of it The Stile is not of a piece The Arguments are distinct and not well follow'd It is full of Allusions to Holy Writ and other Authors But yet it is good and solid and the Rights of Bearn were asserted in it with vigour enough to give a pretence to Charge the Author with a Crime of State for his boldness particularly because he speaks vehemently against Arbitrary Power altho' the respect due to the King be Religiously observ'd in it The Events of any consideration were noted in it by Years and by Days The Establishment of the Reformation in Bearn The Ancient Rights of the Country The Examples drawn out of the Old For which show that even in the beginning of the Thirteenth Century the People did not Swear Allegiance to their Soveraign till the Sovereign had Sworn to the Barons and to all the Court that he would be a faithful Lord to them that he would Govern them justly and that he would do them no prejudice The said Oath was renew'd in 1585 by the late King in imitation of his Predecessors The Author prov'd at large in it that the Laws only receiv'd their Force by and never could be alter'd without the Authority of the Prince and the consent of the Estates but more by the one without the other To prove which he brought several Examples He recited the alteration which was made in Bearn under Queen Jane and the Vengeance which Mongommery exerted against those who had oblig'd that Princess to fly by their Conspiracies A Vengeance which even Moluâ— one of the most cruel Persecutors of the Reform'd look'd upon as sent from Heaven by reason that the said Count reduc'd all that Country in three Days time and took all the Leaders of the Rebellion Prisoners After that Lescun related the said Expedition and all that pass'd upon the account of the Forfeiture and Seizure of the Ecclesiastical Lands until the Month of October of the said Year He observ'd the Falsity of what had been advanc'd by the Bishops who in order to be heard at Court pretended to be Authoriz'd by the Catholicks of Bearn and to be seconded by the Catholicks told them that the King had order'd the aforesaid Reversion or Restoration of his own accord from whence they concluded that it would be imprudent to refuse an advantage which offer'd it self Those good Prelates â—â— which one was of very obscure Birth as being Son of a Man who had been a Cobler Butcher and had kept a Caâ—aret those Prelates I say who made so much noise whenever the Reform'd took up Arms to defend themselves made â—o difficulty of taking them up to attack They made Assemblies Fortify'd their Houses gave Military Employments kept Guards as in time of open War and those Officers of Episcopal Creation never went abroad without being attended by Armed Men. In the next place he did refute the Bishop of Macon's Speech which I have mention'd before And he made this particular Remark upon it That this Prelate had taken his Exordium out of the same Subject from which that of a certain Libel â—ad been taken call'd The English Catholick written against Henryâ—… â—… So that the one began with the same Arguments in order to Exasperate the King against his Subjects as the other had done to make the Subjects rise against their King He approv'd the Book Printed at London
the Match was not concluded The Cardinal therefore seeing the Treaty of that Alliance broken off and England disgusted was willing to make the best of the Conjuncture and to fasten that Crown to the Interests of France by the Marriage of a French Princess The second of Henry the Fourth's Daughters had bin deny'd the Prince of Wales who had demanded her while Lewis the Thirteenth's Council was in the House of Austria's pay and the Prince of Piemont was preferr'd before him But the Cardinal altering the Design had chang'd the Maxims of the Court and he thought good to make the first Offers to a Prince for whom they had had so little value before Nor did he find any great trouble in causing the Overtures to be accepted William de Hugues Archbishop of Ambrun had a great share in that Negotiation and if there be any credit to be given to the Relation of what he did in England which he drew up by the Cardinal's Command he had almost brought the Religion and Kingdom of England to the brink of a general Revolution He relates that before the Cardinal came into favour he had bin sent into England to persuade the King to return to the Pope's Communion That he disguis'd himself to go incognito and took upon him the Name and Habit of a Counsellor of Grenoblâ— That at his arrival he found the Duke of Buckingham inform'd both of his Disguise and his Commission of which both the King and the Prince had giv'n him notice That the King appear'd to him fully resolv'd to embrace the Catholic Religion That he came to an agreement with him upon the greatest part of the Articles in controversie more particularly concerning the Soveraignty of the Pope over all Christians That upon this Occasion he wrote a large Letter to the Pope that it was sent privately by an English Gentleman who was a zealous Catholic That he promis'd to declare himself openly so soon as he had taken order for certain things which were concluded on That the principal reason of his making so many delays was the desire he had to be sure of the King of Denmark his Brother-in-law to the end he might be the better able to prevent the Troubles that might arise by reason of the Changes in his Kingdoms That he had invited him under other Pretences to take a Voyage into England and that when he came he made no question but to convert him too That he desir'd the Pope to suffer the English Lords to enjoy the Church-Lands that were now become their Inheritance for fear they should oppose his Designs if he went about to disturb 'em in their Possession That he promis'd there should be no farther â—earches made after any Priests that should be sent into the Kingdom either by the Pope or the King of France That he excluded the Jesuits only from that favour because he lookt upon em as the Authors and Contrivers of the Powder-plot by which they design'd to have blown him up in his Parlament-House That he shew'd the Archbishop several Favours while he was in England That he gave him leave to Confirm in the French Embassador's House above 18000 Catholics who were exempted from all prosecution upon it tho there were many of the English that saw the performance of the Ceremony so little did the Archbishop care to be openly seen That some of the more Zealous Protestants having made their Complaints to the King about it the King stopt their mouths by telling 'em it was done with his permission That the Duke of Buckingham had promis'd to imitate the King his Master and that he was really engag'd in the Intreage In a word The Archbishop had Letters from him which shew'd him too deeply concern'd to believe that all this Negotiation was no more then a feigned Business This was the Condition of Affairs when they began to treat of the Marriage of the Prince of Wales and it may be easily judg'd by the bending of the King's Inclinations that they should not meet with any great opposition So that the Cardinal obtain'd what he pleas'd himself and drew from him Conditions more advantageous to the Catholicks then those which the King of Spain had demanded Also after all that was concluded there was a way found to add new Clauses which the King was so complaisant as to condescend to without any hesitation 'T is true Berulle who was afterwards made a Cardinal being sent to Rome to sollicite the Dispensation suffer'd some things to be slipt in which went a little farther then what had been agreed upon But they who drew it up were easily pardon'd upon making a shew of being sorry for it and imputing it to the simplicity of the Prelate whose Zeal for his Religion had made him exceed the Bounds of his Power But the Court of England being in a good humour to refuse nothing suffer'd her self to be vanquish'd without the least Resistance and was willing to take any Excuses for the Alterations in good part But the unexpected Death of King James put a stop to the Rapid Course of the Prosperities of the Catholic Religion and suspended for some time the accomplishment of the Marriage propounded But Charles his Successor would not retract from his Engagements during the Life of his Father so that the Marriage was accomplish'd to the great satisfaction of the Court of Rome England in some measure beheld the Catholic Religion sprouting up agen in her Bosom For the new Queen was permitted to have a Chappel in all the Royal Houses to keep in her Family a Bishop and twenty eight Priests without any preferring one Order before another that they should have liberty to wear the Habit of of their Order publickly and that all her Domestic Servants should be of the same Religion besides that she should have the Education of her Children till they came to be Thirteen years of Age. But God permitted the Jesuits to spoil all by their unquiet and Seditious Politicks and to put the Kingdom into such terrible Jealousies of their Practises that order was taken for the suppressing ' em However the Treaty of this Marriage was spun out till May 1625. tho because I would not interrupt the series of the Story I was forc'd to insert it in this place In the mean time there were several particular Affairs that were regulated after a different manner among which that of the City of Pamiers in opposition to her Bishop was one of the most considerable That Prelate took upon him to dispose of the Consulship and Council of that City and to make himself Master of the sole Power of rating the Taxes upon the Inhabitants And his Zeal for Religion serv'd for a Pretence to justify his undertaking He would have no body in those Employments but Catholics and the Parlament of Thâ—louse whither he had remov'd the Cause were not wanting to â—our his Pious Design But for the bringing it to pass there â—s a necessity
pronouncing it I well know what has formerly been said and what may now be retorted upon those who strive this way to inveagle the Reader into a good Opinion of their Works 'T is better to abstain from committing Faults where it is in our Power than to beg pardon on purpose to render 'em more tolerable I night have let writing alone because I was not constrain'd to it and if I were afraid of not pleasing all the World in a Work of this Importance 't was long of my self that I displeas'd anybody who might have avoided the occasion of committing faults which no body perhaps will have the goodness to pardon which I might have easily done by sitting still and not writing at all But I must confess that the fear of seeing the design of so necessary a History quite given over prevail'd with me above all these considerations which might have diverted me from it and that I thought it more profitable for the Publick to oblige the World with such a Work as I was able to produce upon this Subject than to leave men ill informed of so woful a Revolution as has befallen the Affairs of the Reform'd And that which has the more confirm'd me in this resolution is this that other persons having labour'd upon the same Subject a little before I appli'd my self to it I found in their writings a great deal of Apology but little History tho I observ'd solidity sufficient Now this is that which appears to me in writing what has pass'd both for and against the Reformed to be principally indispensable to give a just extent to the matters of Fact which concern 'em to the end that considering them on every side with all their circumstances about 'em it may be the more easie to judge whether they be the Marks of a Factious Licentious and turbulent Spirit as their Adversaries give out or the effects of a necessary prudence and a lawful precaution as the Reform'd pretend When â—â— read a History in Abridgement the matters of Fact being too naked and too bare afford not scope enough to the Reader 's judgment So that before he can give his Opinion upon what the Historian has related to him he frequently desires to know the circumstances which the Author's brevity has conceal'd from him As for example Look into the Writings of Maimbourg Soulier la Croix or any such like Authors who have only taken their Pens in their Hands to render the Reformed odious and if any one finds there in abstract that the Reformed having persever'd about eight or nine Years in the pursuite of certain Petitions which King Lewis did not think fit to grant 'em the Prince being importun'd by their sollicitations took Arms to reduce 'em to his Will took from 'em their places of Hostage broke their Vniâ—n despoil'd 'em of several of their Priviledges â—ere is most certainly real matter of Fact but the â—revity of the Relation does not satisfie the Reader Therefore that he may judge knowingly of the matter â—is necessary that he should be inform'd of the nature â—â— the things demanded by the Reformed and the reaâ—ns why they were demanded with so much perseveâ—ance it behov'd him to know what were the grounds â—â— the Courts refusals and what was the occasion of â—â—eir taking Arms to stop the course of those demands which were made 'em with so much importunity Without this 't is impossible to know whether the â—ars of the Reformed were just or no whether their complaints were lawful whether the Courts refusals proceeded from ill will or from the injustice of the Requests nor is it possible otherwise to judge whether the Reformed were duly punish'd as Rebels or oppress'd as unfortunate innocent persons by the War which the Court declar'd against ' em Therefore the matter of Fact is to be unfolded and laid open before the Reader 's Eyes It must be made clear to him why the Reformed complain'd how they came to be under new fears and apprehensions every day Why the Court accus'd 'em of Disaffection and sought all manner of ways to surprize and destroy ' em Thus the Reader having understood the state of the Question is at liberty to judge whether the fears of the Reformed were Vain and whether the Court had reason to overwhelm 'em as they did If he be not equitable in his sentence that 's no fault of the Historian because he has given the Reader light sufficient to judge with knowledge Now in regard that this Reflection may be appli'd to all matters of Fact that concern Religion I thought it not enough to publish a History in Epitome of the misfortunes of the Reformed Churches in France but that they ought to be set down at large that by going back to the Original of the whole matter and setting forth the Progress and Series of what has befallen 'em good or ill not only the variety would render the reading of Work the more delightful but that the display of the most important circumstances would make it likewise more profitable and would serve for the more solid foundation of an Apology for those forlorn and disconsolate Flocks at this day scatter'd over the Face of Europe To this purpose I propos'd to my self to do that which I saw no body else preparing to undertake and to the end I might give an occasion of judging more soundly whether the revocation of the Edict of Nantes which we have seen in our days were an Act of Justice and Sincerity I have endeavour'd faithfully to set down whatever I could learn concerning the manner how it was pursu'd obtain'd publish'd put in execution or violated while there was yet some respect and reverence shew'd to the name and Author of it To this purpose I have under taken to write the History of whatever past in France upon the account of Religion from Luther to the Time that this Edict was set forth to the end it might the better be known what right the Reformed had to demand it what reasons oblig'd 'em to be satisfi'd with it why there happen'd so many Contests about some Articles which it contain'd why the King had so much trouble to grant it why the Clergy were so unwilling to consent to it and the Parliaments shew'd so much reluctancy to verifie it To this purpose it is requisite that we should shew what figure the Reformed made in the Kingdom what Tyes and Obligations there were between Them and the King when â—e came to the Crown who were their Friends or their Enemies and what were the reasons either of their hopes or fears 'T was my opinion that in order to this design it would be sufficient to set down in few words the most remarkable and most unquestionable Events from the Reformation till the death of Henry III. as being enough to give at least an Idea and a Taste of the general Affairs of that time On the other side I judg'd it meet to be more profuse and
all â—laces or upon the same day So that it would have occasion'd a kind of intricacy and would have render'd the matter dry and sapless which of it self is not very opulent or pleasant had I put so many different Dates to every Edict I know very well that usually they mind no more than the day of verification in the Parliament of Paris as having some certain priviledge which distinguishes it from others But since an Edict which is therein register'd has not the force of a Law in another Parliament till the performance of the same Ceremony there I thought it more to the purpose to keep to the Date of the Seal which is fixt and common over all the Kingdom Besides that at this day it is a Maxim of the Council of France that Edicts derive not the force of a Law from their being register'd but from the King's Pleasure only and from the impression of the Seal and that the Parliament has no other authority than to publish it and to put it in execution So that I had reason to prefer the Date from whence the Acts derive their force before that which affords 'em nothing and only serves to remove from among the People all excuses of ignorance I also give this farther notice in reference to the Dates that if I have fallen under any mistake ' tiâ— not I that am to be blam'd I follow'd that which I met with in the printed Papers which I made use of and which being almost all of 'em set forth by the Catholicks have receiv'd from them all the alterations which are there to be found Moreover if I commit any error in the number of the Articles several of which I divide into pieces there is nothing to be imputed to me For that division is almost arbitrary and sometimes you shall find it vary in different Editions of the same Edict and the same Decree tho they be all equally Authentick You will find that in some places I suppose that the Reader knows certain things without the knowledge of which it would be very difficult to understand the matter of Fact of which I give an account I know that this may well be lookt upon as a fault and I have found it bad my self when the Historian neglected to explain somethings which he presum'd I knew before because they were known to him But I must confess I thought it impossible to avoid this fault because that if a Historian were bound in favour of strangers to explain whatever may put them to a puzzle for want of having an exact knowledge of Customes of Families of the situation of Places and an hundred other particulars my History would have been swallow'd up in Episodes â—r Digressions with which I must have been constrain'd to load it So that whether I will or no I am constrain'd to refer the Reader who is desirous to know what I have not inform'd him to such Authors â—ho have particularly treated upon that Subject I do not believe they will be offended with me for â—ot enlarging upon Foreign Affairs because they were â—ot proper to my Subject Nevertheless when I thought â— necessary I observ'd their Connexion with those of â—e Reformed Churches I have not ty'd my self to the relation of Sieges and Battles when I speak of the Civil Wars because other Historians have made long descriptions of those matters besides that I should run astray too far from my principal aim which is only to relate after what manner the Edict was observ'd I have also taken the liberty to scatter some Sentences in my relations wherein I have done no more then according to the practice of all Historians If they be done with judgment the Reader will not be offended if they be little to the purpose he will not find 'em either so long or so frequent as to chastize me too severely for ' em It may be said perhaps that I tye my self too much to the Histories of the Great Lords such as Marshall de Bouillon the Duke of Trimouille the Constable de Lesdiguieres and several others But one reflection shall serve for all to shew that I could not do otherwise Those Lords were the occasion of almost all the Good or Mischief that befell the Churches They did 'em good when they renounc'd their own interest to serve 'em they did 'em mischief when they engag'd 'em in their own particular Affairs So that you meet with 'em every where nor can you speak of the Churches without having an occasion to mention those Eminent Persons who have either supported 'em with their Protection or ruin'd 'em by their Quarrels and Contentions There are some words which perplex'd me not a little Conversion Heresie Hereticks and the like have quite another signification from the lips of a Reformed from what they have in the mouth of a Catholick But I must have had recourse to endless Circumlocutions should I have been always studying to avoid the making use of those words in the same sence that the Catholicks take ' em I thought it sufficient to distinguish the places where the words carry a Catholick sence by printing them in a different character from the Text and there is no great likelihood that the Catholicks will be offended at me for calling 'em Catholicks quite through the whole Book 'T is a name they glory in and there are Edicts in France which forbid the calling 'em otherwise Nor did I think it proper to give 'em any other because 't is a long time since it has been made use of by way of President that it is no longer Synonymous with Orthodox and for that in common speech it signifies those who acknowledge the Pope for Vniversal Head of the Church 'T is in that sence that I give it 'em and I had rather comply with 'em so far then give 'em any other name that would not be so pleasing to ' em There is something more in that of Reformed which I give to the Protestants of France For a Reformed Officer â— Reformed Captain does not always signifie in the French Tongue such as profess the Reformed Religion But I could not meet with one more proper â—â—is a defect which all the exactness of the Academy or the good opinion the French have of their Language could ever have avoided that is to say to have some words that proved to be equivocal so that the Reader must gather the true meaning and sense of the word from the Subject in hand I did not think such an inconvenience sufficient to hinder me from making use of a word that sav'd me the labour of searching after Periphrases and Circumlocutions to express my self and 't is my opinion that when we write for the Publick we are not to mind the distaste of those that take a pett at such equivocals I shall not here go about to make any Apology for my sentiments touching the Authority of Kings and the Duty of Subjects 'T is true that the
and only to revive those Reproaches against 'em with which the most prudent Catholicks have loaded their Society from the very Infancy of their Institution THE PREFACE TO THE First Part. ALtho in the first Book I only comprehend in short what was transacted in France in reference to Religion from the beginning of Luther's Disputes till the death of Hen. III. nevertheless that Part has so small a share in my Work â—hat I may safely say that it begins exactly from that Accident which brought Hen. the IV. to the Crown So that my design takes in the Reign of three Kings The first of which whose Reign was the shortest granted the Reformed an Edict and Securities the Second took from 'em their â—ecurities and the Third cancell'd the Edict Being therefore to give an Account of three such various Events which enforces me to relate whatever happen'd most memorable under every Reign â—y Subject therefore naturally dvides it self into three Parts The first contains all that preceded the Edict of Nantes or that since it was granted regards the Execution of it during the Life of him that was the Author of it The Second recites the means that were us'd under the Name and Authority of Lewis the XIII to wrest out of the Hands of the Reformed the Cities and Assemblies that were their Security and from whence ensu'd the declination and ruin of their Affairs The Third relates what pass'd under the Reign of that Prince who wears the Crown at present till the Revocation of the Edict to which I have added the Events of some ensuing Years which are natural consequences of the former Transactions as the flight of so many persecuted Families their settling in foreign Countries and several other things of the same nature Now in regard our main business was to shew that the Conduct and Behaviour of the Reformed has been always far different from the Portraicture which their Enemies made of it I thought it requisite in every part but chiefly in the First and Second where they appear with their Arms in their hands to give an accompt of those things which afford the clearest light for the display of their Intentions to the end it may be the better discern'd whether they were not reduc'd to make use of those extraordinary Remedies by a necessity that admitted of no Dispensation I shall discourse in another place of wâ—â— they did after the death of Hen. IV. But I have here a design to speak one word of what was liable to be blam'd in their Actions during the Life of that Prince Not that I intend to repeat what I have said in their Justification quite through the whole Book but only to observe in few words the principal Circumstances of Affairs which you will find more amply laid down in the History it self The Reformed then are to be consider'd in three conditions under the Reign of this Prince In the First they had a King of their own Religion but who finding it would cost him a world of trouble to surmount the opposition of the League that under the pretence of Religion had arm'd the one half of the Kingdom against him resolv'd to change his Opinion so soon as he could do it with some appearance of Advantage In the Second they appear'd in the Service of a Prince who after he had abandoned their Religion seem'd to have alter'd his affection for them too and to mind nothing but his own Repose without much troubling himself what became of his most faithful Subjects who had done him such eminent Services In the Third condition you might see 'em living under the Authority and Protection of an Edict which they obtained at length after long solicitations in the prosecution of which they had spent four years and much longer time in the Execution of it There could be nothing laid to their charge so long as they remain'd in their first condition in regard they were fix'd to the King's Service and bore Arms in his Defence as long as he had any Enemies either at Home or Abroad If it be objected that they did not serve him then with the same Zeal and Affection as they were wont to make appear that their performances were not such as they us'd to be that they let fall some Murmurs and Reproaches I answer that if they had carried it higher it no way became the Catholicks to find fault You will perceive then by the History that the Catholicks were afraid of nothing so much as to see an end of the War before they had constrain'd the King to change his Religion that they also held Intelligence with the Leaguers who might well be lookt upon as Criminals if the Reformed were Trespassers Besides that the Reformed were oblig'd to stand upon their Guards as well against the Catholicks of the Royal Army as against the others and that by Consequence it was not just that they should expose all their Forces to the discretion of those who might have ruin'd 'em all in one Night the more easily to have ingratiated themselves with the League and have dispos'd of the Kingdom and the King's Person as they had thought proper themselves 'T was Prudence to reserve one part of their Forces against a pinch to the end the remainder might serve to revive and support their own and the Affairs of the Kingdom if the other should happen to receive a foil You shall find moreover from his coming to the Crown to his Conversion that the King discover'd to 'em every day more and more sufficient marks of his lukewarmness and indifference for them That consequently they had reason to believe that the more they enabl'd him not to want their Assistance the more he would neglect their Establishment and Security Whence it would follow That if they made use of all their Forces they should help to do their Enemies the Catholicks business and be not only ne're the better â—ut much the worse themselves But in the mean â—â—me it will be found that they acknowledg'd â—he King without condition and that they did not make bargains with him as the Catholicks â—id to serve him They would have put him doubtless to a strange plunge had they been as nice â—nd as scrupulous as others were This severity â—ould have been the Ruin both of Him and of all â—â—e Officers of the Old Court much more odious 〈◊〉 the League than the pretended Hereticks and â— there were among the other Royal Catholicks â—â—me persons of Honour they must have had their â—are in the vexation It was urg'd against the Reformed as an expression highly Criminal that they had sometimes given it out that they accepted of the Edict at a time when they might if they pleas'd have divided the Kingdom with the Catholicks I know not whether or no it be at if Crime to speak Truth but I know very well that the Reformed had been but closely united together by their own Interests without medling with those of the
King or State had they kept to themselves above three hundred strong Holds and almost whole Provinces had they expended the publick Treasure upon their own Preservation been sparing of their Veterane Soldiers and well disciplin'd Men to have joyn'd with that Party which had the upper hand of all the rest they might have pretended perhaps to something more than the half of the Kingdom Their separation from the rest of the Body would have infallibly been the utter dismembring of it and if such a thing had happen'd I know not how it can be deny'd but that the best part would have fallen to their share But their Generosity deliver'd the King and all his Servants out of this Perplexity They sacrific'd all their Policy and their Interests to their Duty They never hearkn'd to the wholesome counsels of their just mistrusts and tho they were perspicacious enough to foresee the consequence of their good nature they saw the Market concluded with others without being concern'd one of the Articles of which was to ravish from 'em the Person and Affections of the King This unshaken carelesnesâ— of their own Interests fix'd the tottering Crowâ— upon the King's Head and this piece of service sufficiently deserv'd to have been never forgotten by them who long enjoy'd the Benefit of it In their second Estate after the King had quitted their Religion more especially after the Chiefs and Cities of the League had submitted to him they appear'd more fix'd to his interests than they had been before their Demands were higher their Union more solid their Designs better converted their Assemblies more Numerous and more â—ifly adhering to their Resolutions But there â—ould be nothing more unjust than to charge it upon 'em as a Crime and History shews such reasons for their conduct that no unbyass'd persons â—n disapprove They saw the King resigning his â—bsequiousness to the Pope somewhat lower than became Humility surrendring up his Heart and â—ind to the Catholicks and abandoning himself â— their Politicks and their Counsels He purchas'd â—e Heads of the League not only by good Governments by large Pensions by vast summs payd â—n in ready Mony but chiefly by concessions to â—â—late the Edicts under the protection of which the Reformed were in hopes to enjoy their â—ves their Religion and their Estates For four â— five years together a thousand acts of injustice â—housand violences were committed in all the Proâ—ces of the Kingdom to the prejudice of the Reâ—rmed as if the King's conversion had purchas'd the Catholicks impunity for all attempts of Oppression and Wickedness The King was so afraid of offending the Catholicks that to pleasure them he held the Reformed in suspence for several years together without granting them any thing more then general Promises of which they saw the effects delay'd from time to time upon a thousand disobliging pretences in a word he would never listen to the Peace which he afforded 'em such as it was till all the Catholicks were satisfi'd with it So that he was much more careful to gratifie those who had by so many efforts endeavour'd to render his Throne inaccessible then to protect those from Persecution who had assisted him by so many services to ascend it Besides that the more his Affairs were assur'd by his reconciliation with the Leaguers the more uneasie he became to the Reformed and he was every day the moâ—… sparing of his Favours towards 'em by how much he saw himself in a condition not to need theâ—… assistance Certainly that man must be no admirâ—… of Justice who believes that in such a posture oâ— the general Affairs it behov'd the Reformed blindly to abandon themselves to the honesty of Catholicks who hated 'em and the sincerity of a Council that laught at 'em and who condemns 'em for 〈◊〉 king some precautions against that infidelity 〈◊〉 which they had had such frequent and fatal experiences Upon the whole seeing that after 〈◊〉 many importunities and solicitations they had obtain'd so little 't is easie to judge that so much would never have been granted 'em had they shew'd less Resolution and less Constancy But in their third Estate after they had obtain'd an Edict and some Securities one would think that they should not have had any more excuses for the continuance of their importunities that their eager desire to maintain themselves in Cities of safety â—nd to augment the number of 'em that the Petitions â—f their Politick Assemblies and their general Synods â—hat the renewing of their Union and the Oath that â—asten'd it and other such like Proceedings had had â—o longer any lawful pretence The Edict verify'd â—n all the Parliaments of the Kingdom was every where observ'd the King most commonly explain'd the difficulties that arose upon the execution of it in favour of the Reformed he cordially made use of 'em and he was in Alliance with all â—he foreign Protestants One would have thought after all this that that same Spirit of Distrust which they shew'd upon a thousand occasions was â—o longer to be endur'd and that it might have authoriz'd the jealousies and suspicions of their â—â—rbulent and factious Humour But History affords us matter of Reply to this same plausible Objection There need no more then two considerations to shew that as these Mistrusts were not without a good foundation so the precautions which they advis'd were far from being unlawful The first of these Considerations is drawn from the present state of Affairs the second from future Events The present condition of the Reformed was not so calm or free from disturbance but that every day presag'd an approaching declination with which the Constitution of Affairs threaten'd 'em if they forbore to stand upon their Guard The alterations made in several Articles of the Edict by the King himself and by his single authority only out of a Prospect to please the Clergy and Parliaments were not so slight whatever was said but that they were no less sufficient demonstrations that the King in other things so jealous of his word had suffer'd the Catholicks to have a powerful Ascendant over him They who could perswade him to violate nine Articles of an Edict so long time under negotiation and concluded with so much solemnity might well one day oblige him to elude and frustrate all the rest of his Concessions Besides the excess of his Obsequiousness to the Pope his Ambition to bear sway in the Conc'aves and to procure himself Friends and Creatures in the Court of Rome His Alliance with an Italian Princess upon Conditions which the Pope had dictated The art of terminating Controversies and of a converter of others in which he took a Pride The Affront which he caus'd to be put upon du Plessis at Fontain Bleau tho he were one of his most ancient and faithful Servants and several other things of the same Nature were sufficient grounds of fear that at length his Affection would be quite estrang'd from the Reformed and that
that take Heaven and Earth to witness they pay no manner of homage to Images In the mean while the Trials went on against the Prisoners most of which came off with a slight punishment But Counsellor du Bourg after he had shewn some weakness which he soon retracted by the Exhortations of the Ministers and others who writ to him or visited him was condemned to the flames as if he had been a common person They endeavour'd to blacken him by accusing him as a Complice in the assassination of the President de St. Andre who had been one of the Commissionated Judges appointed to try him But that Accusation being sufficiently refuted by the known Probity of that Venerable Senator fell of it self That President had acted in the whole Examination and Prosecution of that business more like a passionate Adversary than an equitable Judge which Du Faur one of the Prisoners charged him with very couragiously one day which cruel man hapning to be kill'd before the Trial of the Prisoners was over one Mr. Stuart a Scotch Gentleman and who pretended some Relation to the Queen but in complaisance to her Vncles was disowned by her was taken up upon suspicion for that murder to which to make weight they added several other Accusations But with all their Tricks they could not convict him by any sufficient Proofs nor extort any confession out of his Mouth no not by the torments of the Wrack which he suffer'd with such an unshaken constancy that as they were unwilling to condemn him upon imperfect Evidence so they durst not acquit him because they fear'd him Whilst the Protestants were thus outragiously handled their severe usage exasperated them both to speak and write somewhat warmly in their own defence But their Apologies had the ill luck to incense the higher Powers but so much the more against them because they maintain'd That Women Foreigners ought to be excluded from the Government and that the administration of it belong'd to the General Estates of the Kingdom and to the Princes of the Blood during the minority of Kings whom they would by no means acknowledg at age fit to govern at 14 years And about 3 years after they still brought upon themselves more mischief by reading in a Synod a Writing drawn up by a certain Author exhorting them to unite together against despotick Power Popery and Abuses in Law which they called the three plagues of human Kind from which they who live by the Corruption of Religion and Justice fail'd not to give a malicious turn to the aversion they shew'd for Arbitrary Power and to take advantage there-from to reproach and traduce them to this day as Republicans and sworn enemies to Monarchy as if not to flatter Tyranny were the same thing as to Rebel against a legal Government The power of the Guises began to grow Insupportable and there began likewise from that very time to arise between them and the Royal House of Bourbon a competition that soon after degenerated into a declared Enmity so that from that time forward those two Houses became Irreconcileable foes which was the true occasion of the attempt of Amboise tho some will needs have it pass for a pure business of Religion I shall leave that talk to others to treat more amply of that subject and to make use of the Testimony of those who assure us that Q Katharine had secretly solicited the Admiral to free her out of the hands of the Guises who had assumed all the Authority and for my own part shall only be content to assert That Religion was concern'd in it only by accident by reason that those who were deprived of their part in the Government due to them by their high Birth professed the Reformed Religion Among near 1200 unhappy persons that were destroyed upon that occasion by divers sorts of Punishments and most of which suffered all the severities of the Tortures there were but two in all whom they could force by Torments to say what they would have them all the rest unanimously maintaining that their design was only to seise the Lorrain-Princes and divest them of an Authority which they ought not to enjoy to the prejudice of the Princes of the Blood There is therefore as little reason to charge the Reformed Religion with the blame of that Enterprise supposing that according to the Rules of Policy it deserved any as to impute to the Roman Religion the conspiracies of the Catholick Princes and Lords against the Tyranny of the Marshal D'Ancre or that of the D. of Orleans against the excessive power of Cardinal Richelieu or those of the Parliaments and of the Prince of Conde against the Ministry of Cardinal Richelieu who went on in the steps of his Predecessour to oppress the publick liberty The heads and principal Members of those Conspiracies being Catholicks as those concerned in the design of Amboise were Protestants Since therefore the persons concerned in all those several Intrigues were all engaged by the same motives and the same prospects they must either be equally imputed to the Religion of their Authors and by consequence the Roman Religion must be judged so much the more Guilty in this matter than the Protestant as it has oftener stirr'd in those sorts of Commotions than the other or else it must be confessed that Religion had no share but by accident in those affairs which were purely Politick of their own Nature and that those Interests which set the Wheels of those attempts in motion were indeed properly none of Hers. But the Cruelty of the Court the principal heads of which diverted themselves with the horrible Spectacle of so many Executions and seeing the blood run down in all the streets of Amboise struck a horrour in all moderate persons And this first Essay which was follow'd by so many Massacres that stain'd the succeeding reign with so much Blood touched the Chancellour Oliver so much to the Heart that he Died with grief and L'Hopital was put in his place who in acknowledgment of that Favour always adhered to the Q's interest as his own That Princess seeing the Authority of the Guises increased by their Success in the Enterprise of Amboise would not suffer the Protestants to be prosecuted to extremity yet could not induce them by that to place any confidence in her since for all that they examined in one of their Synods a Memorial to be presented to the General Estates in which several things were made use of not at all to her advantage But however the Court kept fair for a while with the Prince of Conde tho they were well enough persuaded he was privately the chief contriver of that Enterprise and the D. of Guise by a profound Dissimulation of his Thoughts seemed to assent to his justification About the same time the name of Huguenot was introduced into the World and because it has been ever since retain'd as the distinguishing name of a Party I
Dean of the Colledge of Divinity hotly opposed what had been concluded concerning their use and stiffly maintain'd that they ought not to abateanace of what the Roman Church had once authorised tho own'd to be introduc'd at first by evil custom And so obstinately have the Clergy of our times adher'd to that Maxim that they never would consent to purchase the return of the Protestants to their Communion with the price of any of the least Abuses tolerated by the Roman Church And besides from the very beginning of that Conference there appear'd a certain presage That no good could be expected from it since the Clergy at Poissy about 11 days after the opening of their Assembly which was the 4th of September when the Parliament had referred to them the Jesuits Petition for leave to settle in France authorised them to fix in Paris upon conditions which that Society never observed And so that very Assembly from whom the World expected an equitable accommodation of differences in Religion effectually served for nothing else but to establish in the Kingdom the most mortal enemies of all equity and that have taken up ambition perfidiousness and cruelty for the chief maxims of their Politicks The Cardinal of Lorrain had shewn some little inclination to the Lutherans Opinion about the real presence and had order'd a Formulary to be drawn up that differ'd not from their principles Now whether he was really of that Opinion or only dissembled an inclination for it out of some politick consideration is not known But certain it is at least that he and the Duke his Brother made use of that Artifice effectually to hinder the Duke of Wirtemberg with whom they had an interview with Savern from confederating with the P. of Conde who sought his Alliance The K. of Navar likewise at the persuasion of the Tutor to his Natural Son had testified the same inclination but yet never stuck to any setled Opinion in Religion but continued wavering and doubtful in that matter to his dying day There hapned a great sedition that year at Paris where the Protestants were met for their Religious Exercises For the Catholicks having a Church hard by their Meeting were so malicious as to ring their Bells with more noise and much longer than ordinary purposely to disturb the Minister and his Auditors by their jangling upon which the Protestants sending 2 men unarmed civilly to intreat them to leave off that troublesome ringing The Catholicks were pleased to knock one of the messengers on the head but the other got away Upon that the people easily took fire on both sides and fell so fiercely together by the ears that the City Guards which were then employed to prevent such Accidents were not able to suppress them The Protestants over-powered their Adversaries in this Scuffle and the doors of the Church were broken open the Images battered to peices some Catholicks killed and some Priests put in prison But the Protestants were made to pay dearly for that advantage for the Parliament condemn'd them for it and â—â—â—â—ed up 2 or 3 of them and imprison'd their very Witnesses 〈◊〉 pâ—â—ting in their favour Which Example has been followed 〈◊〉 â—…nd the unhappy party always judged in theâ—…â—…been treated with the mostâ—…â—…amâ—… casion of the Massacre at Vassi which the Domestick Servants of the D. of Guise committed in their Mrs. presence killing about 60 persons and wounding above 200. For tho The Q. promised them Justice for it yet the K. of Navar whom the Triumvirs had wrought over to their Interests received Beza but very ill when he came to complain of it to him and the Duke of Guise and Marshal de St. Andre baffled all their Prosecutions for the punishment of the Criminals and the whole blame of the Massacre was at last thrown upon the pretended impatient humour of the Protestants And yet that action was a thing of no slight consequence because besides the cruelty of the Fact it was a Breach of the Edict of January which was the first that granted a free exercise of the Reformed Religion in publick and was drawn up with the approbation of an Assembly of the Notables or select Council of Nobility but notverified without great opposition especially at Paris where after several reiterated commands it was at last Registred with this provisional clause That it was done in consideration of the present conjuncture of Affairs without approving the new Religion and to remain in force no longer than the K. should order otherwise That Edict was an effect of the extraordinary favour the Admiral was then in with the Q. who highly caress'd him which gave so much jealousie to the Triumvirs that they retired from Court But that great Lord suffering his eyes to be dazled by the Artifices of the Queen discovered to her a little too much the strength of his Party by demanding of her the liberty of building Temples or Churches for 2150 Protestant Congregations For the Q. thereupon demanded to see a particular account of the number of each Congregation which he refufing as being sensible he had already been too open-hearted with her Ever after that she was shie of the Admiral as being unwilling to depend on him But the Triumvirs were not long absent from the Court but returning and restoring to the Parisians who where passionately affected to them their Arms again they reduced the Q. into such danger of losing her Authority that she was forced to have recourse to the Prince of Conde to deliver her out of their hands authorising him by pressing Letters wherein she recommended to him the K. the Kingdom and her self and complains That the Guises kept her in Captivity requiring him to take up Arms under the specious pretence of delivering the King and Queen But that Princess afterwards falling into the power of the Confederates and being constrain'd to disown the Commission she had given the Prince to take Arms he sent her Original Letters to those German Princes to whom he had a mind to justifie his Conduct which she took for so heinous an Affront that she would never pardon it to him However to hinder the people from joyning with the Prince another Edict was publisht in the King's Name to confirm the Edict of January which granted an Indemnity for all that was past and permission for the free publick Exercise of the Reformed Religion every where but in the City and Suburbs of Paris But the Prince baffled that Stratagem by publishing the Copy of a Treaty of Confederacy concluded between the Pope the King of Spain and the Guises against the Protestants which he had newly intercepted Not but that on that and all other like occasions there was always a considerable number of Protestants that suffer'd themselves to be deceived by those Illusory Edicts Nay and that there always was some of them that have been wheedled in to bear Arms too against
after the passing of that Edict to have her Marriage confirmed she could not obtain it as I shall shew more fully in time and place The pretence urged against her was That there appear'd no Evidence neither by writing nor witnesses to prove it an Authentick Marriage and not Clandestine It 's true indeed it was then 40 years since it was done and there remain'd but one man alive that could witness it but yet that hindred it not from being very true that the Marriage was celebrated by the consent and in the presence of the Cardinals Brothers and with all the Solemnity that the Simplicity of the Reformation and the circumstances of that juncture of time could permit That Cardinal passed in the time of the following Wars into England to demand assistance from Queen Elisabeth but as he was about to return into France he was basely poysoned by one of his own domestick Servants The Chancellor took his opportunity after the Edict of Peace to publish another commanding all the King's Subjects to pay Tithes as before to the Church-men And it was not doubted but that Edict was the preservation of the Roman Church because had the Protestants been suffered to escape free from paying those dues all that had any Goods or Estates lyable to pay Tithes would have wheeled about to their Party out of greediness to augment their Revenues at one jerko a full tenth part Yet for all that it appears by the repeated complaints of the Clergy in all their Assemblies that they had much ado to enjoy the benefit of that Edict And 't is only since the Edict of Nants that they have been established in the full possession of those dues And then indeed that question was contradictorily decided to the advantage of the Church-men and the recompense granted to the Protestants to indemnify them for what they paid in Tyths took from them all colour of renewing any more pretences on that Subject for till then the Clergy had not been able to keep possession of those Rights because the Protestants paid them nothing in places where they were strong enough to avoid it and the Catholicks in many places and especially the Gentry paid them but ' en what they liâ—ted But that Edict fortifying them with a new Title they recovered by little and little the full enjoyment of all their Rights and under pretence of explaining or confirming them against the pretensions of the Protestants they often procured orders which they made use of to the Disadvantage of the Catholicks themselves So that they that for time out of mind had been obliged only to pay certain fixed Tythes were then forced to pay Tyths of the Artichokes Melons Pumpions nay and of their Marjoram and in a word of all the Herbs of their Gardens And for the obtaining those Orders the Clergy was not ashamed to vacate the old customs that were confirmed by an interrupted possession of 2 or 300 years After the Peace both Parties contended which should be most active in re-taking Havre de Grace from the English who had a mind to keep it and the Protestants seemed to espouse the cause with more heat than the others the better to wipe off the reproach cast upon them of having given new footing in the Kingdom to a Foraign People that had been so long its mortal Enemies At his return from that Expedition the King was declared Major at Roan and put forth a new Edict to confirm that of Amboise which was again renewed towards the end of the year by another which explained some dubious Articles of it But when the King was return'd to Paris the Admiral was impeacht for the Murther of the Duke of Guise the affairs was very difficult to decide at that Juncture of time because of the equal Ballance that seemed to be between the power of the Accusers and that of the Accused and therefore after several insignificant proceedings it was cunningly put off for three years The same year likewise there began to appear at Tholouse and elsewhere some seeds of a League against the Protestants and the famous Council of Trent was at last terminated which having been long desired as the only salve for the Divisions of Europe was for sometime as 't were the Shittle-cock of the Policy of Princes and the Terrour of the Court of Rome which was afraid that in such a ticklish time in which she was so much cried down a Council would in spite of her attempt a Reformation of her intolerable Errours and Abuses But yet at last that Court found its account well enough here and that Council degenerated into a manifest Cabal confirmed all Abuses to the advantage of the Roman See exalted her above Princes and made the yoke of the Roman Church more heavy than ever upon mens Consciences The next year the Spaniards did what they could to re-kindle a new War but the time was not yet seasonable to hearken to them In expectation therefore of a better occasion they conspired with the Catholicks of Bearn to seise the Queen of Navar and her Children and to deliver them to the Inquisition for Hereticks which if effected would have given a fair occasion to Philp Iâ— to make himself Master of the rest of their Dominions which had escaped from the Ambition of his Great Grandfather The Conspiracy was discovered but yet Queen Katharine had particular reasons worthy of her self not to order the person to be taken up that was the chief Intriguer in it Four years after the Queen of Navar who was forced to provide for her own and her Childrens safety by flying to Rochel from the fury of the same Revolted Subjects sent from thence Montgomery to chastise them after which she Banisht quite out of her Country all exercise of the Roman Religion under the pretence of which such a horrid Treatment was design'd her And that was done by the consent of the States without which nothing can be legally done in that Principality So that the Catholicks lost all their Priviledges there by a just punishment for their furious Attempt in going about to deliver their Lawful Soveraign Princess into the Power of a Foraign Jurisdiction and the Reformation was by this means received there by the concurrence of that double Authority in which the Legislative Power of that Country Resides We shall see afterwards what respect was had to those considerations under the Grand-child of that Princess But in France the Protestants were not long at quiet without new occasions to be jealous of the Court for they were ill treated almost every where and saw their Tranquillity openly conspired against And the Pope the King of Spain and Duke of Savoy loudly demanded by their Ambassadours that the Edict might be Revoked and the Decrees of the late Council Publisht to which the King's answer was in such general and ambiguous Terms that the Protestants could not but be
declared Regent and suspended the War with the Protestants by a Truce of 2 months by which she gave them leisure to make an Assembly at Millau where they chose the Prince of Conde for their Chief but this also served their Enemies to recruit their Army and make their advantages The New King Henry III. receiv'd good advice at Vienna Venice and Turin where he was exhorted to give peace to his people but the Queen-Mother and her Favourites quickly effaced all the impressions of those good Counsels The Council was divided into 2 Factions one follow'd the Maxims of the Chancellour of the Hospital and were for peace the other follow'd those of Morvillier Bishop of Orleans who was Keeper of the Seals some time and these were for destroying the Protestants at any rate soever This last party was animated by the particular hatred of the Queen-Mother against the reformed by the ambition of the Guises and by the Intrigues of Spain who had a great influence in the Council Morvillier added the Charm of some Bigottry which he had in his Head and which was enough to dazle the ignorant people The Protestants provoked the Cabal yet more by a Memorial which they presented in which they demanded satisfaction in 92 Articles which touched the disorders of the Court too much to the quick to be heard favourably there and they principally insisted on the calling the General Estates to remedy the miseries of the Kingdom In the mean time the Princes were set at liberty by the King when the Queen-Mother presented them to him at his arrival in France tho there wanted not some to watch them so narrowly that they were little better than Prisoners But at last the Duke of Alenzon retired from Court and a little while after the King of Navar did the same It is observed of this latter that passing by Alenzon he there went to the preaching The Psalm which the Minister sung before the Sermon was the 21st which begins with these words Seigneur leRoy s'ejouira D'avoir eu delivrancee par ta grande puissance c. The King shall joy in thy strength O Lord and in thy Salvation how greatly shall he rejoyce v. 1. He enquir'd if this was sung because of him and when he understood that it was according to the Order that the Psalms were sung for that day he took it for a good presage of Success in his Enterprises Howsoever it was a good while before he fixed intirely to the reformed Religion His Life at that time had more of the Libertine in it than of Devotion But the year after his Servants who saw that this indifference in Religion did not accommodate his Affairs obliged him publickly at Rochel to repair the fault which he had been forc'd to at Paris by the terror of death These Conjunctures extorted from the Court a Truce of six months and in the end a Peace which they needed to break the Vnion of the Confederates and to separate the Duke of Alenzon from their party They granted an Edict to the Protestants such an one as they were used to make when they were not willing to keep it this is that which introduced the name of the Religion pretendedly Reform'd They gave them 8 places of Security and at the same time concluded upon their ruin with the Legate and with Don John of Austria and in the very same year it was openly talked that the Edict should be revoked and that they had granted it only by force They put it under Consultation whether Faith should be kept with Hereticks and it was publickly Preached that according to the Council of Constance they were not obliged to it After this then the Peace was broken and the Estates General which the Protestants had demanded with so much earnestness concluded to destroy them and to oblige Henry III. to make himself chief of the League because he was afraid that some other should This League so famous was form'd of the Vnion of many particular Leagues all which had Religion for their pretence but the principal end of this general League was to set the Duke of Guise upon the Throne and that the King could not doubt of There was a Writing which a certain Advocate of Paris brought from Rome which contain'd the Reasons and Methods for Deposing the Descendents of Hugh Capet and restoring the Crown to the Posterity of Charlemagne which fell into the hands of the Protestants who Published it Viâ—onne Ambassadour in Spain sent another Copy of the same Writing and reveal'd the whole Mystery of the League The King being of a timorous and unsetled temper followed the advice of Morvillier who was as timorous as himself and believed he should more easily destroy this Cabal by making himself the Head of it than by Methods more firm and agreeable to his Dignity He passed further and declared That as he had promised by Oath at his Coronation upon the most holy Sacrament of the Altar to suffer no Religion in his Estates but the Catholick he warned his Subjects not to believe any thing he should either say or do to the contrary and that if he was reduced to make peace he would not keep it but till such time as he could get an occasion to break it But all these Protestations hindred not but in a little time after he made a Peace with the King of Navar. Mompensier who went to see that Prince to sound his intentions advising him thereto at his return and the third Estate likewise helped the King out of his perplexity declaring that they were of advice to bring back the stray'd sheep to the Roman Church by all convenient methods but that they had not counselled the War The Honourable manner with which the King of Navar received the Deputies and the Letters of the Estates facilitated the Treaty He answered in Writing That he was ready to quit his Religion if by any better instructions they could shew that his own was not good This clause was taken as an ill augury by the Ministers of his Court who therefore razed it out but he interlined it again with his own hand The Prince of Conde shew'd a greater Spirit for he would neither acknowledg the Estates nor receive their Letters nor give them an Answer Thus Peace was made and confirmed by an Edict given at Poictiers which they themselves who excus'd it with the Pope acknowledged to be less favourable than any that had been granted to them before But the Bigots were angry at it nevertheless because of the Article which declares the Protestants capable of Offices and Honours In short it struck at the Designs of the Guises and it was easy to extend it to the Princes That their Religion ought not to render them incapable of the Crown since it did not render other Protestants incapable of Employs suitable to their Birth This Calm gave opportunity to Hold some Synods That of St. Foy
before wherein he protested he desired nothing more than to be better instructed and was ready to submit to the Decisions of a General Council or at least of such an Assembly of Church men as might be able to terminate the depending Controversies and in the mean while promised to alter nothing in the State of the Catholick Religion and he gave them soon after very convincing proofs of the sincerity of his Intentions in that 〈◊〉 by granting the Town of Chartres upon its surrender to him after a long Siege the power to suppress the exercise of the Reformed Religion both in that City and within the whole extent of its Jurisdiction In which he stretcht his complaisance for the Catholicks to as â—ign a pitâ—h as it would bear since to pleasure them he was content 〈◊〉 exclude the exercise of his own Religion out of the precincts of a â—onquer'd pâ—ace The other Declaration was in favour of the Protestants to whom it granted the Revocation of the Edicts that were contrary to that of 1577 which was thereby restored to its full force and vigour by way of Provision till the Differences in Religion should be agreed by the consent of all the Orders of the Kingdom when they should be reduced to the Kings obedience It was thought an Edict so very reasonable as that could not but pass without contradiction since it made no new concessions to the Protestants restor'd to the Catholicks the exercise of their Religion in a good number of places out of which it had been banisht during the last War that it was in effect nothing but an Interim or Temporary Provision in expectation of a Definitive Peace and since lastly it reserved to the Leaguers a power to make new demands in behalf of their Religion the whole matter not being to be concluded without their consent when they should be reduced Yet the Cardinal of Vendome who had taken the name of the Cardinal of Bourbon could not forbear making some feeble opposition against it in full Council But after he had shewn his malicious intentions to that degree as to make an offer to go out of the Council rather than consent to an Edict of that Nature he was glad for all his huffing to sit down again tamely at a small disdainful nod the K. made to him But the Parliaments were more surly and difficult to be won for those of Reunes and Bourdeaux absolutely rejected the Edict and tho that of Tours accepted it yet it was with a Modification by which Protestants were excluded from all publick Offices and Employments and out of all Assemblies of States in most part of the Kingdom The pretence abused by some to that purpose was taken from a Clause in the Edict of Mantes which ordered That the last Edicts of Pacification should be restor'd and observ'd as they were in the life time of the late K. now they knew well enough that Hen. III. never gave any places to Protestants and that he found out tricks to exclude them in spite of the Article in his Edict that declared them capable to hold them and therefore by virtue of those words which were either unwarily used or foisted by the Artifice of the Catholicks into the Edict of Mantes they would still have them remain Excluded from all Employments because they had been so treated by the deceased K. and they thought it favour enough to let them enjoy Offices in Rochelle and some other places where the artifices of Hen. III could never prevail to exclude them And the Cardinal of Bourbon maintain'd that Banter and openly declared that the Protestants did but deceive themselves in pretending to be admitted to Offices and they were fain to spend many years in patience and continual solicitations before they could surmount that obstacle tho there was nothing more unjust than that pretence For Hen. III. had violated his own Law in excluding them by diverse Tricks from those Employments to which they were rightfully admittable according to the express terms of his own Edict so that they could not take any advantage against them from the deceitful conduct of that P. without wranglings not very suitable to Royal Majesty to the prejudice of the Publick Faith The Reformed made no great complaints of the Edict tho' the provisional Clause which differed the Decision of their Affairs till after the Reduction of those of the League ought to have seemed intollerable unto them because it did leave them in an uncertain condition which could alter as Time and Interests should serve But they could not endure to be deprived of the Benefit of their Birthrights or the Rewards of their desert upon the sole consideration of their Religion whether because this Injustice bespattered their Religion and their Persons or because it did treat them as the Canon Law orders Heretics to be who are by this Law excluded from Dignities and Charges whence it followed very evidently that they were put into the number of such as the same Canons give over to the secular Judge and whom the Catholick Kings oblige themselves to destroy by their Coronation-Oath They further considered as a particular reason of maintaining themselves in the right of partaking publick Employs that the King had suppressed the Courts of St. John d' Angeli of Bergerac and of Montauban wherein Justice had been rendered till towards the end of the foregoing Year by Judges of their own Religion for which they pretended that the King ought to give them some Recompence and for which they only desired to be admitted to the same Employments that they being of the Companies of Judicature might have some of their own Religion to take care to see Justice done to their Brethren Therefore they made heavy complaints of the wrangling that I have just now specified and omitted not to set forth that the Injustice done them reflected on the King himself since those could not be deprived of Employments for the sake of Religion that followed the same Doctrine with him without silently declaring him uncapable of the Crown But they did not require the King to give an express Declaration for the solving of this Equivocation for fear the scrupulous Catholicks should look upon it as a new Grace and should take occasion to grumble at it They only insisted that the King should verbally express his Intentions to the heads of the Soveraign Courts but so as to cause them to be executed The King to satisfie them sent Commissioners for the executing of his Edict in the Parliaments that acknowledged his Authority but this remedy was not sufficient to hinder new occasions of Complaints to be given every-where Meanwhile the Clergy being assembled at Chartres to the small number that I have mentioned were drawing up Articles which lay open their unfaithful and ambitious Mind As the Ecclesiasticks have always been for making the Preservation and Safety of the Kings to depend on themselves this small Assembly undertook to
he shew'd the King the Progress of the Conference begun with the League the Delays of those that had made him change the â—â— conveniencies of the Truce the cause of fearing that as he was thereby treated as Head of a Party he might be oblig'd by the Peace to become the Captain General against the Huguenots that the Peace without them could not be manag'd without Injustice nor without giving them lawful Suspicions Whereupon he represented what Extremities the Catholicks were delivered from under Henry III. by the Reformed and how the â—atter had reason to suspect that if a Peace was concluded without them all the Difficulties of it should be removed to make them smart that the convocating the Deputies of the Churches was a Cheat seeing that without waiting their coming they deâ—ated on their Condition and that of their Posterity and that â—hey made the King give such Promises as one day would be us'd â—o make void all that he should grant them that there were effects â—hat corroborated these Suspicions that Protestant Sermons were â—â—ready banish'd the Court and Armies and consequently the Reâ—â—rmed seeing it was impossible for them to live at Court withâ—ut serving God or to expose themselves in the Army without â—…y hope of Comfort and without assurance of Christian Burial â—â—at they were contriving to debar them from all places in the Exâ—â—equer Courts of Justice and City Magistracy for which they had â—…ver yet been importunate with him that it was not just they â—ould injure their Posterity to that degree as to leave them in â—â—e Kingdom to be rank'd among Jews and Leapers instead of â—hat was owing to their Services that they could better endure to â—â—e under the late King's Truce that granted 'em the Exercise of â—â—eir Religion at Court and in the Army the Salary of their Miâ—â—sters out of the Exchequer Places of Safety in every Baiâ—ick or Senescalship and that besides had promised them a â—estitution of the Edicts before the year was ended Finally 〈…〉 added by way of Advice That these Considerations had weaâ—…d the Patience of the King's Servants who knew not what â—â—swer to make that now there was no time for Delays that â—â—â—ir minds were tyr'd yet heaving and tossing and upon seeking â—â—emedy from Despair that to take off their desire for a Proâ—â—tor it was requisite the King should free them from that neâ—â—â—sity by being himself the Person by preventing 'em and taâ—â—â—g 'em into his Care that he knew what would benefit or annoy â—… that he needed no more then only call to mind the Petitions that he had presented for them to his Predecessors that they had lost nothing of their Justice and that they ought to have gained somewhat by the Increase of his Authority seeing it was in his power if he pleas'd to be the Judge and Advocate the Obtainer and Donor all at once The Catholicks seemed to fear lest these different Motions should not make an Impression deep enough on their Minds therefore they exasperated them by insulting Language Some of them call'd the Reformed Sots and Blockheads that knew not how to take hold of the occasion and had suffer'd the time to slip that was fit for their purpose This sort of Drollery was so much the more nipping because that when they press'd the King to think on them it was cast in their Teeth that they had mistaken the time and were threatned that one day they might very well lose what they should obtain this way And they have ever since been thus dealt with All the Methods they have taken or propos'd for their Safety have been accounted punishable Rebellions as also whatever they have done to keep their Enemies from destroying them And when they suffered without muttering one Word all the ways that have been undertaken to oppress them they were styled Stupids and Rusticks that knew not how to defend themselves Plessis's Letter having prepar'd the King for such Discourses as the Deputies were like to assail him with He desir'd again â—â— see him at Chartres to accustom himself to the Presence of the Reformed as well as to their Remonstrances perswading himself that if what he should say made any Impression on his Mind â— would suffice to perswade the rest who put an extraordinary Confidence in that Gentleman He saw him therefore and excus'd himself the best he could striving to make him believe that he Change was altogether feign'd and forc'd so far as to detest those that had done the like in imitation of him and protesting that he had Sacrificed himself for his People and chiefly to procure with more ease the Peace of the Churches which he then call'd as he did a long time after our Churches as if he had still heâ— some Communion with them These Reasons were the Satisfaction that he gave the Reformed of his Court to whom he Change seemed inexcusable and would tell them even befoâ—â— he had put it in execution that he made himself an Anathema for his Brethren whose rest he well saw could not otherwise be procur'd Du Plessis seem'd not to be satisfied with these Excuses nor to build upon the hopes the King gave him of reforming Religion but the assurance which he gave him that his affection for the Reformed was not alter'd might be a greater satisfaction to him In the mean time the Royal Catholicks having made themselves Masters of the King by his change were nothing the juster towards the Reformed they omitted no occasion of rendering them suspected or odious in which they spar'd not Calumny itself It was for that purpose that a Rumour was spread amongst the People that duPlessis had intended to murder all the Catholicks of Saumur on the Eve of St. Bartholomew to revenge the Reformed that had been serv'd so twenty years before at Paris He understood very well the malignity of this Artifice which tenâ—ed to render all the Reformed suspected of a like design in all â—he places where they were the strongest because it was more â—han probable that a Lord of that Wisdom and Authority would â—ot alone undertake the project of this Vengeance which would â—e too small for to extend only on the Catholicks of Saumur Therefore he was willing to refute that Calumny in due Form He complain'd to the Parliament of it information was â—ade against the Authors of this Report which was easily â—inc'd to be false but the party impeach'd was not punish'd as Plessis's expected On the other hand the Catholicks strove â—ith great vigour to keep the Deputies of the Churches from â—â—ming into the King's Presence whether they fear'd that their â—â—ght might shake him he being as yet not well grounded or â—at they strove to hinder the Favours he was prepar'd to grant â—â—em to make them forget his change But the King being very â—ath to send back the Reformed Deputies without hearing them the â—atholicks endeavour'd to keep him at least from seeing themall and â—ould fain have admitted
lest they should pay â—he Expences of the Reconciliation betwixt these two Potentates The Duke of Nevers being sent to Rome seem'd fit for the speeâ—y concluding of this business because that as a zealous Catholick â—nd originally an Italian he would be acceptable to the Pope â—nd as affectionate to the King he would mind his Interest In â—ffect he was very intent upon the matter and ply'd the Pope in a â—ost submissive and earnest manner But he got nothing by his Importunity The Pope believ'd the League to be still strong enough to hold out a long time against the King's Power and according to the Maxims of Rome he continu'd inflexible as long as he thought things could not be done without him The Duke of Nevers has thought fit in his Memoirs to make a particular Observation of the little knowledge that Court has of the Gospel where nevertheless the Name of Religion serves for a Cloak for all things He relates that as he was one day remonstrating to the Cardinal of Toledo how just it was that the Pope should kindly accept the Offers of the King that courted him seeing his Duty oblig'd him like the good Shepherd that seeks for the stray'd Sheep to have courted himself that Prince were he still stray'd from his Flock This Cardinal one of the most learned and famous of the Colledge answer'd him That it did not stand with the Dignity of Jesus Christ to run after the stray'd And continuing the same Discourse he nam'd the Apostle St. Andrew in a thing that the Evangelist St. John attributes to St. Philip wherein the Duke who knew more then he made no Scruple to shew him his Error These Rigours of the Pope and the bad Success of the Embassie of the Duke of Nevers who was not a little griev'd to see that they did but laugh at the Miseries of France in Rome and in whose Presence this same Cardinal had presum'd to say smiling at the Description he made of 'em That he did not know how to help 'em All this I say made some of the Reformed take heart in hopes to see a Schism that might happen to their Advantage But those who understood better the Roman Policy judg'd otherwise and believ'd that all these Scruples were rais'd only for to enhance the price of the King's Reconciliation and to draw more advantageous Conditions from him amongst which they highly fear'd least destroying the Hereticks as one of the chiefest should be inserted It is true the King had charg'd the Duke of Nevers to let the Pope know if he were capable of hearkning to Reason that considering the present posture of Affairs he ought not be oblig'd either to destroy the Reformed nor to promise the compassing of it one day because they were strong enough to stand in their own Defence and had well fortify'd Holds to retire to In consideration of which he besought the Pope not to take it ill that some other more moderate Course might be taken for the good of the Catholick Religion without mentioning the Destruction of the Reformed Pisani who had made a Voyage to Italy before the Duke had also been charg'd with the like Instructions But the Reformed were not ignorant of the Artifices of the Court of Rome that takes her Measures afar off to bring about her Designs whereof she never loses sight The Pope also explain'd himself clearly enough upon this Subject and tho' he had resolv'd to give no positive Answer to the Duke of Nevers when he ask'd him what he would have the King do in order to obtain his Absolution â—et told him to be rid of his Importunities that the King should do the contrary of all that he had done till that time The Reformed understood well the meaning of those Words They were not obscure to those that knew with what earnestness the Court of Rome had and still did endeavour throughout all Europe to destroy the Protestants They saw well that the Popes meaning was that the King who to that time had been the Protector of the Reformed must for the future persecute and destroy ' em They were moreover well informed that divers Advices were given the King to divert him from favouring them and that it was ever-more represented to him that that was the only â—â—ans to bring back all the Catholicks into his Service and bind â—he Pope to his Interests Mean while the Truce which the King had made with the Heads of the League immediately after his Conversion under pretence â—f re-uniting their Minds and to wean them from the War enâ—ed with the Year It was at first made for Three Months and â—â—en was continued The Reformed of the Council oppos'd it â—ith all their might and endeavour'd to make the King sensiâ—â—e that this Truce would prove the Ruine of his Affairs beâ—â—use it would delay the good Intentions of those that were inâ—…inable to return to their Obedience and give the Heads of the â—…eague time to re-encourage their Party that began to shake and â—â— Opportunity of treating more advantagiously with the Spaniâ—â—ds But this Advice was rejected by them who foresaw that â—…e design of a Peace would throw the Reformed into despair who â—â—und more safety for themselves in the Continuation of the War Yet â—…me convinc'd the World that their Counsel was both wholsom and unbyassed The particular Heads of the League stuck close one to another whilst the Truce lasted hoping that All together should obtain better Conditions then separate and divided and the Heads made a bad use of it to draw more Succours from the Spaniards who were desirous to continue the Troubles in the Kingdom The King therefore publish'd a Declaration setting forth his Reasons for discontinuing a Truce so hurtful to his Interests But the face of things chang'd as soon as ever the Truce was expir'd and most of the Cities treated Meaux was the first that submitted following the Example of Vitri the Governor She drew great advantages from her submitting and the Edict that was given her serv'd for a Model to the rest under the same Circumstances All these Surrendrings gave new Jealousies to the Reformed against whose Liberties there were always some Clauses inserted in the Treaties of the Governors and Cities The very Articles that were agreed upon at Mantes were almost all violated by these new Edicts and the Reformed after all these Infringements found themselves in as bad a posture as at the beginning All the Towns did not shew an equal Aversion for them but they all agreed that no other Religion then the Catholick should be exercis'd within their Walls Meaux was content to exclude out of her Cities and Suburbs the Exercise of the Reformed Religion Others banish'd it their Banlieve Several reduc'd it to the Limits of the Edict of 1577. fearing least the Service of the Reformed should get 'em a more extended Liberty Several desir'd that the Exercise of the Reformed might be
removâ— from the Jurisdiction of their Bailiwick Some added pain of Death to those that should break the Conditions Paris remov'd the Liberty desir'd by the Reformed Ten Leagues round Villars banish'd it Roan and all the Towns and Places that he caus'd to submit to the King's Obedience and added That there should be neither Judge nor Officer that was not a Catholick employ'd therein and did not live according to the Constitutions of the Romish Church But to temperate this rigorous Clause it was subjoined that this should only last till the King had otherwise order'd it Poitieres besides the removal of the Exercise of the Reformed from the Town and Suburbs and from all the places that the Edict of 1577. did not permit demanded that the Catholick Religion might be restor'd in divers places of Poitou Agen limited her Bonlieve to half a league round where the Reformed Religion should not be exercis'd Amiens prohibited it in the City and whole Bailywick without having respect to the Edict of 1577. Beauvois obtain'd that it should be no nearer then three Leagues about nor in any places of the Bailywick but where it had been in the late King's time S. Malo treated after the same manner The Towns and Lords that return'd latest to their duty follow'd the example of the rest and got what they cou'd from the King against the Reformed Religion Some of the Edicts were publish'd before the Reformed had formed the Assembly they were permitted to hold at St. Foy â—o that they had time to see what they were to expect from the Reconciliation of their old Enemies with the King and to be â—onfirm'd in their fears of seeing the Kingdom pacifi'd at their â—ost They saw even some of those Cities which having held â—or the King revive their zeal after the example of the Towns of â—he League and pretended that their fidelity shou'd not deprive 'em â—f the Advantages granted to Rebels whence they drew this â—onsequence that they ought not to be forc'd to suffer the exerâ—ise of the Reformed Religion seeing such were free'd from it as â—ad for a long time stood out against the King But their allarums â—ill encreas'd by the Ceremony of the King's Coronation which â—as celebrated at Chartres because Rheims was as yet in the â—ands of the League The Clergy that never forgot their â—â—terest in Ceremonies of this kind which they have introduc'd â—â—ther thro' Ambition then Necessity inserted a Clause in the Oath that was then taken by the King whereby he was bound 〈…〉 express words to root out Heresie He is made to swear â—fter some other things that concern Justice and publick Tranquity I shall to the utmost of my power sincerely endeavour to drive â—â—om my Jurisdiction and Lands of my Subjection all Hereticks deâ—ar'd by the Church The Reformed knew well what share they had 〈…〉 this Article of the Oath they to whom what Catholicks call the Church had so often declar'd their meaning they against whom the â—opes had rais'd such cruel Persecutions and they to whom the â—rench and even those of the King's Party gave every day the odiâ—us name of Hereticks But part of the Suspicion which this Clause might give was remov'd by granting the Reformed a Brief wherein the King assur'd 'em that he did not mean Them in that Oath And they had in fome measure provided a Remedy against this fear by one of the Articles that were agree'd on at Mantes Another cause of jealousie was the Favour into which the Jesuits had crept a little after the King had chang'd his Religion and chiefly after the Reduction of Paris The Cardinal de Bourbon had undertaken to establish 'em in spight of the oppositions of the University The Duke of Nevers upheld 'em with his whole Credit and many Lords openly protected them Part of the Parliament was for 'em the King himself who was brought to any thing in hopes to soften the Pope favour'd ' em Their cause was pleaded pro and con the Rights of the University were maintain'd with utmost vehemency Arnauld ther Advocate enlarg'd much upon the Inclination altogether Spanish of that Society whose Founder had made a vow of mortal hatred against France and shew'd how formidable their power was They had encreas'd in fifty years to the number of ten Thousand men they had already two Hunder'd twenty eight Houses two Millions of Gold Revenue great Lordships Cardinals in their order all which cleerly shew'd that they ow'd this propagation to their unquiet covetous and ambitious Disposition But it appear'd at that very time that they had a great credit in France seeing their Cause was pleaded privately to avoid Scandal That is to say these Refin'd Politicians by means of their Friends prevented their being told their own in a publick Audience Whence the wise might perceive that it was not safe to offend ' em The Reformed beheld the Settlement of the Jesuits as an ill omen for them because they were their sworn Enemies born on purpose to oppose the Reformation and the ordinary Instruments of all their Persecutions Moreover the Society was altogether Spanishly affected and consequently engag'd to persecute the Reformed whose ruine Spain sought with all the strength of her Policy But this terror did not go far the matter was not decided and e're the year was ended there fell out things that found the Jesuits other Intrigues to disintangle The Reformed were still deny'd any places of trust and there were Catholicks so unjust upon that matter that they chose rather to see the King lose a place then to suffer a Reformed to have the Government of it D' O. publickly said that it were better Catelet a Frontire place of Picardy shou'd be taken by the Spaniards then that a Protestant should have the keeping of it because it wouâ—d be easier to retake it from the King of Spain then to drive a Reformed Captain out of it But what made the Reformed more sensible of the injury of this denial was that whilst they were depriv'd of lesser Offices the chiefest places of the State were given to the Leaguers that demanded them for returning to their Obedience As if Rebellion had given more right to the highest Dignities then long Service and tryed Loyalty to the lesser ones Nay at Tours itself wou'd they make Recorders and Notaries take an Oath of living and dying in the Catholick Religion which if it were not done the place was declar'd vacant and free for the purchase of another This so unequal a distribution of Recompenses mortally offended the Protestants who not without a just Resentment found that the Parliament made no Scruple to Register the Patents for Admiral or Marshal of France granted to the Heads of the Rebels yet would not admit an Usher or a Procter of the Reformed Religion without obliging him to swear that he wou'd live a good Catholick Nor was this all the Governments and Places were taken from the Reformed and
upon as Enemies by the Catholicks far from being treated as Members of one and the same Kingdom and Legitimate Children of the same Family In this Conjuncture of Affairs the King was wounded in the Mouth by John Chastel a Disciple of the Jesuits and the Reformed had that slight Consolation in the midst of their Afflictions and Fears to see that Society condemn'd to Banishment by the most August Senate of France A Pyramid was also order'd to be set up in that part of the House where the Parricide was hatch'd upon one of the Faces of which was engrav'd the Decree that banish'd the Jesuits out of the Kingdom and contain'd the Reasons for inflicting that Punishment upon ' em But the Parliaments of Tholouse and Bourdeaux would not follow the Example of that of Paris so that the Society kept their footing till they were again restor'd in the Provinces under their Jurisdiction In the mean while this audacious Attempt made a great Noise at Rome where d' Ossat highly aggravated the consequence of such an Enterprize at a time when they were treating so seriously about a Reconciliation between the Pope and the King But that which this Accident produc'd of most remarkable was this That it drew from the Lips of that Agent for France altho' a zealous Catholick and bred up in the Maxims of the Court of Rome an Authentick Testimony how highly the Reformed abominate all Crimes of this nature and of the profound Respect which they bear to the Persons of their Sovereigns This Prelat giving an account of the Fact to the Pope's Cardinal Nephew and aggravating the Horror of it contriv'd and encourag'd by them that call'd themselves the Support of the Catholick Religion told him in express Terms That if ever any body had a seeming just occasion to make use of such Assassinates the Hereticks had most cause to purchase 'em and set 'em at work against the King who has quitted and abandon'd 'em and of whom they had reason to be afraid nevertheless they never attempted any such thing either against Him nor any of the five Kings his Predecessors whatever Slaughters and Massacres their Majesties had made of the Huguenots This Misfortune did the Reformed no unkindness for it put the King in remembrance that he had never ran the like Risco while he was in their Hands Whence it came to pass that he sometimes declar'd to his Confidents that as to what concern'd the Safety of his Person he had a far greater Assurance in them then in the Catholicks On the other side the Result of the Consultations of the Assembly at St. Foy gave the Council no small occasion to make particular Reflections who beheld with Astonishment that numerous Body without a Chieftain to reunite the various Members of it to close and confederate together in their own Defence and take such proper courses to become formidable to their Enemies Therefore they would have had it look'd upon as a form'd Rebellion and an insolent sort of proceeding what was done by the Reformed at that time in order to their Preservation They call'd the Union a Design to set up a State with separate Interests and a distinct Government And because this was spread abroad at that time by passionate and violent Persons all the Historians that have since put Pen to Paper have not fail'd to exclaim against that way of proceeding and to black'n it with furious Declamations as if it were a Crime to be careful of Self-preservation when People have Enemies to deal with void of Equity Faith Humanity such as the Catholicks had more then once appear'd in reference to the Reformed The King had no reason to be offended at these Precautions since they were made use of neither against his Person nor against his Authority but against a sort of Zealots who might abuse his Power to oppress the most faithful part of his Subjects and against the Court of Rome with whose cruel Intentions and bloody Maxims all Europe was too well acquainted Nevertheless the King forbore not to disturb these Assemblies and to look upon 'em at least as du Plessis had sometimes represented 'em that is to say such as might degenerate and give occasion to Factious Spirits to raise Commotions and Tumults not easily to be appeas'd Which was the reason that sometimes he complain'd of their being conven'd and sometimes he gave express Orders for their Dissolution But then the King follow'd rather what his Councils peal'd in his Ears then his own Inclinations for as soon as others laid before him how dangerous it was to reduce the Reformed to the Provocations of Despair by depriving 'em the Comfort of those Assemblies he revok'd his former Orders by others more expresly forbidding their being dissolv'd In a word it was more advantageous for the King to permit that Union of his Subjects which oblig'd 'em to request his Leave for the time and place of their Assembling then to reduce 'em to throw themselves under a Foreign Protection by refusing 'em the means of securing both their Religion and their Lives under the Good Will and Authority of their Lawful Prince It was also better to see them united among themselves by that form of Correspondency then under a Protector whose Courage might be elevated by his Power by Foreign Adherences and Domestick Discontents and give him fair Opportunities and Advantages to enlarge his Reputation But for the present 't was thought that the most assured means to disperse those Assemblies or prevent the Mischief they might do was to afford the Reformed some occasion of Content to the end the first Assembly that was call'd together might have no more to do then to accept the King's Concessions and to return him Thanks For this Reason the Verification of the Edicts which had been formerly granted was press'd for at a more then usual Rate and the Confirmation of 'em by a new Edict as had been agreed with their Deputies at Mantes The greatest Difficulty consisted in their declaring the Reformed capable of all manner of Employments and this was that which the zealous Catholicks were extreamly unwilling to do who could not by any means brook the Violation of their Canons by which the Hereticks are excluded from all sorts of Offices and Preferments This Difficulty could not be remov'd by Four Years Sollicitations nor by the express Orders of the King nor by a new Delcaration given at St. Germans in November of the year preceding The Council consented to it as also to several other Provisional Regulations because they were then bethinking themselves of getting the Prince of Conde out of the Hands of the Reformed either because the King was desirous to have him bred up in the Catholick Religion to prevent the Pretences of a Civil War which might be taken one day from his being Educated in the Reformed or because the Count of Soissons a turbulent ambitious Prince and who look'd upon himself as
Presumptive Heir to the Crown by reason of his Nephews Religion and for other Reasons was very uneasie to him or else because he had a mind to lessen his Pretensions to the Crown by opposing against him a Prince much nearer to the Crown then himself Or lastly Because he would deprive the Reformed of a Chieftain who might one day head 'em and demand new Favours in their behalf The King told the Reformed on purpose to make 'em willing to surrender the Prince up into his Hands that his frequent Infirmities caus'd him to bethink himself of Death and oblig'd him at the same time to desire that he might have his Heir always by him to secure him the Succession and put him in a condition to preserve themselves by ways more gentle then a War But this Hook would not take with the Reformed who thought it much more conducing to the Peace and Welfare of the Kingdom that the King should dissolve his Marriage with Margaret de Valois and bethink himself of another Wife then to have a Prince near his Person whose nearest Relations thought they had Reason sufficient to dispute with him their Right to the Crown The King thus repuls'd on this side resolves to assail 'em on the other and seeks to engage 'em to put the Prince into his Hands by granting 'em Admission into Offices of Trust an Honour which indeed would have been dear enough sold to 'em since it must cost 'em a Prince who might be one day the Restorer and Pillar of their Hopes And this Consideration was made use of to perswade the Parliament to the Verification of that Article but this Reason presently wrought another Effect then was expected For there were some zealous Catholicks who found it so weighty that they would have made it one of the Conditions of the Verification of the Edict to the end the Reformed might not refuse to surrender the Prince without the Forfeiture of all the Favours that had been granted ' em And this seem'd so much the more reasonable because it was thought impossible that ever the Reformed would let go such a Pledge out of their Hands And there were many Catholicks that wish'd they would have obstinately refus'd it that they might have had a specious Pretence to declare War against ' em But the King had other Thoughts He was not willing to destroy the Reformed of whom he stood so much the more in need that he might not be altogether at the mercy of the Catholicks who treated him a little too imperiously Therefore he strove to get the Prince out of their Hands by gentle means rather then by force of Arms or by the Authority of a Publick Law knowing well that they would have taken that Law for an Affront because it would have made 'em look'd upon as Persons suspected such as were to be compell'd to their Obedience 'T was therefore put to the Question in Parliament whether the Edict should be verify'd purely and simply or no and the thing was debated with great Heat more particularly the 19th Article of the Edict of 1577. which declar'd the Reformed capable of Offices and Dignities was the Subject of the Contest nor did it pass without a vast deal of Trouble Nevertheless there were several who argu'd for the Verification of this Article as the rest without Restriction or Qualification And they insisted very fervently upon the Services which the Reformed had done the King and the Realm and they exclaim'd against their Refusal to treat 'em according to their Merit as a high piece of Injustice and Ingratitude They likewise maintain'd That since they were equal to the Catholicks in Affection and Fidelity they should be dealt with alike in the destribution of Honours and Rewards Others to these Reasons oppos'd the fear of injuring the King being a new Convert and still at variance with the Pope and of hardning the rest of the League in their Rebellion if such an important Favour were granted to the Reformed against the Provisions of the Canon-Law and that so suddainly too after the Return of the King to the Catholick Religion But those oppositions signify'd little in regard the pure and simple Verification was carry'd by the Plurality of Voices Servin one of the Advocates General strongly upheld this Opinion and in regard he was an Enemy of the Jesuits he was just enough to the Reformed Seguier his Associate was of a quite contrary Judgment but Guele the Proctor General bethought himself of a Cavil which had like to have engag'd all the Kingdom in new Combustions for he put the Reformed in mind that new Traps were laying to ensnare their Sincerity under Pretence of unheard-of Affectation He would not suffer the accustom'd Terms to be inserted in the Decree of Enrolment Heard and this the Proctor-General requiring tho' his Father who had serv'd in the Place before him when the Edict of 1577. was enroll'd under Henry III. never made any such Scruple Neither would he have had the Words put in Consenting to this as upon other occasions where the King's Council will not move but only Heard the Proctor-General 'T was a very fair Scape that such an Innovation put in practice at a time when the King was full of Jealousies and Suspicions had not produc'd pernicious Effects and call'd to memory the unfortunate Cruelties and Treacheries of the past Reigns Chiefly when they reflected upon the manner of proceeding in the Verification of the Edicts that were granted the Leaguers which was done without Prolongations or Delays and the Edicts unanimously past and sent to be enroll'd pure and without any Alterations 't was impossible but that they must look upon as strange and uncouth so much spinning out of time so many Oppositions so many Artifices which were made use of to elude the Edicts that were granted to the Reformed The more moderate Catholicks themselves blam'd this unreasonable Severity Whether it were that the Example of the Parliament of Paris render'd all the other Parliaments difficult some refusing to verifie the Edict at all others not without several vexatious Limitations or whether it were because the Reformed were just ready to hold an Assembly at Saumur where it was to meet according to the Decree of that of St. Foy No body question'd but that the Proctor-General's Behaviour would furnish that Assembly with occasion of loud Complaints and perhaps put 'em upon taking such Courses as would be a great Obstruction to Peace so necessary for the Re-establishment of the Kingdom This Assembly at Saumur had put the King to a great deal of Trouble from the very moment he heard it first discours'd of And the only reason why the Verification of the Edict was so earnestly press'd for was either to anticipate it or that they might have a fair Pretence to hinder the sitting of it or to dissolve it It was to have met upon the first of December of the preceding year but there was not
which they had in their Hands should be left in their Possession and that the Garrisons should be paid â—ut of the King's Money While they were preparing their Complaints and drawing up their Papers to send to the King the business of his Reconciliation with the Pope was eagerly press'd forward by the Court of Rome â—nd the Pontiff grew impatient of the Delays which retarded the â—ending a Commissioner to treat with him about it However in â—ruth as yet the Pope did not seem to recede in the least from his first Pretensions but it was easily perceiv'd that he would make an Abatement in proper time because he had vouchsas'd in â—â—ving and general Terms to promise whatever lay in his power â—rovided it were not contrary to the Interest and Honour of the â—oly See The King on the other side kept himself to the same â—eneral Expressions and would consent to nothing that misbeâ—â—me himself or the Dignity of the Crown There were two sorts â— People in the Council whose Opinion it was That the Pope should â—e left alone to make the first steps himself as being perswaâ—ed that a little perseverance would reduce him to grant a bare â—â—d simple Ratification of the Absolution as the King receiv'd it â— St. Denis's The one were the Reformed who could not enâ—ure that the King's Honour should be prostituted to the Intriegues â— the Court of Rome The other were the Catholicks not bigotted who lov'd the King and the Kingdom and who not questioning but the Pope's Aim was to make the King purchase his Favour by some ignominious Condescension were desirous the King should avoid that Snare by letting the Pope alone till he sought after him But the high-flown Catholicks carry'd it because the King was willing to rid himself of Trouble and for that he thought his Repose depended upon his Reconciliation with the Pope He was weary of the toilsom Life wherein he had spent his most youthful Years He saw that the Succession would be in a very uncertain Condition after his Death He had a desire to dissolve his Marriage with Margaret of Valois by whom he had no Children and he thought to marry the Fair Gabriela d'Estrees with whom he was enamour'd even to Enchantment either of which two things he thought it impossible to bring to pass without the Pope's Assistance And he knew it to be the last excuse of the obstinate Leaguers that he was not acknowledg'd by the Pope The Duke of Mayenne had sworn never to pay him Allegiance till he was reconcil'd to his Holiness He was in hopes that such a Reconciliation would secure his Life put an end to the frequent Conspiracies against him under Pretence that the Sincerity of his Conversion was dubious would reduce the Monks to their Duty several of which refus'd to name him in their Prayers And lastly he was desirous to be at leisure to settle the Peace of the Kingdom in order to the execution of some great Designs which he had projected abroad But tho' his own Will over-rul'd him not to follow the wholsom Advice of the Reformed and the more politick sort of Catholicks yet at first they had the Credit to name one Man of the Council and another of the Parliament to be join'd with one Ecclesiastick to go to Rome and negotiate this Affair This Deputation had been of great Importance for the Service of the King and the Pope must have been contented with it had they had Resolution enough in France to have stuck to this Advice Never would any Person of Note bred up in great Affairs have consented to any thing beneath the Dignity of a King and he had been well seconded by a Person chosen out of the Body of a Parliament whose Maxims are always opposite to those of Rome when the Honour of the Kingdom lies at stake But the Pope knew well enough how to ward off this Blow so that the whole Commission was referr'd to two Ecclesiasticks By which means the Pope at the bottom was Master of the whole Affair in regard he was the Sovereign of both Commissioners that were to treat with him One of the two the most notorious Knave of his time and neither of 'em very likely to render themselves worthy of a Cardinal's Cap by an over-zealous Fidelity to their Prince Nevertheless D'Ossat who was the honester of the two seem'd to be not a little vex'd that there was more granted to the Pope than he had advis'd but du Perron his Associate had the most Authority He it was that brought the Instructions from France For as for D'Ossat he was only joyn'd with him as one that better understood the Slights and Politicks of Rome and might be a necessary Guide to the other in a Court to which he was a Stranger altogether This was the King's Misfortune that of those two Proctors that were to represent his Person in this Affair he to whom the Secret was entrusted and who was chief in Authority was not the honestest Man Nevertheless it was not du Perron who had all the Thanks and Reward of this Affair D'Ossat behav'd himself so prudently that the Profit redounded to himself and the Pope bestow'd a Cardinals Hat upon him some years after 'T is true this Dignity seem'd to have been conferr'd upon him upon the King's Recommendation But the Pope had given the King formerly to understand that he would bestow it freely and willingly upon D'Ossat if it were but requested for him However to get what he could from the King the Pope at first made all the Demands which the Spaniards suggested to him nevertheless well â—ssur'd that they would never be allow'd him In the first place therefore he would have had 'em to promise him that all the Edicts which had been granted to the Reformed should be revok'd That they should be excluded from all Offices and Employments That they should be all destroy'd as soon as the Peace was concluded with the Leaguers and Spain That the Catholicks should not be constrain'd to observe the Edicts That the Jesuits should â—e restor'd That all the Estates which Queen Jane had taken from the Ecclesiasticks in Bearn should be restor'd to 'em again with several other things to which the King's Honour and Prudence would not permit him to oblige himself Chiefly they would have had him declar'd his Crown and Kingdom forfeited if ever He relaps'd into Heresie But the King made his Proctors Instructions quite contrary to these Demands He explain'd his meaning with a great deal of Elocution and Clearness and gave 'em their Lesson very precisely and accurately There was expresly set down what the King would grant upon the Demands which it was known the Pope would make and it was directly enjoyn'd that they should not consent to any thing that might be injurious to the Royal Majesty nor pass beyond the Limits which the King had set ' em But that which was chiefly recommended to
and the same Religion The Reformed complain'd of these Articles which were granted directly to their Prejudice But the Proctors endeavour'd to excuse one part by saying that certain Expressions were added in favour of the Edicts and that they were forc'd to be contented because it would have been impossible for 'em to have obtain'd clearer or more precise Expressions to explain their meaning So that all the Security of the Protestants in respect of these Articles depended upon certain equivocal Words the Explanation or Interpretation of which was reserv'd to those who had concluded the Treaty Thus it was that they gave an Account of that same Clause of the Sixth Article touching the Publication of the Council which had been ill receiv'd by the Reformed because they could not look upon the Publication of a Council call'd on purpose to condemn 'em otherwise then as a fore-runner of their Ruine The Proctors upon this alledg'd that they could not explain that Article more at large But that the Pope knew and very well understood that the Clause not to disturb the publick Repose was added in favour of the Edict of Bearn and that he neither could nor would explain it better for fear he should be thought to approve it In like manner in reference to other Articles that seem'd to press the King too furiously to certain things more difficult in France then Rome imagin'd they affirm'd that the Pope had no design to force the King to Impossibilities but that he would always be contented with what lay in his Power Thus they oblig'd the King to whatever the Pope should please and left it to the Popes good Humour to excuse the King tho' it were impossible for him to perform the Penances which he had enjoin'd him In the mean time we may judge by the Cruelties that were committed at Rome upon those that were call'd Hereticks that they were not in the least become more equitable or more moderate toward any other People of the same Character A Fleming was burnt alive in the Field of Flora and an Englishman who had thrown the Host to the Ground and had us'd the Sacrament like an Idol was punish'd at the same rate after they had cut out his Tongue and dismember'd him of one of his hands And for fear his Punishment should be too gentle they sing'd him continually by the way with burning Torches from the Prison of the Inquisition to the place of Execution The Reformed might gather from thence what they were to expect if the Sincerity of the Edicts that were granted 'em depended upon the Inspirations that came from Rome But they had other Reasons to be afraid of every thing For they had Intelligence also from Rome that there were other Secret Conditions upon which the King was absolv'd which were spread about there whether it were an Artifice of the Spaniards to sow new Seeds of Distrust in the Minds of the Reformed or whether the Pope had demanded 'em and that the Proctors had verbally promis'd certain things which they thought not convenient to put down in Writing 'T was reported at least that the King was ty'd by those Conditions to exclude the Reformed from all Offices and Employments whatever Promises he had made to admit 'em to Preferment to marry the Princess his Sister to a Catholick Prince and to make War upon the Hereticks of his Kingdom till they were utterly extirpated And the Marriage of the Princess with the Duke of Lorrain which happen'd some years after confirm'd the Suspicions of all the rest so much the rather because she would have been courted by Princes of her own Religion if the King would have listen'd to it Certain it is that the Reformed were convinc'd that these Articles were real and that du Plessis also wrote to the King that his manner of Proceeding was imputed to his Compliance with the Popes Demands and that it was believ'd of all that was propos'd against 'em there was none but the Article that concern'd their Destruction that he ever refus'd to hearken to The End of the Third Book THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of Nantes BOOK IV. The CONTENTS of the Fourth Book The Massaker at Chataigneraye excepted by Letters Pattents out of the Acts that were to be comprehended in the Amnesties Artifices to perswade the Reformed to deliver up the Prince of Conde Interests of the Prince of Conti and Count of Soissons Duke de la Trimouille suspected by the King The Princess's Process removed to the Parliament of Paris whether Pisani carries her with the Prince her Son Precautions taken for the Princes Religion ill observ'd Justification of the Princess Deputies of the Assembly at Saumur attend the King paid with general Promises War declar'd with Spain League with the Queen of England who would needs have one Article inserted in favour of the Reformed Marshal de Bouillon opposes it Discontents of the Reformed the Effects Whence the King's Coldness proceeded Suggestions of the Catholicks The Popes Address Different Language from the King his Desires Reports of the Reformed being out of Favour the Original of it Assembly of the Clergy Edict of Travercy Edict in favour of the Duke of Mayenne Revenge of Henry the Third's Murder neglected State of the Kingdom and Project to dismember it Assembly meets at Loudun with leave New Suspicions and new Complaints Deputies sent to the Court. Resolution of the Assembly to defend themselves till a Conclusion ill taken of the King who orders the Dissolution of it Effect of this Rigour Du Plessis's wise Expedient succeeds in the Assembly is approv'd by the King who revokes the Order of Dissolution and promises a Commissioner Patïence of the Reformed Continuation of their Instances Legat in France revives their Fears Garrisons retrench'd or ill paid â—oni's Jealousies Synod at Saumur It 's Resolutions Their Letters to the King Commissioners to the King Complaints to the King Constancy of the Assembly which is translated to Vendosme Releases upon the Generality of Free Exercise Obtains by way of Compensation the Second Place of Bailliage and the right acquir'd by Possession of the Year 1596. The Edict of 1577. verify'd at Rouen The Reformed not contented with it The Pope complains and D'Ossat appeases him The Assembly discontented at the Return of the Commissioners who write to the King the necessity of satisfying ' em Reciprocal Suspicions and Distrusts Divisions in the Assembly which returns to Saumur Surprize of Amiens Confusion of Affairs Proposals of War to the Assembly Motives of de Bouillon and de la Trimouille The King at a Nonplus His various manner of writing to the Assembly before and after the Surprize Answers of the Assembly which 〈◊〉 translated to Chastelleraud more numerous then before Excuses for the Assemblies Constancy in requiring Securities Their Conduct in respect of the Siege of Amiens Various Advices Reformed serve at the Siege Actions of Bouillon and de la Trimouille Change of Commissioners The Treaty continu'd
Affairs that lay upon his hands In the mean time he earnestly exhorted 'em to continue their Services on Picardy side where he had great reason to fear the Attempts of the Spaniards against whom War had been declar'd but a little before with a great deal of Ceremony because till then the Hostility between the two Nations had been but indirectly carry'd on by reason of the League which they assisted with Men and Money For the Council thought it a shame to brook any longer that oblique way of attacking France and therefore that now the War was to be carry'd into the Enemies Country to hinder the Succours which they gave the French Rebels The Duke of Bouillon was one of those that press'd this Resolution most home and the Vnited Provinces who saw a certain Advantage for themselves in declaring a War labour'd it on their side as well as Queen Elizabeth 'T is true that Princess appear'd not a little offended that the King did so little for the Protestants of France and she grew jealous of those Proceedings that renew'd their Terrors and their Distrusts She was afraid of being the Victim of a Peace with Spain and of being abandon'd by a Prince whom she had so generously succour'd in Distress But to re-establish a Confidence between the King and Her Marshal de Bouillon was sent to negotiate with her a new League against the Spaniard Nor was it a difficult thing to obtain it But in regard the Queen laid to Heart the Affairs of Religion her Ministers propos'd the obliging the King to grant a favourable Edict to the Protestants of his Kingdom There was now a necessity to break off the Treaty or consent to a Promise that would have been attended with dangerous Consequences partly through the Disgust which the Pope would have taken at it partly by reason of the great Obligation which a Foreign Power would have laid upon the King's Subjects by vertue of this Article since they would have been more beholding to Foreign Favour for their Security then to their Prince But the Duke of Bouillon would never suffer any such Article to be inserted in the Treaty nor that any separate Act should be drawn up with which the English offer'd to be content for fear it might be imputed to him that he had been employ'd upon their Importunities and that he had abus'd his Credit and his Plenipotentiary Power to make that Attempt upon Royal Authority for the benefit of Religion However the Proposal made it evident that the Reformed would find Protection abroad if once they were in a condition to stand in need of it In the mean time the Queens good Intentions terminated in this that she secretly sollicited the King to grant all necessary Liberty and Security to the most faithful part of his Subjects and the Reformed had often recourse to that same Intercession But the Enterprize prov'd not so successful as it was just and necessary and the King lost several considerable Places And from thence it was he took an opportunity to exhort the Reformed to do him new Service and jointly with him to turn their Arms against their Common Enemy But the Coldness which the Deputies observ'd in the King's Answers and the Inoongruity which they found between requiring from the Reformed new Services and referring 'em till another time for the Reward of Services past produc'd a very great alteration in their Minds It seem'd to them that an Affair which regarded the Life and Conscience of so many Thousands of good Subjects was as urgent as any other and in regard they desir'd no more then only to be treated like true and faithful French-men they could not brook to be put off till another time for the Examination of their Demands For their parts they look'd upon it as a flat Refusal of the Security which they desir'd or at least for a Declaration clear enough that they requir'd time to cavil upon an Affair of so great Importance to their Welfare Therefore they thought it not to be endur'd that they should be invited to shed the Remainder of their Blood against a Foreign Enemy while they were refus'd Security against their Domestick Foes and that they should be told abruptly that the King was not at leisure to provide for the safety of them and their Families The King also went about to perswade 'em that the Breaches made by the Treaties with the Leaguers of the Edict in 1577. were not considerable and that the great Benefit which accrew'd to the State by those Breaches was such that the Reformed might well sit down by the Loss with Patience as if it had been just that they should purchase at the expence of their Security the King's Reconciliation with their most implacable Persecutors For these Reasons it was that they propos'd in the Assembly the having recourse to more effectual Remedies They also discours'd among other Expedients of putting themselves into the same Condition they were in before the Truce between the two Kings and to regulate the Custody of their strong Holds the Administration of the Finances and the Method of Justice in the same Order as they were at that time Such a Resolution was enough to make the Court and the Parliaments look about 'em who each for their own particular Reasons were afraid of nothing so much as to see the Reformed Cantoniz'd And in regard the Springs of Fear and Interest more forcibly move the Minds of Men then those of Gratitude and Equity this irksom expedient appear'd to be the best of all to bring the Catholicks to a reasonable Composition However this Coldness of the King proceeded not so much from Nature as Infusion And therefore he repented of this rigorous Usage so soon as he saw the bad effects of it But he was continually spurr'd forward to these affected Severities by the Sollicitations of the Pope and the Catholicks The Pope would fain have perswaded him to destroy the Reformed Root and Branch but the King would never hearken to that and stood so positively to the Negative when they made him the Proposal that after that there was no body at Court who durst propound it to him any more But he listed more willingly to those who to bring about their ends fetch'd a larger Compass and who advis'd him to stay till he was rid of all his other Incumbrances that he might be in a condition to have the Reformed under his Girdle and to prescribe 'em Laws like a Soveraign that acts according to his Will and Pleasure This Council flatter'd the King who in that was like all other Princes who believe it more agreeable to their Supreme Authority to give what they please then what is demanded from ' em But those Catholicks of which the greater part were Leaguers in their Hearts or else prepossessed with that false Zeal which breath'd nothing more into 'em then the Ruine of those they call Hereticks had other Designs than
the Time no body will believe that Gratitude and Liberality were his over-ruling Vertues in regard they always represent the most ancient and most faithful Servants of this Prince as buried in Oblivion and Miserable while on the one side the Ministers of his Pleasures and on the other his Enemies and they who had the Courage to render themselves formidable were loaded and became wealthy with his Favours and Rewards But the most effectual of all the ways he took to content the Pope was the Harshmess of his Answers to the Reformed while his Mind was prepossess'd with the Jealousies infus'd into it and Rome never fail'd of having Advice of it as of a Proof that the Reformed were no longer Sharers of his Good Will In a Word they had taught him from that time forward to make a Distinction between the Religion and the Cabal on purpose that they might accustom him to hear their Distruction discours'd of without Offence since they only talk'd to him of ruining the Cabal that wounded his Authority without medling with Religion in the Exercise of which he was resolved never to make use of Force He look'd upon the Dukes of Bouillon and de la Trimouille as the Heads of that Party And he would sometimes say to his Confidents that one of his Wishes was That he might have 'em at his Mercy to the end he might more generously pardon ' em But la Trimouille stood too well upon his Guard to expose himself and de Bouillon would never trust to his Generosity as it fell out in an Affair wherein he was engag'd some few Years after Neither did Rochel stand fair in the King 's good Opinion and it is reported that when he was at the Siege of la Fere that when he beheld the Oyse overflowing the Streets of that City he whispered one of those that stood next him in the Ear That if he could bring as much to pass in Marseilles and Rochel he should think himself absolute in his Kingdom This Resentment against Rochel proceeded from an old Affront which he received there during his Protectorship and which he always retain'd in his Memory 'T was only to perswade Rome that he had absolutely abandon'd the Reformed that toward the end of the next Year a Report was spread abroad that he was highly incens'd at a Petition which they had presented to him wherein it was said That the Catholicks had only his Body but that they possess'd his Soul and his Affection that he had return'd 'em a threatning Answer telling 'em that he would join with the King of Spain to their Destruction and that if they did not keep themselves close to the Terms of his Edicts they should not have 'em so cheap from Him as from his Predecessors 'T is said that he receiv'd this Petition at la Fere and return'd 'em this harsh Answer But if we may believe Monsieur D' Aubigney he had too deep a sense of Religion to treat those severely who perswaded him to maintain it This Historian tells us that at that time the King was afflicted with a Distemper which he believed mortal and that he then underwent great Conflicts of Mind because he was afraid that his return to the Roman Church was the Sin against the Holy Ghost which is never pardon'd The like Discourses also were spread by the Duke de Mercoeur who had a design it shou'd be thought that the Wars of Religion were about to revive in the Kingdom and that he was in a condition to make his interest thereby as the last of all the Patronizers of the Catholic Religion Yet at the bottom the King was not so displeased with the Reformed but that he sometimes gave the Romish Clergy cause of complaint against him It was then an authorized Custom to give Priories Abbies and even Bishopricks to the Laity whereby they pleased themselves with the Name of an Ecclesiastic Confident and the Reformed under this Reign shared the Benefits of this nature with the Roman Catholicks It happen'd every day that Affairs of this kind were promoted in all the Jurisdictions of the Kingdom where they were generally carried according to the Contracts of Confidence until there was offer'd to the Privy-Council an Act which gave a Bishoprick to a Woman in pursuance of some act pass'd with her Husband according to this confidenciary possession This was an abuse that the Ecclesiasticks had a great deal of difficulty to reform In the beginning of the Year their Deputies were permitted to assemble together And on their part there was an Harangue made to the King at Folembray He that undertook it cou'd not forbear speaking something of Religion but he behaved himself very moderately on the Subject and only proposed to advance the Catholick Religion by Doctrine and Example whereas War or Punishments had been the only Expedient preach'd up formerly He exhorted the King to issue out an Edict to invite his Subjects to return to the Catholic Religion which said he wou'd be to imitate Constantine who invited the Subjects of his Empire to embrace the Christian Religion by his Example and also of Recarede King of the Goths who being converted from Arianism obliged all his Subjects to turn with him But continued he I desire not this Conversion to be procur'd either by Arms or Violence He acknowledg'd likewise that the King might not perhaps be so well assured of many Towns and Persons which were return'd to his obedience that therefore such Measures were requisite to be taken as might prevent any new Troubles arising in the Kingdom In a second Harangue the Deputies of this Assembly press'd these Matters a little farther and to take away all suspicion which any persons might have that the Edict of Invitation tended to a renewing of the War they declared that they had need of Peace themselves and would only have this Edict to dispose the Reformed to receive their Instructions more easily Nevertheless they had made an Address upon which they obtain'd an Edict at Travercy that was very favourable to them The Reformed who suspected this Assembly of their Enemies did all that in them lay to hinder any ill consequences and the Clergy also complain'd after they had consented to this Edict that the King had not provided for the most important Articles of his Demands There were nevertheless some in this Edict which had respect to Religion The First ordain'd the re-establishment of the Mass throughout all the Kingdom the Ninth forbad Burial in Church-yards and other Sacred Places to such who did not die Catholicks altho' they had the right of Patronage or any other title of pretence The Tenth permitted the selling of Relicks or Church Ornaments out of the hands of the Trustees and other Detainers and to inform against the Spoilers of Holy Places at least upon a Civil Account for the recovery of things that were taken This Clause of Civil Account had a reference to the reform'd who look'd
not upon the Catholic Relicks or Ornaments of their Churches as holy things and it wou'd have made a great noise if they had been prosecuted as criminal for Pillages of this nature whereas the Catholicks very far from being treated civilly upon such accounts might in pursuance of the Canons be prosecuted as guilty of Sacrilege The Thirteenth commanded the restitution of all Ecclesiastical Goods of what nature soever and forbad the detaining of them even under the pretence of Reparations Amendments or any thing of the like nature and gave a Grant of Possession of the Livings belonging to the Bishops of Dags Bayonne Tarbes and Aize which had been seized of in Bearn This Article might interest many of the Reform'd who were very probably entred upon the possession of these Goods on the credit of the Attachment But this was the main Design of all the Attempts the Clergy had made In their Harangues nothing was so much press'd as the restitution of their Livings and Charity was not the Motive that induced them to desire Peace but a Fear that instead of regaining what they had already lost they might yet lose more in a new War These Intrigues of the Clergy continued near half a Year but in the beginning of them the Traty with the Duke of Mayenne was concluded which had been put off for so long a time in which the Duke had proposed an Article of being exempted out of the Enquiry that might be made into the Murder of Henry the Third whether it was that he knew himself too nearly concern'd in it which made him willing to secure himself from the Prosecution of the Queen Dowager or that he look'd upon it as a reparation of the Death of his Brothers whom the late King had caused to be slain at Blois to leave those unpunished that had revenged him even upon the Person of the King The Parliament had much ado to pass this Article and perhaps it was the only one amongst all that was agreed between the Leaguers upon which there was so great a contestation They wou'd have oblig'd the Duke to have clear'd himself by an Oath that he had no hand in the Parricide or upon his refusal to have ratified the Article with this Modification That it was agreed to because of the urgent necessity of Affairs The Attorny-General who had innocently introduced into Henry the Third's Chamber the Monk that assassinated him thought himself obliged to bring the guilty to punishment and form'd great difficulties which the zeal of the Parliament seconded very briskly But in the end it was pass'd and the Orders of the King were so strong that they confirm'd the Edict without restriction The King was obliged by many Reasons to prosecute the Revenge of Henry the Third besides the common interest of Kings who ought to their utmost to preserve the glorious Priviledges of their Persons he ow'd this Revenge to his own Glory to the end that he might not appear to have advanced himself at the expence of his Predecessor's life and he had also engaged himself to do it by formal Promises to the Queen and to the Officers of the former Court But the present Affairs made him forget both his Duty and his Promises and the Death of Henry the Third was not reveng'd Upon which one thing may be observ'd worthy the Reader 's attention Henry the Fourth was also basely assassinated as his Predecessor had been but there was so little care taken to revenge his death that even those were punished that endeavoured to discover the Authors of it And in these two cases only the Executors of both these Parricides were put to death for they did not what they ought or what they might have done either to punish or to discover the accomplices So that Henry the Fourth had the like respect shew'd him after his death as he had shew'd to him that reign'd before him This Remark is in the History of the Reform'd for there was none in the Kingdom which complain'd lowder than they did that revenge was not taken on the Murderers of their preserver But to return to the Duke of Mayenne who only demanded the exclusion of the Exercise of the Reformed Religion for six Years in those Towns which he gave up to the King and he was indeed after his reconciliation one of the most equitable of the Court when it was in dispute whether such an Edict shou'd be granted as might comprehend the Reform'd Nevertheless they saw nothing which cured their distrusts not only the remembrance of what had passed gave them just fears of what was to come as Impartial Historians acknowledge but they gave them every day new occasions which made a Secretary of State ingeniously confess to du Plessis in a Letter which he wrote to him that they continually gave them too much subject of complaint But still Prudence wou'd not let them push their Patience to the extremity in a time wherein it might have been the cause of strange disorders Throughout the Kingdom there was almost none less powerful than the King the Governours look'd upon their Places and Provinces almost as a Possession that belonged to them by propriety they were only made obedient by the power of Caresses and Benefits So that the State seem'd remiss in the same point it had formerly been when the House of Cartienna began to decay upon which some unquiet and ambitious Spirits built a like Project to that which brought Hugo Capet to the Crown This Prince bestowed part of his Kingdom upon those which had assisted him in the gaining it and gave the Dukes and Earls a Propriety to such Countries as they were Governors of keeping to himself with that Country which belong'd to him by Inheritance only the Sovereignty and Homage of all these Lords with the Condition of Reversion to the Crown in certain Cases This same Method was proposed to the King as a good Expedient to pacifie the Kingdom The young Duke of Mompensier was ingaged in this Project and was to tell the King of it but the King's Answer so cast down this young Prince as made him sensible it was a slender experience had engaged him in this undertaking but this did not put an end to the design for it yet continued in the minds of several persons and if the Reform'd had but stirr'd then many without doubt wou'd have taken an advantage of the occasion There were strange Intrigues carried on in France The Duke of Mercoeur had already retired into Bretagny and Du Plessis had stopt a Courier of the Arch Duke's who was carrying Letters to this Prince which discovered very strange things to them the greatest part of the Catholic Lords were interested therein Even Biron who afterwards suffered himself quite to be corrupted was ingaged in this Conspiracy and it was plain enough that whatsoever fomented the Troubles at home proceeded from a strange inspiration If the Authors of these Intrigues cou'd but have
promote the Work The King had both in the Instructions and by his Commissioners made some Complaints to the Assembly of their stiffness in their Demands and above all of their seeming to mistrust his Promises but had joined to it a kind of an Excuse for the Answer made to their Deputies which he thought would have been satisfactory to them considering what Circumstances he was under when he made it Whereupon he mentioned the loss of Calais and Aâ—dres together with the lingering and uncertain Siege of Fere. There was however amidst these Complaints a very advantageous acknowledgment of their Fidelity when he said That the Remedy which they sought for their Grievances was very far from that respect and affection they always had for him that which nevertheless he charged upon some among them who making advantage of the bad posture of his Affairs were thereby willing to make themselves amends for their distaste at his Answers I have observed before that the very Privy Counsellors had deemed it capable of producing this bad effect and thought that the Contrivers of it had then some secret Slave to sweeten it in due time But the Reformed grounded their holding fast to their Demands upon the Answers themselves that were made them and could not apprehend what kind of publick Good they were required to prefer before their own Preservation since the whole Matter amounted to no more than the retaking some Frontier Places from the Enemy which might be done at any time so soon as all the Forces of the Kingdom were re-united whereas now by delaying to do them right upon their just Complaints many thousands of the best Subjects the King had were left to the Mercy of their Enemies Men trained up to Persidy Injustice and Slaughter The Comissioners having given the King an account of the Assemblies Resolution he gave them new Instructions at Monceaux where they met him These were no larger than the former but the Commissioners were charged to complain of their seizing the King's Mony in some places and demand satisfaction for it as being a thing the King was much offended at they moved also that the Assembly should remove from Loudun to Vendome that they might be nearer to the Court which being consented to the Deputies repaired to Vendome on the Tenth of November where they waited three Months for the return of the Commissioners In the mean while they sent new Deputies to the King then at Rouen where they presented to him some Articles drawn up upon Proposals made them wherein they desisted from none of their former Demands concerning their Security they did not so much as revoke their Orders for seizing the King's Mony to pay their Garrisons because they were satisfied that their Holds were the only thing their Enemies did value them upon and thought themselves lost so soon as they should consent to the disbanding of their Troops and the ruin of their strong Towns They were also inflexible in their Demands concerning the maintenance of their Ministers and the administration of Justice for the security whereof they would have in suspicious Parliaments Courts consisting one half of Protestants the other of Catholick Judges commonly called Chambers Miparties But they were somewhat loose in the point of their religious Exercise and accepted the Compensation before offered by the King It amounted to two new Grants or such at least that looked so By the First they were allow'd to continue the exercise of the reformed Religion in all places where it had been publickly made ever since the beginning of the then instant Year The Second allowed them a second place for Worship in each Balliwick or Precinct commonly called Senechaussee almost the same Conditions prescribed by the Edict of 1577. in a Grant of the same kind There will be occasion to speak more at large of these Grants hereafter The King not being willing to grant them their other Demands held fast to these two Articles but as a proof of his good Will to them he would not set out from Rouen before he saw the Edict of 1577. pass in that Parliament as it had passed at Paris This really was of no great advantage because the Reformed were not contented with it and would needs have had another Edict Moreover this verification of an Edict which they had so often declared they could not be satisfied with was but an Artifice to keep up their Patience by putting an end to those gross Wrongs done them in Parliaments which occasioned their Complaints And it was easie to judge through the daily Denials made them of farther Grants that if they could be prevailed upon to live quiet under the shelter of this Edict until such time as a thorough settlement of the Kingdom both at home and abroad could be made they would then doubtless be made to believe that another Edict was needless since this had proved sufficient to secure them All that might be granted them over and above this was to give them some new places for their Worship in lieu of those that the several Treatises of reduction had taken from them The Catholicks themselves consented to that kind of Compensation and it seems that the King was resolved never to grant them any thing but under the same pretence it being a plausible Excuse to the Pope or his Legate for all his Favours to them It was clear enough that the Reformed could never be obliged to be content with less nay that they might with good reason hold fast to their Pretentions since 't was but just to indemnifie them for the loss of an advantage taken from them without cause against the express word of a King and that Promise signed by the Princes and Lords which has been so often mentioned by us But this Compensation was not sufficient to the Reformed who aimed at more liberty and security than was given them by that means This Verification was nevertheless ill resented at Rome whereby it created the King at least seemingly a very difficult Work The Pope made bitter Complaints to d' Ossat both of the thing and of the manner of it because said he the King had forced it upon the Parliament over-ruling their opposition D' Ossat display'd all his skill and ability to pacific the Pope he inlarged upon the great advantage of Peace after a Civil War of 35 Years which could not end but by this Edict besides he represented that Peace as necessary for the conversion of Hereticks wherein the King did daily make considerable Progress he exaggerated the great Miseries which the War had brought especially upon the Church and the spoil of the Ecclesiastical Revenues occasioned by it he shew'd 't was not the King but his Predecessor made that Edict when he was obey'd by all Catholicks at home and assisted by all those abroad that this was the least favourable of all those ever obtained by the Reformed that so long as it was observed their
Religion did visibly diminish and that tho' the King was now opposed at home and attacked abroad yet he had done nothing more than the late King nor even without the advice of the Catholicks of his Party that this Edict confining Heresie to certain places re-established every where the Roman Religion insomuch that one would hardly have believed that the Reformed after having so much contributed to the preservation of the Kingdom and strengthned themselves during the War with above 50 strong Places would ever be contented with it in a time when they might perhaps have extorted more from the King almost overwhelmed with other Affairs that the King was very commendable for having so well managed the Interest of the Catholick Religion or was at least more excusable for his connivence than his Predecessors upon which he brought in the Parable of the Tare which is left standing when it cannot be snatched off without spoiling the Corn he laid a great stress upon the Examples of all other Catholick Princes and on that of the King of Spain who tolerated the Moors and to bring back the Dutch to their obedience offered them Liberty of Conscience and a free Exercise of their Religion He made it appear next that the oppositions of Parliaments are but Forms since they know well enough that they must obey at last and that after all no other Constraint was put upon them but that of the publick Necessity Then he hinted at the ill Thoughts the Reformed might have entertained of the King had he left Rouen before seeing the Edict verified what would have been their Jealousies and how well grounded how cunning the Faction was countenanced by the Spaniards or what Dangers the Church and the State were like to be brought into by renewing the War At last he concluded with putting the Pope in hopes that this Peace would bring all other things to a State most agreeable to his Holiness Those that are not well read in the Policy of the Roman Court may perhaps wonder at this Verification making such a noise there though at the same time they did not speak a word of the publick Treaty that was beginning with the Reformed under the very Nose of the Legate who could not chuse but give notice of it But 't is a Maxim of this refined Court's Policy That Affairs must be handled in a manner like Plays where the Actors never speak as they think and know how to distinguish what is to be taken notice of and what to be dissembled According to this the Gentlemen of Rome when they are not able to obstruct an Affair do before its conclusion pretend to be ignorant of it because it would be an Affront to see it concluded after having vainly opposed it but when 't is past Remedy then they fall a Murmuring to shew their dislike of it Thus the Pope delay'd his complaining of the new Edict that was preparing until it was fully concluded because then the noise he made about it could do no harm to France but might allay the Murmurs of the Spanish Faction The Commissioners came to the Assembly but at the beginning of February who immediately after their arrival protested that the King could grant no more than what was set down in their Instructions for which they gave only the reason of the bad posture of the King's Affairs that permitted him not to do better what desire soever he had to favour them This reason of State was in the bottom nothing else but the Discontents which the King 's favouring the Reformed might give to the Holy leaguemen who not being throughly pacified might take a pretence from thence to stir up new Wars The King indeed feared it and could not put any trust in those so lately reconciled Enemies who watched him almost as a Slave nay the circumstances of the time seemed to render his fears more reasonable for the Spaniard who still held an Intelligence with that half-suppressed Faction had opened the Frontiers in several places But the Reformed were offended at that reason of State yet not pacified for upon the whole matter they thought the design was to make a sacrifice of their Repose and Security to the Passion of their ancient Persecutors and to say the truth to do nothing in their favour for fear of giving offence to the League men was but to tell them plainly enough that the King had better leave them in their Misery than displease their implacable Enemies who might have an occasion to be dissatisfied if the Reformed were put out of their reach wherefore that reason of State had no great effect in the Assembly who could not relish that by a State Maxim the interest of so many faithful Subjects should be sacrificed to the caprice of a violent Cabal that their great Services should be forgotten their Persons exposed to new Cruelties and sufficient Security denied for their Consciences and Lives Therefore they declared to the King by one of their Members that they could by no means be contented with what was granted them and that the Oppression the Reformed liv'd under would at last force them to seek for a relief in themselves The Commissioners whose Powers were always bounded by certain limits which it was not lawful for them to go beyond being sensible that the Reformed were in a discontent wrote to Court that they thought it much to the purpose to break the Assembly but that the Deputies must be sent home with whatever satisfaction could be given them The Count de Schomberg and the President de Thou then at Tours negotiating a Peace with the Duke of Mercoeur wrote to the same purpose and the Count's advice was to satisfie those People which he call'd People sick not with Rebellion and Factious Passion but with Jealousies and just Fears for what might happen to them as we have it in the most impartial Historians It was not doubted in Spain but that the Reformed would be tired at last with so many Delays and come to Extremities and these two wise Counsellors saw well enough through the Artifices and various Shiftings of the Duke of Mercoeur that he waited to see what the Business of Religion would come to that he might take a Resolution accordingly Wherefore they advised the King to pacifie things at home the better to make War abroad Du Plessis wrote the same and the Reformed offered after sufficient security had been given them to imploy their whole force either to reduce the Duke or beat back the Spaniards beyond their ancient Limits Now the words of the Reformed being maliciously construed as if they had threatened to take up Arms tho' they did never so much as mention it and had only declared they would no longer expect relief from the Court but maintain themselves as well as they could in case of Oppression Their Words I say brought the Court into an extream Perplexity insomuch that the Jealousies increased in both Parties and the Court
very same they had in a manner rescued at Tours from the hands of the Duke of Mayenne that it was easie to guess what would happen after the retaking of Amiens by what happen'd every day by the Severities of the Answers sent them and by the lingering of Affairs They failed not to observe the vast difference of Stile used with them before and after the taking of Amiens that before that accident the Court began to threaten them but returned immediately after to cajoling and giving them fair words whereby the Assembly might well judge that nothing was to be obtained from the Court when the retaking of that important place had put them in a condition to refuse without fear Some there were who minced not the matter and thought it a meer folly to contribute in the least to an action which might facilitate a Peace between France and Spain being fully satisfied that it could not be made but at their cost The Example of several Treaties made with the League-men caused their jealousie and the Double dealings of their Enemies whereby they cheated them in those occasions made them fear the worst for the future nay the King himself added much to their fear when to bring them to his terms upon divers points he threatned them with concluding that Peace and besides they were not ignorant that he hearkned to the Proposals made by the Spaniards towards it at the same time when he assured them he would never do it but by force Others were for letting the Catholicks alone and observing how they cou'd get out of this scurvy business and whether they were able to shift without the helping hand of the Reformed whose small Number and Services they were wont to undervalue Certainly these last Voters had an high conceit of their Party and thought it such a considerable part of the State that the Catholicks could not but be very sensible of their absence and really they were so and could not but acknowledge that upon the great Emergencies of State the Reformed were to be reck'ned something The King was more sensible than any body else of the great Mistake he had been in by so long delaying to give them satisfaction when at the Siege of Amiens he saw himself in the hands of his lately reconciled Enemies whom he durst not trust wanting those approved Friends of whose Fidelity he had such unquestionable Testimonies Therefore the retaking of Amiens wrought such an alteration in the minds of Men that an Agreement between the two Religions was universally wished for on both sides even by such as had most earnestly laboured to obstruct it The King indeed being victorious and having recovered his almost lost Reputation talked higher than before and the Catholicks did ever and anon upbraid the Reformed with their pretended desertion but for all this the wisest amongst them were more seriously for a Peace and facilitated it more than ever The experience of things past rendred these last Considerations very specious and even the remembrance of the Massacre at Paris gave weight to the advice of those who were afraid that if the Reformed were joined in a Siege with the rigid Catholicks and League-men these being by much the strongest might upon so fair an opportunity revive their implacable hatred and rid themselves once more of the Huguenots This they call'd a Bartholomew Campaign a Term indeed very fit to renew the Memory of the Paris Morning-Prayer These Reasons were so effectual that the Ring-leaders who were those that might do the King the best service thought fit to stay at home However it is false that all the Reformed did really forsake the King in that Enterprise for he had both in his Houshold and Army several Officers and Soldiers of their Religion and even part of his best Troops was made up of reformed Soldiers The Regiment of Navarre which did excellent Service in the Siege and the greatest number whereof perished there was almost wholly made up of them and the Duke of Rohan whose Name grew so famous since made there his first Campaign The Reformed answered the Charge at that very time and marshall'd up such of their Brethren who assisted at that Siege and were kill'd or wounded before the place True it is that they did not serve there as a separate Body and as having Troops depending upon them but here 't is strange that those very Men who would have had the Reformed make a separate Body to serve the State had been three whole Years a grumbling because they made a Body to preserve themselves as if Men whose separating in order to secure their Consciences was counted a crime were obliged to separate for the preservation of their Enemies Moreover very few amongst the Reformed were in a capacity to bring Troops at their own charge to the other end of the Kingdom so that the Charge affected only a small number of the principal Men who might have served in person Yet the Count de Schomberg and the President de Thou perswaded the Dukes of Bouillon and la ' Trimouille to raise Soldiers and received the King's Money for it but the Troops of the former staid in Auvergne upon some pretence or other and those of the latter were employ'd in Poictou for repressing the Excursions of some tumultuous League men The King was so much offended at these Lords coldness that he could never forget it tho' perhaps if they had been less suspected by him some reason might have been found to have excused them Certain it is at least that the President de Thou a wise and moderate Man did what he could both by Word of Mouth and by Writing to vindicate the Conduct of those two Lords fearing lest the ill-affected Cabal who cried down that Action and branded it with the odious Name of Rebellion troubling the Legat's Head with perpetual Complaints about it should take advantage of it to thwart the Negotiation of the Edict But of all those who heard the Case pro and con there was none so impartial as that Prelate and who better discovered the Illusion of those Complaints when the true Reasons were offered to him The state of the King's Affairs was not so prosperous in Poictou and Britany which the Duke of Mercoeur had opened to the Spaniards but he might as well fear to lose some Places on that side as not to be able to mend the Damage done by the same on the Frontiers Therefore as Trimouille's Troops might be useful in that Country du Plessis did often represent to the King how important it was for his Interest and for removing the Jealousies of the Reformed to give la Trimouille the Command of a Siege in that Country Though the Council found Work enough before Amiens they did nevertheless very seriously think of Religion which they began to regard as a very important and material Business Therefore as the Number of Deputies to the Assembly had been augmented when the Reformed took a
for its defence and had therefore secretly extorted a Promise from him never to do any thing in behalf of the Reformed before he had reconciled all such as had a hand in the League which he deni'd not when he was blamed by some for his delays endeavouring sometimes to make the Complaisance he had for the Catholicks go for a piece of Prudence advantageous to the Reformed in that the Edict he would give them should appear by so much the more voluntary and less extorted by force that there should be less Troubles and Discontents in the Kingdom but they took it in a quite contrary sense and were afraid that after all his other Troubles were over he would force them to submit to his own terms In the mean while the Commissioners at their return from the King before Amiens had brought Instructions which confirmed in part the things granted by the former but several new Difficulties were started upon some Articles as amongst others about the manner of paying the Garrisons and re-establishing the Mass at Rochel which that reformed City would not consent to As for the Garrisons there was so little safety in depending upon the Orders of the King's Treasurers for paying them that they demanded that in case of refusal or delay it should be lawful for them to cause the Money to be seized in the Provincial Exchequers But when after a long debate they had agreed upon the matter and removed all difficulties they must go to the Council for its approbation which was no easie matter to obtain several tricks being made use of to oblige the Deputies to desist but they stood firm to their resolution and the King on his side commanded his Council to stand to what had been concluded by his Commissioners He had nevertheless been offended at the Assembly's begging the Intercession of the Queen of England and of the Vnited Provinces in short they had sent some Persons of Quality as Deputies to these two States in order to desire their Mediation and Interest for obstructing the conclusion of a Peace with Spain which they apprehended to be levelled at the utter ruin of their Cause intreating them to charge their respective Embassadours to look to it and advising them besides to draw into the same Precautions all such other States as this Peace was like to be fatal to Next they gave an account to the Queen how far they had gone in the Treaty of Religion what they had gained about the Liberty of Publick Worship and what had been granted in this point over and above the former Grants of the Concession of miparted Chambers with the Priviledges allow'd to Parliaments of the free admittance of the Reformed to all Charges even of Judicature it self which Article had been obtain'd with a world of difficulties and which they were to enjoy by a new Creation in their behalf of six Places of Counsellours in the Parliament of Paris of the several Sums granted them for paying the Garrisons of their places of safety which they made up one hundred strong enough to maintain a Siege and hold it out against a considerable Army of the Settlement agreed upon for their Ministers subsistence in a word of all that had been concluded upon with the King's Commissioners concerning the Liberty and Security of their Religion But 't was no longer seasonable to take notice of those slight Misdemeanors which the King knew very well were not the effect of any rebellious Intentions in the Reformed but of their Allarms and Jealousies renew'd every day by his Councils delays and shiftings The Reformed were certainly in the right on 't for by that means the final conclusion of this affair lingred away even beyond the end of the Year and there was certainly affectation and malice in some of those delays which cannot be denied if we consider that the paying of the Garrisons and repairing of the Places was their greatest business and the matter whereon the greatest difficulties were renewed though Roni was the Man who could do any thing in the Treasury and was able had he been willing to assign as good Funds to those of his own Religion as he did to the Roman Catholicks But it must be confessed also that some of the same delays were occasioned meerly by accident by sickness absence or other excusable impediments of some whom the King had appointed to view the Articles of the Assembly and to prepare the Form of the Writs which being made out by unquestionable Proofs the Reformed did not despond at all but waited patiently till all these Difficulties were removed by time The End of the Fourth Book THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of Nants The Fifth Book The Contents of the Fifth Book A Book setting forth the Grievances of the Reformed blamed by some The Importance of its Contents It beginneth with excusing the freedom of those Complaints Maketh Remonstrances to the King about the delays of his Council and the general state of the Reformed By what degrees the King had been drawn from them The design of their Petition General Complaints made by them against all the French against each Order of the State and the Clergy in particular The Publick Exercise of the Reformed Religion obstructed and Private Devotions hindred Instances of great Violences The Boldness of the Parliament of Bourdeaux The Exercise interrupted or forbidden in several places by divers Decrees in the Army at Rouen the King being there Complaints on the account of the places against the Catholick Gentlemen and against the Treaties with the League men The singing of Psalms hindred Books seized and burnt Religious Assemblies prohibited Consolation of the Sick Consciences forced in divers actions Christnings and other things concerning Children The Prince of Conde Keeping of Lent and Holidays Schools Colledges Offices The Poor ill used Places where the Reformed dare not dwell Remarkable Injustice done at Lyon Trades Violences Wicked Acts. Seditious Words and Speeches Passionate Judges and Parliaments Great difficulties in re-establishing the Edict of 1577. Special Instances of the Ill will of Parliaments Burials made difficult hindred Tombs violated A strong free and pithy Conclusion Reflections upon this Book New Delays and Difficulties upon particular Places The Assembly breaketh up The state of the Garrisons Appointing of Governours Annual renewing of the state of the Garrisons the number of the places of safety Private Interests The Edict delay'd till the Month of April when there are no more Leaguers Jealousies of the Assembly The King being armed granteth the Edict Conclusion made at Nants Particulars of the Difficulties on each Article 1st Demond A new Edict Reasons pro and con 2d Demand Free Exercise its extent New Concessions The advantage secured to the prevailing Religion A second place of Exercise in each Bailiwick was no new thing Difficulties about the Place about the Proofs Difficulties about the Tombs 3d Demand The Subsistence of the Ministers A Sum of Money promised by the King Schools
4th Demand The Possession of Estates and the Rights of Successions 5th Demand Vnsuspected Judges Chambers Mipartie or of the Edict 6th Demand To be admitted to all Offices the extent of this Concession Illusion upon that Demand 7th Demand Securities Reasons for demanding them The Election of Governours for the places of security How they were serviceable to the King The paying of Garrisons Private Gifts Debates upon the Form of Concessions which doth vary according to the nature of the thing The distinction of Places The form of Payment The Conclusion AS in the Sequel of the Negotiation of the Edict there was little Alterations made in what had been agreed upon between the King's Commissioners and the Deputies of the Assembly it might be well said that the Treatise ended with the Month of August of the present Year and that the end of the same was in a manner the Epocha or Date of all the Grants peculiar to the Edict of Nants Thitherto the substance of things had been the main Business whereas afterwards the rest of the Difficulties and Debates was for the most part only about the Form and Circumstances But before we come to the Conclusion of this Important Affair it behoveth us for the better clearing thereof to take notice of a Book which came out this Year after the taking of Amiens under the Title of Complaints of the Reformed Churches of France about the Violences they suffered in many places of the Kingdom for which they have with all humility applied themselves at several times to his Majesty and the Lords of his Council The Manuscript of this Book had been handed about last Year and contained in substance the same Complaints that were set forth in a Petition presented to the King during the Siege of la Fere but it was publickly printed this Year with some new matters of fact which the Reformed had occasion to add to it besides some alteration in the form It can hardly be imagined with what cunning the generality of Historians do extenuate or lay aside those Complaints though they are indeed as a Manifesto which gives the reason of the Conduct of the Reformed and makes an Apology for their innocence It is true that amongst them there were some who disapproved the Impression of the Book but we shall not wonder at it if we consider that they had their Politicians and Courtiers who were always of a contrary opinion and whom the Court used as so many Tools to divide the Minds or elude the vigorous Proceedings of the Assembly Besides that part of the Reformed who lived within the reach of the Court in the neighbourhood of Paris being frighted at the sight of their small number were apt enough to be dazled with fair Words and Promises and highly commending that complaisant Behaviour did always speak the Court language either out of weakness or interest We shall see in the Sequel of this History the sad effects of that timorous Policy even after the expedition of the Edict and when it was about to be verified in Parliament But the disowning of a small number doth not hinder the Cause of those Complaints to be most real and all the Matters of Fact mentioned therein to have been the Subject of so many Petitions presented to the King and the Occasion that made the Assembly keep firm to their Demands The Piece is very Eloquent for those Times it moves the Passions well but especially Compassion and Indignation are so lively excited there that it is not easie to read the Work without pitying those who complain of so many Evils and without being angry with them who refused to remedy them There you may see above two hundred particular Instances of Injustices or Violences committed against the Reformed with all the Circumstances of Persons Actions and Time which so exact particularizing of Matters of Fact evidently sheweth that they had unquestionable Proofs in hand and feared not to be misrepresented since they made so publick Complaints and gave such Particulars thereof as made the thing easie to be inquired into Since therefore the Wrongs and Cruelties the Reformed complained of in that Book were the Causes of all those pretended rebellious Proceedings their Enemies have since upbraided them with it will be no great digression from the History of the Edict nor tedious to the Readers to give them a View of those Complaints as short as things of that nature can bear it First The Reformed began with vindicating the Liberty they took to complain which in a Kingdom so free as France was ought not to be blamed in those from whom the quality of Subjects and Frenchmen could not be taken away who had been sufferers so long and who had been so serviceable to the State They declar'd nevertheless that they complained with regret and were forced to discover the shame of their Country by the fury of their Enemies which they exaggerated with all the Expressions and Figures the Hearts of Men are apt to be affected by Afterwards they addressed their Discourse to the King and the better to move him with pity they most submissively shew'd that they were neither Spaniards nor Leaguers and there they made a rehearsal of their great Services done to the State and to himself from his very Cradle against those two sorts of Enemies and of the great Efforts they had made under his valiant and wise Conduct to defend that Crown which he wore on his Head adding that these Truths which were clear and known to all the World had put them in hopes that though they were asleep the King himself and all the good Frenchmen that were left would have thought in their stead of not suffering such a necessary and servicable part of the Nation to be ruined and lost That yet during these eight Years they had seen no diminution in the Catholicks hatred nor any abatement in their Miseries That their Enemies had now if not more Malice at least more means to annoy them because the Reformed did so frankly throw themselves into the King 's Arms. That the Catholicks had even been emboldened against them from their Loyal Affection and Patience as being assured they would never be revenged of any Outrage done them for fear of raising new Troubles in so dangerous a Conjuncture That the Truce which their Enemies would fain have pass for a Peace which ought to content them if as 't was said they could be contented with any thing was infinitely more prejudicial to them than the open War during which they were aware of their known Foes and blessed be God with sufficient means to take from them either the desire or the power of hurting them That a great part of their Enemies had taken up Arms against the Crown for much less even upon account of Fears without ground whereas now the Reformed remained peaceable though spurred by real and present Evils and attacked on all sides with such a cruel animosity
of Quercy They did also complain of several places taken from the Reformed razed or ordered to be so by Decrees of Parliament of some others dismembred nay given to their Enemies Thus Milhau which belonged to the Lady Catherine and which the Inhabitants had by virtue of an express Commission fortified at their own charge had certainly been demolished had not they had the Courage to oppose it In the mean while the reconciled Leaguers were very exactly paid though they received fifteen times as much Money from the King as the Reformed did who made it appear in the Assembly of the principal Men of the Kingdom at Rouen that for their Garrisons they had not Two hundred thousand Pounds from the King They complained besides of the Catholick Nobility and Gentry who had caused the Exercise of the Reformed Religion to cease in such places of their Lordships as they had found it established in at the time of their reconciliation with the King They upbraided them with that Writing subscribed by them at Mantes after the King 's turning Catholick in order to assure the Reformed that they would never enter into any Treaty with the Leaguers to their prejudice or without calling them in for a share which solemn Promise had been nevertheless broken in the Treaties made with eight and twenty Towns and with eight Princes or Grandees wherein the Reformed had been deprived of their Rights and which were concluded without their knowledge whereupon they observed with indignation that during the War a little paultry Town call'd La ferte Milon would not surrender but upon condition that the Reformed Religion should be excluded out of its Walls and Territories they also exaggerated that famous Succour given so seasonably by the Reformed to Henry the Third at Tours and accepted then by the Catholicks with so hearty thanks and yet so soon forgot From thence they came to complain of their being hindred in the most minute acts of their Devotions naming divers places where they had been sent to Prison on that account and where even the Psalm-book had been burnt by the Hangman whereof amongst many others they gave one remarkable instance which is this It happened at Meaux that a very honest Man was caned by the Major of the Garrison for singing Psalms the King being then at Monceaux about two Leagues off the Deputies of the Assembly of Loudun who were with his Majesty failed not to complain to him of that affront but all the satisfaction they could get was only that the King would speak to the Major about it In other places their Bibles and other Books concerning Matters of Religion were taken from them and if they kept any by them it was enough to make them liable to Imprisonments Exiles and Fines At Digue in Provence the Judges had impudence enough to add to the punishment of being imprisoned a Fine of a hundred Crowns for such as should assemble in order to pray to God Almighty and the Parliament of Rennes forbidding the Exercise of the Reformed Religion joined to it an Order that their Books should be diligently searched into forbidding the Reformed to print sell or keep any about Matters of Religion Next came their just and charitable Complaints of being hindred from comforting the Sick and the Criminals of their Party and even that they were forced to endure the presence and sollicitations of the Friers to which purpose they did relate that at Saint Quintin a Man was banished the Town for comforting from the Street a person infected with the Plague shut up within his House Whereupon they did judiciously observe that all such Articles whereby some advantage was taken from the Reformed were punctually executed but that all which the Edicts had granted in their behalf proved insignificant and useless for them for want of due execution They did afterwards hint at Matters of Conscience complaining that nothing came amiss to the Catholicks that might afford a pretence for oppressing them that they were forced to hang up Cloths or Tapistries before their Houses on Corpus Christi day and even to assist at the Procession on pain of a Fine which amounted sometimes to fifty Crowns that they were often imprisoned upon their refusing to comply that the Count de Grignan himself taxed his Vassals twenty Crowns for each offence that the Parliament of Paris inflicted a corporal punishment upon such as refused to bow to the Cross and prostrate themselves before the Hoste that in other places they were condemn'd to publick pennance for refusing to pay the same honour to the Sacrament when they met it in the Streets that the Parish-Priest of Saint Stephen of Furant did yet do worse than so for on such occasions he would run after those who fled before him and beat them soundly either with his Fists or even with the Cross-stick that in divers Towns of France they were forced to contribute to the charges of holy Fraternities of Divine Service done after the Catholick way and of building and repairing Churches and even to pay the Arrears of their Contributions for many Years past that in some places the Papists would force them either to assist at the Masses sung before the Companies or Trades incorporated or to leave the Town that the Publick Notaries of Bourdeaux having set up a new Fraternity they would force the Reformed of that Profession to assist at the Masses of their Company on pain of twenty Pence forfeit for each offence that the Judges of Anger 's had constrained a reformed Fidler to play at the famous Procession which is made there with a very extraordinary pomp on Corpus Christi day that in several Courts of Judicature the Judges and Advocates of their Party were forced to take their Oath after the manner and form of the Roman Church that sometimes old People were dragged along the Streets to Mass that at Saint Stephen of Furant the Parish Priest had almost starved an old Man to death to make him abjure and at last forced him to pass an Act before a Publick Notary whereby he bound himself to be banished if he should not live and die in the Romish Religion The same mad Priest continued they got himself accompanied by the Judges to the Houses of the Reformed where he christened Children in spite of their Parents and one day upon a false advice that a Woman was brought to Bed he forced his entry into the House beat her Husband searched every Corner and finding no mark of what he looked for he got the Woman out of the Bed and forced her to shew him her Belly that he might have occular demonstration that she was not delivered They continued to give an account of several Matters of Fact of the like nature As that in another place a Father carrying his Child to be christened the Servant-maid of an Inn had stoln him away whil'st the Man was leading his Horse to the Stable and afterwards she calling the
Neighbours to her help caused the Child to be christened in a Catholick Church That at Bourdeaux a Lady had been forced to abjure her Religion to keep the guardianship of her Children and having a little while after reunited herself to the communion of the reformed Church the Attorney-General sued her at Law and got her bound to remain a Catholick that a Child being deposited in the hands of his Grandfather at Orleans when that Town was in the power of the League and his Father demanding him back again after the reduction of the place the Judge refused to deliver him up to his Father that a Man was debarred from all his Rights by the Court of Angiers until he had got his younger Brothers out of the reformed School at Loudun to put them in the Catholick Colledge of Angiers contrary to the last Will of their deceased Father who had crdered them to be brought up in the reformed Religion that the same Judges had appointed a Catholick Guardian over a Maid who refused to go to Mass Then followed sad and grievous Complaints of the unjust way of dealing with the Prince of Conde whom the Reformed had surrendred to the King even beyond the hopes of the Catholicks they said that this young Prince had bitterly wept and strugled long with those who brought him away from St. John d'Angeli that since being kept at Court he was used to withdraw into his Closet there to sing Psalms to Pray and Catechise his Pages but that at last they were taken away from him notwithstanding all the marks of his anger for it They complained afterwards that to all these so great and so publick Grievances the Court had hitherto applied no other remedy but Reasons of State as if the Interest of the State ought to have been opposed to their Consciences or that the Reformed had not been part of the State or that the State could not stand but by their fall Then returning again to the particulars of the Injustice that were done them they complained of their being forced to keep Lent that at Rennes the Parliament caused the Houses to be searched to see if their Orders in this point were obey'd that the Bishop of Agde did the same by his own authority in the Towns of his Diocess that keeping of Holidays was also forced upon them that even at Saumur one of their Towns of security a Man had been sent to Prison for being surprised at work within his House on such days that their School masters had been expelled out of several places even without any form of Justice that divers Parliaments had refused to verifie the Patents obtained by the Reformed from the King for the establishment of some Schools even after reitera ted Orders from Court but that nothing was comparable in this particular to the boldness of the Parliament of Grenoble who did not so much as vouchsafe to answer a second Order sent them from the King for setting up a reformed School at Montelimar that even so in several places they refused to admit in or turned out such of the Reformed as were appointed to teach and instruct the Youth which Article was concluded with these remarkable words Are they then willing to beat us into Ignorance and Barbarity so did Julian Next they complained of their Poors ill usage That the Laws of Equity were so little regarded in this point that in those very places where the Reformed contributed most to the publick Alms the Poor of their Religion had no share therein that in many places the Reformed were deprived of their Birth-right and not suffered to live there though they promised to be quiet and make no publick Exercise of their Religion that the Judges of Lyon had banished out of their Town those who having formerly left the Kingdom on account of Religion were returned thither after the change of affairs and that it had been confirmed by the Edict of Reduction upon occasion whereof they complained here that the Reformed were called Suspected People by the King himself whom they had served with so much Fidelity and Courage letting this gentle Reproach slip withal that for one and the same cause the King had been declared unable to inherit the Crown and the Reformed banished from their Houses but that since he had been restored to his Throne by the assistance of the Reformed he had not yet restored them to their Houses Here the Parson of Saint Stephen of Furant was brought again upon the Stage he did not suffer the Catholicks to let out their Houses to the Reformed and constrained them to turn out before the term such as had already taken any he hindred Tradesmen by grievous Fines from admitting any Reformed into the freedom of their Trades This mad Fellow of a Priest had caned a Man born in that place but setled elsewhere who was come to the Town upon some business his pretext for abusing him was that he had forbid him to come thither as if he had authority to banish whom he pleased But that Man seeing himself abused with so much injustice and that no body took his part kill'd the Priest in a passion and so rid the Country of this furious Beast The King granted him his Pardon but the Catholicks hindred it from being allow'd by the Judges They remonstrated besides that the Reformed were excluded from Trades and to colour their exclusion the Companies made new By-laws by vertue whereof none but Catholicks were to be admitted to them That in several places Violences against the Reformed were countenanced by impunity that a Man seventy five Years old having complained that some Children had hurried him in the Streets with injurious Clamours was sent to a Goal instead of having satisfaction from whence afterwards being released he was pursued anew and pelted with Stones in the very sight of the Judges who did but laugh at it that a Fraternity of Penitents called The Beaten Brothers walking barefoot in order of Procession their Feet happened to be cut by some broken Glass spread in the Streets which they did immediately lay upon the Reformed because the Glass was found before the House of a Goldsmith of their Religion that thereupon a Sedition was stirred up against them but that at last the whole was proved to be a trick of the Priests Then they began to give particular Instances of the crying Injustice done them about Offices That in several places they were kept from those of the Town-house and that it was publickly said at Lyon that none ought to be admitted to them who either was now of the Reformed or ever had been so nay not even any Son of one that had been so that the States of Perigord had declared void the Election of a Sheriff made by the Town of Bergerac according to the custom of that Province meerly because the party elected was one of the Reformed that even those who were appointed by
the King could not be admitted before taking an Oath that they would be Catholicks being moreover forced to declare their charge vacant ipso facto if they should ever happen to break their Oath In some places they were sent back without so much as hearing their Complaints in others they were turned out even after they had been admitted and suffered to execute their Places or else they were forced to dispose of them in favour of the Catholicks The Parliament of Bourdeaux had opposed during three Years the re establishing a Presidial Court at Bergerac where it had been setled before and the Debate about it was still depending in the Grand Council at the time of these Complaints In several Provinces Gentlemen were forbid to appoint Protestant Judges in their Fiefs on pain of forfeiting the same nay the Parliament of Paris when yet sitting at Tours inserted in their Decree for verifying the Edict which revoked those of the League that upon the presentation of Letters Patents to the Court an Inquiry into the Behaviour Manner and Religion of the Presenters should be always ordered and that they could not be admitted without giving a sufficient Testimony of their being Catholicks save only in the City of Rochel and other such Towns as were held by the Reformed at the time of the Edicts of the League as I have related in the Second Book of this History in the Year 1591. About the same time the Deputies of the Reformed were told even in the King's Council that they were under a great mistake if they thought they should ever be admitted to Offices whatever Edicts Orders from the Court and Decrees of Parliaments they might obtain whereof they gave instances in all sorts of Offices of Judges in Parliaments and Presidial-Courts of Sollicitors General of Publick Notaries of Attorneys and Sergeants The Parliament of Grenoble though formerly rescued out of the hands of the Duke of Savoy by the Arms of the Reformed was now still refusing to admit Vulson who had obtained a Patent for a Judges place in the same Court and had already been tired with five Years vain pursuits One of the Reformed having obtained a Patent for the Place of one Colas Vice Seneschal of Montelimar an obstinate Rebel who would never be reconciled with the King whom he forced to besiege him in La Fere whereof he stiled himself Count that Reformed I say could never get his Patent allow'd by the Parliament of Grenoble but after he had to facilitate the matter treated with Colas for the Place and bought it of him then the Parliament admitted him to the Proof of his good Behaviour and Manners and kept him eighteen Months about it being even yet uncertain of the issue of this business at the time of these Complaints The same Parliament had taken away the Precedency from some Judges who were ancienter than their Catholick Brethren and had been admitted even during the League which put them to the charge of obtaining new Edicts new Orders and peremptory Decrees from the Council All this was followed with Complaints about many Seditious Expressions uttered against them and connived at in Parliaments and other Seats of Judicature where in full Court they had been call'd Dogs Turks Hereticks Heteroclites of the new Opinion a People who deserved to be destroy'd with Fire and Sword and expelled out of the Kingdom Their being Hereticks added they had been allowed in several Courts as a sufficient cause of exception as if the Laws of the Emperours against the Manichees had been made against them Seguier one of the King's Sollicitors-General in the Parliament of Paris speaking in the Cause of Roche Chalais a very considerable Gentleman amongst the Reformed had said that they were unworthy of the King's Edicts that the benefit of the Laws belonged only to the Catholicks and that if the Court should give a Verdict in favour of this Gentleman to restore him to his Estate the King's Council would oppose and take it away from him as from an unworthy Heretick They related thereupon several Instances of Justice denied to the Reformed of Murders left unpunished of unjust Condemnations without a legal Process of false Witnesses tolerated though convicted A famous Highway-man being thought to be of the Reformed Religion was sentenced at Bourdeaux to be quartered alive and fined five hundred Crowns two hundred whereof accrued to the King and the rest was appliable as the Court should think fit but the Criminal having declared to a Jesuit that he had been a Catholick for two Years past the Punishment was changed into beheading and the Fine applied to the repairing of the Jesuits Colledge The extraordinary Assizes of the Parliament of Paris being held at Lyon such of the Reformed as went thither to demand Justice against the Catholicks of Saint Stephen of Furant were called Seditious Persons who troubled the Judges with their Complaints They added That the Writs obtained by the Reformed for bringing Causes from a suspected Parliament before another were eluded by denying them Letters of Pareatis or Hereof fail not which they were forced to sue for sometimes whole six Months together but that at Bourdeaux they would do worse for there they judged the cause definitively and then granted Letters of Pareatis Whereupon it was observed that the Parliaments did the Reformed more harm by their ill will than the King was by his good will able to redress Whereupon they inlarged upon the great difference between the verification of the Edicts granted to the League and those granted to the Reformed in order to grant them a Peace the former being allowed without alteration or reservation and with a great deal of Pomp and Solemnity as Edicts the Syllables Letters and the very Accents whereof were looked upon as so many Props of the State whereas the latter were either thrown off with a thousand shifts delays and tricks or allow'd with so many limitations and exceptions that they were made altogether useless And here they brought in very pat the great Abuses formerly offered to Parliaments by the League the Massacre of Duranti at Thoulouse and the shameful Death of Brisson at Paris There they shew'd also how little satisfied the Reformed were with the Edict of 1577. which in their judgment was not fit for the present time for it put them in a worse condition than the War had left them in which reflected on them a thousand ways therefore they had not demanded but constantly refused it Whereupon they observed with what difficulty the Edict which re-established the same had passed in the Parliament of Paris they did not forget the shiftings and tricks of the Attorney-General and the several reasons urged to hinder the verifying of it insomuch that it was carried in the affirmative only by three voices They named here the Parliaments which would not verifie it but above all they observ'd the severity of that of Dijon which likewise refused it tho' the King going through
the latter Civil Members of the State as well as they and equal Sharers in the Distribution of Favours and Rewards Yet in this important Matter the Reformed were highly Mistaken when they contented themselves with a wide and general Declaration of their capableness of Offices without solidly engaging the King that they should be really conferr'd upon them In effect to appease the Pope who made as if he had been offended at it they represented to him That there was a vast difference between declaring one capable of a Place and bestowing it upon him which perfidious Maxim the Event has shewn to be too true since the Reformed have been so far from being admitted to high Places or preferr'd to the greatest Dignities according to their Merits that they have been shifted with even about the meanest Places and the most inconsiderable Trades of the Kingdom There were some among them who foreseeing that some Time or other this general Declaration would be ministerpreted mov'd in the Assembly for fixing in each kind of Employments a certain number of Places that should be conferr'd upon the Reformed and du Plessis as I have said elswhere treating some Years before with Villeroy had obtain'd the fourth part of all Places and was even in hopes to obtain a third But besides that such a general Declaration had something more plausible and flattering than the limitation of a certain Number of Places because thereby the Reformed were more fully equall'd to the Catholicks it was more suitable to their different Circumstances in the Provinces of the Kingdom for in some their Number was so great that if they had been reduced to a fourth or a third part of the Offices they had been very unjustly dealt with and the Court had been under a necessity of calling Catholicks from the other Provinces to bestow the remainder upon them But in others they were so much inferior in number to the Catholicks that there had not been enough among them to fill the third or the fourth part of the Places Moreover a special Regulation had been necessary almost for every Balliwick insomuch that a general Clause was in a manner unavoidable Add to this That the Provinces where the Reformed were the strongest and most numerous they did so little question their being able to engross all the Offices to themselves for want of qualified Catholicks that it was no difficult Matter for the Court to satisfie them with that indefinite Declaration And indeed it was very advantagious had it been observ'd bona fide but as the same had been formerly eluded by Henry III's Artifices so his Example has been follow'd since for above 40 Years and this equitable Rule of Equality has been turn'd into a Sham by the Treachery of his Successors True it is that at the Time of the Edict the Reformed gain'd by it no small Credit since the best part of all inferior Offices fell immediately upon them and even the Catholick Lords were so well perswaded that they had a better Stock either of Ability or Honesty than others that they stuck not to prefer them before the Catholicks to such Places as were in their Gift moreover Offices being venal in France the Reformed bought them dearer than others and with the Help of that strong Machine overcame all sorts of Oppositions which happen'd especially for Places of a new creation when he that bids most is sure to be the Buyer But this happy State of the Reformed lasted only till after the taking of Rochel The seventh Demand was concerning the Securities the principal whereof was in their Judgment the keeping of those Places which they had now in their Hands and were numerous and strong enough to resist their Enemies in case of an Attack But 't was this very thing made the Difficulty for the Court was very unwilling to leave so many Fortresses in the Hands of brave and bold Men amongst whom there was a great number of warlike and couragious Nobility who had been permitted to unite together for their mutual Defence but the Reformed were inflexible upon this Point and would by no means hear of parting with what they had for first the Experience of past Times made them afraid that the Edict might be us'd as a Pretence to disarm them and that the Catholicks might break their Oath as soon as their Places of Refuge should be taken from them Besides they could not but know that according to the Policy suggested by the Court of Rome to all Princes who submit to the Pope they keep Faith with none but such as they fear and that therefore it might be kept to the Reformed no longer than the Danger of breaking it should last 'T is a Maxim no less general than true Since Conscience and Honesty have not been a sufficient Warrant for the Security of Treaties that such as are concerned in the Observation of them must make themselves formidable to such as would break the same and make them sensible that they could not do it with impunity Therefore it was necessary for the Reformed to keep still some strong Garrisons to stifle in the Catholicks Hearts the Desire of attempting their Ruin by shewing them the frightful Prospect of an equal Danger on both sides moreover all the rest of the Kingdom was in Arms All such as during the War had commanded either under the King or under the League had some Place or other at their Devotion and as there was no great likelihood of so soon disarming so many Men who acted like petty Princes in their Government so the Reformed had good reason to fear that if they should lay down their Arms alone they might soon be at the Discretion of their irreconcilable Persecutors This same Article comprehended also many private Interests besides the general because there was neither Lord nor Captain which had not some Place in the Guard and no one was so disinterested to give up his own to preserve that of his Companion There was also as engaging an Interest which concern'd the common Cause diverse Places had Catholick Governours that were not bigotted enough to their Religion to neglect their own Fortune tho' it were advanc'd to the Prejudice of the Popish Cause nor yet so well affected to the Reformed to embrace their Party without an evident Advantage They plainly saw that when a Peace should be establish'd in the Kingdom their Places would become unuseful their Garrisons broke and their Profits cease but concluded that if the Reformed obtain'd the keeping of their Places they needed only to change their Religion to preserve their own as being the same Reason whereby others should possess them The Memoirs of those Times give an account That there were Men of this Character who had promised to profess the Reformed Religion but declar'd they would first see the State settl'd 'T was to favour these Conversions which might increase and Strengthen their Party as made them demand That if any Governour of
of those Times and in the Writings of those who have endeavour'd to justify the War that Lewis XIII made against the Reformed under the pretext of regaining the Places of Security This is one of their Reasons That since the King had not consented to leave them wholely to them but only under their Names to keep these Places for himself against the secret Factions which might trouble the State it was therefore no longer just to suffer them in their Possession after these Factions were extinct We have already seen how dissatisfied the Marquess d'O was because the King had put as many Places as he could into the Hands of the Reformed and that for this Reason he had rather see a Place taken by a Spaniard than kept by an Huguenot But there was besides a great difficulty about paying those Sums that were necessary for the maintaining of the Garrisons Fortifications and the Walls of their Towns There was nothing the Council was more difficult to part with than Money and the Catholicks were much offended to see so great Sums paid by the King to the Hereticks to maintain such Fortresses as rendred them very formidable nevertheless it could not be refused to Men who could say That the like had been done for the Leaguers the greatest part whereof had Pensions or their Garrisons paid them out of the King's Coffers The Contestation therefore was reduced to the means how to save the King's Money and the Reformed were contented with so little that it can hardly be believ'd that all their Garrisons could be paid with so inconsiderable a Sum And in effect there were some of the Leaguers to whom they had given or promised more Money than they had granted to the Reformed for the maintenance of their Towns for many Years together When all was thus settled a new Dispute began upon the manner whereby they should assure the Reformed of the Payment of the promised Sums They should have been very glad if they might have been permitted to have stopp'd the King's Taxes at the respective Treasuries rather than to accept of such Assignments as they fear'd would be both inconvenient and uncertain But they judged it not handsome to let the King know they so much distrusted his Word and therefore they were forc'd to be contented with the Promise he gave them of convenient and certain Assignments There were some private persons also who having neither Commands in these Places or in the Souldiery made particular Requests some of Arrearages of Pensions others of some Gift to establish their Affairs and so others again for some Gratification for their past Services which had not yet been acknowledged And thus they were all made under different Pretensions but the whole of their Demands amounted to so small a matter that altogether it would scarcely equal the least Recompence that the Leaguers had obtained When all things were agreed on there still remain'd a general difficulty concerning the manner wherein those Concessions should be publish'd an Edict appeared the most Authentick Security to the Reformed but there were so many Obstacles so many Fears of offending the Catholicks and of giving any Pretence to the Disaffected of beginning new Disturbances and such Hope 's given to the Churches of mending their Conditions with the Times That in fine they agreed upon several Forms under which diverse Concessions should be granted as had been done on other occasions First Therefore they gave an Edict which contain'd to the number of 92 general Articles by which the Exercise of the Reformed Religion was authorized in many Places under such and such Conditions The Reformed were admitted to all States and Offices the administration of Justice was regulated by the setting up of Chambers Miparties and many other things were commanded conformably to what had been practised in the Edicts of the same nature a Pardon for whatsoever might be laid to the Charge of the Reformed was expressed at full length all manner of Edicts Letters or Articles of the preceeding Times that were contrary to this New Edict were expresly abrogated by it And for the Security of this the King commanded all his Officers to take an Oath to observe it with Care and Fidelity and taking all the Inhabitants of the Towns and other Places into his Protection he put them under the care of each other to prevent Seditions and Violences To the Edict were added secret or particular Heads to the number of 56 among which there was many of great importance which well deserv'd to have been inserted into the Body of the Edict but they contented themselves with placing them in this Appendix because it was addressed to the Parliaments as the same Edict and many of them verified it Such were the Articles which exempted the Reformed in respect of many things that belong'd to the Worship of the Catholicks the Privileges of the Ministers the exercise of the Discipline of the Reformed with the holding of their Consistories their Colloquies and Synods the Education of Children the Liberty of Marriages in such degrees wherein the Catholicks are obliged to procure Dispensations the observations of Fasting and Holidays the nullity of extorted Abjurations and many others the like they forgot not the Confirmation of the Articles granted to the Heads of the League who had submitted to the Government The Shiftings made use of in our Time upon many of these Articles sufficiently shew how needful it was that general Articles should be granted thereon But what seems most singular in this Affair is that there were in these secret Articles some Passages which formally regarded only what was past or else the Time of the Edict it self that nevertheless were executed from the time it was published until its Revocation of calling them into Question such were the Articles which concerned Marriage in such a degree of Affinity as the Catholicks were not permitted without a Dispensation This in a manner made some amends for certain Articles of the Edict that had never been put in execution which permitted the Reformed freely to live in all places of the Kingdom There were all a-long many Towns wherein the Reformed could never appear with safety so far were they from living without Disturbance in them But a particular Remark may be here made upon Liberty of Conscience The Edict had aimed expresly to establish it and yet there was no formal Article in it which gave it to all the French but it was so plainly presupposed by the Edict and by that Spirit of Liberty which they always so highly pretended to even to the fancying that France was the only Kingdom in the World where Freedom had the least interruption that all the King's Subjects were suffered to enjoy it for fourscore Years without any Person 's ever being disturbed about it And indeed they durst not violate it until they had in many respects ruin'd the Edict in its most important Concessions The rest of the things that could not be
Publick State and the rest was set down in the other which was called the little State In respect to the first they followed the accustomed Order for the Payment of the Garrisons furnishing of Rolls of Acquittances c. and they were paid by the extraordinary Treasurer of War but the other was paid with less upon simple Orders obtained from the respective provincial Exchequers Thus ended the long Civil War whereof Religion was made the Pretence The Reformed began to take Breath and the Minds of the People to be a little settled again La Trimouille by his inflexibility incurr'd the Hatred of the King but gained the Esteem and Confidence of his own Party The Court endeavoured all ways possible to draw him from the common Cause but nothing could work upon him to that end the President de Thou offered him incredible Advantages but he answered very generously Whatsoever they could do for him would avail nothing whilst the Requests of the Reformed were unanswered but if they would grant them the Security of their Consciences and Lives they might hang him up at the Gate of the Assembly and that no Disturbance would come upon it They also endeavoured to stir him up with Emulation and Jealousy when the Duke de Bouillon came to the Assembly where La Trimouille being youngest gave him the first Place that he had held for two Years together But he was not concerned for this Point of Honour which would have shaken a Soul less Noble than his He gave way without any regret and maintained himself unto the end with an equal Courage There were many other great Men which seconded him the Minister Chamier was one of the most undaunted and because of that he became as odious to the Court as he was considerable to the Churches There are some Authors among the Reformed who affirm That the King's Avarice was the Reason why the Division was less in the Assembly than it might have been if the King had been willing to buy its Members at as dear a rate as he had bought the Leaguers But that many continued firm to the Common Cause because there was no Advantage in abandoning it Indeed Aubigny one of these Authors might speak by Experience he was not rich and he was very willing to make his Fortune but they did not love him at Court because he was too free and satyrical in his Discourses and disturbed them with the Reproaches of his Services Tho' it was not really so much from the King's Avarice as his Wisdom and good Intentions for the Preservation of the Reformed he chose rather to grant Favours to them in general whom he had some reason to love than to raise the Fortune of some private Persons which he thought he might have cause to complain of The End of the Fifth Book THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of NANTS BOOK VI. The Contents of the 6th Book THE Sentiment of the Reformed in the Provinces upon the Edict Artifices to gain them at a Synod at Mompellier The Number and Condition of the Churches What it is that Forms a Church Uniting of many Churches into one Reasons why they are contented with the Edict obtain'd Projects of Re-union The Religion of Lesdiguiers A Treatise of the Eucharist The Consequences of its Publication Three Important Negotiations with the Pope 1. A Dissolution of the King's Marriage 2. The Re-establishment of the Jesuits their Confidence and their Credit the Passion of the Monks against the King The Persecution in Piedmont and in the Marquisate of Saluces the Kings Reasons for favouring the Jesuits Opposition Marriage of Madam her Constancy the Unkindness of the King unto her The difficulties on the Popes side and their Reasons The King goes on without staying for a Dispensation The Pope is Offended thereat and persists in his Refusal the Consequence of this Negotiation until the Death of the Princess The Advantages the Reformed drew from her Perseverance Difficulties upon the Examination of the Edict An Assembly of the Clergy their Propositions upon the Edict The Disgust of some Prelates The Moderation of the Nuncio Contradictions of the Parliament The Equity of the Duke of Mayenne The Resolution of the King The withdrawing of the Reformed from the Court upon many Articles Prejudices of the Clergy The Chambre of the Edict at Rouën The Mipartie Chambre in Guienne The Examination of the Edict after which the Pope makes great Complaints to stop the Mouth of the Spaniards The Answers of Cardinal de Joyeuse and Cardinal D'Ossat agreeable to the Inclination of the Pope An Edict for the Principality of Bearn which is Received Complaints of the Alterations made in the Edict Article concerning Burials Particular demands Precedency pretended by the Catholick Officers who compos'd the Chambres Miparties over the Reformed Verbal demand upon Occasion of the Chappels in Gentlemens Houses Answers to those Papers Article concerning Church-Yards Precedency preserv'd to the Ancient President Martha Brosier counterfeiting her self to be Possess'd The Consequence of that Comedy both within and out of the Kingdom The Kings Marriage dissolv'd The Decree of the Parliament of Bretagne upon the Oath referr'd by one of the Reformed to a Catholick La Trimouille made a Peer of France the Pope grumbles and d'Ossat appeases him He takes little Notice of Roni's Advancement Commissioners to put the Edict in Execution and their Power General Observations upon the Edict Reproaches of the Catholicks cast upon the Reformed Answer'd THE Edict being then at length Decreed in this manner nevertheless did not all of a sudden allay the general Murmurings And when the News was carry'd into the Provinces several people of Nice and Difficult Palates found that there were many things altogether omitted others ill-explain'd others inconvenient and with which the Reformed had less Reason to be contented then the Catholics The delay of the Verification put 'em to a great deal of trouble and the Reputation of the Duke of Beuillon who had taken upon him to engage 'em to Patience in this particular was not sufficient to stop the Mouths of all the World But the Court had then recourse to little Artifices to mollifie their minds by gentle means and bring 'em to that submission which she desir'd She had her Confidents in all places who according to the Genius of those people with whom they discours'd knew how to vary their Arguments and their Remonstrances Sometimes they put a Value upon the King 's private Promises who durst go no farther for fear of Offending the Catholics and returning their Arms into the Hands of the Leaguers but who had giv'n his Word to do so many things for the Reformed for the future which was that which far exceeded all they had demanded and which was contain'd most favourable in the Edict Sometimes the Prince himself was represented as altogether of the Reformed Religion in his Heart Weeping when he spoke of the Churches and causing his usual Prayers to be
Viva voce and to be put in practise without any other Law than the Conformity of Custom receiv'd in the Churches of the same Synod which is the Reason that the Acts of these Establishments are very rarely mention'd in Writing In the third place it is to be observ'd that under the Name of one Church they comprehended two three or more places where Free Exercise was allowed according to the Edict but for their Reciprocal Conveniency put themselves under the pastoral Charge of one Shepherd who divided the Officiating his Duty among 'em according to the private agreement These different Places which they call'd Quarters or Annexes were United Separated Clos'd and divided as the Synods pleas'd who as they saw convenient of several Churches made one or of one several which might probably sometimes augment the Number of the Places of Exercise thô there were nothing of Usurpation in the Excess of the usual or prefix'd Number Nevertheless these Truths which ought to be beyond all dispute by reason they are so evidently demonstrable have been look'd upon in our days as Unjust and Chimerical pretensions But to return to the Synod there were some Reflexions made among 'em what should oblige the General Assembly to depart from the Pretentions of the Churches to content themselves with the Edict as they had obtain'd it They were offended as it was but just that the Members of the Assembly had been long at variance among themselves But it was more easie to declaim against the Disease then procure a Remedy And when the Mischief is incurable the discovery of the Cause adds little to the Cure of the Distemper There was also some Discourse in the Synod of Erecting of Schools and Colledges of Divinity in several Places several Regulations also were under Debate for the preservation of the Churches and for bringing them under an exacter Discipline Nor were they less employ'd about Projects for a Reunion with the Roman Church with which the Kingdom was fill'd For they had been very earnest for the publishing several Pieces of that Nature which were pleasing enough to the Catholics who were of Opinion that an Accomodation could not choose but be always to their Advantage But the Reformed were as much scandaliz'd at it for the same Reason and look'd upon all those Writings as Prevarications which betray'd the Cause of Truth and only tended to disguise the Errors of the Roman Church to render 'em less Odious Foreign Protestants also were no less Offended at 'em than others and made their Complaints to the Synod Which Condemn'd some Books that went under that Character and Order'd others to be Examin'd that were no less suspected But this was all to no purpose and the Itch of Re-union lasted till the Revocation of the Act at which time also the Projects for an Accommodation flew about every where There was likewise one particular Act that was discours'd of in that Assembly The Province of Languedoc had Rais'd a Fund of 17760 Crowns which was sent to Geneva there to be put out to Use and the Revenue to be employ'd for the Maintenance of Resolvers of Cases Lesdiguieres who minded nothing so much as to take of all sides seiz'd upon this same Money under pretence that it had been Rais'd contrary to Law and without the Kings permission and that it could not be sent out of the Kingdom and that he might have some specious Right to detain it he begg'd it of the King Who in regard he came so easily by it made no great difficulty to give it him without ever troubling himself the to consider what Complaints the Reformed might make leaving it to Lesdiguiers to defend himself against them as well as he could And indeed Commissioners were sent to him to recover the Money out of his Hands who lay'd before him the Injustice of the Act and put it hard upon his Conscience as being of the Reformed Religion but that was not his sensible Part so that after many years and several Importunities they had much ado to get him restore some part By this it may be judg'd that 't was not his Conscience that retain'd him in the Profession of the Reformed Religion and the next year he did many things which would have clear'd the Suspicion but that he was asham'd to do 'em publickly For the Jesuit Cotton so Famous afterwards in France being then at Grenoble Lesdiguieres enter'd into a strict Alliance with him but for fear of rendring himself suspected to the Ministers he built a Back Gallery by which the Father might be brought to his Apartment without being perceiv'd by any but those that were privy to the Secret By which means the Jesuits and He were frequent in Conferences Lesdiguieres's Daughter of the same Religion as her Father had the same kindnesses for the Jesuit and went much farther then her Father For she Abjur'd the Doctrine of the Reformed while Cotton held her Hands in his and afterwards privately gave her the Communion and every year sent her a Priest for the same purpose till time and her Father should permit her to declare her self During this Interval the Jesuit was not so tender Conscienc'd but that he gave her leave to make outward Profession and Repair to all the publick Exercises of the Reformed Religion and perhaps it might be found that she Communicated on both sides if her Life were more narrowly Examin'd Such is the Religion of the Jesuits For according to their Maxims Hypocrisie and Prophaness are no Obstacles but that people may be truly Pious and Devout at the same time As to what remains in this Synod it was that the first distribution was made of Mony granted in Lieu of Tithes and there was a Division of a hundred and thirty thousand Livres among the Churches Thus the Reformed were very diligent to make their Advantage of the Edict before it was fully brought to perfection in regard it was not as yet verify'd For it was agreed at the importunity of the Legat that they would stay till he was gone before they publish'd it This delay put back the Business so far that the Reformed were impatient and thô the Marshal de Bouillon took upon him to make all whole again at the Assembly of Chatelleraud yet he could not be every where to give her Reasons to the mistrustful nor could his Reputation stop the Mouths of all Men. In the mean time there happen'd one thing which made a great Noise and which was attended with tedious and unlucky Consequences Du Plessis publish'd a Book in July upon the Eucharist The Pope was therein very coursely handled as being call'd by the Name of Antichrist And the Church of Rome had seen very few Books set forth by her Adversaries where there had been less kindness shew'd to her Errors Du Plessis had put his Name and all his Titles in the first Page and among the rest that of Counsellor of State The Name of the Author
who was the Man of his time that had the most Learning and Solidity and wrote the best thô his Style savour'd too much of the Latin Phrase and the Dignity of the Subject caus'd the Work to be soon perus'd by the Curious The Noise of it reach'd Rome and the Pope complain'd more especially because of the Title of Counsellor of State which the Author had taken upon him for that it seem'd as if the Affront had Issu'd from the Bosom of the Counsel it self since it was given by one of the Members of it and as if the King had had a share in giving the Injury since it came from one of his intimate Confidents The King himself was Offended at it fearing least the Pope being exasperated by the Affront should delay the Dissolution of his Marriage which was then seriously in Agitation For that Reason he testify'd his Resentment and it was the beginning of Duplessis's Disgrace which was attended with Consequences of greater Importance One would have thought that this dissatisfaction of the King and the Pope would have Authoriz'd whatever the Zeal of the Catholics should undertake against the Book or the Author Nevertheless the Jesuits that were settled at Bourdeaux having a great desire to have the Book Condemn'd to the Fire Dases the first President Oppos'd and only bid 'em refute it if they thought it convenient Boulanger one of the King's Almoners having made a critical Censure upon the Preface and Accus'd the passages to be falsiy'd the Arch bishop of Bourges took him up and reply'd upon him very smartly Nor did the Legat himself require any Vigorous proceedings against the Book only desir'd six Copies to carry along with him at his departure out of France and engag'd that Bellarmine should Answer him But they bethought themselves of another way to Mortifie du Plessis the Catholics finding it more easie to disgrace the Author then destroy the Book That which happen'd that year and the Lent following was this that the Predicants let loose their Fury against the Book and Reveng'd the Pope and the Roman Religion with all manner of Calumnies and Invectives upon du Plessis 'T was thought also that the Gentleman durst not appear in publick without hazard of his Life during the first Violence of their Rage He therefore kept his House for some days till the Tempest was over And in regard 't was believ'd that the people were sufficiently Incens'd to have gone and Assaulted him in his own House Madam offer'd to receive him into hers for his better security It may be thought That slight Moderation was Affected to shew that the Liberty of the Reformed was great in pursuance of the Edict since they had the Freedom to publish such Affronts against the Roman Religion and yet that the Catholics should be permitted no other means of Revenging themselves than by the Ordinary way of Refutation or else of mitigating the discontents of those who did not find the Edict conformable to their Hopes and who were vex'd to see the Verification so long delay'd and to prevent 'em from augmenting upon the severity which they might have us'd to the first Book of the Reformed Religion that appear'd after the Edict was Decreed In a Word there being no way wholly to quell the Bigots they caus'd Plessis's Book to be Condemn'd to the Fire by some Inferiour Court of Justice and the Sentence was put in Execution The Assembly still sitting at Chatelleraud was very much offended at it and considering the thing was done at the very time that the first steps were made toward the Execution of the Edict they judg'd it to be of too great Consequence to pass it by without complaining But thô they were fully determin'd to Testifie their Resentment they were willing first of all to write to du Plessis as being the principal person concern'd to know his Opinion what was to be done upon this Occasion This shews that they did well to prevent the Soveraign Courts from making Decrees of the same Nature against this Work For as the Affront would have been more Heinous most certain it is that the Reformed would have made a Louder Noise But du Plessis who did not think his Book dishonour'd by these Transports of his Adversaries was not the person that troubled himself most about it However he declar'd by his Answer that the thing seem'd to him to be of Great Importance in regard that the Doctrine of the Reformed being acquitted by the Edict from the Name of Heresie the Books that taught the Reformed Doctrine were not to be Burnt since only Heretical Books were to be Condemn'd to that Mark of Infamy Therefore 't was his Opinion that they should Appeal from the Sentence to the Chamber of the Edict rather than to the Privy-Council where the business would be assuredly Stifl'd Nevertheless that it was a hard matter to apply a Remedy to a past Mischief since they had Executed the Sentence and what was already done amiss could not be amended But this Book was attended with Consequences much more Remarkable which will not permit us to stop at these less weighty Observations During these Passages which I have hitherto related there were three things in Negotiation between the Court of France and that of Rome and which were of Importance sufficient to put the Reformed in Fear that althô they had obtain'd an Edict the King would not purchase the prosperous Conclusion of his Affairs at the Expence of his Favours toward them The first Affair was the Dissolution of the King's Marriage which he ardently desir'd And for the obtaining of which 't was thought he would humble him to any manner of Complyance with the Pope This Affair was of great Consequence to the State as also to the Kingdom in regard the Mischiefs of a dubious Succession might bring extremity of Consusion upon the Kingdom after the King's Death The Reformed also were very urgent for it not a little fearful that a great part of the New troubles which might Attend the King's Death would fall upon themselves But the King 's obstinate Fondness for his Miss had a long time retarded that Negotiation For the Pope was unwilling to favour a Marriage so unsuitable and Queen Margaret would by no means give place to a Woman that was so much beneath her and whose Virtue it was thought had surrender'd it self to other Suits besides that of the King That Mistress being Dead after such a manner as might Raise a suspicion that Roni and some others well understood that there was a kind of necessity she should dye the King embroyl'd himself in New Intrigues and made a promise of Marriage to the Daughter of the Marquiss d'Entragues to obtain what he desir'd of her He had also been so weak as to shew this promise to Roni to ask his Advice about the Form and Roni was so bold as to tear it before his Face But the King who was not Master of his passion
against this pernicious Institution oppos'd their Restauration with as much Vigor as the Reformed who on the other side thwarted this Negotiation to the utmost of their Power But it was chiefly the Authority of the Parliament that render'd this Negotiation so Tedious and Difficult For Kings had then a great Respect for their Parliaments and those August Assemblies could distinguish between Subjection and Servitude so that then they were not acquainted with slavish Obsequiousness to the Sentiments of the Court. The third Affair was the Marriage of Madame the Kings Sister with the Duke of Ban the Duke of Lorraines Son which was consummated toward the beginning of the following Year The Pope started several Scruples and Difficulties not so much out of a Design to hinder the Match in regard the Marriage of that Princess with a Catholic was one of the secret Conditions of the King's Absolution as to draw some profit out of it to himself either in procuring by that means the Conversion of the Princess that was to be Marry'd or to make the King purchase his Consent by some New Complyance with the Court of Rome But the Reformed had a perfect Reluctancy against it which they made appear in the National Synod already mention'd The Question was there propos'd concerning this Match to remove the Scruples of the Princess but she found not her satisfaction there only it was judg'd that such a Marriage was not lawful Nevertheless this was no Obstacle but that it was concluded in the Month of August after the Princess had undergone great Temptations There had been several Conferences at which she was present Several Ministers and Catholic Doctors disputed the Point And in one of these Conferences it was that du Moulin whose Name was afterwards so Famous began to approve with great Reputation The Ministers had the better in all these Disputes because the Princess stood firm in so much that soon after a stop was put to these unprofitable Conferences The Catholics according to their Custom imputed the breaking off these Conferences to the Ministers and to Eclipse the Glory of the Princess's Constancy they Attributed her perseverance to her Obstinacy They gave it out that she continu'd stedfast in her Religion out of her Veneration for Queen Jane her Mother who had bred her up and had given her in charge to persevere in the Reformed Faith But thô they endeavour'd to make her Constancy to be Look'd upon as a Point of Honour nevertheless it appear'd to be an Effect of her knowledge and surpassing Parts She was greatly enlightned for a person of her Sex and she had more Care and more Leisure to inform her self then the King her Brother Which was the Reason that she was more steady then He and she understood how to Answer very pertinently in Reply to the Argument which was urg'd against her from the King's Example that the Salic Law had made between them two the Partition of Constancy But this perseverance brought her into some trouble The King himself either out of Reason of State or induc'd by other Motives us'd her somewhat severely Fain he would have oblig'd her to have put away her Domestick Servants under pretence that she too much confided in 'em and that they obstructed her Conversion He threaten'd never to do any thing for her Advancement if she persever'd in her Obstinacy But notwithstanding all this Rigour she was still unshak'n in her Constancy and she had a greater regard to her Conscience and her Ministers then to the Importunities and Pleasure of the King her Brother The Pope so vehemently oppos'd this Match that 't was believ'd they should never obtain the Dispensation from him which the King and the Duke desir'd Nay more he wrote to the Duke of Lorraine and the Prince his Son in a very Magisterial and Passionate Stile to divert 'em from the Alliance But in regard those Oppositions of the Court of Rome never frighten any but such as are willing to be afraid of 'em they were no Obstruction but that the Affair was concluded at the beginning of the next year The Popes Pretences for this Refusal were nearness of Blood between both Parties and the Princess's Religion He deem'd it prejudicial to his Dignity to send a Dispensation to a Person that did not demand it who neither thought it necessary nor in his Power to give it But the same Reasons never stumbl'd the Successors of this Pontiff in the two Cases of the Marriage of Charles Prince of Wales with the Infanta of Spain and afterwards with Henrietta The real Motives therefore of the Court of Rome are her Interests When she finds her Advantages in any thing she never fails of good Reasons to surmount the most plausible difficulties Thus one and the same Interest caus'd one Pope to refuse the King's Sister a Dispensation because a Huguenot Princess in a Catholic Country as Lorraine did not agree with the See of Rome And the same Interest caus'd his Successors to grant a Dispensation for the Marriage of a Catholic Princess with the Presumptive Heir of the Crown of England because it was for the Benefit of the Roman Religion to have a Catholic Queen in a Kingdom altogether Reformed Moreover in regard the Princess who was already somewhat in years had often slipt the Opportunity of Wedlock yet was unwilling to dye a Virgin 't was thought at Rome that she would rather change her Religion then let this Proposal of Marriage Escape after which she had but little hopes to meet with an Offer so fairly Advantagious But the Court of France believing it would be more easie to make her Excuses to the Pope when the thing was done then to obtain his Consent for doing the thing thought fit to proceed to the Marriage without staying for the Dispensation After which New Difficulties were started about giving the Nuptial Benediction As for the Princess she would not have scrupl'd to receive it from the hands of a Roman Prelate but as she was Nice in Point of Decency she would by no means hear of being Marry'd after that manner after she had bin given to understand that such a Condescention would look like a kind of going to seek a Husband should she have that Deference for him which he was unwilling to have for her That it became not the Dignity of so great a Princess to shew her self more forward then the Prince desir'd and that she was engag'd in Honour to be as stedfast in rejecting the Proposal of Marrying according to the Mass as he was firm in Refusing to be Marry'd by a Minister And the Duke on the other side Protested that he would rather never Marry then receive the Benediction from a Heretick But the King Reconcil'd the difference by sending for both Parties into his Cabinet where he caus'd 'em to be affianc'd in his presence by the Arch-bishop of Rouen Who thô he were neither Learned nor Devout
were oblig'd either by Writ of Nomination or by some Secret Reservation in the Grand Deeds The Reformed had a share in these favours as well as others as also in the Trusts and it was at them the Clergy aim'd under a pretence that seem'd plausible enough It seem'd but Just to deprive the Heretics who were Enemies of the Church of Rome of all the Privileges of enjoying Revenues to the prejudice of her Altars But that which was most remarkable in this Prosecution was this that to the end they might procure a Discharge of Lay-Pensions the Clergy were not asham'd to say That the Ecclesiastics had little enough to live upon tho it were notoriously known that they possess'd the third part of the Revenues of the Kingdom not comprehending what many enjoy'd moreover in other parts for other Reasons as by Right of Inheritance or Purchase The King consented to one part of the Favours which the Deputies demanded and for the remainder gave them good Words tending to let them understand that they must have Patience and which covertly contain'd certain Promises with which the Reformed would have had no reason to be satisfy'd had they not look'd upon 'em as Words of no consequence and by which the Court ne'r thought themselves oblig'd to any thing These Words were so remarkable among others that they have been repeated by several Historians I will act in such a manner said the King by Gods Assistance that the Church shall be in as good a Condition as it was a hundred years ago as well for the Discharge of my Conscience as for your Satisfaction but Paris was not built in a day Some understood it as if these Words were to be Interpreted that in time he would destroy the pretended Heresie which had put the Clergy to so much trouble for above Fourscore Years together but the Reformed were perswaded that they were only words of course Nevertheless this put the Clergy in hopes of making some Attempts perhaps not altogether unsuccessful to alter something in the Edict for their Intention was not to obstruct the granting an Edict to the Reformed in regard themselves had too much need of Peace to wish the breaking out of a New War but their business was to reduce the Concessions to such a trivial Invalidity that had they obtain'd what they aim'd at the Reformed would never have accepted ' em To that purpose their Agents demanded three things at the first dash that is to say That the Ministers should have no other Advantage on this side the Loire but only to be free from the Molestation of Prosecutions and that the Reformed in that part of the Kingdom should content themselves with having the Free Exercise of their Religion in such places of which they had made themselves Masters by force of Arms That is to say That they should be shut out from all the New Possessions in those Provinces and the Bailliage Towns That the Exercise of the Roman Religion should be restor'd in those places where the Reformed were most prevalent even in their strong Holds Thirdly That the Catholics should be discharg'd from paying towards the Maintenance of the Ministers in those places that were held by the Reformed They vehemently Labour'd also that the Ecclesiastics who had any differences with the Reformed might be exempted from the Jurisdiction of the Chamber that was to be settl'd at Paris as fearing to Plead against 'em upon equal Terms They no less vigorously oppos'd the Liberty granted to the Reformed to hold Synods when they pleas'd without obliging 'em to any Acknowledgments of Dependency and without hindring 'em to admit Foreigners or to send Deputies out of the Kingdom to Assemblies of the same Nature and Bertier one of the Clergies Agents was very hot upon this Point He maintain'd in opposition to the Marshal de Bouillon that such a Liberty without restriction gave 'em an opportunity to hold Intelligence and Correspondencies abroad and at home to make Leagues and enter into Conspiracies and to betake themselves to their Arms when they pleas'd themselves without any possibility of preventing ' em He gave out that Schomberg and de Thou who had concluded the Edicts were but a sort of Mungrel Catholics meaning such as were not intoxicated with his Bigotries Of Jeannin he said That he was no less moderately enclin'd then the other two and treated 'em as persons to whom the Mass was as indifferent as Preaching He was Spurr'd on to these Transports by some Prelates among whom there were some so hot that they caus'd Prayers to be said in their Diocesses to implore of God that the Edict might not pass The Moderation of the Nuncio who staid after the Legate was gone more plainly discover'd the Fury of this Irregular Zeal for he desir'd no more but that care might be taken of the Interests of the Catholic Church and that they would laboriously endeavour to reduce those whom he call'd Devoyez or such as were stray'd from the right way and upon these General Conditions he put 'em in hopes that the Pope would bear with all things else Bertiers Warmth was severely rebuk'd by the King however he would not desist for all that and at last obtain'd Assurances that the Edict should be amended in several things according to his Demand The Parliament join'd with the Clergy in several Points They could not resolve to consent to the setting up the Chamber which the King was about to Erect They oppos'd with all their might too much freedom of Assemblies as being derogatory to the Royal Authority already too much enfeebled by Ecclesiastic Jurisdiction that the Clergy had reason to complain that greater Prerogatives were granted to the New Predicants then to them However that the Reformed were oblig'd to beg leave expressly to assemble together and to admit Foreigners into their Assemblies and that they had not forborn to employ farther and more extraordinary Precautions against the Prosecutions of the Clergy by the Nomination to Benefices which the King had reserv'd to himself and by Appeals of Temporal Persons from the Ecclesiastical Judges which they were suffer'd to put in not in respect of the whole Cause but for some small or By-Point thereof The Parlament also reviv'd the Question among others Whither the Reformed were capable of Offices and Employments and several Writings were Publish'd on both sides upon this Subject There was a Necessity of proceeding to repeated Jussions or Commands to bring the Parlament to Obedience but in Opposition to all those Commands the Parlament order'd Remonstrances The Duke of Mayenne was also secretly sollicited to oppose the Verification of the Edict as if they would have rather chosen to see the Civil Wars re-kindl'd then consent that the Reformed should be in any Tolerable Condition But that prudent Prince refus'd to meddle and declar'd That he would consent to the Edict not that he was desirous of the Repose and Quiet of the Reformed
he was Offended He prevented before hand what they might have urg'd upon him that he had Opportunity to make known his Senments of that Affair before the Business was Decreed And he told 'em moreover that he had thought that the Edict had been only promoted to Content the Huguenots in shew and that the King would have been pleas'd at the Opposition of the Clergy and the Parliament but that the Event had discover'd to him the contrary That the Edict the most Cursed that ever was set a foot permitted Liberty of Conscience to every one which in his Opinion was the worst thing in the World Freedom of Exercise every where Admittance of Heretics into Parlament Employments and to all other Honours and Dignities to Ruin the Catholic Religion and Advance Heresie That the King had made this Edict during the full enjoyment of Peace both at home and abroad so that he could not plead that he was forc'd to it Upon which he compar'd his Conduct with that of other Kings who had never Granted such Edicts but when there were Armies in the Field to constrain 'em yet because they had been always Catholics they were exempted from any suspicion of Leaning toward the Heretics That the King had shew'd great Zeal and been very vehement for the passing of the Edict That he had us'd Compulsion to the Clergy and Parlament who oppos'd it that he had declar'd his Indignation against the Arch-Bishop of Tours who had Order'd Prayers to be said in his Diocess that God would turn the King's Heart that so the Edict might not pass That the King Acted much more remissly in Favour of the Catholics and had shew'd that he stood more in awe of others and that he had a greater Value for ' em That he exerted his Authority when he spoke to the Parlament to pass the Edict but never spoke a Word to oblige 'em to publish the Council of Trent After that he came to smart Language and Taxt the King with breach of Word and Oaths which he had Sworn to obtain the Absolution which he gave him He threaten'd to second his Words with Deeds if Occasion requir'd and declar'd that he took the Edict which was made in Defiance of him for an Affront no less injurious then if he had giv'n him a Slash o're the Face But at length for fear the Cardinals should not apprehend the Reason why he ranted so loud he cleverly gave 'em a hint where his Interest was touch'd by telling 'em it had done himself an Injury and unhing'd all his Contrivances in those Affairs which he had with the Spaniards about their Usurpations upon the Jurisdiction of the Holy See both in Naples and Milan And that when he sent to complain of those Sacrilegious Attempts they laid it in his Dish that he quarrell'd with them for Trifles but suffer'd Edicts that tended to the Ruin of the Catholick Religion to come forth without saying a word And therefore it it was that he was oblig'd to Testifie his Resentment After that he concluded his Discourse more calmly then he began it telling the two Cardinals that he was unwilling to do any thing without first acquainting them with it and that he desir'd their Advice They who never so little understand the Court of Rome well know the meaning of all this that the fluster bluster of these Complaints was only to stop the Spaniards Mouths when they Tax'd the Pope with the kind Correspondence between Him and the King and that all the Transport of this Discourse was rather an Effect of Prudence then Choler But because it was no less necessary that it should appear that the French had laid these Complaints seriously to Heart and that it was to the purpose that it should believ'd the Pope had made these Complaints in good Earnest the Cardinals wrote to the King after such a manner as might be serviceable to this End and wherein they spoke of the Popes Disgusts in such Terms as might satisfie the Spaniards Nevertheless they gave him an Account of the Reasons they had given the Pope to appease him And they were so well grounded and so decisive that there was no other likelihood but that the Pope who was a shrewd Man was apprehensive of their Solidity But this was written with so much Circumspection that if the Spaniards had grumbl'd against the Popes Conduct there would have needed no more then to have Read that Letter to 'em to have made his Apology And thus at the same time the same Reasons justify'd both the Pope and the King since the one could not with Justice carry his Complaints too far and the other had done no more then what the public Welfare oblig'd him to do The Cardinals therefore in their Answers to the King told him that they began their Replies to the Pope by assuring him that they labour'd under the same Sorrows as himself That they had presuppos'd that such Edicts being evil in themselves the King had never Granted the Edict in Dispute but with a great deal of Reluctancy as being too much concern'd to extinguish that Faction which they look'd upon as too prejudicial to his Authority to fomenr it That afterwards they laid before him that the Edict was no New thing but only a renewing of that in the year 1577. the most easie to be tolerated of of all those that had been Granted for seven and thirty years together in Favour of the Reformed That the Treaties made with the Cheiftaines and Cities of the League had made several Breaches in that Edict And that they of the contrary Religion being ready to take Arms and Recommence the War there was a necessity of renewing the Edict and supplying it with some new Articles instead of those of which they had been despoyl'd by those Agreements That the Pope believ'd there were some things in the Edict that were not there as for Example among the Rest permission to Preach all over the Kingdom which never was never had been nor never would be in regard that all the preceding Edicts forbid it and for that the particular Treaty of the City of Paris was contrary to it That what was contain'd in the Edict was look'd upon by the Pope to be greater and of greater Consequence then really it was As for Example the declaring the Heretics capable of Honours and Dignities which was also in the former Edicts and yet the Heretics were never advanc'd to the highest Employments in the Kingdom in regard it was one thing to be declar'd capable of a Dignity another thing to be in possession Employments never being conferr'd in France but according to the King's Pleasure From thence they past to explain the meaning of the Chamher of the Edict and the Miparties and to shew the little prejudice which the Counsellors of the Reformed Religion could do the Catholic because their Number was so inconsiderable They added that Peace was more necessary and would be more Beneficial to
the Clergy then to any other Orders in the Kingdom that the Catholic Religion also would gain great Advantages by it That it would be admitted into all the Cities where the Reformed were most powerful and from whence it had been a long time exterminated That the Ecclesiastics would be Restor'd to the enjoyment of their Estates That the King also by means of this Edict having heal'd up the Jealousies of the Reformed would deprive the Lords of that Party of ability to sustain their Faction which only serv'd for maintenance of Heresie which loosing once the main support of it would be more easily destroy'd by the Care which the King would take in conferring of Bishoppricks and his painful endeavours to convert the principal Lords That he was not to impute the Edict to the King's Intention of which the Pontiss had Reason to be well assur'd but to necessity and the Conjuncture of Time which they supported by Examples of other Princes who had done the same in Cases of the like Nature And because they knew it would find a Gracious acceptance at Rome they Represented the King as one who was perswaded that his Authority would never be well secur'd so long as that Faction continu'd in the Kingdom from whence they concluded that he would bring it down as low as he could But that was a Task that requir'd time and was to be done by fetching a compass and winding about for that was the expression they us'd like a Pilot who fails not to reach the Port he aims at thô he cannot always steer directly forward After this to shew that the Edict was not made in a time of settl'd Peace they look'd backward as far as the surprize of Amiens and made it out that it was then that the King was constrain'd to grant the Edict to hinder the Reformed from taking Arms That althô they had not as then betak'n themselves to Force yet he lay under a sufficient Restraint in regard he might be justly afraid they would not forbear what they were usually wont to do when they suspected a Revocation of the Treaties made with 'em and for that he knew that a War would be no less pernicious to the Catholics then to others as it had been found by experience The Huguenots being both Resolute and Politic being Masters of so many strong Holds able to Command Foreign Aid and sure to be assisted by Numerous Additions of Catholic Male-contents Loose-Livers and such as sought an Asylum for their Crimes who would be the first to Pillage the Priests Churches and Monasteries That the Oppositions of the Clergy and the delays of the Parlaments were accustom'd Artifices to shew that the Clergy did not consent to War and that the Parlament were no less unwilling to hearken to that boystrous Remedy thô both the one and the other knew it would come to that at length That the King had neither constrain'd nor threaten'd 'em but quite the contrary had graciously receciv'd the Clergy's Petition and the Remonstrances of the Parlament and in pursuance of both had limited and qualify'd many Things and therefore that they had branded with falsehood a Writing that had appear'd at Rome under the Title of The King's Answer to his Parlament Afterwards they Discours'd of the difference between the Edict of Nantes and the Council of Trent which they pretended to be such that there was no Comparison between the one and the other upon which they made an Explanation at large The Rest contain'd only Justifications of the Pope against those who undertook to blame his Conduct To which they added by way of giving him that Council which he had demanded of 'em that it no way behov'd him to show his Resentment against the King nor to threaten him in the least The Pope who was not so much offended as he would needs seem to be as may be easily gather'd from the Observations I have made was half appeas'd by these Answers so that his Resentment made only a Noise at Rome where Policy requir'd that he should give some Marks of his Displeasure to see Heresie protected in France from Persecution and the Inquisitors Only he Resum'd his Discourse from time to time concerning the Council of which he was greatly desirous that the King would have made Publication in despite of the Parlament as he had done of the Edict Cardinal Aldobrandini whom the two others went to visit after they had left the Pope was much better satisfy'd only he again propos'd the Publication of the Council as the greatest Consolation which the Pope could Receive To which he added the Re-establishment of the Catholic Religion in Bearn d'Ossat wrote himself to Villeroy some days after that all the Popes Wrath would be appeas'd if there were but once a Publication of the â—ouncil and that it would satisfie all the Catholics in the Court of Rome who were unseasonably Scandaliz'd at the Edict Which shews that they would have bin content that the King should have Granted greater Favours to the Heretics would he also have allow'd the Pope some considerable Advantage by way of Compensation Moreover the Cardinals complain'd that the King had never sent 'em any Order what to say at Rome concerning the Edict so that they were forc'd to return such Answers to the Pope as came into their Thoughts By which 't is easie to be seen that the King's Intentions and Reasons for granting the Edict were not to be lookt for in their Replies in regard the King had never imparted 'em to their Knowledge but that they had fram'd Answers of their own Heads such as would be grateful to the Court of Rome and serve the Pope for an excuse to wipe off the Reproaches of the Spaniards The same Affair is often variously represented by the Ministers of Princes and Attributed to divers Motives on purpose to render it agreeable to the Relish and Interests of the several Courts to which they are to give an Accompt of it So that neither the Discourses of the said Ministers nor many times their Instructions are any great Helps to discover the Intentions of their Masters The King who did not find things so well prepar'd within his Kingdom for the Publication of the Council was nevertheless willing to gratifie the Pope upon the Second Article of Consolation which Cardinal Aldobrandini had propos'd Therefore while he lay at Fontain Bleau he Granted an Edict for Bearn no less favourable to the Catholics of Bearn then the Edict of Nantes to all the Reformed throughout the Kingdom He Re-establish'd two Bishops one at Lescar and the other at Oleron and promis'd the one a Pension of 3000 to the other a Pension of 1800 Livers for the payment of which he undertook himself He set up the Mass again in Twelve places and in all places under Laic Patronage the Patron being a Catholic He admitted the Catholics to Offices and Employments like the Rest provided they should not exceed the
Thousand injurious flouts for having so little Prudence and Policy of which however the Catholics had all the reason in the World to Repent when at the Siege of Amiens they saw how Necessary the Union of the Reformed with the rest of the Kingdom was for the preservation of it After this to load the Reformed with Accusations because they would not Surrender themselves without bargaining for their Security to the Discretion of their Old Enemies was to imitate the Justice of Highway-â—en that should go about to bring their Actions against Travellers because they refus'd to confide in their Words or else because they rather chose to make 'em run the half of the Danger by putting themselves upon the Defensive part then to suffer their Throats to be Cut without Resistance That as for the pretence of a State in a State it was a meer Chimera that the strong Holds which were left in their Hands belong'd to the King as well as the rest in the Kingdom Possess'd by him Paid with his Money Kept in his Name and that the Trust of 'em was not Perpetual since they were to be no longer in their hands then till the Catholics should be at leisure to Accustom themselves to live at Peace and Unity with 'em and therefore if they desir'd they should be Surrender'd without any Trouble at the end of the Term prefix'd that the Catholics had no more to do but to observe more faithfully the New Edict then they had done all the rest The End of the Sixth Book THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of NANTS BOOK VII The Epitome of the 7th Book QVestions upon the Nature of the Edict The Benefit of it The State of the Kingdom before and after the Edict Wars about Religion are the most Cruel What diversity of Religious Policy ought not to suffer in a Kingdom What is the Nature of the Reformed Religion The Justice of the Edict which restor'd Humanity and Sincerity Services done to Kings by the Reformed The Justice of Rewards after Service done What Recompence is The Edict grants nothing to the Reformed which distinguishes 'em from the rest of the French in the Quality of Subjects For that reason the Concessions in it are so much the more just What the Edict grants the Reformed do no body any prejudice The Catholic Religion has been a great Gainer by the Edict The Edict ought to be Irrevocable A Consideration upon the Word and the Thing Rights of Conscience The Force of Edicts that maintain the Liberty of it and those that are Granted for the Preservation of Societies The Preservation of their Subjects the Chief Obligation of Soveraigns There is Naturally an Express or Tacit Treaty between the Soveraign and the Subjects as also between Master and Servant The Force of Treaties The Edict of Nantes is a Treaty which the Form of an Edict renders more Venerable Two Considerations of a Treaty in the Edict 1. Between the King and the Reformed 2. Between the Reformed and the Catholics The Reformed Treat with the King 1. About Reward for their Services 2. About Security against their Enemies Places of Security Kings may Treat with their Subjects Proofs The Reformed were in a Condition to Treat with the King Six Considerations that make it out Other Reflections Considerations upon which the King Treats The King Arbitrator between himself and his Subjects to Grant the Edict with the Consent of the Catholics A Maxim of the Clergy in the Questions of the Regale The King Security for his own Edict Successors bound to observe the Treaties made by their predecessors That the Parlaments the Clergy the Pope himself have as much share in the Edict as was necessary to remove all pretence of Complaint A Resuming the Series of the History Commotion of Mens Minds upon the Publishing the Book of the Eucharist Divers Writers attack it The King is willing to satisfie the Pope and content du Plessis Du Plessis tax'd for falle Quotations stands upon his Honour He Challenges his Accusers and his Challenge accepted by Perron A Conference Granted Difficulties started by the Clergy as to the Matter and Thing Others by du Plessis's Friends Degrees of Foul Play 1. Perron has Notice but not du Plessis 2. Perron is Dispens'd with from giving in VVriting the Number of the Passages which he promis'd 3. The Order and Choice of the Passoges is lest to him The Conference almost broken off is continu'd upon unequal Conditions 5. Perron prescribes the Laws fer it 6. Theeesoore and one Passages deliver'd to du Plessis to justifie in eight Hours 7. They deprive him of his Rest in the Night 8. The King appoints the Commissioners 9. Gives the plurality of Vices to the Catholics 10. Changes two that were first appointed for two others more suspected 11. Makes choice of two tottering Reformed Chrracters of du Fresne Canaye and Casaubon 12. Forbid making use of the Terms of False and Falsity Reciprocal Protestations Perron's Malice Form of the Conference Du Plessis condemn'd in Nine Passages General and particular Reflexions Du Plessis falls Sick and the Conference breaks off The Catholics insult and Triumph Consequences of the Conference The Assembly remov'd from Chastelleraud to Saumur where it breaks up BUT there are other considerations to be made upon this Subject which are no less important 'T is fit to be enquir'd whether supposing that the means by which they obtain'd the Edict were Innocent it was beneficial to Grant it Whither it were one of those Edicts that become Essential Laws of the Kingdom in Respect of the Nature of the things which they decide or the manner of Ordaining 'em or rather one of those which being Granted only to serve the present Occasion may be revok'd upon the change of Affairs The Question concerning the Benefit of the Edict may be determin'd in few Words There needs no more then to consider the vast number of Mischiefs that render'd it necessary and which it has successfully repair'd and the Great Advantages which it procur'd to France while it was observ'd with any appearance of Fidelity There needs no more then to compare what France was before the Edict had laid the more solid Foundation of Peace and what it arriv'd to in a few years after the publick Tranquility was establish'd I shall say nothing of the Terrors of a Civil War consider'd in it self They are well known to all the World There is no Body but Trembles when he calls to mind that the Members of one Body that owe each other mutual Defence are Hurry'd to mutual Destruction that a Kingdom should employ her own Forces to prey upon her self That Rage and Fury should violate all the Tyes of Nature and Society that it should Arm Citizens against Citizens Relations against Relations and Brethren against Brethren There may be found the same Remarks in a thousand Authors But I cannot pass over the dreadful wast and depopulation that so many years Wars had
made over all the Kingdom The Country was almost all Ruin'd the Houses the Castles the Cities were generally run to decay nothing every where to be seen but heaps of Rubbish and Desolation And the strong holds that were fortify'd were rather Ruins half repair'd whither the people Retreated for shelter then places that enjoy'd the Lustre and Beauty of Cities There was no body that could depend upon his Revenue The Nobility Gentry and Souldiers subsisted all upon Plunder which Necessity Authoriz'd The Bourgesses who only Rented other Mens Lands or Houses depended upon the strogest side and frequently were undone by the Incursions of the Enemy The Merchants broke in regard of the decay of Trade in a Ruin'd Kingdom The Ecclesiastics complain'd that their Estates were Seiz'd or Usurp'd and that as the one part of the Kingdom was unwilling so the other was disabl'd from paying their Tithes and their Rents The King also was poorer then his Subjects His Revenues were engag'd his Taxes ill paid all his Duties came to little and as I have already observ'd he was so far from having wherewithal to support a Royal Magnificence that during the Siege of Amiens he had not wherewithal to supply his Table and Cloath himself like an ordinary Gentleman And the Civil War was to be continu'd to compleat what was already brought to such perfection the Destruction of a Kingdom by Misery the Members of which that were most Vigorous did but linger out and Languish upon the Brink of a Total Dissipation It may easily be conjectur'd also what a Confusion the unequal Distribution of Justice occasion'd in differences between Man and Man and how many incumbrances the Troubles of so many Years which had interrupted almost all the Functions of the Judges must have ensu'd by setting up Prescriptions Bickerings about Jurisdictions with incertainties of Possession had not a stop been put to the Progress of these Irregularities by a happy Revolution Several faults had been made upon the Royal Authority during those long divisions as tho it had been no more then an Airy Title which was neither of any Efficacy or Power to support it self And the Kingdom which for so many Ages had kept up so high a Degree and Reputation in Europe was become the Scorn or Pity of Foreigners according as they had a kindness or diskindness for France That Kingdom which had been for so long time the Sanctuary and Refuge of the Oppressed was now no other then the Stage of Oppression and the Theatre where the strongest side Acted the most bloody Tragedies However no sooner was the Edict set forth but France recover'd Peace in so much that in twenty four hours as a Man may say there was a Reformation of Forty Years Disorders Plenty and Prosperity re-enter'd by degrees into Families and Order and Property took place again The Country began to be Till'd And the hopes of a lasting Tranquility encourag'd all people to repair the Ruins of their Inheritances Every Body took Possession of their Estates and the Courts of Law were open to Legal Suits and Demands Nor did the Ecclesiastics gain less than any of the Rest But the King got more then any Body Splendor and Majesty Readorn'd his Palace He resum'd his Authority over his People and Foreigners once more began to look upon the Flourishing Kingdom either with Respect or Dread The repose of France ballanc'd all Europe The King jealous of his word was soon confided in by his Allies and in regard he had no other Ambition then to Reign for the good of all the World without any desire of Usurping what belong'd to others without Cruelty without Devices and Tricks so soon as they saw him at Quiet he became the Love of his Subjects an Umpire among the Christian Princes and the Admiration of his Enemies The Politicians dreaded his Power and for fear it should grow too great they thought it convenient to rid themselves of him by an execrable Assassination The Rapidness of this happy Re-establishment may be easily conjectur'd at by the small time they suffer'd him to live after he had restor'd Peace to his People Hardly ten Years were expir'd after the settlement of Peace at home before they posted on to this dismal extremity And if he liv'd so long 't was not for want of sooner Attempts upon his Life by cruel Conspiracies Now in regard there is no greater Proof of the Benefit of a thing then by the Effects of it it may be judg'd by the consequences of the Edict that never any Prince conferr'd upon his Subjects a more wholesome and comfortable Law And therefore the principal Reasons that were made use of to satisfie those to whom there was some excuse to be made for the Edict were generally drawn from the benefit of it And there was no other way then that to stop the Mouths of those who had the most desire or Interest to hinder the encrease of the Reformed They acknowledg'd that the Kingdom stood in greater need of a Peace at home then abroad and that having been so near Destruction by their long Divisions they could never recover themselves but by Concord And this was so much the more necessary in regard that the Dispute being about Religion those Wars that are made under that pretence are always the most Cruel because the Hatred is more implacable aad becomes more violent every day then the other through the Zeal that kindles and incenses it The Cruelty of the most Savage may sometimes be Govern'd by Reason but a Devout Cruelty will heark'n to no Counsels that are able to confine the violence of it For people of that Character make a Duty of their Cruelty and easily perswade themselves that the more Outragious the more Religious it is So that if the Edict had not put a Period to Wars of this Nature the Kingdom could never have escap'd a General Dissolution in regard the weakest Party was strong enough to reduce to Extremity those who would have undertak'n their Ruin and so the one half of the Kingdom that would have exterminated the other would have no longer after that been able to support it self All that can be said to the contrary is this that a Kingdom is disfigur'd by variety of Religions that this difference of Sentiments fosters a secret Alienation in the Breasts of Men which consumes the Kingdom by degrees like a Hectic Distemper and that it always keeps a Door open for the Renewing Civil War because it cherishes in the Kingdom the Immortal Seeds of Faction I confess it were to be wish'd that Christianity were more Uniform but in regard it is not my Province to handle this Matter like a Divine I shall only say that there is a sort of Variety which Policy may Condemn that is to say such a one as is attended with Evil Consequences and which gives one Party an opportunity to oppress an other But where there is a Variety the bad Effects of which
World and that Wandering Consciences should be permitted to Govern themselves according to their own Illuminations after their Enemies had so long labour'd to subdue 'em to the Judgments of others Moreover these pretended Wanderers who had done the Kingdom no other harm then only taken Arms to defend themselves from unjust Oppressors had done the same Kingdom both long and faithful Services attested by all the Records of Time that preserve the Memory of 'em confess'd by all Impartial Historians contradicted only by Missionaries whose Impudence is a Shame and Scandal to all Men of Honour Now there is a reason deriv'd from Natural Right and Equity which binds Reward to Service and which looks upon as an Act of Injustice the Persecuting Oppressing and Exterminating with an Ou ragious Fury those from whom they have receiv'd both advantagious Succour and kind Offices of Defence and Preservation The Reformed who had all the French Catholics for Testimonies of their Fidelity some because they had gain'd by their Assistance others because they had felt the smart of it talk'd loudly of their long and important Services and of these two sorts of Catholics there were some who were not asham'd to acknowledge ' em When Henry III. put the Duke and Cardinal of Guise to Death the Catholic Rebels were infinitely much stronger then they who continu'd in their Allegiance but when the Reformed join'd the Kings Party the Face of Affairs chang'd and the Honest Party were soon in a Condition to overwhelm the other And there needs but a little Partiality and Equity for any Man to see what share they had in the Preservation of the Kingdom when joining with the King they not only ballanc'd Affairs but turn'd the Scale on the Kings side It might be said without doing any body wrong that they alone preserv'd the State since they preserv'd the Catholics who jointly labour'd with 'em afterwards in the same performance However I shall say no more but that they lent a helping hand to the preservation of it that they shar'd with the faithful Catholics the Honour of supporting the Crown and fixing it upon the Head of him to whom it Lawfully appertain'd that after they had fasten'd it upon the Head of Henry III. they assisted his Successor to recover it again and to defend his Claim against the fury of the League and the Conspiracies of Spain and Italy It was but just then that they should share in the Reward after they had undergon their part of the Toils and Hazards of the War that they should partake of the Repose and Pleasures also of the Peace Now this is all that the Edict of Nantes has done for ' em Nevertheless there is something more to be said When we speak of Recompence there is something to be understood which distinguishes one Man from another which confers upon the one by reason of his Merit and Services somewhat which is not bestow'd upon another because there is not the same reason for the preference Between the Prince and Subject Recompence gives to the Receiver something more then is owing to him from the Prince under the Quality of a Subject and distinguishes him from that Equality wherein others remain If it be Just then and grounded upon the most evident Principles of Natural Understanding that Faithful Subjects should have Rewards conferr'd upon 'em that signalize and distinguish 'em how much more Equitable is it to Grant 'em for their Recompence that which does no more then equal 'em with others and put 'em into the same Condition Now the Favours and Priviledges of the Edict are no more then Recompences of the last Order The Edict Grants nothing to the Reformed that distinguishes 'em from others under the Quality of Subjects or which may be taken to be any Mark of Preference before another It grants 'em nothing but the Security of their Persons their Estates and their Lives the Liberty of their Consciences free Priviledge to Worship God and procure the Salvation of their Souls according to their own Opinions and Judgments to share alike with others the Protection of the Laws and the Benefit of Justice to have the same Liberty of Preferment to Employments and Offices by their Merit to Professions by their Sufficiency to Trades by their Capacity To have power to Assemble and Confer together and Mutually to Assist each other in the Performances of Religion and Piety to enjoy equally with the Catholics the Right which Nature gives to Fathers over their Children to Masters over their Hir'd Servants to participate of the Mutual Succours of Society during Life and the Duties of Enterrment after Death In a word there is nothing in the Edict that grants any thing more to the Reformed then what all other Subjects enjoy On the other side the greatest part of these Common Rights are granted the Reformed with certain Limitations which clearly show'd that all the Sway and Dominion was in the hands of the Catholics and that the Reformed were only Associated to these Advantages by a Treaty of Mutual Toleration The Securities also are a sufficient Proof that the Equality was not perfect and that the Reformed had neither Power nor Credit Securities are never taken but from those that are the stronger or the most suspected and they that require 'em acknowledge at the same time a kind of Superiority in those that Grant ' em This not being to be question'd in the least it was but a piece of Justice to Grant the Reformed for their Services those Favours that did no more then equal 'em with others This was indeed to grant 'em just nothing it was no more then a Restitution of what belong'd to 'em to maintain 'em in their Rights of Nature and in those which they had by Birth like others that breath'd the same Air and obey'd the same Prince There is nothing can be call'd Just if the Preservation of Common Right may not deserve that Name more especially in favour of those who have perform'd for the good of their Country the same Duties and Services with the rest of their Fellow Country-men Let us suppose for a moment that these Advantages were refus'd the Reformed after their good Services or rather without supposing any thing let us look upon 'em as they were before the Edict was Granted and what they are since it was revok'd We shall see Catholics and Reformed at least under the same Obedience preferr'd to the same Offices sharing in the same Exigencies of State embracing the same Opportunities to serve their Prince having the same Civil Laws the same Obligations the same Interests the same Enemies So much Equality in all these things requires that it should be the same in all the rest but we shall find it cease so soon as we shall but turn our Eyes upon the Reformed depriv'd of the Favours of the Edict We shall find 'em abus'd in their Persons ruin'd in their Estates excluded from all Employments either of
Honour or Profit banish'd their Country depriv'd of all the Priviledges of Conscience and Nature and notwithstanding their Merits or Abilities bereav'd of all Equality with others no better Subjects then themselves so far from obtaining distinguishing Rewards Certainly there cannot be imagin'd the least Idea of Justice in such a prodigious disproportion in such a violent separation of Merit and Recompence that they who might justly reck'n upon their Deserts instead of obtaining favours equal to those which are granted to others under the same Circumstances can hardly find Subsistance and Security for all their Pains and Labour How is it possible that Justice should brook that that part of the Kingdom which to say no more so strenuously contributed with the other to preserve it should be Oppress'd Destroy'd and Prosecuted with Fire and Sword by the other that could not have been preserv'd without it 'T is the same thing as if a Prince that had won great Conquests by the Assistance and Valour of his Souldiers should order the one half of his Army to cut the other in pieces to Reward 'em for their good Service I confess that after all these Reflections one difficulty would still remain behind were it so that others were to be depriv'd of those Favours before they could be bestow'd upon the Reformed Justice does not require that one should be dispoil'd to enrich another seeing that the Principal Duty of it is to secure to every Body his own Right but the Peace Granted to the Reformed took nothing from the Catholics The Rights of Nature and of Birth are Blessings which every individual Man possesses in the Enjoyment of which the Advantages of the one part never injure the other The Liberty of one Man let it be never so far extended never confines the Liberty of his Equal within ere a jot the narrower Bounds While one is allur'd by the Right of aspiring to Rewards and Dignities by Merit and Services there is a Door left open for others to ascend by the same Steps A Father loses nothing of his Lawful Authority over his Children and his Family tho all other Fathers enjoy the same Power The Conscience of a Catholic is ne'r the less free tho the Conscience of a Reformed Person be not put upon the Rack In a word all these Advantages are such that the one may gain by 'em and the other never lose as the Priviledge of Burgessship is no Dismembring of his Freedom from another In like manner the Liberty which Nature gives to every Man to breath the same Air and enjoy the same Sun-shine is no hindrance but that every Man has the same share both of the Air and the Light Moreover the Catholics have taken all the Caution imaginable not to be losers themselves They have restor'd their Religion to every thing which the War had taken from it Time has made it out that they have been great Gainers by the Edict Their Religion wanted much of that Splendor and Pomp which afterwards it attain'd to which is no small matter since Worldly Lustre is one of the Principal Objects of the Politicks of that Religion Besides it is by the Edicts that she preserves her Superiority her Churches her Houses her Revenues her Church-yards and her Ceremonies and far from seeing her Priviledges lessen'd she has acquir'd new ones So that the Concessions of the Edict being grounded upon the Nature of the Things and the Civil Rights that every Man is Born to and moreover depriving no body of that which they secur'd to so many Lawful Members of the Kingdom it was an apparent Act of Justice that the Reformed should enjoy it There was no room here for the Exception of another Mans Right which the Kings of France formerly excepted in all their Letters and which ought to be Naturally understood in all Acts intending Sincerity and publish'd by Authority wherein it is not express'd And as the Favours done the Reformed are things which Create no Loss or Dammage to others there is no body that can or ought in Justice to find fault with or oppose'em From these two good Qualities of the Edict thus join'd together arises a third of Perpetual and Irrevocable which agrees with nothing more Naturally then with Laws and Treaties the Justice and Benefit of which ought never to be disputed 'T is not my design to insist upon these two Words in regard they are made use of in the Edict it self I know very well it would be a thing that would produce extraordinary Consequences were it sufficient to give 'em the Name of such to render Laws Eternal and Unalterable Altho that Vows and Oaths are the strongest Obligations with which a Man can burthen his Conscience yet there are some that carry in themselves a Character of Nullity that breaks the Bond of their Assurance Such are those by which a Man is oblig'd to things Unjust or Impossible The Epithites of Rash and Inconsiderate will always cleave to 'em but they cannot be thought Irrevocable tho it were so express'd in the Draught with all the Words that imported such a meaning There are also Laws that carry in themselves the Marks of their being fit to be revok'd tho he that made 'em obliges himself in never so express Words never to revoke ' em Such are those Laws that oblige to Injustice or Cruelty Such are those Treaties also that oblige the Ratifiers to violate Humanity and Honesty Such is the Edict by which Lewis XIV revok'd the Edict of Nantes which is nothing in the Main but a Solemn Promise never to do Justice to a great Number of his Subjects Let 'em call these Acts Irrevocable as long as they please they cease not however to be liable to Revocation because they are void in themselves and for that the Maxim touching Oaths may be justly apply'd to 'em that they ought not to be observ'd in things that are Dishonest and Ignominious Nevertheless it is not to be imagin'd that these Terms are Illusory like certain Clauses that are never inserted into Contracts but meerly for Formalities sake but which neither add to their perfection nor their firmness 'T is not to be thought that those words the meaning of which is so well known lose it as soon as they are put into an Edict as if they only would infer that the thing shall remain in force no longer then the good pleasure of the strongest side This would be to break all the Bonds of Civil Society and to ranverse all the Foundations of Honesty and Sincere Dealing should Men go about to change the most express Words into Delusions which are made use of to deceive those that take 'em according to their Natural Idea's It must be confess'd at least that in Things which include nothing of Unjust nothing Inhuman nor Dishonest whatever is promis'd as Irrevocable ought unalterably to be observ'd These Terms then are of great weight and give a great force to those
certain and lasting and by consequence that Princes and Subjects might lawfully and effectually Treat together Whence it came to pass that to renew the Reciprocal Obligations of these Treaties the Kings at their Coronation Swear to maintain the Clergy in their Priviledges and that every one of those who enjoy Benefices by the King's Nomination Swear Fealty to him before they take Possession The Kings of France also make no doubt of the validity of these Treaties which appear'd from the Politics of Lewis XIII of which in due place during the Wars about Religion which lasted about ten years under his Reign he always avoided the Name of a Treaty as well in the Articles of Cities that surreuder'd to him as in his Edicts with which he amus'd the Credulity of the people because he would be Master of the Advantages which he Granted the Reformed to the end said he That all the Liberties which he left 'em to enjoy should depend meerly upon his Pleasure and his Word From whence 't was evident that when he consented to any thing by a Treaty he thought himself no longer Master of it Consequently that he was convinc'd that Treaties between Kings and their Subjects are as binding as those between other Men and their Equals and that when there are any such Treaties between 'em the Prince has no more Right to Violate 'em then the Subjects themselves Which is grounded upon this that altho the Iuequality be very great between the Soveraign and the Subject yet there remains a certain Equality which the difference between Empire and Subjection cannot destroy That is to say an equal Obligation to be Just Equitable and Sincere without which 't is impossible that they should mutually render to each other what is mutually their due Now this equality is sufficient for Treaties in regard that upon these Foundation it is that all their Efficacy is establish'd If it be pretended that at least generally and according to Order Subjects are to Treat by way of Petition and Remonstrance and w it for the Determination of their Prince without Negotiation and demanding it by Treaties I will suppose this to be generally True and in Affairs that follow the Regular Course of Government But there are doubtless some Cases that admit of another way of proceeding wherein the Subjects may demand a Treaty and look upon whatever they gain by it as obtain'd by a Treaty This is evident in Civil Wars where Rebels themselves whose taking Arms is Unjust do not always surrender at Discretion but return to their Obedience upon Conditions agreed on with their Prince Now it would be a most Palpable Absurdity that Rebellion should give Subjects a Liberty to treat with their Soveraigns and that never any thing should be able to render Authentic the Treaties of Faithful Subjects This would be an Invitation of the Subjects to revolt every time they would be assur'd of their Priviledges to pretend they could never obtain a Confirmation of 'em by Treaties unless they were Rebels If ever then there were any Occasions upon which Subjects might be allow'd to Treat with their Princes the Treaty upon which the Edict of Nantet was grounded most certainly was one First one Part of the Kingdom had declar'd against the other and had persecuted it by all the Ways that a most mortal and inveterate Hatred could Devise And this Persecution had lasted till the Time of the Edict for above Fifty years They were not content with Vexations and Cavils to perplex and Harass the Oppress'd Party but they were come to the last Extremities nothing would serve 'em but Extermination and they had shed the Blood of the pretended Heretics in all parts by all manner of Butcheries Secondly These Violences had Oblig'd the Persecuted to Unite together in Defence of their Liâ—es and to Repel by Force of Arms the Fury of their Enemies Which being grounded upon the Law of Nature it self cannot be lookt upon as unlawful but by those who believe that Innocent people forfeit their Innocency when they will not suffer their Throats to be Cut without defending themselves 3. By this means there were two Parties form'd of which the one was the Aggressor the other stood upon the Defensive Part and which having Interests as different as Destruction and Preservation and Forces that were not so unequal that the one could exterminate the other without exposing themselves to half the Danger either the Kingdom would have been laid desolate by continual War or both Parties must Treat together for the common Tranquility 4. The King 's had taken sides in these Quarrels not only because it was in their Name that so many poor people were Condemn'd to terrible Torments but because they were the persons themselves who had rais'd Armies to destroy 'em who had brok'n Treaties revok'd Edicts of Peace and who had Order'd and put in execution several Massakers 5. Henry III. went farther then all this He had Sworn to destroy all the Reformed Root and Branch and never to be at Peace with ' em He had declar'd himself Head of the League which was made under a Solemn pretence to exterminate 'em as a Wise Man observ'd of the King That he was become Head of a Party and of a Common Father an Enemy of one Part of his Subjects And then it was that those Persecuted Subjects who could not have pretended to any such Right before were Authoriz'd to Form a Party that might lawfully Defend 'em since their Prince had declar'd a merciless War against 'em and had Devoted 'em as Victims to the Fury of their Ancient Enemies Their Arms could then no longer be lookt upon as taken up against the King's Authority but against the Violence of a Destroyer Against an Enemy in whom they could no longer confide since he had Sworn never to observe any Treaties of Peace that ever he made with 'em but till he found a fit Opportunity to break ' em 6. The Change which happen'd by the Death of the Guises and afterwards by that of the King had not Cancell'd that Distinction of Parties seeing that the Catholics who were United before to make War upon the Reformed being then divided into two the Reformed were actually in War with those who follow'd the Duke of Main and with the other liv'd in a kind of secret Enmity conceal'd under the Name of a Truce On the one side the War still continu'd on the other it was still suspended At that time there was a Right which render'd 'em capable of Treating one with another to terminate their Divisions by a Peace Hen. IV. also having relinquish'd the Catholics and set himself at the Head of the Catholics whose Religion he had embrac'd the Reformed were under the same condition as they were under his Predecessor that is to say in the Condition of Enemies to the rest of his Subjects whose security depended upon the Sincerity of a Truce He was willing 'tis true to have
place and joyn their Arms for the common Interest are in a fair way to be Friends They that consent to a Truce which is but a Provisional peace shew plainly that they have no Reluctancy to a Decisive Peace Which is more especially true in this Case where the Truce made in behalf of the two parties by their Chieftains was an Interim in expectance of the peace in Order to which the Truce was made In the second place the Act pass'd between the Catholics of the Army and Court and Hen. IV. after the Death of Hen. III. by which they oblige the New King to no more then the preservation of the Catholic Religion without demanding the Extirpation of the Reformed and that he should permit himself to be instructed in the Roman Doctrine without forcing the Rest of his Subjects this Act I say is a proof of the same thing Of the same Nature also in the third place is the Writing Sign'd by the Catholics Lords and Princes at Mantes before the Conference of Surene wherein they not only consented that the King should preserve the Reformed but they promise that no prejudice shall be done 'em by the Treaty they were about to enter into with the Leaguers All this together makes up a kind of Compromise or mutual Consent by which it is evident that the Catholics of the King's party agreed that he should Judge of the Civil Differences in the Kingdom upon the score of Religion But the Marks of the Leaguers Consent are yet more clear and more Authentic There is not one one of the Treaties concluded with them where there is not one Article for the Religion But never did that Article demand more then two things that is to say the Re-establishing the Roman Religion in certain Places and the reducing the Exercise of the Reformed Religion to certain Limits The clear meaning of which is this that upon those two Conditions they who Treat consent that the King should tolerate the Reformed 'T is a Law notoriously known and a General practise that all Restrictions confirm the Law in Cases to which that Restriction is not extended and that the Exception of a particular Clause is a ratification of the General Decree We see then here the Catholics even those who have been more conspicuously and more vehemently Zealous then any Others closing with the King in reference to the means of procuring Peace between them and the Reformed and excepting in two conditions wherein they include themselves leaving his Authority at Liberty to Act as he shall see convenient And after the passing of all these Acts it is that the King has given a Definitive Sentence in this Great Contest and that having call'd together both Parties upon the Heads of their Disputes as well by the Negotiations of the Deputies as by the Decisions which he pronounc'd in favour of the one and the other in things wherein they could not agree among themselves he Form'd between 'em the Irrevocable Treaty which is contain'd in the Articles of his Edict And here we may very aptly apply the Grand Maxim of the Clergy of France which carried 'em so far in the Affairs of the Regale After the Parlament of Paris had began that process toward the beginning of this Century the Clergy set all Engines at work to hinder the Cause from resting in the hands of those Judges who held several Ecclesiastical Priviledges for Usurpations And they obtain'd so far that the King summon'd the Cause before himself and after his Council had left it undetermin'd for above Sixty years at length the Clergy lost their Cause some years ago and the King adjudg'd the Regale to himself throughout all the Kingdom The Grand Reason which one part of the Clergy has made use of to perswade the other to submission is this the Parlament was not a competent Judge of that Affair They only judge of Causes between Man and Man not of those that altogether concern either one of the States or the first Estate of the Kingdom The King alone is the only Judge of those great Questions He has taken the business into his own Cognizance by the Citation which the Clergy demanded They had a Right to dispute the matter till then But now the thing is at an End The Soveraign Arbitrator has pronounc'd Sentence the Oracle has spoke and there is no more to be said Thus likewise in the Affair of the Edict there was no competent Judge but the King 'T was not the Business of one of the Estates but of the Three Estates who were Interested in the Affair of Religion The King was possess'd of the Business by the Petitions of the One and by the Oppositions or Acts of consent of the other The thing was delay'd and spun out in his Hands for several years during which the whole Business was sufficiently sifted and discuss'd to give a true understanding of the Cause At length he pronounc'd Sentence he made a Law he made an Agreement between the parties upon conditions that were prescrib'd ' em And thus there was a Final End of this Business nothing more to be said or done in it The consequence is so much the more necessary in regard that between the Cause of the Regale and the Edict there is a difference advantagious to the Latter not to speak of others that may be observ'd there The Clergy holds for Decreed what the King as Soveraign Arbitrator has judg'd in his own cause But in the Edict the King Judges under the same Character without suspition of partiality in the cause of his Subjects where he has no personal part where he interests himself no otherwise then as a common Arbitrator and Father of his Country Now in an Affair of this Importance the Decision of which United all the disordering Members of the State and by a happy Peace put an end to their long Fatal Divisions 't is evident that the King became security for the Concord which the Treaty re-establish'd among his Subjects as being the person whose Authority had cimented it together 'T is the Priviledge of Supream Authority to Warrant and put a Value upon things where it intervenes 'T is because the Vertue and Force of particular Contracts are founded upon it that the King's Name and Seal are affix'd to 'em that he Judges Parties by their consent that as the Protector of the Rights of every one of his Subjects he sets up those Acts which his Power Authorises and which are drawn up in his Name in favour of Sincerity and Innocence against the Cavils of Fraud and Injustice If then in those Acts where the King is not presum'd to Judge but because his Name appears there his Quality of Soveraign Arbitrator in all the Causes of his Subjects obliges 'em to a Tacit Warranty that they shall be firm and inviolable how much more evidently ought it to be present in a Treaty which Unites the differing Parties of a State after a long War
doubted but of which he had given assurances to the Synod They forbad Ministers to be the first Aggressors in Disputes of Controversie It seem'd by the Measures that were taken in this Assembly to hinder the Abuse of removing Causes to the Chambres Miparties or Chambers half Protestant half Catholics that Litigious Cavils had made their advantage of their Institution But what was most remarkable of all that there pass'd is that the Brevet for 45000 Crowns for the Payment of Ministers having been given to the Churches but three years before Roni was so little â—zact in paying his brethren that there was due to 'em the Arrears of this Sum for three years Some Months after the seperation of the Synod the King Answer'd some Papers sufficiently Large that had been presented to him of which principal Articles were that the Reformed in Dauphine were Tax'd for the places of their Churches and of their Church-yards that in many places they depriv'd their poor of the General Alms and thrust their Sick out of the Hospitals that at Bourdeaux and Xaintes the Juâ—ats and Judges would have seiz'd upon the Money that was gathered for the poor at the Church-Doors that at Rouen they refus'd the Petitions presented in the Name of a Reformed Church Body or Community that at Orleans and elsewhere they tendred to the Officers at their Admission Oaths to live in the Roman Religion That at Gâ—rgeau the King's Proctor had Depos'd his substitute for the Sole Cause of Religion That at Lions the Chevalier du Guet would by Force accompany the Attendants at Funerals anâ— exacted excessive Fees and those who kept the Hospital of the Bridge of Rhone disturb'd these Funeral Attendants as much as they were able Upon all which they had all they could desire Granted 'em to Wit most severe Prohibitions against continuing to do 'em the same Injuries Nor were their two last Articles less favourably Answer'd By one of which the King was oblig'd to preserve the Churches of the Country of Gex in the same State in which he found 'em when he United it to the Crown and the other that the Reformed might Traffick in all the Duke of Savoys Dominions without fear of being disturb'd for their Consciences The King promis'd to the Inhabitants of the Country of Gex Liberty of Conscience and the exercise of their Religion as to the Rest of his Subjects This was as much as to say that he Granted 'em the Protection of his Edicts according to which the Roman Religion ought to be Re establish'd there and that for the rest things should remain there in the same condition in which they were found Because that was properly the General Rule for Executing Edicts In Effect he re-establish'd the Mass there in some time after and he sent the Baron of Lux on purpose to make this Re-establishment But he left the Reformed Churches in Possession of those Priviledges which they enjoy'd when the Country was yielded to him He refer'd the Reformed for the other Article to the Fifty third of the particulars of the Edict where what they desir'd was intirely Granted ' em At that time there was a Great business a Foot at Rome in which they would fain have engag'd the King It concern'd the Succession of England which the Pope labour'd to have settl'd in the Hands of a Catholie There was in prospect a Prince of the House of Parma and a Church man was sent over into that Island with the Title of Arch-Priest to incline the Catholics of the Country to it The King of Spain would have gotten this Crown for himself or for a Prince of his House and there were Writings dispers'd wherein the Jesuits did Impudently maintain that it was devolv'd to him The Motive of this Intrigue was Queen Elizabeths Age who in all probability 't was thought could not live long It wasnot known how she would dispose of the Suucession But it was well known that she would never leave it to a Catholic Prince And 't was fear'd that the King of Scotland her next Heir coming to the Crown might be capable of doing a great deal of hurt to the Roman Religion if he had an Affection and Zeal for the Reformed He was yet but young and as he had hitherto liv'd under a kind of Guardianship his Genius and his Inclinations were not yet known But they alter'd their measures when they knew how to hit his Humour and they carried things so far that they made use of him himself to endeavour the reducing of England to its former Obedience to the Pope But while they expected that things should come to that the King did not Rellish the Intrigue He gave his hand to the project of reducing this Kingdom to the Catholic Religion and during the rest of his Life he was the Mediator and confident of this design But he was not willing to aggrandize his Enemies by this change The other designs which he had in his Head did not require that there should be no more Protestants in Europe Chaâ—illon the Admiral 's Grandson was taken off this year by a Cannon shot in Ostend besieged by Arch-Duke Albert Never did a young Lord give greater hopes He was born for War and among the good Qualities that are necessary to a Commander he had the knack to make himself belov'd by his Souldiers whose Hearts and Confidence he had gain'd 'T is said that he had so great a Credit in thâ— Army of the Statâ—s that Prince Maurice could not forbear being Jealous Nor was he of less Authority amongst the Reformed of France who lov'd in him Virtues equal to his Fathers and Grandfathers He was continually talking of their Actions and aspir'd to no more then to imitate ' em The most Ardent of his desires was that of being like his Grandfather at the Head of the Reformed and to fight one Battle for their Interest His Merit made him lamented by the King when he heard the News of his Death But when Courtiers who always speak of the Dead or Absent what they durst not of people in a capacity of revenging themselves had drawn to the King what Picture they pleas'd of the Ambition and the Designs of this young Lord he took for a Sign of Prosperity what immediately before he look'd upon as a Subject of Grief It was in this year too that the Dauphin came into the World His Birth gave great Joy to all true French Men who by that saw all the Seeds of War suppress'd which the several pretensions to the Succession might have produc'd But that did not hinder the Spaniards from preparing all occasions of disturbance nor prevented from time to time the spreading of a Rumour that the King having promis'd Marriage to the Marchioness of Verneuil there was a doubt whither the Succession belong'd to the Children of Mary de Medicis There were some Spanish Casuists that made it a Question whether the Dispensation was fairly obtain'd In
too much Honesty and if they judg'd by what d'Ossat says of him he was a Prince of a strange Character and who had always some contrivance in his Head against the Peace of Europe In the mean time the Reformed were Assembled at Sainte Foye where they were not satisfy'd with naming Deputies General but where they Treated on many things that regarded the General and the particular of Churches A little while after there was a Paper presented to the King the first Article of which after having Congratulated him upon the Peace of the Kingdom and upon the Birth of the Dauphin demanded a Re-establishment of the Edict in the state it had been Granted at Nantes and this demand was supported with a pretence that the King had promis'd this Re-establishment as soon as the Affairs of the Kingdom could permit it The Chief of the other Articles demanded that the Parlaments which had not verify'd the Edict but under certain Modifications should be oblig'd to take 'em off That some Immunities should be Granted to Colleges that the Reformed should found in pursuance of the Liberty which the Edict gave ' em That the Counsellors which were plac'd there should be oblig'd to serve in the Chambers of the Edict many years and that but half of 'em should be chang'd every time some Change was desir'd They were not Answer'd upon this Paper till in the Month of March in the year following and the Answers were first resolv'd on with the Deputies and about three Weeks after reported to the King who approv'd of ' em The first Article was absolutely deny'd 'em under pretence that there was no great matter in it that these little Changes were made for the common good and to facilitate the Execution of the Edict that the Advice of the Principal of the Reformed had been had as being call'd to the Deliberations that had been made upon these matters that they could not be revok'd and that there was no promise given to do it It may be judg'd by this either that those promises were not made but by people whom the King was not afraid to disown as there are always at Court Managers of business by whom she puts people in hopes of an event for which she has no mind to be answerable or that the Reformed had taken for serious promises certain windy Words which were giv'n 'em to put 'em in Heart that things might Change and that then they would cause Restoration to be made 'em of what the present Juncture constrain'd 'em to suffer 'em to be depriv'd of 'em Or that in fine the Reformed at the Court had invented these promises as a secret to keep off the Reproach of having so easily consented to these Changes Upon the other Articles they had all the satisfaction given that they could desire But because they ask'd the Liberty of continuing their Assembly under the pretence of the Difficulties the Parlament made of Executing the Edict the King declar'd in his Answers that he had given such Orders for the redress of 'em that this continuation of the Assembly was needless But they set forth much larger Papers at Sainte Foy and without stopping long at the repeated denial that the King had made to resettle the Edict in the same State that it was settled in at Nantes they did not forbear to demand again a little after the same things by Retail which they cou'd not obtain in Gross This is the reason that in demanding the Execution of the Edict throughout the whole Kingdom such as it had been verify'd at Paris they had hopes one day to repair those breaches which the Council had made therein Insomuch that they seem'd not to accept it but on condition Many Provinces were Nam'd in these Articles to which the Court had sent no Commissioners others where they had not been but in the Capital Cities many particular Places where the Exercise was not granted but under certain Restrictions as I have already observ'd They complain'd that in judging the Right of Possession acquir'd by the Edict of 1577. they limited themselves strictly to the 17th of September having no regard to the Proofs of the Exercise that was had in the same month before and after that day if it had not been likewise prov'd that it was had precisely upon that day This almost reduc'd the Reformed to a Non-plus and made an illusion of this Right because that the 17th of September fell that Year on a Tuesday a day wherein the Reformed cou'd not have had their Public Exercises but in a kind of Hazard It was demanded that in the places where the Commissioners Nam'd the Kings Judges for their Sub-Delegates those Judges should be oblig'd to take an adjoyn'd Partner of the Reformed whom the Reformed themselves shou'd appoint to labour diligently together and Scot free in the Execution of the Commissioners Orders They complain'd that in many places the Catholics wou'd not suffer the Reformed to Inhabit That they drove the Tradesmen out of certain Towns That they wou'd not allow 'em as Journey-men in their Shops That they spoke Injurious things to 'em unpunish'd when they went to their Exercises That the Preachers in their Sermons The Advocates in their Pleadings took the same Liberty without being repress'd That the Royal Judges in many places did not do Justice in the Abuses committed their Persons That in many Diocesses they caus'd 'em to be Inroll'd and put certain marks on their Houses to distinguish 'em from those of the Catholics That wherever there were yet any Colleges of Jesuits in the Kingdom that is to say in the Jurisdiction of the Parlament of Tholouse and Bourdeaux they had found out another manner of distinction causing the Houses of the Catholics to be mark'd with the Cross or Garlands of Flowers to the end that those might be better taken notice of that wanted such Ornaments That at Vervins they put a Minister out of the Town who travelling that Road arriv'd there upon Easter-day and that they refus'd so much as to give his Horse Stable-Room 'T was a Complaint that in several places the Judges hinder'd 'em from Building Churches tho the Exercise were there permitted That in many others that were Nam'd the Exercise likewise was hinder'd either through the opposition of the Lords of the Places or by the Orders of the Commissioners It was reported upon this occasion that at Aubenas where the Marquis of Montlaur committed a Thousand Violences tho the Commissioners had caus'd the Steeple the Bell and the Church-yard to be Surrender'd to the Catholics and left the Town-house to the Reformed for their Exercises the Jesuits had built a Chappel against the Wall through which they had made a hole that they might see all over the place that they caus'd a Bell to Ring during the Exercise and that they had set up a Cross over the Entry It was demanded That the Lords might enjoy the Right of their Precincts and Jurisdictions and
Conspiracy of Marshal du Biron And indeed the Duke Transported by his Discontents was engag'd a little too forward in those Intrigues Tho his design was not to give the King any disturbance but he would have remov'd Roni from the management of Affairs where he had got too great an Authority This Favorite finding himself held up by his Master abus'd and injur'd all the World without Fear and Wit under pretence of his Husbandry which flatter'd the inclinations of the King he made all those uneasie who would fain have had to do with a more liberal Prince The Duke had let the King know that Roni's Credit was the pretence of the Male-contents Neither had Roni fail'd to do the like by the Duke which forc'd him to fly the Kingdom after the Death of Biron left like him he might have lost his Head upon a Scaffold The King would fain have had him left himself to his Discretion and he gave great assurances of shewing him favour provided he would freely confess his Fault But the Duke would never trust him Whether his Conscience made him fearful of his safety or that he fear'd Roni whom he knew able to do any thing when he could conceal a Crime under pretence of serving the State or that both these Reasons together augmented his distrust But that his Innocence might be clear'd of the Accusations that were form'd against him he presented himself voluntarily before the Chamber of Castres under whose Jurisdiction he pretended to be because of his Territory of Turenne And he writ to the Court to demand his dismission In which he derogated from the Privilege of Dukes and Peers whose Causes are of Course referr'd to the Parlament of Paris The Chamber gave him an Authentic Act of his Submission but because the King's Counsel took no Notice of it he found himself no longer safe in the Kingdom and therefore passing through Geneva he retir'd into Germany where he staid some years before his Peace was made During his absence almost all the Protestants Writ in his behalf He gave 'em to understand that Religion was the principal occasion of his Persecution and he alledg'd Reasons which might perswade it There were many others said he that had a greater share in the Conspiracies then they pretended he had Nevertheless they chose to draw up an Impeachment against him tho he strongly deny'd to have been concern'd in it and that they had no charge against him Which could not proceed but from the difference that Religion put between him and the rest to whom they said nothing But neither his Reasons nor all the Credit he had in France could make his Case pass there for a Case of Religion And the Reformed kept themselves within the bounds of Intercession only Foreigners that wrote in his behalf did the same and only pray'd that their Zeal for Religion might not over-rule their Justice in this Case Queen Elizabeth who had a great esteem for this Lord was the only person that pleaded for him in another Tone She excus'd him by her Letters as much as she could and cast all the accusations that were rais'd against him upon the hatred of his Religion The King dissembl'd the discontent that these Letters gave him But he appear'd incens'd at the Synod and the Polic Assemblies for concerning themselves in the Affairs of the Duke And he shew'd openly that he took in ill part the Protection which it seem'd The Chamber Miparti had given him receiving his Petitions and retaining his Cause At the end he continu'd inflexible to all the Entreaties that were made him at home or from abroad But if this Affair occasion'd no more Tumult the King's severity to the City of Rochelle produc'd no Effect that much more extraordinary An Assembly held at Rochelle like a kind of Petty State had establish'd a certain Right which was call'd the Pancarte This Right was to be suppress'd at the term of some years But the King's Farmers continuing to raise it after the time expir'd it caus'd divers disturbances in the Provinces Many great Towns oppos'd this exaction by open force and Rochelle among the rest committed some violences but was forc'd like the rest to submit it self to the King's pleasure She receiv'd Roni himself accompany'd with twelve hundred Horse within her Walls and all the Interest she had in the party could not hinder but that the rest of the Reformed remain'd in their Obedience There was nevertheless among 'em particular persons full of suspicion and mistrust who fear'd that the King had some hidden designs against 'em And others that foresaw by the Attempts that were made that the Public Liberty was in danger of being oppress'd La Trimouille Free and Bold spoke on this occasion in such a manner as made him be look'd upon as very obnoxious at Court Marshal de Bouillon was formidable by means of his Intrigues altho he was absent and du Plessia incens'd by the Injury which he pretended to have receiv'd from the King at Fontainbleau was as much suspected as the rest They were afraid so much the more in that 't was well known that their distrusts were not without some Grounds There was at the Court and in the Council it self a Cabal intirely Spanish who were enliven'd by the Intrigues of the Council of Spain and by those of the Court of Rome This Cabal mov'd all sorts of Engines to engage the King to destroy the Reformed And after having us'd the direct means they took indirect and remote to bring the King to it of which he was not aware For that Reason it was that they vigorously press'd the Repeal of the Jesuits that they had already form'd Projects of an Alliance between France and Spain that they caus'd it to be loudly spread abroad that at the same time that there was a Dauphin born in France there was an Infanta born to the Catholic King as if this occasion had been a stroke of Providence to oblige these two Crowns to Unite themselves by the Marriage of these two Children for the Destruction of Heresie Taxis Embassador of Spain press'd the King incessantly to extirpate the Heretics of this Kingdom and to give that as an evident Sign of the sincerity of his Conversion to the Church of Rome They say likewise that this Embassador having spoken to him one day in Terms that offended him this Prince Answer'd him that he wonder'd that they should go about to force him to destroy a people who had done him good Service and who tho they held Errors which the Church Condemn'd yet at least Ador'd Jesus Christ and believ'd him the Son of God while His Catholic Majesty tolerated in his Territories the Mahometan Sects whose Religion was nothing but a Complication of Blasphemies against Christianity The King made this Answer in such Terms as by his pronouncing 'em seem'd to imply a necessity of doing that in France against the Reformed which the King of Spain
had done at home against the Moors Insomuch that Taxis taking him in that sense only reply'd to the King that he beseech'd him to be mindful of his word 'T was thought that this was the first motive for the Banishment of those unhappy people And that Taxis having given an account of his Discourse with the King upon this Subject the Council of Spain had as soon form'd the design of Persecuting those miserable Creatures But it may likewise be believ'd that this design was form'd a long time since That Taxis who well enough knew it laid hold on the occasion and would have made that pass for an effect of the Zeal of the King his Master which was but an effect of his Policy Discretion advis'd to rid himself of these people whose inconstancy and Infidelity caus'd every day great troubles Not but that Spain had really a design to destroy the Reformed in France It was necessary for the Projects that he had laid and that they should be strong enough to render themselves formidable But it was also necessary that they should not be at peace to the end that they might give a diversion to the King's Forces which might hinder him from giving succour to Foreign Protestants because the House of Austria hop'd easily to destroy 'em if they could deprive 'em of the Protection of France The Council of that House which at that time contain'd the most profound and most refin'd Politics of Europe and which at that time had the Jesuits on their side had already mov'd a long time towards the same Mark without losing sight of it And they kept themselves fix'd to the same design about thirty years with hope of approaching success But the divisions of the Reformed the good Fortune of Louis the thirteenth the Prosperity of Gustavus and the Intrigues of Cardinal Richlieu overthrew all his Projects and subrogated if I may so say France to the pretensions that this Powerful House had to the Universal Monarchy It was then the only drist of the Council of Spain to set the King to handy blows with the Reformed while they labour'd to set up a Catholic King in England to subjugate the United Provinces and to Ruin the German Protestants 'T was believ'd that it would require so much time to destroy the Reformed that Spain would have Leisure to execute her Grand Projects Nor would she be wanting to employ her Money and her Intrigues to prevent that Parties being too soon oppress'd which may be judg'd by what she did in the Reign of Lewis the thirteenth At least this Civil War would embroil the King with the Foreign Protestants which was one of the prospects of Spain because without their Alliance she believ'd France could not hurt her nor the Protestants resist her This is the Reason why all the other Projects having fail'd and the Death of Biron having dissipated the most dangerous Conspiracies there remain'd no other Wheel to be set a going to trouble the Kingdom then to make the Reformed take up Arms if it were possible To succeed in it Taxis on one side endeavour'd to render 'em suspected to the King in representing 'em as become his Enemies since they believ'd him a Catholic in good earnest And he added as boldly as if it had been true that they had often desir'd the assistance of Spain to begin the War On the other side he spread among the Reformed a thousand Rumours of Leagues that were making against 'em and he made 'em always believe that the King had gone a great way in these Combinations to the end that he might alienate the Reformed from him by a distrust He said too much to be believ'd The King knew well enough how he ought to take the Counsels that came from Spain and the Reformed well knew that the true Interest of their King was to preserve ' em Every one knew that as he had Prospects altogether opposite to those of the House of Austria so it was as necessary that he should maintain the Protestants at home and abroad as it was necessary for that House to suppress 'em or destroy ' em Nevertheless as Men are subject to deceive themselves when they pretend to judge of the Interests of Princes who having their Passions or their Weaknesses like other Men are often ignorant of or quit their true Advantages for other imaginary designs they who amongst the Reformed were in reputation of great Prudence were of Opinion that they should provide against uncertain accidents They believ'd that 't was better warding off a Thrust with what force soever made when a Man is on his Guard to receive it then when he does not expect it And that it is but a Weak excuse in Politics and which can never repair the mischief of a too great security to say I never believ'd it This is the Reason that there were some who propos'd to put themselves under the Protection of King James the first Queen Elizabeths Successor But the Weakness of this Prince which soon discover'd it self the Love of the Reformed for their King and the firmness he shew'd in his Design to preserve 'em dissipated these useless propositions He talk'd freely of the Affection he had for the Protestant Party And it may be he talk'd too freely for a King who had great Designs who ought to have said nothing which might discover 'em to those whose Interest it was to oppose him He call'd those of this Profession his intimate and approv'd Friends he confess'd that it was not safe for him to renounce their Alliance that that would but too well Fortify the party of his Enemies in weakning his own that he and the Protestant Party had mutually occasion for one another He testify'd likewise that his Heart could not endure the thought of Perâ—ecnting the Reformed when he call'd to mind that they had assisted him with all their Power when he was Attack'd on all sides It was not only to the Reformed of the Court that he spoke thus But he said likewise yet more to the Catholics and one time among the rest in the presence of many Lords among which there was none but Roquelaure that was not Bigotted he made a long Discourse of the Services that the Reformed had done him He testify'd that he had ever found 'em Constant and Faithful that they had often hazarded their Lives for his that for this cause he would give 'em an equal share of his Love and Bounty that Rochelle Bergerac and Montauban had always been places of Refuge to him where none ever dar'd to Attack him that apparently God made use of 'em in the time of the League to save his Life that he lov'd 'em for this Reason altho sometimes they were somewhat faulty and that he gratify'd 'em every year with something for their Fortifications and for their Colleges When these Words were related to the Reformed they fetch'd Tears into their Eyes they gave a new Vigour to the
his Fortune laid and of the Credit he had under another Reign among the Reformed Party The King own'd him for his Kinsman by the Mothers side and 't is certain that if he had Dy'd without Children he had not had a nearer Heir to the Kingdom of Navarre This made the King without any scruple call the Mother of this Lord Aunt His Merit had already a great deal of Lustre and the King who desir'd strictly to unite himself with the Protestants had a design to Marry him to the Daughter of Charles de Sudermania Father to the Famous Gustavus This Charles was a declar'd Protestant and wrested the Crown of Sweden and Poland from Sigismund his Nephew a strong Catholic Prince and who had a design to extinguish the Reformation in his Northern Territorys This Marriage did not succeed But seeing this Young Lord had a design to Ally himself in such a manner as did not please the King and to that end cast his Eyes about on all sides â—pon Foreigners the King some Years after Marry'd him to the Daughter of his Favorite This Woman was as Bold and as Zealous for Religion as her Father was Cold and Indifferent She got a little the Ascendent over the Genius of her Husband and as she was assisted by her Mother-in-Law who was no less Zealous nor less Couragious they had no great trouble to lead the Duke to all that they desir'd a Person who of himself had a great Heart a perspicacious Wit and capable of the highest Undertakings The King therefore who had a mind to advance him and who believ'd him a proper Subject for some Foreign Alliance made him Duke and Peer this Year and he took the Oath the 7th of August But it was also about the same time that the Jesuits at last obtain'd leave to return into France Father Magio had visited the King at Lions in the Popes Name during the War of Savoy where he had obtain'd nothing but Words in general and Assurances of Good Will But the King having made a Journey this Year towards Mets of which he resolv'd to make sure of the Jesuits of Pont a Mousson waited on him at Verdun and obtain'd positive Promises for their Re-establishment The Jesuits Armand and Cotton were order'd to come to Paris in which they took care not to fail And Cotton by his Flattering Conversation by Preachments to the Palate of the Court by a profligate Hypocrisie of which he knew the Art better then any one of his Robe so possess'd himself of the Kings affection that he got immediately into the highest degree of his Favor That which is remarkable in it is That this Jesuit was not known to the King but by the Recommendation of Lesdiguieres who never did so great a piece of Service it may be to the Honest People of his Religion as he did by this means to the Jesuits Their principal Prop at Court was La Varenne who rais'd himself by his Compliances with the Kings Amorous Intreagâ—es and who had a greater share in Affairs then a great many more worthy men Nor did the Spanish Cabal spare any pains on their side But every good French-man had so great an aversion to this Re-establishment that the King met with great difficulties in it This Affair linger'd on till the Month of September e'r the Jesuits obtain'd any Edict But when it was propos'd to Register it at Paris the difficulties were renew'd and the Parlament had much ado to consent to the return of a Society which they had cast out for such good Reasons The King took occasion to make a Journey to Rouen to make this Edict pass in the Parlament of Normandy and he found but little Resistance But that of Paris did not follow the Example insomuch that the rest of the Year was spent before the Edict was verify'd They wou'd likewise have made it be believ'd that what happen'd at Gap where the Reformed held a Synod had forwarded the matter which had it not bin for that might have yet Spun out a longer time But the affront that there had been given to the Pope in making it pass for an Article of Faith that he was The Antichrist had laid a Necessity on the King to break through all obstacles that were rais'd to the Re-establishment of the Jesuits to the end that by this he might make Reparation to the Pope for the injury that was done him The Business was this The Reformed had got leave to call a National Synod in the Month of October at Gap a Town in the Dauphinate It was one of the most Celebrated that ever they held and they there Treated of great Matters But the most Important of all was the Question about The Antichrist which was there consider'd The Reformed Taught frequently that this Title belong'd to the Pope and in their Sermons and Writings apply'd to him all the Characters by which the HOLY GHOST gives a description of him to whom it belong'd The wrong that was done to du Plessis and which stuck to the Hearts of all good Men inflam'd their Spirits more then ever in that respect because that was the pretence laid hold on that he had given the Name of Antichrist to the Pope insomuch that they set themselves to speak upon this Subject more then ever and more then ever to foretel the approaching Downfal of Babylon and the overthrow of the Man of Sin by the Light of the appearance of JESUS CHRIST The Pulpits resounded nothing but this Name of Antichrist and there were likewise some Churches which the Judges disturb'd because that this Doctrine was Preach'd there But nothing made more noise then the boldness of de Ferrier Minister and Professor of Divinity in the Royal College of Nimes He set up Propositions on Posts which he publickly defended and where this Thesis That the Pope is the Antichrist was maintain'd Nor did he spare Clement VIII whose Name was clapt in all along The Parlament of Tholouse brought him to his Trial upon this matter and sought to have Arrested his Person but Ferrier who wou'd not expose himself to the Judgment of that Merciless Court provided for himself at the Chamber of Castres This was enough to stop the Proceedings of Parlament but to have yet a stronger Protection Ferrier wou'd make appear by some Proof that his Doctrine was that of the whole Party And as there were but few Ministers who did not believe and Preach and Write the same thing and for that it was evident that there were more Churches besides that of-Nimes that were Persecuted for this Doctrine he obtain'd that the matter shou'd be Debated by the Synod and his Doctrine approv'd by it The Genius of Ferrier was Compounded of Good and Bad Qualities but the Bad were most predominant which was the reason why they drew him into a precipice and never was the end of a Man so unlike the beginning He suffer'd himself to be Corrupted by the Artifices of
the Court and the Jesuits boasted themselves that in the Year 1600 their Father Cotton being at Nimes where he had a Conference with Chamier wherein they attributed to him all the advantage he contracted some Acquaintance with Ferrier whom he inspir'd from that very time with an Inclination to betray his Brethren However it was he embroil'd every thing in the Politic Assemblies wherever he came which made the Synods forbid him to meddle any more He Acted such things in his Church and his Province that caus'd him be turn'd out thence And growing weary of being a Minister he got to be a Counsellor in a Presidial Court at Nimes tho he had promis'd at Paris to continue the Exercise of the Ministry in some other place At length he was depos'd as a Deserter In fine he Revolted and Dy'd a few years after as much hated by the People as at the beginning he was belov'd He was Self-ended Knavish Ambitious Inconstant a Boutefeu without Judgment and but little capable of the Intrigues wherein he had the Imprudence to trouble himself But he had Courage enough a quick Wit an Imagination all Fire a great facility of Speech the tone of a Commanding Voice a vehemence in Action and Discourse which drew his Hearers along and which hardly gave 'em the liberty of Contradicting him This was the reason that the Multitude who are easily dazled by these Qualities was ever of his Party and that he often prevail'd even in the Synods against Chauve his Competitor This Chauve had much more Uprightness and Judgment and above all a Charming Gravity which made him very considerable in the Assemblies but the Fire of one prevail'd over the Phlegm of the other and the Vivacity of Ferrier obscur'd the Solidity of Chauve In the Synod then of which Chamier was President Ferrier held the second place and was join'd with the Moderator insomuch that it was no hard matter to obtain that what there was Personal in his Affair should be favourably Judg'd The Synod order'd the General Deputies to Entreat the King not to suffer these Churches or particular Persons to be put to trouble for this Business or that the Liberty of Confessing shou'd be taken away from 'em or of Teaching what they held for Truths They writ to the Chambers Miparti that they wou'd take into their Protection such as were molested upon this occasion But they did yet more And to the end that it might not be doubted that it was the Doctrine of all the Reformed the Synod order'd that it shou'd be inserted among the Articles of Faith and that an Article shou'd be made which shou'd be plac'd immediately after the 30th where the equality of all the Pastors and all the Churches in Power and in Authority is spoken of This Article which for the time to come was to be the 31th in the Confession of Faith was to have run in this form And since the Bishop of Rome having erected to himself a Monarchy in Christendom Attributes to himself a dominion over all Churches and Pastors and has Exalted himself so even as to call himself GOD for to be Ador'd and that all the Power of Heaven and Earth may be Attributed to him to dispose at his Pleasure of all Ecclesiastical Things to define the Articles of Faith to Authorise and Interpret the Scriptures at his Pleasure to make a Traffick of Souls and of their Salvation and to dispense with Vows and Oaths to Ordain a New Service of God and in reference to Civil Government to trample under foot the Authority of Magistrates taking away and Giving and Changing Kingdoms we Believe and Maintain that he is properly The Antichrist and the Son of Perdition foretold in the Word of God the Whore Clothed with Scarlet sitting on the 7 Mountains and the Great City who had his Reign over the Kings of the Earth and do expect that the Lord as he has promis'd and begun overthrowing him by the Spirit of his Mouth will finally destroy him by the brightness of his coming The King who had his Spies in the Assembly had notice in good time that this Decree was framing but he cou'd by no means hinder it and the Article was receiv'd almost with a General Approbation The Catholics were offended in the highest degree The Nuncio made bitter Complaints The Pope was in a Rage when he heard the News The King himself express'd a great resentment of it and after the Deputies General which had assisted at the Synod had given an Account in Court of what had pass'd there they had Orders to write how much the King was Incens'd at this Affront He complain'd that the Reformed whom he had put in a Capacity of maintaining themselves had started such a thing under his Reign which no body ever Dreamt of since the Confession of Faith was made that they had never thought of this Decree in the time when the Crown had reason to be dissatisfy'd with the Popes but that they had set it on foot now that the King and the Pope were strictly reconcil'd together and that they had quarrell'd with a Pope who was esteem'd the most moderate in Affairs of Religion that had Sate since the Doctrine of Luther To this he added Threats That he would neither suffer the Printing of this Article nor the Sale of the Books wherein it should be inserted and to punish those who endeavour'd to trouble the State with Propositions so offensive and unseasonable The Catholics inflam'd his Anger by remonstrating to him That the Injury wou'd fall upon him himself and that he was scandaliz'd in an odious manner by this means that in re-entring into the Roman Church he was become a Favourer and a Disciple of Antichrist whence they drew terrible consequences against the Affection and the Fidelity of Subjects who had such thoughts concerning the Religion of their Soveraign The Authors of this Article defended themselves by the necessity of loudly maintaining what they were perswaded in their Consciences They pretended this Article cou'd not pass for new because it was presuppos'd by all their Doctrine concerning the Church that it was necessarily deduc'd from what they believ'd touching her Corruption her Desolation and Ruin That this was the reason that most clearly evinc'd the Necessity of their Separation from the Church of Rome That all the rest which made it appear that it behov'd 'em indispensably to break with her and which drew 'em from the depravations of her Doctrine of her Worship of her Government and of her Morals were at the bottom but a deduction and a manifest display of this same which comprehended 'em all That in saying That the Pope was the Antichrist they said all that since a full Liberty of Conscience was granted 'em they cou'd not take from 'em the Right of joining a Decree to the other Articles of Faith which was naturally comprehended therein the subsistance of which was found in the
by the Commissioners to perform that Exercise fell by Succession or otherwise into the hands of Catholics of which they alledg'd an Example in Baujolâ—is where the Propriet of a Barn that was design'd 'em for their Assemblies was upon the point of being sold They made likewise Complaints of the Seditious Terms that the Catholic Preachers made use of in their Sermons as they had done all the Lent long at Blois at Orleans at Angiers and elsewhere at Chalons upon Sacne at Mortagne at Chartres the Judges to whom the Complaints were made never using their endeavours to repress ' em They spoke also of the attempts of some Judges that wou'd take upon themselves the Authority of proportioning upon the Reformed the Sums of which they had occasion for the Maintenance of their Ministers The Kings Answers were all favourable however they were forc'd to come again more then once to desire the Abolishing of those Monuments which preserv'd the Memory of the Civil Wars Very near the same time the Inhabitants of the Country of Gex sollicited the Confirmation of the Regulations which they had obtain'd in the Matters of Religion since their Country came under the power of the King I have already observ'd that they had there follow'd the Methods of the Edict as in all the rest of the Kingdom whether for the Restoration of the Exercise of the Roman Religion or for maintaining the Reformed in the possession where the King had found ' em But to have a stronger Title then those Regulations made upon particular Accidents they desir'd something more Authentic that they might make 'em effectual and they obtain'd it in the Month of June by a Declaration for that purpose In the mean time they prepar'd themselves to hold a General Assembly and indeed the following Year they held it at Chatelleraud The King was much afrad lest some things shou'd pass there against his Interest because it was said that this Assembly wou'd Grant their Protection to the Marshal de Bouillon The Marshal made his Affair pass over all Europe for an Affair of Religion and when he writ to the King after his disgrace he spoke more in the Style of an Accuser that threaten'd then of a Criminal that humbl'd himself It was dangerous in the Example that that shou'd be taken for a Cause of Religion in an Assembly of Subjects which was held a Crime of State in the Council of a Soveraign Moreover the place was suspected because it was at Chatelleraud from whence la Trimouille and du Plessis were not far distant For in regard the Duke had a great passion for Liberty and Sentiments on that Subject becoming a Hero if he had not been Born under a Monarchy 't was fear'd that he wou'd have endeavour'd to make of the Reformed Party a kind of Common-wealth of which the Marshal de Bouillon was accus'd to have laid the Project This likewise gave so much the more occasion to the Kings Council to think that they had perhaps already some prospects of oppressing the Public Liberty by an Absolute Power 'T is certain at least that the suggestions which came from Italy or Spain tended that way and little Papers ran among the people that taught how to rise to the highest degree of Despotic Authority The Reformed did not Palate these Designs of a Power without Bounds because they knew well what they ought to expect from a Catholic Council if once they went about to set themselves above Promises and Laws 'T was therefore that there were many amongst 'em that were desirous to take measures to avoid Civil Servitude because they saw it wou'd be easie to fall into the Servitude of Conscience if the first were once Establish'd But the Death of the Duke of Trimouille deliver'd the King of that pain It happen'd so seasonably that it might be said to have been procur'd His Distemper began with Convulsions which terminated in a Languishment wherein he lingred some months and when there seem'd some likelihood of his Cure his Convulsions seiz'd him again and carry'd him off He had bin invited by Roni a little before his Distemper began and I knew some of his Domestic Servants that were strongly perswaded that his Death was not Natural This Death was taken by the King for a Fortunate Hit because the Duke's Genius gave him a great deal of trouble 'T is a difficult matter for a Man to behave himself before Kings if he be Fear'd he is Hated if he be Peaceable he is Despis'd and when some part of their favour is obtain'd 't is not agreeable to a Man who has a Soul to be more oblig'd to blind Compliance or a servile Dependance then to his Merit There was this Year an Affair that made a great Noise which was judg'd at the Chamber of the Edict The Cardinal de Chatillon had been Marry'd ever since the year 1564. yet for all that had neither quitted his Habit nor his Dignity His Death happening some years after his Widow agreed for his Inheritance with the Admiral and after that having been carry'd away by a Man who Robb'd her of all that she had got it came into her mind when the Edict of Nants was publish'd to demand a Review of the Contracts which she had made and to dispute with the Heirs of the Admiral the Inheritance of her Husband She grounded her Suit upon the Edict which by the Nine and Thirtieth Article of Particulars order'd a Toleration of Marriages such as Hers. But on the other side the Quality of the Person was a great Obstacle to her pretensions She might have succeeded better if the Dispute had been about any other then a Prelate but the affront had been too heinous for the Pope to bear had the Marriage of a Cardinal been confirm'd Bishop and Peer of France who had presum'd to retain after this Marriage his Revenues and his Purple Besides the Cardinal was the Elder Brother of the Admiral and of d'Andelot and his Marriage 't is like cou'd not be confirm'd without the Ruin of two Families which descended from these Lords one of which was half Catholic to wit that of d'Andelot whose Son had embrac'd both the Roman Religion and the League Servin Advocate-General made a long Speech in this Cause He spoke not of this Marriage of the Cardinal but as of an unlawful Conjunction and wou'd never grant that there had been any Solemnization of this Marriage even in the Forms accustom'd among the Reformed As Servin inclin'd very much to their Doctrine it may be judg'd that all his discourse was made on purpose to be sent to Rome where he was necessary to make it appear that such a Marriage had not been approv'd of His Evidences took from the Cardinals Wise the Quality of his Widow depriv'd her of all that she cou'd pretend to in that Quality and did not so much as order any Provision for support of her Children The Court order'd the Advocates
to put off the Cause to be heard before the Council for other Reasons then those that appear'd in the Decree That is to say That nothing might be pronounc'd in an Affair of this Nature and to give place for an Accommodation A very passionate Author who has inserted Servin's Pleading in his Work says That the Decree was agreeable to the Evidence but he does not relate the Terms of the Decree whereas the Advocate General Talon relates 'em in his Reports such as I have said In a word this Affair was one of the principal Reasons of making the Nine and Thirtieth Article of Particulars so as it is and the opposite Interests of the Widow and the Defendants gave room for greater Contests since the year 1600. The Cause of a Carthusian who had lest his Cloyster before the Edict and who demanded a share with his Brothers and in 1605. that of a Capuchin whose Case was the same were Judg'd according to the Tenor of the Article If they deviated a little in this Widows Cause 't is easie to see that there was more regard had to the Quality of the Persons concern'd then to the Nature of the business The Duke of Rohan this year likewise receiv'd a Check at the Court He was not willing to live unprofitable to the World and with a design to advance himself therein he made some steps which did not please the King But that was calm'd by the submission of the Duke who referr'd himself to the Discretion of his Master But the following year the Reformed and all good Frenchmen with no small disgust beheld the Pyramid thrown down which was rear'd to Eternize in a Plate of Brass the Decree of the Banishment of the Jesuits after the wicked attempt of Chatel Those Assassins who had the Credit to Re-establish themselves in spite of the Decree had yet a greater Reputation to demolish that Monument of what they were capable to do nor could the Parlament who were troubl'd beyond imagination to see the noblest mark of their Zeal for the good of France destroy'd prevent it either by Oppositions or Remonstrances All that they obtain'd was That they were not constrain'd themselves to undo their own Work and that it was Demolish'd without Formality of Justice Discourses Writings and Verses were on this Subject but the Jesuits who had what they desir'd took little notice of these slight storms well knowing it to be a Liberty of no consequence which may be Granted for his Consolation to an Enemy that can do no more mischief then only evaporate his Anger in Satyrs and Pasquills After this nothing but Favours were granted to this Society nothing but Benefices united to the Colledges but Houses built to Lodge their Novices more at their Ease In the mean time the Kingdom was full of Alarms and the King received from all parts Advice of the great designs that the Spaniards had upon several places Several Parties of the Male-contents got together of which the one had for pretence the Publick Good others design'd to raise up the Nobility again which had bin too much humbled others to pull down Roni whose Fortune they compared to that which Sejanus had done under Tiberius and wish'd that his end might be like to the downfal of that Favourite as there had been a resemblance in the advancement of the one and of the other and in the abuse which as they pretended the one in imitation of the other made of his Masters favour Others pretended to Revenge the Death of Biron whose Relations they were or else his Creatures The greatest part of these Intrigues were Spun by the Marshal de Bouillon who thought to render himself formidable in hopes perhaps to be recall'd and who had every where such great Intelligences that he seem'd capable of putting all Europe in Combustion He Labour'd above all things to engage the Reformed in some League by insinuating a dread in 'em from the King 's having promis'd the Legate to Ruin them And he caused Propositions to be made them for Establishing fixed Councels in all the Provinces to Treat of the Affairs of the Common Cause to exclude the Kings Officers of all the Politick Debates of their Assemblies to draw up Models for Raising Men and Money and to make Alliances with Strangers for their Common Defence But I know not how they could impute to him any other Projects Inconsistant with these as to design to change the Religion to conspire the Dismembring of the Kingdom to desire the Dauphinate for his share to disturb the Succession of the Dauphin to make a League with the Spaniards to make Peace between them and the Vnited Provinces It is impossible to join these Designs with the other for his part he deny'd constantly ever to have had such thoughts and it was so much the more easie for him to justifie himself in that it was not possible to find the least Proof against him in Writing Some body deposed that Money brought from Spain was distributed by the Orders of the Marshal to some private Gentlemen of Querci Guyenne and Languedoc and that they were promis'd at the same time that they should be assisted with greater Succours but the Sum which did not exceed Ten or Twelve Thousand Crowns was so little that it could not be thought to come from Spain which would never have confin'd her Profusions to so small a Matter It was believed that the Marshal had drawn this Sum out of his own Purse to keep his Friends in hope of a more considerable Profit Nevertheless every thing caus'd a Jealousie in a Kingdom where the Remains of so many old Factions gave occasion to fear that new ones were forming and the Assembly of Chattelleraud being come unlook'd for in this state of Affairs redoubled the perplexity of the Suspicious they well knew at Court that great matters were there to be Debated They were to consult which way to preserve their places of Security of which they knew that the Council would all at once take two Thirds away from them by distinguishing those which belong'd to particular Lords from those which were the Kings only The Revolt of Gentlemen of which already many Examples had been seen made the consequence to be feared in regard that if one Person of Estate happen'd to change his Religion all his Places would be lost from the Party Moreover the King talk'd openly of making War against the Marshal de Bouillon and of seizing his strong Holds and nothing could divert him from it but the Consideration of his Breeves which allow'd the Reform'd the keeping of the Places or Garisons for a time which was not yet expir'd But the difficulty was remov'd in case the Places belonging to particular Persons were not included with those they call'd Places of Surety from whence it follow'd that when ever the King should think fit he might dispossess the Reform'd of all those Places one after another and the Breach being
tho at the same time the Splendor in which he appear'd before the King did not suit with his Description of the said Desolation Besides a numerous Train of Bishops he was attended by whose Air express'd no Misery he had Five Cardinals in his Company and this pompous Deputation resembled much more an excess of worldly Prosperity than an afflicted Church over-whelm'd with great Adversities The earnestness the Clergy express'd again that time for the Publication of the Council of Trent was not well receiv'd The King answer'd with more Resolution than ever he had done and upon their alledging the Promises his Attornies had made in his Name about it he made no difficulty to disown them He complain'd of their having promised it without his knowledge and said That that Publication would be a step for others afterwards to desire the Introduction of the Inquisition He made them sensible that if Francis I. Henry II. and Charles IX who had no such Solemn Ingagements with the Reform'd as he had and had not receiv'd such Services from them had not approv'd that Counsel he had much less reason to do it for fear of renewing the Troubles of his Kingdom This comforted the Reform'd in some measure for the grief they receiv'd that year in seeing the Dauphin's Education committed to the Care of Cotton the Jesuit since they could oppose the assurances of the King 's good Will to the fear of his being succeeded one day by a Prince who being fallen in such ill hands was not likely to prove favourable to them The King put the Change agreeably upon the Clergy in another Affair That rich Body had often sollicited him to establish a Fund out of which Pensions might be taken for the Ministers that should change their Religion and whereas they had but inconsiderale Sallaries at that time the Clergy whose over-ruling Passion is Interest did not question but that in bettering the Condition of those that should change they would invite several to immitate them But the King being desirous That the said Fund should be taken out of the Pockets of the Clergy and not out of his Exchequer caus'd the Pope to write a Brief to the Clergy to desire them to raise that Fund themselves The Brief was presented to the Assembly by the Cardinal of Joyeuse They agreed to make a Fund of 30000 Livers a year out of which they should take Pensions for Ministers only and made a Rule excluding all such as had not been Ministers or Professors from those Recompences and all those who having embrac'd the Reform'd Religion since the 6th of August should return to the Catholick Church By the said Rule those who were to injoy the benefit of those Pensions were oblig'd to bring in yearly Attestations of their good Behaviour to the Agents of the Clergy the manner also of paying them the Sums that were alloted them was prescrib'd in the same This Sum was inconsiderable and yet the Clergy has never made a sufficient number of Conquests to exhaust it And some years after it they took out of the said Fund the best part of which was not us'd Sallaries for certain Laick Missionaries who troubled the Reform'd in a thousand manners and recompences for People whose Trade was to sollicit the Common People to change their Religion During those Transactions the Council of Spain persecuted the Moors whether it proceeded from the Councils own movement or from the advice Taxis had given Those Wretches offer'd to submit to the King of France if the King would take them under his Protection But that Prince not confiding in those People that are naturally false and inconstant thought fit first to send a Person among them to see what might be expected from that Overture He made choice of Panissaut for his Envoy a Gentlman of Gascony and one of the Reform'd He repair'd thither in the Habit of a Franciscan with an Obedience that was given him by the Guardian of some House of that Order He did negotiate with so much success that some considerable Advantage might have been expected by it had he been suffer'd to go on But the Bigots told the King That he inspir'd them with the Doctrine of the Reform'd which might be true and would certainly have been of great use that Doctrine removing from the Mahometans the pretences of the Aversion which the Worship of the Roman Church has inspir'd in them against Christianity Insomuch that Panissaut might have made them Christians and good Frenchmen but the Catholick Zeal thought it more reasonable that they should remain Mahometans than turn Huguenots Therefore Panissaut was recall'd and Claverie a Gentleman of the Roman Persuasion and of the same Country sent in his room but whereas he proceeded upon other Principles which the Moors did not relish his Negotiation met with no success Lesdiguieres obtain'd that year the Staff of Marshal of France His Services had sufficiently deserv'd it but it was not granted so much in regard to his Merit as to make him forget the Discontents he had receiv'd from the Court. In the mean time the Spanish Faction was not a sleep and lost no opportunities to sow Divisions in all parts to excite some Troubles in France The Royal Family was very much imbroil'd The King and Queen did not agree That Princess cross'd him continually and that which was most unaccountable she adher'd with the Spaniards whose Interests were espous'd by Five or Six Italians who serv'd her The Marriage of the Dauphin with the Infanta of Spain and that of one of the Daughters of France with the Infant had been propos'd to her as a means that would for ever secure the Succession to her Off-spring In order to draw her the sooner into that Project they exasperated her mind by black Calumnies against the King they perswaded her that he design'd to be rid of her after which the Charms of the Marchioness of Verneuiel and the Promises of Marriage the King had made her afforded reason to fear that he would raise her Children to the Throne to the prejudice of hers Those Jealousies proceeded so far that Conchini and his Wife dress'd themselves in their own Chamber what that Princess was to eat as if she had been in danger of being poyson'd Sully sometimes advis'd the King to send back those pernicious Spirits into Italy to stop the torrent of those Disorders and to send the Marchioness and her Brother into England to the end that the Queens Jealousies and her Evil Counsellors being remov'd she might be the sooner reduc'd to live peaceably with the King But that Prince neither being able to remove his Mistress nor willing to exasperate the Queen by taking her Confidents from her while her Rival still remain'd before her eyes encreas'd the Evil by his irresolution and daily gave the Queen new Causes of Quarrel On the other hand he did not relish the Marriage propos'd the Project whereof did not
agree with his designs It was impossible for him to seek the Alliance of a House he design'd to humble Besides the intentions of the Council of Spain did not look candid in that Proposition since one of the Conditions of it was to make War against the Protestants which the King was sensible tended to two things of which Spain would receive the sole benefit and he the disadvantage The one was to break the Alliance between the Protestants abroad and France The other to renew the Civil Wars in the Kingdom The King lik'd neither and to satisfy his Subjects as to his good intentions he promis'd that he would leave his Children such good Instructions that they would take care not to renew past divisions or to force the Reform'd to look for a Foreign Protector He design'd to infuse into them as a principal Maxim Never to reduce their Subjects to the necessity of wanting an Intercessor with their Prince A Maxim equally of use to raise the happiness of the People and the Authority of Kings to the highest degree 'T is a certain proof of the happiness of the People not to stand in need of a Mediator to obtain favours from their King And a King is never more powerful than when no body shares the Honour of his Favours and the acknowledgement of his People There were also some Catholicks in the Kingdom who had a great Aversion to those Marriages especially the Princes and those who dreaded lest a Spanish Queen might bring along with her the despotick Maxims of which all the Politicks of that Nation was form'd They thought that the Power of the Nobility and the Liberty of the People would be much better preserv'd during a Foreign War than in a time of Calm which would afford favourable occasions to the Council to humble those who had a little too much Popularity and Credit And they were sensible that the King daily aspir'd to that degree of Authority to oblige Subjects to obey without reply But then there were others and particularly those whose Souls were still inclin'd to Leagues who fanci'd that the Grandeur of the House of Austria and the Triumph of the Catholick Religion were inseparable That the Alliance with Spain was necessary to make France share in both and that it was their true Interest to preserve themselves by a good Intelligence with that Potent House by abandoning all the rest of Europe to them Insomuch that out of a Zeal to Religion they oppos'd the Glory of their Country and omitted no means to engage the King against the Reform'd To that end they daily made use of new Stratagems They scatter'd Seditious Letters in the Streets of Rochel to alarum the People as if the King were ready to declare War The effect of which was that they hasten'd their Fortifications and took measures to avoid being surpriz'd At the same time false Letters were cenvey'd to the King in which the Enterprizes of the Rochelois were exagerated to oblige him to express some Resentment In the mean time the Jesuits who made it their business to embroil all Europe left no means unattempted to reduce Fance into its former disorders again Some of them trespass'd upon the King's patience at Court with a surprizing boldness Cotton the Jesuit was convicted of having reveal'd the Secrets the King had confided to him but no manner of notice was taken of it Gontier the Jesuit was a Man of an impetuous violent Spirit who lov'd nothing but Trouble and Broils Ignatius Armand was subtle and cunning and so much the more dangerous because his Intriegues were cover'd with the Vail of Modesty and Simplicity Their Enterprises disturb'd the King exceedingly by reason that he had much ado to suppress them But he had prepossess'd himself that he should tame them by his kindnesses and that at least they would attempt nothing against his Life while they had reason to expect new favours from him insomuch that he seldom refus'd any thing they desir'd of him He had setled them in Bearn notwithstanding the Opposition of the Estates and the Deputies of Provence who protested that the said Settlement was contrary to the good of his Service and the repose of the Country and show'd a Decree of the Parliament of Pau made in the year 1598. which prohibited the receiving of them there The Bishop of Oleron's Intreaties prevail'd over those Remonstrances and Jesuits were sent to him with an Edict which order'd them only to submit to the Laws of the Country and to the Discipline of other Ecclesiasticks which conditions they kept no longer than till they were strong enough to lay them aside This year they erected a Noviciat at Paris and began to build their College of Clermont During these Transactions the Court examin'd the last Petitions of the Assembly They granted the Abolishment of some Solemnities which the Catholicks had Establish'd in Commemoration of the good Successes they had had over the Reform'd As the Festival they had decicated at Chartres to our Lady of the Breach for a pretended Vision of the Blessed Virgin who defended the Breach against the Reform'd that had besieg'd that City in 1568. The Procession of Dreux which was perform'd yearly there on the day the Duke of Guise had won a Battel against the Prince of Conde And that which was made at Thoulouse for some other event of the first Wars It was also granted them that in the Disputes of Jurisdiction the Chambers should be Judges of their own Competency The Judges Royal of Brittany were forbidden to exact from the Reform'd who had any Affairs before them a Renunciation of the benefit of the Edict which allow'd their to Appeal from the Sentences of those Judges to the Chambers of the Edict or to the Great Council They promis'd that the Creation of the Offices of Assistants of Inquisitors in all Royal Tribunals which was an Invention of Sullys to get Money should not derogate from the Priviledges the Edict granted them of taking a Reform'd Adjunct in certain Cases and they promis'd that all those of the Marquisate of Saluces who should come to settle in France both Reform'd and Catholicks should be us'd as Natives A National Synod was held soon after at St. Maixant in which they hardly treated about any thing besides their Discipline Among the rest maim'd Soldiers were allow'd by them to receive a Pension the King had founded for their maintenance and whereas those that injoy'd it were oblig'd to wear the figure of a Cross upon their Cloaks they declar'd to them that they might do it without wounding their Consciences It was observ'd also in the said Synod that Sully had given such ill Assignments to the Reform'd for the payment of the Sums the King was to pay them for the Years 1605 and 1606. that they could hardly make any thing of them But the principal Affair that was treated of there was that of Antichrist They receiv'd the Book
against a Toleration for the Reform'd only changing the Names He deny'd that the State of the United Provinces was grounded upon the profession of the Reform'd Religion By reason said he that the Catholicks had also concur'd towards the maintaining of it He deny'd that it was a means to oblige the Catholicks to embrace the Doctrine of the Reform'd by reason said he that constraint would rather serve to confirm them the more that even their Death would not entinguish their belief that they would commit it as by Cabal or Tradition to their Children or that they would fall into Irreligion And that it was better to tolerate Superstition than Impiety He said as to the permission of retiring which might have been granted them that it would be unjust to condemn people that had done no harm to a kind of Exile which made them renounce all the delights which the love one has for ones Country includes in it self That they had contributed to the conquest of the Countrey they should be oblig'd to quit That thereby they should depopulate the State which would be attended with other great Inconveniences He concluded declaring that he did not desire the Liberty of a Publick Worship for them but only that they might not be prosecuted for what they did in their own Houses and he propos'd precautions to prevent the evil that might be fear'd by it That Negotiation had the success of which we see the fruits to this day No Edict of Liberty was granted to the Catholicks but they were tolerated in some Provinces without being disturb'd They have carry'd their Advantages in several places farther than was design'd and no great efforts have been made to hinder it And tho they are maintain'd by no Publick Law they injoy a Tranquility which others have been depriv'd of tho their Sovereigns had promis'd it them by solemn Edicts During these Translactions the Affairs of the Moors grew worse in Spain and finally they were order'd to retire in a short space of time and upon hard conditions which were not well kept neither The King resolv'd to grant a Free Passage through his Kingdom to such as would accept it And in order to derive a double Advantage by their misfortune in strengthning his Kingdom while their retreat weakened Spain he invited them by an express Edict to come to live in France but the Conditions of it were so little to their advantage that few of them resolv'd to tarry there It oblig'd them to settle on this side the Dordorgna to keep them at a distance from the Frontiers of Spain to turn Catholicks and to persevere in the Roman Faith on pain of death Perhaps a greater number of them would have prefer'd the sweet Climat of France to the Scorchings of the Coasts of Asrick had better Conditions been given them and as they were for the most part good Merchants expert Tradesmen diligent Labourers they would have been of great advantage to the State by their Industry besides their carrying great Riches along with them tho they had been forc'd to leave the best part of them in Spain Even in France they were forc'd to pay their passage by a thousand violences and injustices that were exercis'd against them Those who were intrusted with the care of their Conduct and Embarkment plunder'd them and reduc'd them to great Extremities The Deputies who brought their Complaints to the Court return'd back with a shadow of satisfaction which came to nothing The Bigots who thought all things lawful against Infidels protecting those highly who prostituted the Faith of France by their Injustices in an occasion of that importance Thus those Wretches carry'd away nothing from Europe besides their Arts and Cunning together with an implacable hatred against the Christians whom they have ever since look'd upon as People without Faith or Probity And their Children to this day by their Infidelities and Piracies revenge the Injustices the Christians did to their Families at that time by plundering of their Forefathers The King did not see that Passage for as he was noble and just he would perhaps have hinder'd those miserable Wretches from being us'd so barbarously But an unexpected Death broke all his Measures and Designs depriv'd the Kingdom of its Deliverer the Reform'd of their Defender and all Europe of its Hopes The Prince of Conde had lately marry'd the Daughter of the late Constable Before that Marriage the King had hardly taken notice of her being the most beautiful Lady of the Court but all of a suddain he fell in love with her to that degree that he could not conceal his Passion The Prince being jealous and dreading the Power of his Rival fled with his Wife who was willing to avoid the Snare that was laid for her Virtue and got into Flanders with her without Attendance or Equipage The King either transported with his Passion which he was no longer Master of or being willing to embrace that occasion to attack the House of Austria as he had long design'd it desir'd the Arch-Duke who had receiv'd them very kindly to send them back and upon his refusal declared War against him Some of his Councellors thought that Declaration a little too rash being of opinion that the Prince who had neither Estate Places of strength nor Creatures could not be formidable enough to oblige the King to make so much noise about his Flight Besides that without making use of that Pretence to wage a War a very favourable one offer'd it self in the overture of the succession of Cleves to begin it by reason of the King's alliance with some of the Pretenders Moreover the Preparations of War were not ready some of the Allies not being yet in a condition to act But the King had his private Ends and his Will decided the Question It was high time for Spain to look to it self Never had such great Preparatives been seen in France The Civil Wars had almost made all the French good Soldiers There was an incredible number of old Officers signaliz'd by a long experience They wanted no experienc'd Generals and the King was acknowledg'd throughout Europe for the boldest and best Captain of his time The Blood boil'd in the veins of the Reform'd who expected the end of their fears by the downfal of the House of Austria and only desir'd an occasion to revenge themselves by a just War of the Massacres and Violences they thought the Council of Spain had inspir'd to that of France The Catholicks hop'd to advance and to set a value upon themselves by the War The oeconomy and vigilancy of Sully had put the King's Affairs in such an order that the like had never been known The Arsenal had never been so full of Arms And that which was most to be wonder'd at France had never had so much ready Money nor so many recourses for several years They had great and powerful Alliances Besides that of the Unite Provinces which had been renew'd
another had lately been concluded at Hall in Suabia notwithstanding all the Emperor's opposition with about 15 Protestant Princes These Preparations made Rome tremble for its Religion and Spain for its Greatness And their Interests appear'd so much interwoven that they seem'd to run the same hazards and to stand in need of the same success The truth is that the King's Design was not positively known And whereas he had not time enough to pursue the Project of it long nothing happen'd whereby one might penetrate into the secret of his Intentions Such different Projects were proposed to him that it was impossible to divine his justly Moreover it is very well known that tho Princes begin War upon a certain Plan they soon forsake it according as Occurrences more or less favourable inspire them with new thoughts But there were two things that might be look'd upon as certain or at least very probable The one is that Sully being his Confident the Project that has been incerted in his Memoirs which he had imparted to several people was not altogether Chimerical that according to that it was to be fear'd that the King had a design to found the Equilibrium of the Powers of Europe upon the Equilibrium of the Religious That consequently he would never consent to the exterminating of the Protestants therefore he was not look'd upon at Rome as a good Catholick and they did not doubt but he had retain'd from his first Religion the design of humbling that haughty See A remainder of Heresy which is more odious in that Countrey than the most detestable Errors Moreover this fear was all grounded upon his having made almost all his Alliances with Protestants From whence it follow'd naturally that in case he should succeed in his Enterprizes none but Protestants would enjoy the benefit of his Victories The Damages whereof would consequently fall upon the Catholick Religion It is true that the Pope was offer'd the reunion of the Kingdom of Naples to the demean of the Church But the Religion got nothing by it since all the Inhabitants of that Kingdom were Catholicks whereas it would lose whatever should fall under the Power of the Protestants The other was That the King design'd to humble the House of Austria and that he only ingag'd divers Powers into his Interests by promising to enrich them with the Spoils of Spain Which was look'd upon in the Council of that Court as a Crime less to be forgiven than Heresy But while all Europe was attentive on the Revolutions that were preparing and that all People were in suspence between curiosity hope and terror the Scene was chang'd by a fatal Catastrophe The King had had the Complaisance to have the Queen crown'd before his departure He omitted nothing to live peaceably with her And whereas the War he was entring upon broke all the Queens Measures for the double Marriage of the Dauphin with the Infanta and of the eldest Daughter of France with the Infant he was willing to remove that Vexation by a Ceremony which seem'd material to that jealous mind in order to secure the Crown to her Children Some Persons of known wisdom had endeavour'd to disuade the King from that Pomp which engag'd him to Expenses no wise suitable to the beginnings of a War the event of which was doubtful Moreover Roni had prevail'd to break the Project of that Ceremony which ruin'd him quite in the Queens mind who was already animated against him for other Reasons But finally the King resolv'd to give his Wife that satisfaction at any rate whatever The Ceremony of the Coronation was perform'd at St. Denis with great magnificence But while a sumptuous Entry was preparing for the Queen after which the King was to repair to the head of his Army which drew near the Frontiers and execrable Assassinate killed him in his Coach on the 10th of May as he was going to the Arsenal there to give some orders relating to his Enterprize The Historys of the Time relate the Circumstances of his Death at large several Relations being order'd to be written about it to dissipate the Suspicions people had throughout the Kingdom that some people at Court were privy to the Secret of that Parricide But no other Victims were offer'd to the Shrine of that great Prince but the Monster who had struck the blow And those who were most oblig'd to discover and prosecute the Authors of that Crime took no more care to revenge him than he had done to revenge the Death of Henry the III. his Predecessor That which prov'd most honourable for his memory was that all his good Subjects lamented him as their Father foreseeing that it would be long before any King should ascend the Throne deserving to be compar'd to him It is a very surprizing thing that those who labour'd to destroy the Reform'd should have pitcht upon the time of that great Kings death for the Epact of a ridiculous Enterprize which they have imputed to the City of Rochel Not being certain at what time they invented that Calumny I think I cannot chuse a more proper place to relate the Story of it than the moment in which they pretend the thing happen'd That Potent City is accus'd of a design to extend their Power farther in making themselves Masters of Brouage The design they say was to convey two Ships fill'd with Soldiers disguis'd like Merchants into the Port at break of day who under pretence of unlading their Merchandize were to possess themselves of the Port-gate It was usual for the convenience of Trade to open it sooner than any of the rest and those People were to make use of that advantage to enter the City without hinderance They were to kill all such as should make any resistance and Rochel had promis'd to send them as soon as they were Masters of the Place a sufficient Reinforcement to maintain themselves there Those Ships they say arriv'd at that appointed hour but the little Gate was not open'd all that Morning by reason that the Governor had receiv'd the news of the King 's fatal Death in the Night by an Express Insomuch that the Ships were oblig'd to retire Never was Calumny so ill invented and I am at a loss which to wonder at most the Impudence of the Inventor or the Credulity of Deagean who has reported it I appeal to all Persons of sense whether it be not improbable that during the King's greatest Prosperity at a time when he was Potent enough to prescribe Laws to all Europe such a City as Rochel without Intestine Leagues without Foreign Intelligence should have been capable to declare a War to him and to undertake Conquests upon him I say without Intelligence at home or abroad because that if there had been any such thing it were impossible but that some Tracts of it would have been found at least sufficient to ground Suspicion upon or that some mention of such a Treaty would have been made in some
Interpretation upon some Words and Articles 6 and 7 contain'd in the present Edict of the 17th of January 1561. CHarles by the Grace of God King of France to our Trusty and well beloved the Persons holding our Courts of Parliament Bailiffs Senechals Provosts or their Lieutenants and to all our other Justices and Officers and to every one of them according as it may concern them Greeting By our Ordinance of the 17th of January last past join'd hereunto under the Counter Seal of our Chancery made for the repose and Pacification of our Subjects and to appease and put an end to the Troubles and Seditions occasion'd in this our Kingdom by the diversity of Opinions that reign in our Religion It is said among other things Article 6. That whenever our Officers shall be desirous to go into the Assemblys of those of the New Religion to assist at their Sermons and to hear what Doctrine is taught there they shall be receiv'd in the same and respected according to the Dignity of their Places and Offices And in case it be to take and apprehend some Malefactors they shall be obeyed and assisted according as it is contain'd more at large in the Article of the said Ordinance which mentions it And whereas some difficulty might arise about the Interpretation of this Word Officers thus couch'd in general in the said Article to know whether all our Officers of Judicature are indifferently meant and included under the same we in order to make our said Ordinance as clear and intelligible as can be and to leave nothing dubious or difficult have said and declar'd for the interpretation thereof do say and declare that by the said Word Officers and the permission we have granted them to go into the said Assemblies for the Reasons contain'd in our said Ordinance we only intend as we do still intend to give the said Power to our Ordinary Officers to whom the cognizance of the Policy of Civil Government belongs as Bailiffs Seneschals Provosts or their Lieutenants and not to those of our Sovereign Courts nor to our other Officers of Judicature which we expect to live in the Faith of us and of our Predecessors And the said Power shall extend no farther than when occasion shall offer it self to inspect and remedy what is mention'd in the said Ordinance ¶ Moreover We have ordain'd and do ordain in relation to what is said afterwards Article 7. in the said Ordinance That those of the New Religion shall hold neither Synods nor Consistories unless by leave or in presence of one of our said Officers That if their said Assemblies which they call Synods and Consistories are General of the whole Government and Province they shall not be allow'd to hold them unless by leave or in presence of the Governor or our Lieutenant General of the Province of his Lieutenant General or others by them appointed And in case the said Assembly is Particular by leave or in presence of one of our Magistrate Officers who shall be elected and deputed by the said Governor or his said Lieutenant General ¶ Provided always that the said Assemblys which they call Synods and Consistories shall only be held for the regulation of Religion and upon no other account ¶ And all this by way of Provision until the determination of the General Council or till new Orders from us Neither have we by our said Ordinance and the present Declaration design'd or do design to approve two Religions in our Kingdom but only one which is that of our Holy Church in which the Kings our Predecessors have liv'd Therefore we will and require you that in proceeding to the reading publishing and registring of our said Ordinance you shall at the same time and in like manner cause this our present Declaration and Interpretation to be read published and registred and the same inviolably to maintain keep and observe without the least Infraction For such is our Pleasure the Contents of our said Ordinance and all other Edicts Mandats or Prohibitions thereunto contrary notwithstanding Given at St. Germain en Laye on the 14th of February in the Year of our Lord 1561. and of our Reign the Second Thus Sign'd by the King being in his Council with the Queen his Mother the Duke of Orleans the King of Navar the Cardinal of Bourbon and the Prince De la Roche Sur-Yon the Cardinals of Tournon and Chatillon You the Sieurs de St. Andre and de Montmorency Marshals and de Chastillon Admiral of France du Mortier and the Bishop of Orleans d' Avanson and the Bishop of Valence de Selve de Gonnor and Dandelot and several others were present Bourdin First Mandamus from the King to the Court of Parliament at Paris for the publishing of the Edict of the Month of January CHarles by the Grace of God King of France to our Trusty and well-beloved the persons holding our Court of Parliament at Paris Greeting We have seen the Remonstrances you have sent us by our Trusty and well beloved Christopher de Thou President and William Violle Councellor in our said Court your Brethren about the Ordinance we have given on the 17th of January last past for the peace and tranquility of our Subjects and to put a stop to the Troubles and Seditions occasion'd in this Kingdom by the diversity of the Opinions that reign in Religion And after having caus'd the said Remonstrances to be read Article after Article and word for word in presence of us and of the Queen our most dear and most beloved Lady and Mother of our most dear and most beloved Brother the Duke of Orleans of our most dearly beloved Uncle the King of N. our Lieutenant General representing our Person throughout all our Kingdoms and Territories of the other Princes of our Blood and our Privy Council We by their Advice and in consideration of the great reasonable and necessary Causes and Occasions which have been our Motives for making the said Ordinance do hereby desire command and expresly enjoin you to proceed to the reading publishing and registring of the said Ordinance and the Declaration by Us made affix'd to the same And that you shall cause both the one and the other to be receiv'd kept and inviolably observ'd without the least infringement The whole by way of Provision until the determination of the General Council or New Orders from us And according as it is more at large directed by the said Ordinance and Declaration without any farther delay or difficulty not to oblige us to send you any other or more express Command than these Presents which you shall take for second third and all other Mandates which you might require from us in this case for such is our Pleasure What is above said all Edicts Ordinances Mandates and Prohibitions thereunto contrary Notwithstanding Given at St. Germain en Laye the 14th Day of February in the Year of our Lord 1561. and of our Reign the Second Thus sign'd by the
King being in his Council Bourdin The Second MANDAMVS CHarles by the Grace of God King of France To our Trusty and well beloved the Persons holding our Court of Parliament at Paris Greeting Whereas we did heretofore send you our Ordinance of the 17th of Jannary last past upon which several good Remonstrances have been made to us by you which we have imparted to our Privy Council we being there in Person and whereas several great and urgent Occasions have anew occurr'd since and daily do occur concerning the Tranquility of the State of our Kingdom which induce us more and more to desire the reading publishing and registring of the said Ordinance We have again referr'd the deliberation of the said Affair to our Privy-Council in presence of our most dear and most beloved Lady and Mother our most dear and most beloved Uncle the King of Navar our Lieutenant-General representing our Person in all our Kingdoms and Territories and several other Princes of our Blood and Members of our said Council by the common advice of which it has been thought fit and resolv'd that it is more than necessary for our service and for the peace and quietness of our Subjects that the reading publishing and registring of the said Ordinance should be perform'd in our said Court. Therefore in pursuance of the said Advice and in consideration of the necessity of the Time and the consequenee of the Affair We require command and expresly enjoin you that laying aside all Delays and Difficulties you should cause the said Ordinance and Declaration to be read publish'd register'd from Point to Point according to their Form and Tenor and the same to receive keep and observe The whole provisionally until the determination of the General-Council and new Orders from Us. All Ordinances Mandates or Prohibitions thereunto contrary Notwithstanding Given at St. Germain en Laye the 1st of March in the Year of the Lord 1561. and of our Reign the Second Thus sign'd by the King being in his Council with the Queen Mother and the King of Navar his Lieutenant-General representing his Person in all Kingdoms and Territories the Cardinal of Bourbon the Prince of Conde and the Prince de la Roche-sur-Yon the Cardinals of Tournon and de Chatillon You le sieur de St. André Marshal of France le sieur du Mortier and the Bishop of Orleans le Sieur d' Avanson and the Bishop of Valence and les Sieurs de Selve de Gonnor and de Cypierre all Counsellors in the said Council and several others were present Bourdin Publication of the Edict of January and of the Declaration and Interpretation of the same LEcta Publicata Registrata audito Procuratore Generali Regis respectu habito literis patentibus Rgis primae diei hujus mensis urgenti necessitati temporis obtemperando voluntati dicti Domini Regis absque tamen approbatione novae Religionis id totum per modum provisionis donec aliter per dictum Dominum Regem fuerit ordinatum Parisis in Parlamento Sexta die Martii Anno Domini millesimo quingentesimo sexagesimo primo Sic signatum Du Tillēt The Edict of King Chares the IX of the Year 1570. about the pacification of the Troubles of this Kingdom CHarles by the Grace of God King of France to all those present and hereafter to come Greeting Considering the great Evils and Calamities occasion'd by the Troubles and Wars wherewith our Kingdom has been long and is still afflicted and soreseeing the desolation that might ensue unless by the grace and mercy of God the said Troubles were speedily pacifi'd We in order to put an end to the same to remedy the Afflictions that proceed from thence to restore and make our Subjects live in Peace Union Quiet and Tranquility as it has always been our intention Let it be known that after having taken the good and prudent Advice of the Queen our most dear and most honour'd Lady and Mother of our most dear and most beloved the Duke of Anjou our Lieutenant General and the Duke d' Alencon Princes of car Blood and other great and notable Persons of our Privy-Council We have by their good Counsel and Advice and for the Causes and Reasons abovesaid and other good and great Considerations Us thereunto moving by this our present Edict perpetual and irrevocable said declar'd enacted and do ordain will and resolve what followeth I. That the remembrance of all things past on both sides from the very beginning of and since the Troubles happen'd in our said Kingdom and on the account of the same shall be extinguish'd and laid aside as of matters happen'd that had never and that it shall not be lawful for our Atorney-General neither for any Publick or Private Persons whatever at any time nor on any occasion soever to mention the same or to commence any Process or suit thereof in any Court or Jurisdiction II. We forbid all our Subjects of what Estate or Quality soever to revive the remembrance thereof to injure or provoke each other by Reproaches for what is past To dispute contest quarrel wrong or offend one another in Word or Deed but to forbear and live peaceably together like Brethren Friends and Fellow-Citizens on pain for the Delinquents of being punish'd as Infractors of the Peace and Perturbators of the Publick quiet III. It is our Will and Pleasure that the Roman Catholick Religion shall be restor'd in all parts and places of this our Kingdom and Countrys under our Obedience where the exercise of the same has interrupted there to be freely and peaceably exercis'd without the least trouble or hindrance on the Penalties above mention'd And that all those who during the present War have seis'd on Houses Goods or Revenues belonging to Ecclesiasticks or other Catholicks who detain and possess the same shall surrender them the intire possession and peaceable enjoyment thereof with the same freedom and safety they enjoy'd them before their being dispossess'd of the same IV. And that there may remain no occasion of difference and contention among our Subjects We have and do allow those of the said Pretended Reform'd Religion To live and inhabit in all the Cities and parts of this our Kingdom and Territories under our Obedience without being urg'd vex'd or molested or constrain'd to do any thing against their Conscience in point of Religion Nor examin'd in their Houses or places where they shall inhabit upon the said account provided they behave themselves according to what is contain'd in the present Edict V. We have also given leave to all Gentlemen and other persons actual Inhabitants and others possessing in our Kingdom and Territories under our Obedience High Jurisdiction or Full * Fief d' Haubert as in Normandy whether in Proper or Vse-Frint in the whole or in a part to have in such their Houses of the said High-Jurisdiction or Fief which they shall nominate for their Principal abode to our Bailiffs and Seneschals every one in
shall chuse swear to keep and observe our said Edict shall make them guard each other charging them respectively and by publick Act to answer for the Transgressions that shall be made to the said Edict in the said City by the Inhabitants thereof respectively or else to secure and deliver up the said Transgressors into the hands of Justice XLIII And to the end that our Justices and Officers as well as all other our Subjects may be clearly and with all certainty inform'd of our Will and Intention and to remove all Doubts and Ambiguities and Cavillings that might be made in relation to the precedent Edicts We have and do declare all other Edicts Letters Declarations Modifications Restrictions and Interpretations Decrees and Registers as well secret as all other Deliberations heretofore made in our Courts of Parliament and others that might hereafter be made to the prejudice of our said present Edict concerning the case of Religion and the Troubles occasion'd in this our Kingdom to be void and of no effect To all which and the Derogatories therein contained we have by this our Edict derogated and do derogate and from this very time as for then do cancel revoke and annul them Declaring expresly That it is our Pleasure that this our said Edict should be sure firm and inviolable kept and observed by our said Justices Officers and Subjects without respecting or having the least regard to whatever might be contrary and derogating to this XLIV And for the greater assurance of the maintenance and observation we desire of this it is our Will Command and Pleasure That all Governors of our Provinces our Lieutenant-Generals Bailiffs Seneschals and other ordinary Judges of the Cities of this our Kingdom immediately upon receit of this our said Edict shall swear The same to keep and observe cause to be kept and observ'd and maintain'd every one in their Precinct as also the Mayors Sheriffs Capitouls and other Officers Annual or Temporal as well the present after the reception of the said Edict as their Successors in taking the Oath they are used to take when they are admitted into the said Places and Offices of which Oaths publick Acts shall be expedited to all such as shall require it We also require our Trusty and Well-beloved the Persons holding our Courts of Parliament immediately upon receit of this present Edict to cease all their Proceedings and on pain of Nullity of the Acts they should pass otherwise to take the like Oath and to cause our said Edict to be Published and Registred in our said Courts according to the Form and Tenor thereof purely and plainly without any Modifications Restrictions Declaration or secret Register and without expecting any Mandamus or Order from us And our Attornies-General to require and pursue the immediate Publication thereof without any delay the which we will have perform'd in the Two Camps and Armies within six Days after the said Publication made in our Court of Parliament of Paris in order to send back the Strangers forthwith Injoyning likewise our Lieutenants-General and Governors speedily to Publish and to cause this our said Edict to be published by the Bailiffs Seneschals Mayors Sheriffs Capitouls and other ordinary Judges of the Cities of their said Government where-ever it will be necessary As also the same to keep observe and maintain every one in his Precinct in order to put a speedy stop to all Acts of Hostility and to all Impositions made or to be made upon the account of the said Troubles after the Publication of our present Edict Which from the Moment of the said Publication we declare liable to Punishment and Reparation viz. against such as shall use Arms Force and Violence in the Transgression and Infraction of this our present Edict hindering the Effect Execution or Injoyment thereof with Death without hope of Pardon or Remission And as for the other Infractions that shall not be made by way of Arms Force or Violence they shall be punish'd by other Corporal Inflictions as Banishments Amende Honourable and other Pecuniary Punishments according to the Nature and Exigency of the Offences at the Will and Pleasure of the Judges to whom we have assign'd the Cognizance thereof Ingaging their Honours and Consciences to proceed therein with all the Justice and Equality the Cause shall require without respect or exception of Persons or Religion Therefore we command the said Persons holding our Courts of Parliament Chambers of our Accounts Courts of Aids Bailifs Seneschals Provosts and other our Justices and Officers whom it may concern or their Lieutenants this our present Edict and Ordinance to cause to be Read Publish'd and Register'd in their Courts and Jurisdictions and the same to maintain keep and observe in all Points and all whom it may concern the same fully and peaceably to use and to enjoy ceasing and causing all Troubles and Hinderances thereunto contrary to cease For such is our pleasure In witness whereof we have sign'd these presents with our own hand and to the same to the end that it may be firm and lasting for ever we have caus'd our Seal to be affix'd Given at St. Germain en Lays in the Month of August in the Year of our Lord 1570. and of our Reign the Tenth Sign'd Charles And beneath it by the King being in his Council Sign'd De Neufville And on the side Visa and Seal'd with the great Seal with green Wax upon Knots of red and green Silk Read Publish'd and Registred at the request and desire of the King's Attorney-General at Paris in Parliament on the 11th of August 1570. Sign'd Tu Tillet Edict of Pacification made by King Henry the 3d in order to put an end to the Troubles of his Kingdom and to make all his Subjects thenceforward live in Peace and Quietness Vnion and Concord under his Obedience Read and Publish'd in the Court of Parliament the 8th of October 1577. HEnry by the Grace of God King of France and Poland to all present and to come Greeting God who is the Searcher of the hearts of Men and sees the bottom of their thoughts shall always be Judge for us that our Intention has never been other than to Reign according to his Holy Commandments and to govern our Subjects in all uprightness and Justice approving our self a Common Father to all who has no other end but their welfare and quiet In order thereunto we have always us'd our utmost endeavours to do whatever we judg'd most proper according to the occasions and times even with a design to establish a certain Peace in this our Kingdom and to provide against the Disorders and Abuses that have crept in to the same through the License of such long Troubles and to restore it to its Pristine Dignity and Splendor To which end we did convene our Estates General in our City of Blois where several things were treated of and particularly upon matter of Religion it being propos'd by some that one of the best Remedies
during the said Troubles shall be remov'd XLIX All Places Cities and Provinces of our said Kingdom Territories Lands and Lordships under our Obedience shall use and enjoy the same Priviledges Immunities Liberties Franchises Fairs Markets Jurisdictions and Seats of Justice as they did before the present and precedent Troubles all Letters to the contrary and the removing of any of the said Tribunals notwithstanding provided those things have only been done upon the account of the Troubles the which Tribunals shall be restor'd and re establish'd into the Cities and Places where they were before L. In such Cities as have been dismantled during the pass'd and present Troubles it shall be lawful for the Inhabitants to rebuild and repair the Ruins and Dismantlings of the same with our leave at their own cost and charges LI. Such of the said pretended Reform'd Religion and others who have been ingag'd in their Party which had taken to Farm before the present Troubles any Registries or other Demean and Rights to us belonging which they have not been able to enjoy by reason of the said Troubles shall remain discharg'd as we do hereby discharge them of what they have not receiv'd of the said Farms since the 24th of August 1572. as also of what they have paid without fraud in places not belonging to the Receipt of our Revenues all Obligations pass'd by them upon the same notwithstanding LII And to the end that no body may doubt of the good Intention of our said Brother the King of Navar and of our said Cousin the Prince of Conde We have said and declar'd do say and declare that we hold and repute them our good Kinsmen faithful Subjects and Servants LIII As also all the Lords Knights Gentlemen Officers and other Inhabitants of Cities Corporations Villages and other places of our said Kingdom and Countries under our command who have follow'd succour'd and favour'd them in any part whatever for our good and loyal Subjects declaring all Decrees Informations and proceedings made and given against them upon the account of the said Troubles void and of no effect as things never done nor happen'd willing the same to be raz'd out of the Registers of the Chief Clerk's Offices both of our Courts of Parliament and other Jurisdictions where they have been recorded LIV. We also declare that we hold and repute our Cousin Duke John Cazimir for our good Neighbour Kinsman and Friend LV. We do also acquit and discharge our said Brother and Cousin the King of Navar and Prince of Conde as well as all the Lords Knights Gentlemen Officers Corporations of Cities and Communities and all others that have abetted and succour'd them their Heirs and Successors for all Sums taken and rais'd by them or their Orders out of our Offices of Receipt and Revenues to whatever sum or sums they may amount as well as out of Cities Corporations and from particular persons Rents Revenues Plate Sales of Estates Goods both Ecclesiastical and others Forests belonging to us or others Fines Booties Ransoms or other Sums taken by them upon the account of the present and precedent Troubles and that neither they nor any that have been employ'd by them for the raising of the said Sums or that have given and furnish'd them by their Ordinances shall any wise be liable to be call'd to an account for the same either at present or for the future And that both they and their Clerks shall remain acquitted for all the management and Administration of the said Sums only producing for a full Discharge within four Months after the publication of our present Edict given in our Court of Parliament at Paris acquittances duly expedited by our said Brother and Cousin the King of Navar and Prince of Conde or by such as shall have been by them committed for the audit and closing of their Accounts or from the Corporations of the Cities that have been employ'd and intrusted during the said Troubles They shall also remain acquitted and discharg'd for all Acts of Hostility Levies and marching of Soldiers Coining and Rating of Species made according to the order of the said Chiefs Casting and taking of Artillery and Stores both out of our Magazine and from particular persons making of Powder and Saltpeter taking fortifying dismantling and demolishing of Cities Castles Towns Enterprises upon the same Burning and demolishing of Churches and Houses establishing of Courts of Justice Judgments and Executions of the same either in Civil or Criminal Causes Civil Government and Regulations made among themselves Voyages Intelligences Negotiations Treaties and Contracts made with all Foreign Princes and Communities introducing of the said Strangers into the Cities and other parts of this our Kingdom and generally for all that has been done manag'd and negotiated during the present or past troubles since the Death of our late Lord and Father by those of the pretended Reform'd Religion and others that have been engag'd in their Party although it be not particularly express'd and specifi'd LVI And those of the said Religion and others that have adhered to them shall give over and desist from this time forward from all Practices Leagues and Intelligences they hold out of our said Kingdom as also all other our Subjects that might have held any And all Leagues Associations Fellowships contracted or to be contracted under any pretence whatever to the prejudice of our present Edict shall be cancell'd and annul'd as we do cancel and annul them forbidding our Subjects most expresly to make any Assessments or raise Money without our leave Fortifications listing of men Congregations and Assemblies other than such as are allow'd them by our said present Edict and without Arms Which we do prohibit and forbid them on pain of severe punishment as contemners and infracters of our Commands and Orders LVII All Prizes taken both by Sea and Land by vertue of the Licenses and Warrants given which have been judg'd by the Judges of the Admiralty and other Commissioners deputed to that end by those of the said Religion shall remain dormant under the benefit of our present Edict for which no prosecution shall be made neither shall the Captains their Securities and the said Judges Officers and others be call'd to an account for the same nor molested in any kind whatever All Letters of Mark and Seisures depending and not judg'd notwithstanding of which we will have them absolutely discharg'd and releas'd LVIII It is also our will and pleasure That the Children of such as have retir'd out of our said Kingdom since the Death of the late King Henry our most honour'd Lord and Father upon the account of Religion and the Troubles altho the said Children are born out of our said Kingdom shall be acknowledg'd as true Natives of France and actual Inhabitants thereof and such we have and do declare them to be without their being oblig'd to take any Letters of Naturalization or other provisions from us besides the present Edict All Ordinances thereunto
That all the Ecclesiasticks shall freely return into the said City perform Divine Service freely and enjoy their Estates together with all the Catholick Inhabitants and the said Prince shall take all the said Ecclesiasticks and other Inhabitants under his Protection and Safeguard to the end that they may not be hindred from performing the said Divine Service molested or troubled in their Persons or in the enjoyment of their Estates but on the contrary restor'd to the full possession of the same XXXVII The said Prince of Condé shall present and nominate unto his said Majesty the Person to whom he shall trust the keeping of the said City to the end that Letters-Patent may be granted him for the same by his said Majesty as it has been done heretofore XXXVIII For the Guard and Safety of the said City shall be allow'd to the said Prince 50 men maintain'd at his Majesty's Charge besides the Dividend the said King of Navarre shall allow him out of the 800 men that are left to him for the Guard of the other Cities his said Majesty willing that the 850 men allow'd as aforesaid to the said King of Navarre and Prince of Condé shall be employed for the Garison of the said Cities as it has been agreed and that they shall be employ'd no where else without express Command from his said Majesty to avoid oppressing of his people and to remove all cause of Jealousie from among his Subjects His said Majesty also meaning that the said 850 men shall be disbanded at the expiration of the Term allow'd and the time of the Restitution of the said Cities XXXIX By the General Articles the City of Montpellier is left in keeping to those of the said Religion for the Retreat and Safety of those of the County of Languedoc but his said Majesty means it in case the said City be still in the hands and in the power of those of the said Religion on the day these Articles shall be granted and sign'd in this City of Bergerac and not otherwise in which case instead of the said City his Majesty shall allow them another of those that are at present within their Power in the said Countrey of Languedoc at their Choice XL. His said Majesty shall write to his Ambassadors to require and desire for all his Subjects of whatever Religion they be That they may not be troubled as to their Constience nor be liable to the Inquisition in going and coming Negotiating and Trading throughout all Spain Italy and other Foreign Countries Allies and Confederates of this Crown provided they do not offend the Civil Government XLI All Pieces of Ordinance belonging to his said Majesty that have been taken during the present or precedent Troubles shall be immediately restor'd and put into his said Majesty's Magazines except such as are in the Cities given for Surety which shall remain in them an Inventory being made of the same in order to their being restor'd at the Expiration of the aforesaid Term of Six Years XLII Whereas if all that has been done against the Regulations on both sides were indifferently excepted out of the General Pardon there is no man in the Army but might be prosecuted and troubled which might occasion new Troubles it has been thought fit to grant that none but execrable Crimes shall be excepted out of the said General Pardon viz. Ravishments of Women Incendiaries Murthers Robberies committed treacherously and out of private Revenge against the Laws of War Infraction of Passports and Safeguards together with Murthers and Plunders without Command out of consideration to those of the said Religion and others who have been engag'd in the Party of the King of Navarre or the Prince of Condé grounded upon particular occasions that have oblig'd them to command and order it XLIII It shall be ordain'd That whatever shall be taken on either side by way of Hostility or otherwise upon any acconnt whatever proceeding from the present Troubles from and upon the 17th of the present month on which the Articles have been granted agreed upon and sign'd in this City of Bergerac shall be liable to Restitution and Civil Reparation XLIV As for the City of Avignon and Venaissin County his Majesty desiring that the Inhabitants thereof may share and enjoy the fruit of the Peace he hopes to settle in his Kingdom by the assistance of God both out of consideration to our Holy Father the Pope and because the said City and County have always been under the Protection of the Kings his Predecessors and that it is a thing very material towards the establishing of the said Peace in the adjacent Provinces his said Majesty will intreat his said Holiness to allow the Subjects of this Kingdom who have Estates in the said City of Avignon and County as also to the Subjects of the said City and County who are of the said Religion to be restor'd and reestablish'd into the entire and peaceable Injoyments of their Estates which they have been depriv'd of upon the account of the Troubles past and of the said Religion without their being liable to be troubled in the said Possession upon the said account Which being done those who occupy and detain at present in the said Country Cities and Places belonging either to his Holiness or his Subjects shall be oblig'd to deliver them forthwith and without delay into the hands of such as shall be nominated by his said Holiniess for that purpose For the effecting of which the King of Navar and the Prince of Conde shall dispatch a Gentleman on purpose to those that are detainers of the said places to signify the same unto them and to require and order them to obey which in case they refuse to do the said King of Navar and Prince of Conde do promise both in their Names and in the Names of those of the said Religion and others who have been ingag'd in their Party neither to Aid Comfort or Assist them His Majesty also promises That in case after the Restitution and delivery of the said Places in the hands of such as shall be ordered by his said Holiness any of his Majesty's Subjects having Estates in the said Cities and County or of his Holiness's Subjects professing the said Religion should be disturb'd in the injoyment of their said Estates upon the account of the said Religion he will grant them Letters of Mart and Reprisal upon the Estates that are possess'd by the Subjects of the said City and County of Avignâ—n in the Countries under his Obedience which Letters shall be directed to that end to the Judges to whom of Right the Cognizance of such things appertains XLV The Sums that are necessary to be rais'd for the payment of what is due to the * Reisters both for the present and precedent Troubles shall be impos'd equally upon all his Majesty's Subjects And whereas those of the said Religion pretend that the main part of the Money destin'd for the payment of the said Reisters
for the precedent Troubles was rais'd before the 24th of August 1572. and was taken from them and remitted and that his Majesty might by surprize have made a Gift of the said Money to some particular Persons It is his Majesty's Pleasure that those who have had the said Money on any account and under any pretence shall be oblig'd by lawful and reasonable means to restore the same And that whatever Receivers and others who have still Money of that kind in their hands shall also be oblig'd to deliver it forthwith into the hands of his Majesty's Receivers-General and that by Imprisoning of them if necessary Upon the account of which his said Majesty has and does discharge those of the said Religion of all Obligations and Promises made and given by them upon that account both to his said Majesty the Reisters and all others XLVI The said King of Navar and those of the said Religion having made Application to his said Majesty for the payment of the Reisters due to the said John Casimir his Colonels and Rent-masters His said Majesty has declar'd That he will endeavour to do it as soon as ever the necessity of his Affairs will permit him XLVII And as to the Six hundred thousand Livers which those of the said Religion say were allow'd them by the last Peace to impose upon and raise among themselves in order to pay some Sum due by them It has been granted them That in case they can produce the said permission and make it appear that nothing has been rais'd by them by Virtue thereof and that the Sums for which it had been granted are still due the said permission shall be confirm'd by his said Majesty XLVIII The Prince of Orange shall be restor'd to all the Lands Jurisdictions and Lordships he has in this said Kingdom and Territories under his said Majesty's Obedience In like manner shall be restor'd to him all Titles Instructions and other Papers concerning his Principality of Orange in case any have been taken and remov'd by the Governors and Lieutenants-General and others his said Majesty's Officers if what is aabovesaid has not been done already The present Articles have been made and granted by express Command from the King in his Majesty's Name and by his pleasure by the Duke of Montpensier and the Sieurs de Biron Descars S. Sulpice de la Mothe-Fenelon by vertue of the power given unto them by his said Majesty to conclude and agree about the pacification of the Troubles of this Kingdom on the one part And by the King of Navar the Prince of Conde and the Deputies of those of the said pretended Reform'd Religion the said King of Navar Prince of Conde and Deputies answering for all those of the Provinces of this Kingdom Countries Territories and Lordships under the obedience of his said Majesty who profess the said Religion and others who have been engag'd in their Party on the other Part. In Witness whereof the said Articles have been sign'd with their own hands in the City of Bergerac the 17th Day of September 1577. Thus sign'd in the Original Henry de Bourbon Lewis de Bourbon Biron Descars S. Sulpiae de la Mothe-Fenelon La Noue L. Dufaur Chancelor to the King of Navar S. Genis Chauvin Dufaur Clausone Deputy of Languedoc Morin Deputy of Guyenne Scorbion Deputy of Montauban Payan Deputy of Languedoc and according to his power Thore for the Isle of France De Signo Deputy of Dauphine Durand Deputy of Guienne Guyet and St. Beignon for Rochel Courtois Deputy of Vendomois Roux Deputy of Provence T. Davaux for La Rovergue Thus sign'd compar'd de Neufville and is written extracted from the Registers of Parliament Sign'd De Pontac Compar'd with the Manuscript which is in the King's Library by Me. Counsellor and Secretary of the King House and Crown of France and of its Exchequer of the Ancient College Sign'd Gon. The Articles of the Conference made at Nerac by the Queen Mother with the King of Navar and the Deputies of the Pretended Reform'd Religion IN order to facilitate the last Edict of pacification made in the month of September 1577. and to clear and resolve the Difficulties that have interpos'd and that might still retard the good Effect of the said Edict It has been resolv'd at the Request Supplication and Articles presented by those of the said pretended Reform'd Religion and agreed upon as followeth in the Conference held at Nerac in this present Month of February 1579. between the Queen Mother assisted by some Princes and Lords of the King's Privy-Council and the King of Navar also assisted by the Deputy of the Prince of Conde Lords and Gentlemen and the Deputies of those of the pretended Reform'd Religion I. That the High Justicers or those that hold full Fief d' Haubert either in Proper or Vse-Fruit in the whole Moietie or third shall be allow'd to continue the Exercise of the said pretended Reform'd Religion in the places by them nam'd for their principal abode although they and their Wives are absent from the same provided part of their Families remain in the said places and though the Right of Justice or full Fief d' Haubert be in Controversie yet the Exercise of the said Religion shall be continu'd there provided the above said persons are still in actual possession of the said Justice And as for the Publick Exercise of the said pretended Reform'd Religion in the places ordain'd by the King in case any of ihe said places prove inconvenient they petitioning the King to have it remov'd elsewhere his Majesty shall provide them another that shall be convenient for them II. That according to certain Letters-Patent granted by the King given at Paris on the 13th of Nov. 1677. conformably to the eleventh Article of what was agreed on at Bergerac on the 16th of September of the said year 1577. which through inadvertency had been omitted in the last Edict of pacification those of the said pretended Reform'd Religion are allow'd to buy build or construct places to perform the said Exercise of Religion in the Suburbs of Cities or in Towns and Villages that are or shall be allow'd them in every Baliwick and Seneschalship or Government and in the places where the Exercise of the said Religion is allow'd them by the Edict And such as shall be found in the said places that have been built by them shall be restor'd to them in the same condition they now are III. Those of the said pretended Reform'd Religion are allow'd to assemble before the Judge Royal and by his Authority to equal and raise among themselves such sums as shall be thought necessary to be employ'd for the maintenance of those who are employ'd to perform the Exercises of their said Religion of which an account shall be given to the said Judge-Royal for him to keep IV. That according to the 20th Article of the Edict of pacification the Judges and Magistrates of Cities shall forthwith provide convenient
to facilitate the Execution of the last Edict of Pacification The said Articles agreed on and sign'd on both sides at the said place of Nerac on the last day of the Month of February last past His Majesty has approv'd confirm'd and ratify'd the same wills and requires that they shall be put in execution according to their Form and Tenor and to that end that the Letters-Patent and all necessary Dispatches of the same shall be forthwith made and sent Done at Paris on the 14th Day of March 1519. Sign'd Henry And lower De Neufville The King's Edict about the Pacification of the Troubles containing a Confirmation Amplification and Declaration as well of the precedent Edicts made upon the same Subjecct even in the Year 1577. as of the Articles agreed on at the Conference held at Nerac publish'd at Paris in Parliament on the 26th of January 1577. HEnry by the Grace of God King of France and Poland to all those present and hereafter to come Greeting Notwithstanding that since the Agreement and publication of our Edict of pacification made in the year 1577. we have us'd our utmost endeavours for the putting of the same in execution and to oblige our Subjects to follow and observe it even so far as to put the Queen our most honour'd Lady and Mother to the trouble of repairing to the principal Provinces of our Kingdom to remedy and provide against according to her usual prudence the Difficulties and Obstacles which depriv'd our said Subjects of the benefit of our said Edict whereupon follow'd the Articles of the Conferance at Nerac between the said Lady accompany'd with some of the principal Princes of our Blood and Lords of our Privy-Council and our most Dear and most Beloved Brother the King of Navar assisted by the Deputies of our Subjects who profess the pretended Reform'd Religion Yet not having been able to our great regret to avoid the Troubles being renew'd in our Kingdom we have endeavour'd and us'd all the most proper and most agreeable means we have been able to devise to extinguish them and to deliver our said Subjects from the evils of War having to that end by our Letters Patent impow'd our most Dear and most Beloved only Brother the Duke of Anjou to cause our said Edict of pacification to be entirely executed together with the Articles of the said Conference of Nerac Who being since according to our Intention gone into our Country and Dutchy of Guyenne and there having upon the said Subject conferr'd at large with our said Brother the King of Navar and the Deputies of our said Subjects of the said pretended Reform'd Religion there conven'd and assembled The Articles annex'd to these Presents under the Counter Seal of our Chancery were there propos'd Which said Articles being sent to us by our said Brother we having examin'd and consider'd the same out of a singular desire to banish out of our Kingdom the Impieties Extortions and other Accidents occasion'd by the said Troubles to re-establish the Honour and Service of God make way for Justice and to relieve our poor people Have out of our own Inclination full Power and Authority Royal approv'd and ratify'd the said Articles The same do approve and ratifie by these Presents sign'd by our own Hand And it is our will and pleasure that the same shall be follow'd kept executed and inviolably observ'd according to their Form and Tenor in the same manner as our said Edict of pacification Therefore we command and require our Trusty and well-beloved the Persons holding our Courts of Parliament Chambers of our Accounts Courts of our Aids Bailiffs Seneschals Provosts and other our Justices and Officers to whom it may concern or their Lieutenants to cause the said Articles hereunto as aforesaid annex'd to be read publish'd register'd kept executed and inviolably observ'd in the same manner as our said Edict of Pacification and the Articles granted in the said Conference of Nerac making all those that are concern'd fully and peaceably enjoy and receive the benefit of what is contain'd therein putting a stop to all Troubles and Impediments to the contrary For such is our pleasure and to the end that it may be firm and lasting for ever we have caus'd our Seal to be affix'd to these Presents Given at Blois in the Month of December in the Year of our Lord 1580. and of our Reign the 7th Sign'd Henry And upon the Fold by the King Pinart And seal'd upon Knots of Red and Green Silk with the Great Seal and Green Wax And it is also written upon the Fold of the said Letters Visa Articles propounded and set forth in the Assembly and Conference held at Flex near the City of Sainte-Foy between the Duke of Anjou the King 's only Brother by vertue of the power given unto him by his Majesty and the King of Navar assisted by the Deputies of those of the pretended Reform'd Religion he answering for all the King's Subjects of the said Religion to be presented to his Majesty to be by him if such be his pleasure granted and approv'd And in so doing to put an end to the Troubles and Disorders happen'd in this Kindom since the last Edict of Pacification made in the Month of September 1577. and the Conference held at Nerac on the last day of February 1579. and to restore the King's Subjects in Peace and Vnion under his Obedience and so to provide by a good and speedy execution that henceforward nothing may happen among them to the prejudice of the said Pacification Article I. THAT the said last Edict of Pacification and secret and particular Articles granted with the same together with the Articles of the aforesaid Conference held at Nerac shall be really and in effect observ'd and put in execution in all and every particular which shall hold and stand good not only for the things happen'd during the preceding Troubles but also for such as shall or have happen'd from the time of the said Conference until now and that all the King's Subjects of both Religions shall enjoy the benefit of the Declarations Grants Discharges and General Pardons contain'd in the said Articles Edicts and Conferences for what has been done and committed taken and rais'd on either side during the present Troubles and upon the account thereof as they should have done for what had happen'd during the precedent Troubles excepting what is expresly derogated by the present Articles II. The Articles of the said Edict concerning the re establishment of the Catholick Apostolick and Roman Religion for the celebration of Divine Service in such places where it has been discontinu'd together with the enjoyment and gathering of the Tythes Fruits and Ecclesiastical Revenues shall be entirely executed follow'd and observ'd and those who shall transgress the same shall be rigorously punish'd III. In putting the 1st 2d and 11th Articles of the Edict in execution the King's Attorneys General shall be enjoin'd as well as their Substitutes in
Bayliwicks Seneschalships and other Royal Jurisdictions to inform against and make prosecution in the King's Name against all such who shall move Seditions c. and in publick shall utter Scandalous Expressions or any wise transgress the said Edicts Articles and Conferences in order to have them punish'd according to the Penalties inflicted by the same The which being omitted the said Attorneys and Substitutes shall be responsible for the said Infractions in their own particular Names and depriv'd of their Places without ever being restor'd or re-establish'd to the same And the Bishops and other Ecclesiasticks shall be requir'd to keep and to oblige the Preachers instituted by them to keep and observe the Contents of the said Articles and his Majesty commands the same most expresly to all others who speak in publick on the Penalties contain'd in the Edict IV. In consequence of the 4th 9th and 13th Articles of the said Edict all those of the said pretended Reform'd Religion of what condition or quality soeverare allow'd to be and safely to inhabit in all the Cities and pars of this Kingdom without being disturb'd or prosecuted upon the account of the said Religion under any pretence whatever they behaving themselves according as it is order'd by the aforesaid Articles of the said Edict They shall not be oblig'd to hang and adorn the Front of their Houses on the Festival Days on which it is order'd but only shall suffer them to be hung and adorn'd by the Authority of the Officers who belong to those places Neither shall they be oblig'd to contribute towards the Charges for the Reparations of Churches or to admit Exhortations when sick or at the point of Death either by Condemnation of Justice or otherwise from any but those of the said Religion V. The 1st Article of the Conference shall hold and remain in force altho the King's Atorny-General be a Party against the High-Justicers who were in actual possession of the said Justice at the time of the publication of the said Edict VI. In executing the 8 Article of the said Edict those of the said Religion shall nominate unto the King four or five places in every Bayliwick or Seneschalship of the Quality mention'd by the Edict to the end that being inform'd of the convenience or inconvenience thereof his Majesty may chuse one of them there to establish the Exercise of their said Religion or they not proving convenient to provide another for them within a month after the said Nomination which shall be as convenient for them as can be and according to the Tenor of the Edict VII And as to the Burying places of those of the said Religion the Officers belonging to those parts shall be oblig'd within a Fortnight after their being requir'd so to do to provide them convenient places for the said Interments without delays on the penalty of Five Hundred Crowns in their proper and private Names VIII Letters Patent shall be pass'd directed to the Courts of Parliament for the registring and observing of the secret and particular Articles made with the said Edict And as for Marriages and the Differences that shall arise upon the same the Judges Ecclesiastical and Royal together with the aforesaid Chambers shall take cognizance of the same respectively according to the said Articles IX The Taxes and Impositions that shall be laid upon those of the said Religion according as it is express'd in the 3d Article of the said Conference shall be executed all Oppositions or Appeals whatever notwithstanding X. Those of the said Religion shall be allow'd the Exercise thereof in the Cities and places in which it was perform'd on the 17th of September 1577. according to the 7th Article of the said Edict XI The King shall send a Chamber of Justice in the County and Dutchy of Guyenne consisting of two Presidents 14 Councellors a King's Attorney and Advocate persons of worth lovers of peace of Integrity and proper Abilities which shall be chosen by his Majesty and taken out of the Parliaments of this Kingdom and Great Council the List of which shall be communicated to the King of Navar to the end that any of them being suspected Persons it may be lawful to acquaint his Majesty therewith who shall elect others in their room The said Presidents and Counsellors thus ordain'd shall take cognizance of and judge all Causes Processes Differences and Transgressions of the Edict of Pacification the Cognizance and Jurisdiction of which has been by the said Edict referr'd to the Chamber compos'd by the same They shall serve two whole Years in the said Country and shall remove their place and Sessions through the Seneschalships of the same every six Months in order to purge the Provinces and to administer Justice to every one upon the spot Nevertheless it has been agreed that by the establishment of the said Chamber those of the said pretended reform'd Religion shall not be depriv'd of the priviledge and benefit which is granted them by the said Edict by the establishment of the Tripartite Chamber ordain'd by the same The Presidents and Councellors of which being of the said Religion shall remain united and incorporate in the Court of the Parliament of Bourdeaux according to their erection there to serve to hold a Rank and sit from the very day they have been receiv'd there and shall enjoy all the Honours Authorities Preheminences Rights Profits and Prerogatives as the other Presidents and Counsellors of the said Court. And as for the Provinces of Languedoc and Dauphine the Chambers that have been appointed for them by the Edict shall be establish'd and constituted there according as it is specifi'd in the same and by the Articles of the said Conference of Nerac And the next sitting of that of Languedoc shall be in the City of And that of Dauphine shall be establish'd according to what has been heretofore ordain'd XII The said Presidents Counsellors and Officers of the said Chamber shall be oblig'd to repair forthwith to the places appointed for their Sessions there to exercise their Office on pain of losing their said Offices and to serve actually and reside in the said Chambers without departing or absenting from thence without leave registred from the said Chambers which shall be judge in the Assembly upon the Causes of the Ordinance And the said Catholick Presidents Counsellors and Officers shall be continu'd there as long as can be and as the King shall judge it necessary for his Service and for the Publick Good And in licensing the one others shall be put in their places before their departure XIII All Sovereign and other Courts of this Kingdom are forbidden to take cognizance and judge Processes either civil or criminal in which those of the said Religion are concern'd until the Day on which the said Chambers shall sit or afterwards on pain of nullity Charges Damages and interest of the Parties unless they shall proceed voluntarily in the said Courts according to the 26 Article of the
said Edict and the 6th and 7th of the said Conference XIV The King shall provide valuable assignations to furnish towards the charges of Justice of the said Chambers and shall reimburse himself upon the Estates of the Condemn'd XV. The King shall as soon as possible can be make a Regulation between the said Courts of Parliament and the said Chambers according to the Edict and the 5th Article of the said Conference and consult some Presidents and Counsellors of the said Parliaments and Chambers about it Which said Regulation shall be kept and observ'd without regard to those that have preceded it XVI Neither shall the said Courts of Parliament or other Sovereign and Inferior Courts take cognizance of what shall be depending and introduc'd into the said Chambers which they ought to determine according to the Edict on pain of nullity of the Proceedings XVII In such Chambers where there shall be Judges of both Religions the proportion of Judges and Judgments shall be observ'd according to their establishment unless the Parties consent to the contrary XVIII The Recusations or Refusals propos'd against the Presidents and Counsellors of the said Chambers of Guyenne and Languedoc and Dauphine shall be allow'd to the number of six to which number the Parties shall be restrain'd otherwise they shall go forward without any regard to the said Refusals XIX The Presidents and Counsellors of the said Chambers shall hold no private Councils out of their Assembly in which also the Propositions Deliberations and Resolutions relating to the Publick Good shall be made as well as those relating to the particular State and Policy of the said Cities where the said Chambers shall be XX. All the Judges to whom the Execution of Decrees and other Commissions of the said Chambers shall be directed together with all Messengers and Serjeants shall be oblig'd to put them in execution And the said Messengers and Serjeants shall serve all Warrants throughout the Kingdom without requiring Placet Visa nor Pareatis on pain of being suspended and of paying the lost Damages and Interests of the Parties of which the Cognisance shall appertain to the said Chambers 21. No Evocation or removal of Causes the tryal of which is refer'd to the said Chambers shall be allow'd unless in the case of the Ordinances the return whereof shall be made to the nearest Chamber establish'd according to the Edict And upon the Revocation of the Removal and the annihilation of the Proceedings made upon the same Justice shall be done by the King at the request of the Parties and the issues of Suits of the said Chambers shall be try'd in the next Chamber observing the proportion and form of the said Chambers whence the Processes proceed XXII The Subaltern Officers of the Provinces of Guyenne Languedoc and Dauphine the reception of which belongs to the Courts of Parliament if they be of the said pretended Reform'd Religion may be examin'd and receiv'd in the Chamber of the Edict and none but the King's Attorneys General and those plac'd in the said Offices shall be allow'd to oppose and make themselves Parties against their reception And upon the refusal of the said Parliaments the Officers shall take the said Oaths in the said Chambers XXIII Such of the said Religion as have resign'd their Places and Offices out of fear of the Troubles since the 24th of August 1572. to whom by reason thereof some Promises have been made The said Promises being verified by them Provision shall be made for them by Law according to reason XXIV The 46th Article of the said Edict shall be intirely executed and shall be of force for the discharge of Arrears and Contributions and all other Sums impos'd during the Troubles XXV All Deliberations made in the Courts of Parliament Letters Remonstrances and other things contrary to the said Edict of Pacification and Conference shall be raz'd out of the Registers XXVI The Processes of Vagabonds shall be tried by Presidial Judges Provost Marshal and Vice-Seneschals according to the 25d Article of the said Edict and the 8th of the said Conference And as for the Housholders in the Provinces of Guienne Languedoc and Dauphine the Substitutes of the King's Attorneys General in the said Chambers shall at the request of the said Housholders cause the Inditements and Informrtions made against them to be brought into the same to know and determine whether the Cases are liable to Provost Courts or not that afterwards according to the nature of the Crimes they may be return'd by the said Chambers to be try'd by the ordinary Judges or by the Provostal Judges as they shall find it reasonable And the said Presidial Judges Provosts Marshal and Vice-Seneschals shall be oblig'd to respect obey and fulfil the Commands they shall receive from the said Chambers as they use to do those of the said Parliaments on pain of forfeiture of their Places XXVII The Ruins and dismantlings of all Cities that have been demolish'd during the Troubles may be by the King's leave rebuilt â—nd repair'd by the Inhabitants at their own charge and expence according to the Fiftieth Article of the Edict XXVIII The like Discharges and Pardons shall be granted in respect to the things done and happen'd on both sides since the said Conference until now as are contain'd in the said Edict in the 55th Article all Proceedings Sentences and Decrees and whatever has follow'd thereupon notwithstanding which shall be declar'd null and os no effect as things never happen'd derogating in respect to that to what is contain'd in the 25th Article of the said Conference the which notwithstanding shall remain in full force and vertue for the future In which Pardons shall be included the taking of Bazaz and Langon The first taken during the War in the Year 1576 and the other after the said Conference of Nerac and what has insued thereupon all Judgments and Decrees to the contrary notwithstanding XXIX After the publications of the said Edict in that part where the said Duke of Anjou shall be all Forces and Armies on both sides shall separate and retire and after their being retir'd that is after the French Forces are disbanded and dismissed and the Foreigners gone out of the Government of Guienne in order to march out of the Kingdom ¶ After the Cities hereafter mention'd shall be deliver'd into the hands of the said Duke of Anjou the said King of Navar and those of the said Religion and others who have been ingag'd in their Party shall be oblig'd to deliver into the hands of the said Duke of Anjou the Cities of Mande Cahors Monsegus S. Million and Mont aigu Which Mont-aigu shall be dismantled as soon as it is delivered to the said Duke of Anjou XXX Immediately after the delivery of the said Cities the said Duke of Anjou shall cause to be deliver'd unto the said King of Navar the Houses Cities and Castles belonging unto him which he shall leave in the condition ordain'd by the Edict and
shall answer in their own and private Names for all the Infractions that shall be made of the said Edict for want of punishing of the Infractors both in a Civil and Corporal manner according to the nature of the Offence XLVI And for the remainder of what is contain'd and ordain'd by the said Edicts Conferences and Articles it shall be executed and observ'd in every particular according to its Form and Tenor. Done at Flex near Sancte Foy the 26th Day of November 1580. Thus sign'd by the Duke of Anjou the King's Brother with his own hand Francis And by the King of Navar 's own hand Henry XLVII Since the signing of the Articles at Flex on the 26th of the last Month it has been agreed between the said Duke of Anjou and the King of Navar and those of the pretended Reform'd Religion that instead of the City and Castle of La Reolle mention'd in the 31st of the said Articles the Cities of Figeac in Quercy and Monsegur in Bazadois shall be left to the King of Navar and those of the said Religion for the surety of their Persons and shall keep them during the time that is remaining of six years granted by the Edict of Peace on the same account as the other Cities have been left to them And for the surety of the said Cities the King shall maintain for the said King of Navar two Companies of Foot each consisting of fifty men over and above the number of the other Garisons granted by the Secret Articles And good and valuable assignations shall be given for the maintenance of the said Garisons and the said City and Castles of La Reolle restor'd in the same condition as the other Cities not given in guard The whole according to the King's pleasure Dene at Coutras on the 16th Day of December 1580. Thus sign'd with the own hand of the Duke of Anjou Brother to the King Francis And the said own hand of the King of Navar. Henry The King having seen and maturely consider'd word by word the intire Contents in these present Articles propos'd in the Conference held between the Duke of Anjou his only Brother at Flex and Coutrax the King of Navar and the Deputies of those of the said pretended Reform'd Religion who were assembled there to facilitate the execution of the last Edict of Pacification the said Articles agreed on and sign'd on both sides in the said places of Flex and Courtras his Majesty has approv'd confirm'd and ratifi'd them wills and requires them to be observ'd and executed according to their Form and Tenor and that the Patents and Dispatches that are necessary be immediately made and sent Done at Blois the 25th Day of December 1580. Thus Sign'd Henry And underneath Pinart Read Publish'd and Registred Heard by and thereunto Consenting the King's Attorny-General in consequence of the other Letters concerning the Case of the Pacification of the Troubles of this Kingdom heretofore Publish'd and Registred at Paris in Parliament the 26th day of January in the year 1581. Thus Sign'd Du Tillet The King's Edict about the Pacification of the Troubles of this Kingdom Given at Nantes in the Month of April 1598. and Published in Parliament the 15th of February 1599. Together with the Particular Articles interven'd upon the same also verifi'd in Parliament HENRY by the Grace of God King of France and Navar to all those present and others to come Greeting Among those infinite Graces it has pleas'd Almighty God to impart unto us the greatest and most remarkable is To have given us the Constancy Virtue and Force not to sink under the horrible Troubles Confusions and Disorders which were on foot at our coming to the Crown of this Kingdom which was divided into so many Parts and Factions that that which was the most lawful was almost the least and yet nevertheless to have born up so stifly against that Storm as in the end to have overcome it and to be now entred into the Haven of Safety and Repose of this State The absolute Glory whereof be ascribed to him alone and to us the Favour and Obligation in that he was pleas'd to make use of our Labour for the performance of so good a Work in which it has been visible to the whole World that we have over and above the discharge of our Duty and Power done something further which perhaps at another time would not have been so agreeable to our Dignity which we have not been scrupulous to expose to that end since we have so often and so freely expos'd our own Life for the same And in this great Concurrency of such Weighty and such Perilous Affairs which could not be compos'd at one and the same time We have been oblig'd to follow this order first to undertake such as could not be determin'd otherwise than by Force and to defer and suspend for a time such as were and could be treated by Reason and Justice Such as the General Differences among our good Subjects and the Particular Grievances of the soundest part of the State which in our Opinion will be more easily cur'd after having remov'd the principal Cause thereof which was the Continuation of the Civil War Which having by the Grace of God succesfully ended and Arms and Hostilities being quite laid aside throughout our Kingdom We hope for as favourable a Success in the other Affairs that still remain uncompos'd and that thereby we shall obtain the Establishment of a good Peace and quiet Repose which has ever been the aim of all our Wishes and Intentions and the only Prize we look for after so many Toils and Hardships wherein we have pass'd the course of our Life Among those Affairs we were oblig'd to delay one of the chief has been the Complaints we have receiv'd from several of our Catholick Provinces and Cities in that the Exercise of the Catholick Religion was not universally re-establish'd there according to the Edicts heretofore made for the Pacification of the Troubles upon the account of Religion As also the Supplications and Remonstraces that have been made to us by our Subjects of the Pretended Reform'd Religion both upon the unperformance of what is granted them by the said Edicts and their desire of having some Additions made thereunto for the Exercise of their said Religion the Liberty of their Consciences and the Surety of their Persons and Fortunes pretending just Causes of new and greater Apprehensions by reason of the last Troubles and Commotions the chief Pretence and Foundation of which was their Ruin All which not to overcharge our selves with too much business at one instant as also because the Terror of Arms does not suit with establishing of Laws tho never so good we have still defer'd from time to time to make provision for and take care of But now since it has pleas'd God to give a beginning to our injoying of some Repose and Tranquility We esteem that we cannot imploy it better than in applying
their Houses or Places where they shall Inhabit in all other things behaving themselves according to what is specifi'd in our present Edict VII We have also permitted all Lords Gentlemen and other Persons as well Inhabitants as others who make Profession of the Pretended Reform'd Religion enjoying within our Kingdom and Countries under our Obedience High Jurisdiction or full Fief d'Haubert as in Normandy either in Proper in the Vse-fruit thereof in the whole or Moiety or for a third Part To have in such their Houses of the said High Jurisdiction or Fiefs abovesaid which they shall be oblig'd to nominate before to our Bailiffs and Seneschals every one within his Limits for their principal Abode the Exercise of the said Religion while they reside there and in their Absence their Wives or Families or part thereof And tho the Right of Jurisdiction or full Fief d'Haubert be in Controversy nevertheless the Exercise of the said Religion shall be allow'd there provided the abovesaid be in actual Possession of the said High Jurisdiction altho our Attorney-General be a Party We also allow them to perform the said Exercise in their other Houses of High Jurisdiction or abovesaid Fief d'Haubert while they are there present and no otherwise both for themselves their Families Subjects and others who shall desire to repair thither VIII In Houses of Fiefs where those of the said Religion shall not have the said High Jurisdiction or Fief d'Haubert they shall only be allow'd the said Exercise for their Families Nevertheless we do not mean that in case other Persons should chance to come in to the number of Thirty besides their Family either upon the account of Baptism Visitation of their Friends or otherwise they should be troubled for the same Provided also the said Houses are neither within Cities Towns or Villages belonging to Catholick Lords High-Justicers besides our self wherein the said Catholick Lords have their Mansions In which case those of the said Religion shall not be allow'd to perform their said Exercise in the said Cities Towns or Villages except by permission and leave of the said Lords High-Justicers and no otherwise IX We also permit those of the said Religion to perform and continue the Exercise thereof in all the Cities and Places under our Obedience where it was establish'd and by them publickly perform'd at sundry and divers times in the Year 1596. and in the Year 1597. until the end of August all Decrees and Judgments to the contrary notwithstanding X. The said Exercise in like manner shall be establish'd and Restor'd in all Cities and Places where it has or should have been establish'd by the Edict of Pacification made in the Year Seventy Seven Particular Articles and Conferences of Nerac and Flex Neither shall the said Establishment be obstructed in the Parts and Places within the Demean granted by the said Edict Articles and Conferences for Places of Bayliwikes or that shall be granted hereafter though they have been since alienated to Catholick Persons or hereafter shall be And yet we do not intend that the said Exercise shall be Re-establish'd in the Parts and Places of the said Demean which have been heretofore possess'd by those of the the said pretended Reform'd Religion in which it had been allow'd out of respect to their persons or upon the account of the Privileges of the Fiefs in case the said Fiefs be at present possess'd by persons of the said Catholick Apostolick Religion XI Moreover in every one of the Ancient Bayliwikes Seneschalships and Governments holding the Place of a Bayliwike having direct reference without mediation to the Courts of Parliament We ordain That in the Suburbs of a City besides those that have been granted them by the said Edict Particular Articles and Conferences And where there are no Cities in a Borough or Village the Exercise of the said pretended Reform'd Religion shall be publickly perform'd for all such as will repair thither altho the said Exercise were already establish'd in divers places of the said Bayliwikes Seneschalships and Governments excepting out of the said place of Bayliwike newly granted by the present Edict the Cities in which there are Archbishops or Bishops in which case those of the said Pretended Reform'd Religion shall be allow'd to demand and to nominate for the said Place of the said Exercise the Boroughs and Villages near the said Cities Excepted also Places and Lordships belonging to Ecclesiasticks in which we do not allow the said second Place of Bayliwike to be establish'd we having by special grace and favour excepted them Under the name of Ancient Bayliwikes we mean such as were in the Times of the late King Henry our most honour'd Lord and Father-in-law held for Bayliwikes Seneschalships and Governments having immediate reference to our said Courts XII We do not mean by this present Edict to derogate from the Edicts and Agreements heretofore made for the reducing of some Princes Lords Gentlemen and Catholick Cities under our Obedience in what relates to the Exercise of the said Religion the which Edicts and Agreements shall be maintain'd and observ'd for this respect according as shall be specify'd by the Instructions of the Commissioners that shall be appointed for the execution of this present Edict XIII We expresly forbid all those of the said Religion to perform any Exercise thereof either as to the Ministry Government Discipline or Publick Instruction of Children and others in this our Kingdom and Countries under our Obedience in what relates to Religion in any places but those that are allow'd and granted by the Edict XIV As also to perform any Exercise of the said Religion in our Court or Attendance nor likewise in our Lands and Territories beyond the Mounts nor yet in our City of Paris nor within five Leagues of the said City Nevertheless those of the said Religion who live in the said Lands and Territories beyond the Mounts and in our said City and within five Leagues round about it shall not be examin'd in their Houses nor constrain'd to do any thing in respect of their Religion against their Conscience behaving themselves in other matters according as it is specify'd in our present Edict XV. Neither shall the Publick Exercise of the said Religion be performed in the Armies unless in the Quarters of the Chief Officers who profess the same nevertheless it shall not be done in the Quarter where we lodge XVI According to the Second Article of the Conference at Nerac We give leave to those of the same Religion to build Places for the exercise thereof in the Cities and Places where it is allow'd them and those they have built heretofore shall be restor'd to them or the Ground thereof in the Condition it is at present even in those places where the said Exercise is not allow'd them unless they have been converted into other Buildings In which case the Possessors of the said Buildings shall give them other places of the same Price and Value they were
Provosts Marshals or their Lieutenants the said Provosts or their Lieutenants being Catholicks shall be oblig'd to call to the Proceedings of such a matter an Assistant of the said Religion who shall also assist at the Tryal of the competency of the Indictment and at the Judgment definitive of the matter which Competency shall only be try'd at the next Presidial Tribunal in open Assembly by the chief Officers of the said Court being actually there on pain of Nullity unless the Persons accus'd desire to have the said Competency try'd in the Chambers ordain'd by the present Edict In which case in respect to the Housholders of the Provinces of Guyenne Languedoc Provence and Dauphine the Substitutes of our Attornys-General in the said Chambers shall at the request of the said Housholders cause the said Charges and Informations against them to be brought before them to know and determine whether the Causes are liable to Provosts-Courts or not in order according to the nature of the Crimes to be return'd by the said Chambers to the Ordinary Judge or else to be try'd by the Provostal Judges according as they shall judge it reasonable and suitable to the Contents of this our present Edict And all the said Presidial-Judges Provosts-Marshals Vice-Bailiffs Vice-Seneschals and others who judge definitively shall be oblig'd respectively to obey and observe the Commands they shall receive from the said Chambers as they use to respect the Orders of the said Parliaments on forfeiture of their Places LXVIII The Publications of Sale and Seizures Outcries and Vendition of Inheritances by the * Spear in pursuance of a Decree shall be perform'd at the usual Places and Houses if possible according to our Ordinances or else in publick Market-places in case there be any Market-places in the Place where the said Inheritances are seated and where there are none it shall be done in the next Market-place within the Precinct of the Session where the Adjudication is to be made and the Paper of notice shall be fasten'd on a Post in the said Market and at the entrance of the Auditories or Sessions-house of the said Place and in so doing the said Publications shall be good and valid and they shall proceed to the passing of the Order for the Sale of the Goods without minding the Nulities that might be alledg'd in that respect LXIX All Titles Papers Instruments and Informations that have been taken shall be restor'd on both sides to the owners altho the said Papers or the Castles or Houses in which they were kept were taken and seiz'd either by Special Commissions from the late King our most honour'd Lord and Father-in-Law or from Us or by the Command of the Governors and Lieutenants-General of our Provinces or by the Authority of the Chiefs of the other side or under any other pretence whatever LXX The Children of such as have withdrawn themselves out of our Kingdom since the Death of the late King Henry II. our most honour'd Lord and Father-in-Law on the account of Religion and the Troubles tho the said Children be born out of this Kingdom shall be held for true French-men and Natives and as such we have and do declare them to be without their being oblig'd to take Letters of Naturalization or other Warrants from us but the present Edicts All Ordinances thereunto contrary notwithstanding to which we have and do derogate upon condition that the said Children born in Foreign Countrys shall be oblig'd within Ten Years after the said Publication of these presents to come and Reside in this Kingdom LXXI Those of the said pretended Reform'd Religion and others who have been ingag'd in their Party who shall have taken to Farm before the Troubles any Offices or other Demeans Customs Foreign Impositions or other Duties to us belonging the which they have not been able to injoy by reason of the Troubles shall remain discharg'd as we do hereby discharge them of what they have not receiv'd of the said Farms or what they have paid without fraud any where out of our Exchequer All Obligations enter'd into by them upon this account notwithstanding LXXII All Places Cities and Provinces of our Kingdom Countries Lands and Lordships under our Obedience shall have and injoy the same Priviledges Immunities Liberties Franchises Fairs Markets Jurisdictions and Seats of Justice as they did before the Troubles begun in the Month of March 1585. And others preceding all Letters Patents thereunto contrary and the Translation of some of the said Seats notwithstanding provided it was only done upon the account of the Troubles which Seats shall be re-establish'd in the Cities and Places where they were before LXXIII In case there be yet any Prisoners detain'd by Authority of Justice or otherwise even in the Gallies by reason of the Troubles or of the said Religion they shall be set at Liberty LXXIV Those of the said Religion shall not hereafter be surcharg'd or oppress'd with any ordinary or extraodinary Imposition more than the Catholicks and according to the proportion of their Estates and Substance and the Parties that think themselves overburthen'd may have recourse and shall be redressed by the Judges appointed for that Subject And all our Subjects whether Catholicks or of the said pretended Reform'd Religion shall be equally discharg'd of all Charges that have been impos'd on both sides during the Troubles on those that were of a contrary Party and not consenting as also of Debts created and not paid Expences made without their Approbation but yet there shall be no returns made of the Fruits that shall have been imploy'd for the payment of the said Charges LXXV Neither do we allow that those of the said Religion and others who have been ingag'd in their Party nor the Catholicks who dwell in the Cities Towns and Places held and detain'd by them and who have contributed to them should be prosecuted for the payment of Taxes Aids Grants Increase Assesments Wasts and Reparations and other Impositions and Subsidies due and impos'd during the Troubles happen'd before and since our coming to the Crown either by Edicts Orders from the late Kings our Predecessors or by Advice and Deliberation of the Governors and Estates of the Provinces Courts of Parliament and others whereof we have and do discharge them forbiding our Treasurers-General of France and of our Exchequers Receivers-General and Particular their Clerks Intermedlers and other Intendants and Commissaries of our Exchequer to prosecute molest or trouble them for the same directly or indirectly in any way whatever LXXVI All Commanders Lords Knights Gentlemen Officers Corporations of Cities Towns and Commonalties and all others who have aided and assisted them their Widows Heirs and Successors shall be acquitted and discharg'd of all Sums that have been taken and rais'd by them or their Orders as well belonging to the Crown to whatever Sums they may amount as out of Cities Towns and Commonalties and from particular Persons Rents Revenues Plate Sale of Moveables belonging to Ecclesiasticks
and others High Forests belonging to the Demeasne or to other Persons Fines Booties Ransoms or Sums of other natures by them taken by reason of the Troubles begun in March 1585. and other precedent Troubles until our coming to the Crown for which neither they nor those by them imploy'd for the raising of the said Sums or such as have given or furnish'd them by their Order shall be any wise prosecuted either for the time being or to come and both they and their Committees or Clarks shall remain acquitted and discharg'd for all the Management and Administration of the said Money bringing in for a full discharge within four Months after the Publication of the present Edict made in our Court of Parliament of Paris Acquittances duly expedited by the Chiefs of the said Religion or from those who were imploy'd by them for the Audit and clearing of Accounts or from the Commonalties of Cities which had Authority and Command during the said Troubles They shall in like manner remain acquitted and discharg'd of all Acts of Hostility Levies and Conduct of Soldiers Coining and Rating of Money done by order of the said Chiefs Casting and Taking of Artillery and Munitions Making of Powder and Salt-peter the Taking Fortifying Difmantling and Demolishing of Cities Castles Towns and Villages Enterprizes upon the same the Burning and Demolishing of Churches and Houses Establishing of Courts of Justice Judgments and Executions from the same whether in matters Civil or Criminal of any Policy or Government establish'd among them of Voyages and Intelligences Negotiations Treaties and Contracts made with all Foreign Princes and Commonalties and the Introduction of the said Foreigners into the Cities and other Places of our Kingdom and generally of all that has been done or negotiated during the said Troubles since the Death of the late King Henry II. our most honour'd Lord and Brother-in-Law by those of the said Religion and others who have been ingag'd in their Party tho it be not particularly specifi'd nor express'd LXXVII Those of the said Religion shall also be discharg'd for all General and Provincial Assemblies made and held by them both at Nantes and elsewhere since until this present time likewise for the Councils by them Establish'd and Ordain'd in the Provinces Deliberations Ordinances and Regulations made by the said Assemblies and Councils Establishment and Augmentation of Garisons Assembling of Soldiers Raising and Taking of Money either from the Receivers-General or from particular Persons Collectors of Parishes or others in any kind whatever seizing of Salt Continuation or new Erection of Impositions and Tolls and Receipts of the same even at Royan and upon the Rivers Charante Garonne Rone and Dordogne equiping of Ships and Sea-Fights and all Accidents and Excesses occasion'd by obliging People to pay the said Impositions Tolls and other Monies Fortifications of Cities Castles and Places Impositions of Money and Labour Receipts of the said Money turning out of our Receivers and Farmers and other Officers establishing of others in their Room and for all Unions Dispatches and Negotiations made either within or without the Kingdom And generally for all that has been done deliberated written and ordain'd by the said Assemblies and Councils for which neither those who have given their Advice Sign'd Executed and caus'd the said Ordinances Regulations and Deliberations to be sign'd and executed shall neither be prosecuted or troubled nor their Widows Heirs or Successors either at present or for the future altho the Particulars are not specifi'd here And upon the whole perpetual silence shall be impos'd to our Attorneys-General and their Substitutes and to all such as could have any pretence to it in any kind or manner whatever all Sentences Judgments Informations and Proceedings to the contrary notwithstanding LXXVIII Moreover we Approve Confirm and Authorize the Accounts that have been heard allow'd and examin'd by the Deputies of the said Assembly And order the same together with the Acquittances and Fragments that have been return'd by the Accountants to be carried into our Chamber of Accounts at Paris within three Months after the Publication of the present Edict and deliver'd into the hands of our Attorney-General to be deliver'd to the Keeper of the Books and Registers of our Chamber there to be view'd as often as shall be necessary neither shall the said Accounts be examin'd anew or the Accountants be oblig'd to appear or to correct any thing unless in the case of Omissions of Receipts or false Acquittances Imposing silence to our Attorney-General to whatever else might be thought defective or the Formalities omitted Forbidding those that keep our Courts of Accounts either at Paris or in other Provinces where they are establish'd to take any cognizance thereof in any kind whatever LXXIX As for the Accounts that have not been deliver'd yet they shall be heard pass'd and examind ' by Commissioners appointed by us who shall without difficulty pass and allow all the Accounts paid by the said Accountants by virtue of the Ordinances of the said Assembly or others who were in Power LXXX All Collectors Receivers Farmers and others shall be well and duly discharg'd for all the Sums by them paid to the Committees of the said Assembly whatever nature they were of until the last day of this Month. We order the whole to be pass'd and allow'd in the Accounts that shall be given thereof in our Chambers of Accounts meerly by virtue of the Acquittances they shall bring along with them and in case any should be expedited or deliver'd hereafter they shall be void and those who shall accept or diliver them shall be Fin'd as Falsificators And in case any of the Accounts already deliver'd should be blotted or raz'd and excepted against we do in that respect remove the said Scruples and allow the said Accounts to be good by virtue of these Presents and there shall be no need for all that is abovesaid of any particular Letters nor any thing else for all which the Extract of the present Article will suffice LXXXI The Governors Captains Consuls and other Persons imploy'd for the Collection of the Money to pay the Garisons of the Places held by those of the said Religion to whom our Receivers and Collectors of Parishes shall have furnish'd by way of Loan upon their Notes and Bonds either by force or to obey the Commands made to them by the Treasurers-General such Sums of Money as were necessary to pay off the said Garisons to the value of what was specifi'd in the settlement we caus'd to be made in the beginning of the Year 1596 and the Additions that have been since by us granted are hereby acquitted and discharg'd of what has been paid for the abovesaid use altho it is not expresly mention'd in the said Notes and Bonds the which shall be restor'd to them as annihilated And in order thereunto the Treasurers-General in every Generality shall order the particular Receivers of our Tailles to give the said Collectors their
Jesuits ibid. disgusted at pulling down the Pyramid 480 Refugees 431 Reiters defeated 50 Religion what sort of variety in Religion Policy ought not to tolerate 367. Religion reformed the nature of it 368 Rights of Conscience 377 Rights Seigniral in Mannors encroach'd upon 443 Rigors of the Catholics as to the burying of the Protestants 111 Rochel besieged 43 Rohan Duke of the Foundations of his Fortune laid 453. displeas'd by the Court 480 Rome Court of the Ignorance of it in Religion 136. laughs at the misfortunes of France ibid. the designs of it upon England 429 Roni his jealousies 214. his advancement discontents the Court 344. his dignities 345. Roni 431. receiv'd into Rochel 445. made Governor of Poictou 450. sent into England ib. sent the King's Commissioner to the Assembly at Chastelleraud 403. his Instructions 403 c. his Speech to the Assembly 407. he excuses the Consequences of the Vnion of Nantes 410. he obtains other advantages of the Assembly of Chastelleraud 412. congratulated for his Negotiation by Perron in the Pope's name 413. his Ambition very singular ibid. made Duke and Peer of France 415. he abuses his Authority without Fear or Wit 444 des Rosieres his Inconstancy 43 Rotan a suspected Minister 113 Roussel a Protestant Minister 8 S. SAvoy Duke of his persecution in Piedmont 314. and in the Marquisate of Saluces ibid. his Character 434. his continual Attempts upon Geneva 465 Scaliger Joseph 460 Schism in England 9 Schombergh Count Commissioner to the Assembly of Saumur 227 228. he treats with the Assembly 236 Sedan besieg'd 416 Sedition at Paris 31. at Rochel 445 428 Seditious terms complained of by the Reformed 476 Seguiran Jesuit his attempt to preach at Rochel 424 Sepultures disputes about 'em 340 Sieges of Rochel and Sancerre 43 Siege of Paris 74. reliev'd 75 Soissons Count 159 470 Sorbonne lets flie against the King 73 Soveraigns their chief obligation the preservation of their Subjects 379. may treat with their Subjects 384 Spaninards press the Destruction of all the Reformed in Spain 446. with a prospect to divert the Kings Forces by a Civil War 447 State of the Forces of the Leaguers and the Kings Party 68 State of France 204 States General demanded 45. conclude to destroy the Protestants 46 St. Germans Letter to the D. of Bouil lon 402 St. Marie du Mont charges du Plessis with false Accusations 396 Subjects their Preservation the chief Obligation of Soveraigns 379 Succession of England 429 Successors bound to observe the Treaties of their Predecessors 396 Sulli Rom's Title after his new Dignity 416. chosen Mediator between the Rochelois and the Clergy 416. 417. blam'd by Cotton the Jesuit 425. suspected by the Reformed 434. and why ibid. Superstition to extremity 21 Synod at Paris 11. at Bourges 10 Synod first Protestant National at Paris 429. National at Rochel held by the Protestants 41 Synod at Rochel 426. renew the Question about Antichrist 429. Affairs treated on there 431. breaks up and sends respectful Letters to the K. 436 Synod of St. Foy 47 at St. Maxiant 442. treats of the business of Antichrist ibid. At Saumur 215 Synods at Gap 455. Question about Antichrist their discust ibid. other matters of the same Synod 461. at Montauban 146. c. at Monpelier 304 Synod at Rochel 426 Synod of Gnap justifies Antichrist to be Antichrist 456. they admit forraign Ministers and receive Letters from the Palatinate c. 461 T. TAxis the Spanish Embassadors 446 447. 448. Third Party and its designs 102 de Thou President 226 227 234 235 299 Tithes confirm'd to the Roman Clergy 35 Toledo Cardinal 136 Tournon Cardinal opposes Melanchton's comming into France 9. he signalizes his Zeal against the Reformation 10 remov'd from the Government 14 Treatise of the Eucharist 309 Treaty's to the prejudice of the Reformed 138 Treaty express or Tacit between Master and slave Soveraign and Subject 380 Treaty with the Rochellois 216. with the Moors persecuted in Spain 438 Trent the Council there 12 13 translated to Bologna but remov'd back to Trent 13. remov d a third time by Pius IV. 34. and end put to it 36 Trimoville Claudius Allies himself with the Prince of Conde 50 Trimoville 143 144. suspected by the King 178. stands upon his Guard 200. his motives for War 226. raises Souldiers for the King 234 exasperated 265. Trimoville incurs the Kings hatred but the esteem of his party 299. made a Peer of France 351. his Genius 477. his death 478. his Death 478 Trissvirat the rise of it 29 Truce for six Months granted the Reformed 45. Truce with the League to the Kings prejudice 137 Turenne raises a Foraign Army 105. Marrys the Heiress of Sedan ibid. made Marshall of France ibid. V. VAlentinois Dutches exasperates the K. against the Protestants 13 La Varenne 123. a principal Prop of the Jesuits 454 Vernueil Marquis 470 Marchioness of Vernueil 439 Marchioness of Vernueil brought to Justice 470 Vignier his Book called the Theatre of Antichrist 442 Villarnoul 433 436 Villeroi suppos'd to be a Pensioner to the D. of Guise 49 Villeroi gives the King advice of the Third Party 103 Villeroi his Conferrence with du Plessis fruitless 107. Caballs against Roni 344. suspected to correspond with Spain 469. Suspected to be of the Spanish Caballs 469 471. Treason of one of his Officers 471 Violences against the Reformed 429 437 244 248 Union of the Reformed renew'd with the Kings approbation 133. Vnion of Nantes renewed 410 Vulson sent to Court 208 W. WAr every where in France 43 Wars about Religion most cruel 366 War with Savoy and the success of it 414 415 Writings about the point for taking up Arms for Religion 73 Y. YEar of Placarts and Libells 11 A TABLE Of the Edicts which serve as Proofs to the Part of this History THe Edict of Charles IX upon the most proper means to appease the Troubles and Seditions arising upon matters of Religion Jan. 1567. 457 Edict of Charles IX of the year â—57 about the Pacification of the Troubles in the Kingdom 466 The Kings Declaration and Interpretation of some words and Articles VI. and VII continued in the present Edict of Jan. 17. 1561. 462 Edict of Pacification made by Hen. III. for putting an end to the Troubles of his Kingdom and to the end that all his Subjects from that time forward might live in Peace Vnion and Concord under his Obedience Read and publish'd in the Court of Parliament Octob. 8. 1577. 477 Private Articles of Septemb. 17. 1577. The Articles of the Conference at Nerac between the Queen Mother and the K. of Navar and the Deputies of the pretended Reformed Religion 594 The Kings Edict upon the Pacification of the Troubles containing Confirmation Amplification and Declaration as well as of the proceeding Edicts upon the said matter in the Year 1577 as of the Articles agreed upon at the Conference at Nerac publish'd at Paris in Parliament Jan. 26. 1579. 515 The Kings Edict upon the
of Sully and takes the part of Senevieres the Assembly does the same The Court dissembles and the Marshal slackens An Oath of Vnion another Oath against underhand dealings both ill kept The Duke of Sully's case is examined who makes a long discourse to explain it The Assembly is of opinion that their Religion is concern'd in that Affair An Anonymous answer to the Dukes discourse The like writings in vogue during the Session of that Assembly A satirical Letter which divides the Reform'd into three Orders Malicious Zealous and Judicious Qualifications of the Queen True Charrcters of the Reform'd From whence the reports that the Assembly design'd to make a War did proceed Artifices of the ancient Enemies of the Reform'd Several Catholick Cities Arm themselves A Sedition at Orleans Du Plessis reinforces the Garrison of Saumur with the Kings leave Commissioners of the King at the Assembly who draw the general Cahier The Commissioners declare that they have no Power to Treat The Assembly sends Deputies to the Court and draw Five Cahiers The Court will have the Principality of Bearn to Treat seperately Vnion in appearance in the Assembly where discord breaks out at last The Power of the Deputies who carry the Cahier is limited The Deputies are well receiv'd at Court where they are slatter'd at first and deceiv'd afterwards Finally the Court proceeds even to threats and they are commanded to retire Letters are sent by them The Assembly expects the return of the King's Commissioners and excuse themselves from nominating six Deputies in which they persist after having heard Bullion Artifices to destroy the steadiness of the Assembly of which some Members suffer themselves to be corrupted Dangerous Councils imputed to the Marshal of Bouillon Bellujon is censur'd by the Assembly A Letter from the Court authorizing the inferior Number against the Plurality of Voices Bullion seems to accept a medium but retracts all of a sudden by a strange advice of the Marshal Duke Wise advice of Du Plesâ—is who wards the blow The Assembly nominates Commissioners Vexations of the Marshal about the success of his enterprise Nomination of the Deputies General THE whole Kingdom was sencibly afflicted at the Kings Death at least all those who were sollicitous for the welfare of France and were not as yet infected with the Maxims imputed to the Jesuits were wounded with the same Stab that sent him out of the World Even those that had been desirons of his Death and that have been suspected of having occasion'd it or at least of having been accomplicies in it were at first astonish'd as well as the rest and found them selves Invovl'd in Troubles they had not foreseen or for the preventing of which they had not as yet taken sufficient measures Altho the Tragical end of that Prince had been long a hatching yet they had not provided against all the inconveniencies that were likely to attend a Death so sudden Their thoughts being wholly bent on the success of their Enterprise they had not consider'd the Consequences Passion commonly occasions those Rash inconsiderate Attempts It hinders men from perceiving the effects of the satisfaction it has in view while it imploies them wholly in the pursuit of it And it is no sooner obtain'd but the pleasure of the injoyment thereof is interrupted by the sight of the inconveniencies that had not been consider'd And the mind astonish'd at the difficulties which Passion had conceal'd from it discovers too late the insufficiency of the Precautions it had taken to prevent them So that those who expected the greatest advantage by the King's Death found themselves at first at a loss about the Seditions his Death was likely to excite in the Kingdom The late King's Party was great and Formidable and had it been influenc'd by some Chief of consideration it would not have been difficult to punish the Enemies of that Prince for the joy they receiv'd by his Death Moreover there were still Seeds remaining of the former Factions which had they been reviv'd by the present occasion might have reduc'd the Court to great exstreams and perhaps to have been the Victim of those Disorders Therefore they were oblig'd to use a great deal of Caution and to endeavour by all manner of suppleness to oblige those who were capable to cause a disturbance to remain inquiet The Court met with very favourable dispositions to that end There was no Union among the great ones Jealousie would not permit them to chuse a Chief to command over them The Prince of Conde who could best pretend to it was then at Milan and before he could come back from a Place so distant and resolve upon what Party he had best to take it was very likely that all things would be settled and fix'd Moreover there are always too many Persons who only follow Kings because they are the fountain of Favours and Rewards And consequently who easily turn their inclinations and services on another side when Providence places the distribution of Gifts into other Hands The Court made an advantageous use of this disposition of minds They deceiv'd the most formidable by seeming to place a great Confidence in them and imploy'd them to hinder the Commotions of the People which perhaps would have gone far had any body undertaken to make an ill use of the general agitation They ingag'd all those whose Fortune was not settled and who were desirous to ingratiate themselves with those that could advance them to their Party by hopes of reward After those things had been taken care of which were most urgent the Court proceeded to the Affair of the Regency The Queen obtain'd it with so much ease That no body oppos'd it All the Orders or Degrees of the State striving to out do each other to express most devotion and respect towards her The next task was to secure the Reform'd whom they look'd upon to be the most difficult to be manag'd They had lost all in losing the King with whom we may say that they had seen two Qualities expire without which they could not expect that any would maintain them The one was the affection he certainly had for them by reason of the Service he had receiv'd from them in his greatest Exigency and because he look'd upon them as Friends that were worthy of his Confidence and necessary towards the success of his enterprises The other was Publick Faith and sincerity which he valued himself upon beyond all other Princes which made him so exact an observer of his Word that People commonly found more favour in the performance than he had made them hope for by his Promise Instead of that they found themselves at the mercy of a Council that was ill affected towards them in which their ancient Enemies were the strongest and in which a Cabal Reign'd of which all the designs tended to the ruin of the Protestants Moreover they were sencible that Italian Policy which is chiefly
of Assemâ—â—es in which he had too much Authority The Consiâ—â—ry of Montelimar where he was Minister took the adâ—â—ntage of his absence and of his Deputation to give his â—â—ce to another This was done without consulting him â—â—d without hearing him by some Intrigue or other in â—â—ich it is very likely that Lesdigneres had a hand since 〈…〉 was done in his Province before his eyes and in a place â—â—ere he had the power to do what he pleased And to agâ—â—vate the Injury the Consistory sent to search his House and â—â—bled all his Library with a great deal of Violence unâ—… pretence of taking some Papers which did belong to 〈…〉 Church The behaviour of the Consistory had someâ—…g so offensive in it and there appear'd so much conâ—â—pt in it against Chamier that he was extreamly offended â—…t and the more because his interest was concern'd in â—s well as his honour His Family his Estate and his maintance were at Montelimar and he could not remove 〈…〉 thence without disadvantage He was not a of humour â—â—ose patiently but at the same time he would not have â—…e any thing for his own Interest to the prejudice of 〈…〉 common Cause and he preferred Religion to Interest 〈…〉 thought it a great piece of injustice that his own Church â—…ld endeavour to ruin him that in order thereunto 〈…〉 took the advantage of his abscence to prevent the â—…n of his Brethren He complain'd of it to the Assemâ—â—â— as of an affront in which they were concern'd and â—…v'd to remove from Saumur to mind his own Affairs 〈…〉 was directly what the Court aim'd at in order to â—â—ken the Party they were afraid of by removing so â—â—d a head Ferrier had already shown the good examâ—â— of preferring private affairs to the General He had 〈…〉 the Assembly under pretence of his Son and Motherâ—â—â—w's being Ill. Had Chamier done the same every body would have found reasons to imitate them and the Assembly would have been dissipated insencibly But they stoâ— Chamier by doing him Justice The Assembly maintainâ— him in the Ministry of Montelimar and in order to remove the pretence the Consistory had taken they ordeâ—â—â— the Ministers of the adjacent places to Preach for him Alternately in his abscence The Synods confirm'd the saiâ— Regulation afterwards and Chamier serv'd the Church â—â— Montelimar untill he was Transferr'd to Montauban theâ— to serve the Church and the Academy But those particular affairs were not the real cause of thâ— Evil they only serv'd as an occasion to corrupt some â—â— the Deputies and to digust others It may perhaps seâ—â— strange that the Court should be unwilling to appear â—â—â— Cause of a Division they had procured with so much caâ—â— and which was so useful to them but two reasons may â—â— given for it The one that giving so many assurances of theâ—â— good Will to the Reform'd they were unwilling to bely theâ—â— by seeming to endeavour to disunite them The other that 〈…〉 the Catholicks did not approve the ruining of the Reform'd some because they look'd upon their union as the best defeâ—â— of the State against foreign Intrigues others becauâ—â— they were of opinion that the Publick Liberty was joyâ—â—â— to the preservation of the Reform'd whose Union was 〈…〉 powerful Fence against Arbitrary Power of which thâ—â— perceiv'd that the Policy of the Jesuits was laying tâ—â— Foundation The main design of the Court of Spainâ—â—â— â—â—â— either to engage France to ruin the Reform'd or to opprâ—â—â— the People which had never known what slavery was 〈…〉 then In all probability the Court of France was like 〈…〉 engage it self into irreconcileable difficulties if they â—…tred once into Wars of Religion with the Reform'd â—â— engag'd themselves by the Usurpation of an unboundâ—â— Power against People that were fond of their Priviledgâ—â— and accustom'd to reverence their King 's like Fathers because they us'd them like their Children For that reaâ—â—â— there were many Catholicks who would have been veâ—â— sorry to see the Reform'd driven out of the Kingdom Even â—n the Council those who had had a share in the late King's desings and had relish'd his Maxims had the same sentiâ—entiments and expected no good from the disunion of â—he Reform'd Some of the Members of the present King's Council have likewise had the same sentiments particularâ—y those who observ'd the course of Affairs during the Reign of Lewis the XIII This opinion has induc'd a zeaâ—ous Catholick Historian who has writen the History of â—hose Transactions in a stile full of Gall and Violence to Conâ—ess that the fall of the Reform'd would occasion that of the State and that the ruin of their Sect would destroy those very Catholicks that had occasion'd it This shows that the very designs of the Court not being approv'd by all the French they had no reason to own themselves the Auâ—hors of a Division which was look'd upon by so many to â—e contrary to the good of the Kingdom This is the reason for which in some relations about what pass'd in the Assembly of Saumur all the misunderstandings which renâ—eâ—'d it useless to the Reform'd are imputed to the particular affairs of the Members of it as if the Intrigues of the Court had had no share in it All these troubles did not hinder the Assembly from drawing very fine Regulations which would have been sufficient to render the Reform'd Invincible had it been as easie â—o put them sincerely in execution as to resolve upon them Such were those which related to the preservation of the Places of Suerty but particularly those that were resolv'd upon for the establishing of Councils in every Province The first Project of it was form'd in the Assembly of Ste. Foy and that of Chatelleraud resum'd the said design some years after it But the continuation of the War and afterwards the long Negociation of the Edict from which the Reform'd expected more surety than from their own regulations hindred them from pursuing the Project of Sainte Foy. and the Intrigues of Roni at Chatelleraud also hinder'd them from taking any resolutions upon that Subject But the King's Death having alter'd the state of Affairs the Assembly of Saumur thought themselves oblig'd to renew their antient precautions which the power of the Jesuits and the Artifices of those that were ill inclin'd made more necessary than ever Therefore they voted a Council in every Province compos'd of Gentlemen Ministers and Members of the third Estate who should be chosen by the Provincial Assembly and should be continued or chang'd once in two years in the whole or in part according as the Assembly should think fit The number of the Persons of which it was to be compos'd was not limited They allow'd the said Council a power to nominate the Persons and Places where the advices that should be given them should be directed and to advertise the Churches when it should be fit to convene a Provincial Assembly In
if he had a mind to â—…e angry on purpose to please them Neverthless he kept his word and whereas he always appear'd zealous 〈…〉 other things for his Religion this did not forfeit his Credit 〈…〉 the least in the Provinces of which some afterwards forbad the Ministers to assist at Political Assemblies and to preach against the Sentiments of private persons Before I make an end of what relates to the said Assembly 〈…〉 is necessary to give some account of the substance of their * Cahiers and of the answers that were made to them since they occasion'd those fatal divisions I will only give an abstract of them by reason that they are set forth at large at the end of this Volume They contain'd 57 Articles of which the three first demanded the re-establishment of the Edict and of its particular Articles in their first form and the verification of them in the Soveraign Courts The King refus'd these three Articles directly being willing as he said to conform to the resolutions of the King his Father which he call'd Good and Holy and who had explain'd himself upon that Subject in the year 1602 The fourth demanded Commissioners of which one should be of the Reform'd Religion and nominated by the Reform'd of the Province to which he was to be sent and the other a Catholick unless the Reform'd had rather leave the execution of the Edict to the Baylifs or Seneshals of the places which should be oblig'd to take a Reform'd Associate The King granted it for such places in which the Edict was not put in execution according as the Parliaments had verifi'd it The fifth demanded for the Reform'd Communities which did possess some Fief or some Judicature of the quality mention'd by the seventh Article of the Edict the right of performing the exercise of the Reform'd Religion there and the King referr'd them to the observation of the Article of the Edict without any Alteration The sixth demanded that the exercise of their said Religion perform'd in 1577 and 1597 however it had been establish'd even by Power of Fief altho the Fief were since possess'd by a Catholick even by an Ecclesiastick should notwithstanding be continu'd there The King without deciding whether the Articles 9 and 10 of the Edict were favourable or contrary to the said pretention referr'd them to the observation and maintenance of the same The seventh remonstrating that the exercise of the said Religion ought to be re-establish'd in certain places by Vertue of the 10th Article of the Edict of Nantes where it could not be perform'd without exposing the Reform'd to the danger of a Tumlt by reason of the long discontinuation thereof demanded that the right of it might be transferr'd to other places of the Province which the Synod sould appoint The King answer'd that the Commissioners should inquire both as to the right of performing the said exercise in those places and the reasons of the interruption thereof after which it should be regulated which made the Reform'd sencible that it would go against them by reason that the Possession of the same having been interrupted for reasons which the Court would approve of they would not think it fit to restore them The 8th renew'd the Petition that the Reform'd might not â—e oblig'd to qualifie their Religion themselves in Publick Acts with the Title of Pretended Reform'd The King refus'd it and referr'd them to the Answer made to the Cahiers of the Reform'd in 1609 by the late King The â—â—h requir'd that the Ministers might have the same exemption as the Ecclesiasticks The King referr'd them to â—â—e Exemption granted by the late King in 1604 by Letters Patent which only freed them from the Taille in that related to their Goods and Pensions The 10th grounded upon the 16 Article of the Edict demanded the restitution of â—â—e places that did formerly belong to the Reform'd without obliging them to justifie their Possession by Titles The King referr'd it to his Commissioners who should â—â—use a restitution to be made of those usurp'd Places provided the Reform'd could prove that they had lost their Titles or Writings In the 11th they desir'd an exemplary punishment of such Preachers Confessors and other Ecclesiasticks as did forbid the Catholicks to hold any Communication with the Reform'd as to serve them to nourish their Children to undertake their Affairs and who declar'd that all those who frequented them would be Damn'd In case they could not be seiz'd the Article requir'd their Superiors should be responsible for the same and that the Attorneys General and their Substitutes should â—e injoyn'd to see it perform'd The answer instead of the punishment requir'd forbad only according to the 17th Article of the Edict Seditious Sermons and Discourses and made a very mild Exhortation to Preachers to aim only in their Sermons to preserve publick Peace and Tranquility The 12th complain'd of the multiplicity of Festivals and desir'd that the Commissioners might retrench some of them in such places where it should be desir'd That neither they nor the Curates might be allow'd to become Parties in the examinations of the Contraventions of the same nor the Provosts Warders or other Officers to prosecute the same nor even Serjeants without a positive order from the Judge of the place The answer spoke nothing as to the restriction of the number and confirm'd the 20th Article of the Edict The 13th related properly to the Affair of the Duke de Sully and of the Catholicks that embrac'd the Reform'd Religion demanding the observation of the 27th Article of the Edict concerning Imployments and the re-establishment of such from whom any had been taken without observing the usual forms That is without having convicted them of any fault by which they could forfeit the same The ancient Jurisprudence of the Kingdom allow'd no other reason to take away a place from a Man unless he desir'd to be discharg'd himself for some known reason The answer said in a word that the Article of the Edict should be observ'd leaving a just cause to believe by that briefness that the King would allow no re-establishment of that Nature The four following related to Church-yards and Burials and demanded the confirmation of the Possession of the places which they had injoy'd since the verification of the Edict the delivery of some convenient places in those parts where they had none leave to perform their Burials in the day time even in such places where they were oblig'd by the Treaty to perform them at inconvenient hours and good regulations to prevent Seditions and Tumults in such places where the Gentry and other Reformed had right of Burial in the Chappels of their Predecessors The answers preserv'd to the Reform'd the possesion of the Church-yards which had been deliver'd to them by the Commissioners order'd others to be deliver'd to them according to the answer to the Cahier of 1602 referr'd to the Commissioners to consider in what places
their Burials might be allow'd in the day time without fear of a Sedition and refusing to allow the Reform'd to be Buried in the Churches by reason that it was contrary to the Canons prejudicial to the Catholick Religion and capable to give a Scandal and Discontent to those that profess'd it it only allow'd that the Commissioners being upon the place should seek expedients to preserve to the Successors of the Reform'd the Rights which belong'd to them as Patrons The 18th which demanded leave to establish little Schools in all Cities and Towns of the Kingdom receiv'd only leave by the answer to have one School-Master in the Towns in the Suburbs of which the exercise of the Reform'd Religion was allow'd there to teach reading and Writing only forbidding them to teach new Doctrines That is as it has been explained since even to make Children repeat their Catechisms and to receive above twelve of the Neighbourhood in any Place The 19th requir'd the same Privileges for the Accademies of Saumur and of Montauban as were injoy'd by the other Accademies of the Kingdom and the Answer putting the Change upon them allow'd them to establish Colleges in such Places where the Exercise of their Religion was allow'd and gave those Colleges the same Privileges of the other Colleges receiv'd and approv'd of in the Kingdom This signifi'd nothing by reason that the Immunities of simple Colleges erected by the Wills of private Persons are nothing The 20th tended to obtain that the Catholick Counsellors who were to serve in the Chambers of the Edict might be chosen with the Deputies of the Churches â—o the end that none might enter there but persons of Equity and Moderation and that the same might remain there at least three years without being chang'd but by the Answer the King look'd upon that choice as a right which only belong'd to him and which he would keep The 21st which desiâ—'d two places of Counsellors to equal the Chamber of Neraci to that of Castres was waved by the Answer under pretence that there were too many Officers or places in the Kingdom already and in order to answer the inconvenience of recusations which sometimes reduc'd the number of the Judges below that which was requir'd by the Ordinances the King allow'd the said Chamber to judge to the number of Eight as it was practis'd in some Parliaments The 22th complain'd that in most Causes the Catholick Judges were divided in the Chambers of Guyenne and of Languedock which they imputed to the Passion of the Parliaments who having the liberty to nominate to the King the Counsellors of their Courts which were to serve in the said Chambers always nam'd the most passionate Wherefore they desir'd that the number of those Counsellors might be fill'd up in part with some Counsellors of the Grand Council and part of those of the said Parliaments which the King should chuse himself upon the List The King refus'd to alter the method of forming those Chambers and promis'd to take care as to the choice of those that should serve in them to the satisfaction of the Reform'd The three following petition'd the Creation of some Offices especially in Dauphine and by the Answers the King said that Patents had been given for some and that he could not grant the others for which he gave a remarkable reason viz. That he had promis'd to make no new Creation in that Province The 26th contain'd complaints for that the Parliament from which the Causes of the Reform'd were remov'd to the Chambers of the Edict or Party-Chambers gave Decrees against the Serjeants who within their Precincts did Execute the Decrees of the Chambers into which those causes were remov'd and desir'd that since the Serjeants being frighted by the said Decrees refus'd to put the said Sentences in Execution his Majesty would be pleas'd to Create two Royal Offices of Serjeants in every Bayliwick to be given to the Reform'd and the following petition'd the same thing for two Offices of Notaries The King refus'd those new Creations and pretended to remedy the said Grievances by commanding those who had such Offices to make or receive all the Acts as should be demanded or offer'd to them by the Reform'd Three other Articles related to the Validity of the Certificates given by the ministers The regulations of the Judges and the time of descriptions of which the Chamber of the Edict of Normandy refus'd to deduct a certain number of years of which the Edicts allow'd the deduction in favour of the Reform'd and upon those Articles the King granted nothing new or at least of any moment The 31st demanded â—e revocation of a Clause which took away the right of transferring Causes into the Chambers of the Edict from those who had not made an open profession of the Reform'd Religion six Months before their requiring the said removal and this demand related particularly to Ecclesiasticks who after having chang'd their Religion remain'd oppos'd to the hatred of the Parliaments who were very â—ere against men of that Character The answer was very â—â—tile and in refusing to alter any thing about the Clause â—â— six Months the King promis'd that he would take care â—â— the Causes of the Ecclesiasticks if they made their applications to him The Reform'd were very sencible that â—â— meaning of this was that after having chang'd their religion the Ecclesiasticks would be us'd worse in the Council than in the Parliaments The 32d desir'd a right of transferration for the Reform'd Heirs to those that had ready proceeded before the Parliaments and for those â—o should have their right by Cession or otherwise The King refus'd it to the Cessionaries by reason that it â—â—ght be done fraudulently but he granted it to Heirs â—â—serving at the same time that the said Concession was a â—…our It is true but it was so slight a one that it was â—â—rdly worth observing the occasion of using it not occurring perhaps once in 50 years The 33d demanded â—â— Foreign Inhabitants or Traders in the Kingdom the â—â—e Priviliges as were injoy'd by the other Reform'd and particularly that of transferring of Causes The King by â—s answer reserv'd to himself to do them Justice incase they appeal'd to him The 34th desir'd that the Priviledge to take a Reform'd Assistant or Associate in all criminal Causes in which the Reform'd were concern'd might be extended to all the Provinces and not only observ'd for some which were specifi'd in the 66th Article of the Edict The King granted it for the instruction only but he would not allow the Associate a deliberative Vote in the Judgment of the Process The 35th desir'd that the Judgment of the Competence in Provotal Cases which by the 67th Article of the Edict was referr'd to the nearest Presidial Seats within the jurisdiction of some Parliaments might be transferr'd to the Chambers of the Edict as in the others The reason of this demand was evident The jurisdiction
the advantage of his Service The 52d desired the Liberty to perform the Exercise of the Reform'd Religion in all those Places and that no body might be allow'd to dispute that right Upon which the King order'd the observation of the Edict of Nantes in General Terms The 53d desir'd that the Jesuits might not be allow'd to have Colleges Seminaries or Houses in the places of Surety nor to Preach Teach Confess or Reside in the same and that throughout the Kingdom they should be reduc'd to the terms prescrib'd by the Edict of their re-establishment The King's answer engag'd him to nothing he said that the Jesuits not being allow'd to settle a College without his leave he would take care that the Reform'd should have no reason to complain The Jesuits had too much power at Court to suffer the King to make a more positive answer upon that Article The 54th desir'd the prevention of accidents that might be occasion'd by the Processions which the Catholicks affected to make in the Churches and Chapels of the Castles in which the Reform'd had but weak Garrisons and did propose some expedients in order thereunto The King referr'd them to what should be ordain'd by his Commissioners after having taken the advice of the Governours of the Provinces or Lieutenants General The 55th spoke of the necessary means to maintain or repair the Garrisons and to secure them desiring to that end the execution of the Answer made to the Cahiers of the Assembly of Gergeau The King allowed the reparations of the said places at the Charge of the Inhabitants and that they should apply themselves to the Council to obtain leave to impose such sums as should be necessary promising only some assistance in case of an urgent necessity The 56th desir'd that the Artilery Arms and other Ammunitions of War which were in the said places might be left there and not transported elsewhere that what had been already remov'd might be returned to them and that they might have their share of the Distribution of Arms and Amunitions which was made yearly to the other Towns of the Kingdom The Answer on the contrary order'd an account to be brought in of the Artillery and Amunitions that were in the said places in order to dispose of them promising only to leave so much as was necessary for the Defence of the said places The 57th desir'd that the General Assemblies might be held every other year that the Deputies General might officiate but two years and that the Assemblies might only be oblig'd to Nominate two that should be approv'd of by the King The answer was that he would allow such Assemblies when he thought fit and that they should Nominate six Persons There were some other Articles at the end of all those â—ating to the Churches of Bearn as I have said heretofore but the King's answer to them was That the Late â—â—g never having approv'd the Union of the Churches of â—â—at Principality with those of France he could not allow it neither but he promis'd to receive the particular â—â—titions of that Province Finaly the Assembly broke â—â— tho disatisfi'd with those Answers and the Deputies repair'd to their respective homes laying the blame of the ill success of their good intentions upon one another Those â—ho did side with the Marshal de Bouillon blam'd the obstinacy of the contrary Party imputing all the fault to that â—â—d the others upbraided these with having taught their enemies how to ruin the Churches by breaking the Union â—â—signedly and by a manifest Conspiracy Most of the Reform'd were very much disatisfied with the answers made to their Cahiers and seeing that instead of granting them â—â—y new favours upon their Complaints at a time when they had just reasons of diffidence their Privileges and Suâ—â—ties were incroach'd upon more than ever they apply'd â—â—e Fable of the Camel to themselves who complaining that â—ature had been unkind to him in not giving him Defensive â—â—rms as to the Lyon Elephant and Bull obtain'd no â—â—her fruit of his Complaints but to have his Ears â—orten'd So the Assembly having expected from the King 's â—ood Will some favour suitable to the time had only obtain'd illusive answers in which Injustice was joyn'd to Contempt During the Session of the Assembly there appear'd divers Books which made a Noise Mayerne publish'd one which was not proper to gain the Queens heart He maintain'd in â—t that neither Women nor Children ought ever to be admitted to the Government This was conformable to the Antient â—ight of the Monarchy which attributed the Regency to the nearest Princes of the Blood during Minorities But an expample or two to the contrary had remov'd the Princes from that Imployment and they were too poor or too weak at that time to resume their Rank The said Book wâ—… condem'd and the Author Fled Gourmandier had alâ—… printed a Treatise about the Right of Kings But it waâ—… prohibited as well as the other and all the Copies that couâ—… be met with seiz'd The pretence us'd for the said Prohibition was that the Author had mix'd divers Maxims 〈…〉 his Religion in the said Book which the Court did not approve But in general the true reason of it was that the Authority of Kings is a very nice Point which cannot 〈…〉 treated of without offending them in so much that King had rather that nothing should be said about it than evâ—… to speak advantageously of it Moreover the Doctrine 〈…〉 the Reform'd is commonly divided into two Parts upon the Subject which offend two sorts of People The one alloâ—… King 's a perfect Independency in relation to the Pope aâ—… the same authority over the Clergy as over the rest of the Subjects The other makes King's lyable to observe Equity and Justice The Fundamental Laws of the State the Oaths and Edicts and proposes the preservation of the Subjects to them as the Universal Rule of their Soveraiâ—… Power So that it is impossible for their Doctrine to 〈…〉 well receiv'd among Catholick Princes The first part eâ—… animates all the Roman Cabal against them and the secoâ—… all the Slaves of the Court The Clergy never scruples 〈…〉 Sacrifice publick Liberty to their own Grandeur and Pâ—…ces little value the Popes Enterprises provided they eâ—… an Arbitrary Power over their People Moreover theâ— was a particular reason for the Condemnation of the 〈…〉 Book The Doctrine of the Jesuits upon that Subject wâ—… detested by all the Kingdom and the condemnation 〈…〉 Bellarmin's Book was actually prosecuted in the Parliameâ—â— of Paris It was sufficient for those subtile Politicians to seâ—… themselves dishonour'd by Decrees from the Soveraigâ—… Courts they did not seem to be very sensible to those 〈…〉 fronts because they had been us'd to them and were haâ—… den'd in them from the very beginning of their Socieâ—… But they could not have endur'd that while they were treâ—… Enemies to Soveraign Power the Reform'd should be
forbid Provincial Councils for the future To anâ—… the other Articles nevertheless according to the â—en's promise not as being propos'd by that Assemâ—… which was reputed unlawful but as contain'd in a â—…tion presented by the Deputies General before Rouvray's â—hey To publish a new Declaration confirming the â—cts and granting a general Pardon for all those that â—…ld remain within the bounds of theâ— Allâ—giance The 〈…〉 Resolution ended by the project of sending the Marshals of France to perform their Circuit or Progress in thâ—â—â— respective Provinces according as it had been practis'd aâ—ciently and according to the obligation of their said Offâ—â—â— accompanyed with Officers of Justice and Forces to check aâ—â— punish the Guilty and to aid and assist the Good Tâ—â—â— was a threatning resolution which signified properly thâ—â— they would oblige the Duke de Rohan to obey by foâ—â—â— of Arms and punish him like a Rebel if they could caâ—â—â— him Those Circuits or Progresses which were sormâ—â—â— part of the Civil Government of the Kingdom and whiâ—â— were ordain'd to protect the weakest against the strongâ—â—â— and to incourage the oppress'd to complain finding theâ—selves assisted by Law and by the King's forces against 〈◊〉 might of the oppressors had been of no longer continuaâ—â—â— than Liberty They had been suspended for a long time and considering the behaviour of the Court and the Pâ—â—gress of Arbitrary Power it was easie to Judge that thâ—â— would not be re-establish'd or that they would not 〈…〉 in order to administer Justice The Marshal de Bâ—â—illon was to be one of them that it might not seem to 〈◊〉 an affair of Religion The Marshal de Brisac was to 〈◊〉 joyned to him in that Progress and the Forces were to 〈◊〉 divided as well as the Generals But finally whether 〈◊〉 were to Cost a Province or two they were resolv'd 〈◊〉 force the Duke of Rohan to obey and his resistance 〈◊〉 imputed to the mildness of the means that had been â—â—till then in order to reduce him Nothing of all this was put in execution but the Dâ—claration that was publish'd within a week after it whâ—â—â— was the third that appear'd that year It first enlarâ—â—â— upon the endeavours the King had us'd to maintain Pâ—â—â—â— among his Subjects according to the Maxim of the 〈◊〉 King who having granted the Edict of Nantes in ordâ—â— to remove all the fears and jealousies of the Reform'd 〈◊〉 relation to the Liberty of their Persons of their Consciâ—â—ces of their Honours and of their Families had happâ—â—â— govern'd his People in peace by the observation of that â—… of the secret Articles Breefs and Settlements made consequence thereof The King added that his endeaâ—â—s had not hinder'd his Subjects in general and even 〈…〉 Reform'd from entertaining jealousies of each other â—â—ch had induc'd them to augment their Forces to make â—â—ision of Arms to hold Councils and Assemblies which â—ather imputed to an ill grounded fear than to ill â—… having ever found the generality of the Reform'd 〈…〉 affected to his Service He said that the best way to â—â—edy that evil and to avoid the consequences thereof 〈…〉 to observe the Edicts inviolably in order whereunto â—order'd the Edict of Nantes that of the 22d of Mayâ—o â—o The private Articles the Decrees the Regulations 〈…〉 other Letters expedited in consequence thereof for the â—…rpretation of the execution of the Edict to be read and â—…lish'd anew in the Parliaments After which he aboâ—…d all Decrees Acts. or Proceedings and Expeditions â—…de against the Reform'd under any pretence whatever 〈…〉 impos'd a perpetual silence to his Attornies General â—…r Substitutes and all others upon that Subject by reaâ—… that he was of opinion that the infractions committed 〈…〉 the Reform'd only proceeded from slight jealousies and 〈…〉 from ill will and that he was in hopes that for the fuâ—…e they would keep within the bounds of the Edict Fiâ—…y he forbad all manner of Communication of Assemâ—…s the establishing and holding of Provincial Councils â—…ing of men and all actions directly or indirectly contraâ—… to the Edicts on pain of being punished as disturbers of 〈…〉 publick peace This Declaration was publish'd on the 15th of Deâ—…ber The Spirit and Stile of the others appear'd visibly 〈…〉 it which only tended to represent the Reform'd as peoâ—… that were ever ready to take up Arms. Nothing could 〈…〉 of more use to the Court than always to give them the â—…me even of the injustices that were committed anst them The project of their Ruin was built upon â—…t Foundation and the minds of the People had been prepar'd so well upon that Subject by that Policy 〈…〉 even some of the Reform'd blam'd the suspicions and 〈…〉 cast of their Brethren It is from thence that the exclâ—…ors have drawn all the Common Places of their Invectiâ—… Nothing can be more specious in appearence to conviâ—… the Reform'd of having ever had a Turbulent Factiâ—… inclination than to produce Pardons upon Pardons granâ—… to them and to see the prohibition of persevering in the enterprises daily renew'd against them However the juâ—…fication of their Conduct will appear by the Remonstrâ—…ces of the Parliaments and by the Manisestos of the â—… who reproach'd the Queen directly with the inobseâ—…tion of the Edicts But before â— proceed to that we 〈…〉 observe that the Reform'd were sensible of the Policy those Deelarations and that they were loth to recâ—… them by reason that they knew that they concem'd themselves by submitting to them Therefore the Deputies the Circle being come to Rochel on the 25th of 〈…〉 Month according as it had been resolv'd at their separatiâ—… made great difficulties upon the State in which affairs 〈…〉 to them They were neither pleas'd with the Decâ—…on nor yet with the Answers made to the Deputies Genâ—… because they did not find those answers in Writing altogeâ—… conformable to those they had receiv'd a month before 〈…〉 Rouvray in the Queen's Name The prohibition of â—…vincial Councils troubled them more than all the rest 〈…〉 the more the Court seem'd adverse to allow them the 〈…〉 they esteem'd them necessary for their safety Inâ—… that the Deputies General were oblig'd to use their 〈…〉 endeavours to appease them and Du Plessis to do the like which proving ineffectual the City of Rochel was obligd seperate from the rest of the Deputies and to declare 〈…〉 they thought there was no further necessity for the coâ—…nuation of the Assembly But the Duke of Rohan 〈…〉 come thither in order to make them alter their reâ—…tions by his presence they were like to come to bloâ—… and to oblige the Body of the City to retract The â—… prevented it by securing the Cantons that could make 〈…〉 the strongest Thus to avoid making War with the â—… the Reform'd were upon the point of waging it â—…st one another and to spare their ancient Enemies trouble to ruin them It is observable that the Mayâ—…nd President of Rochel were
lately come from the Court â—…re they had been to give an account of the preceeding â—…tion and that the good Treatment they had reâ—…d there had dispos'd them to follow mild Councils for Du Plessis the Court rewarded him some years 〈…〉 it for his good intentions by taking Saumur from by an unworthy Treachery and they begun with him â—…rder to distinguish him from the rest The Assembly being therefore no longer able to subsist 〈…〉 Rochel and that City declaring positively that they were â—…ied with the Queens proceedings the Duke of Rohan 〈…〉 dreaded that example might be followed by oâ—…s and that he might be forsaken as soon as ever his 〈…〉 was attack'd that those reproaches might be renew'd â—…st him which had been made at Saumar that he only â—…d at trouble and disorder to make himself head of the â—…y that Duke I say submitted like the rest and sent a â—…tleman to the Queen to express his regret to her for â—…ng offended her The Queen receiv'd his Submissions what she had promis'd was perform'd La Rochebeauâ—… enter'd into St. Johnd ' Angely for form sake and the â—…en remov'd him from thence within a sew days to give 〈…〉 the Government of Chatelleraud However the Queen â—…isted in the resolution not to tollerate Provincial Counâ—… but after having been solicited by the Deputies Geâ—…l and by divers Envoys from the particular Provinces Plessis having also solicited very earnestly for it and â—…onstrated what inconveniencies might arise from it inâ—… the Provinces to whom those Council seem'd to be â—…lutely necessary should refuse to dissolve them the â—…en promis'd Verbally to tollerate them provided the â—…rches made a modest use of the said Institution which the Deputies General acquainted the Churches with her Name Thus one and the same thing was forbiddâ—… by a publick Law and allow'd of by a secret â—…mise insomuch that it was easie for the Queen to 〈…〉 the advantage of the Law when ever she pleas'd and forget her Promise However those troubles did not end until the beginniâ—… of the year 1613. But before we leave this it will 〈…〉 proper to observe that the Seeds of the Civil Wars whâ—… were soon after kindled in the Kingdom were sown in 〈…〉 The Queen declar'd publickly that the Marriage of 〈…〉 King with the Infanta of Spain and of the Infant of Sâ—… with the King 's eldest Sister were agreed upon She 〈…〉 the 25th of March to make the said Declaration a day â—…dicated to the Solemnity which the Catholicks call the â—…nunâ—iation Three days of rejoycing were made upon 〈…〉 account in which a prodigious dissipation was made of 〈…〉 remainder of Sully's Husbandry The Duke of Mayâ—… was sent into Spain to Sign the Articles between the Kâ—… and the Infanta and at his return he brought back 〈…〉 him the Duke de Pastrana to Sign those of the 〈…〉 and of the King 's eldest Sister That affair offended 〈…〉 Prince of Conde and the Count de Soissons to a high â—… because it had not been communicated to them Tâ—… retir'd from Court upon that pretence but their anger 〈…〉 not last long and their consent their signature and thâ—… return were bought with some gratifications The 〈…〉 prudent among the French likewise were displeas'd to 〈…〉 those Marriages concluded so soon after Henry the 〈…〉 Death who had express'd so much repugnancy towaâ—… them and that those sums should be expended in Tuâ—…ments and Balls which had been laid up for greater desigâ—… That they should serve to pay the vain Pomps which 〈…〉 press'd the joy of an alliance with their greatest Enemiâ—… That what he had design'd to make War against them break the Fetters they design'd to Impose upon Euâ—… should serve to show publickly that they renounc'd thâ—… rious projects and that France should shamefully adhere 〈…〉 the progress of a House which aim'd at the Universal â—…narchy But no body was more concern'd at it than the Reform'd â—…reason that besides the general reasons in which they â—…eed with the rest to disapprove the said Marriages they 〈…〉 particular ones which only related to themselves They 〈…〉 as well as every body else that Spain had a great asâ—…dant in the Council of France and that not having been 〈…〉 to oppress Europe by the ruin of that Kingdom they â—…eavour'd to succeed in it by joyning the interests of State to theirs under pretence of Allyance and Friendâ—… They saw that Spain did precipitate an affair which 〈…〉 not ripe yet in marrying of Children before the Age which Nature renders them capable of it which alone 〈…〉 sufficient to give violent suspicions of some hidden deâ—… They could not foresee whether Marriages of this â—…ure being only promises which may always be reâ—…ted might not prove a trick of Spain which had forâ—…ly play'd the like and who would break that Proâ—… as soon as they should want the Allyance of another â—…ce The Negociators which were the Pope and the â—…t Duke were suspected by them as persons that deâ—…'d their ruin The Duke de Mayenne chosen among â—…ny others for the Embassy of Spain he whose Name 〈…〉 seem'd to revive the League created a thousand suspiâ—… in them Finally they knew that at the first propoâ—…n that had been made of those Marriages an Article 〈…〉 been inserted in it relating to them and that the Caâ—…icks exspected to sanctifie those Marriages by the deâ—…ction of Heresie Those thoughts had run in the minds â—…ose who had inspir'd the desire of War into the Duke 〈…〉 Rohan but whereas the cause of the difidence remain'd 〈…〉 after the accomodation of that affair and the separaâ—… of the Assembly of Rochel peoples minds were still â—…y to take fire when the Princes express'd new disâ—…ents The noise that was made at Rochel to hinder the continuation of the Assembly was soon appeas'd But there happened an affair at Nimes which did not end so easily Ferrier who had been depriv'd of the profession of Theology and of the Ministry he had exerted at Nimes by the National Synod not being satisfied with the Church of Montelimar where he was sent resolv'd to try whether the Court would assist him in order to be restor'd or give him some recompence for what he had lost by his complaisance for them He obtain'd a Counsellors place in the Presidial of Nimes and after having receiv'd his Patents for it he resolv'd to officiate it himself The Ministers of Paris and others us'd their utmost endeavours to put that fancy out of his head as soon as they knew it Moreover they obtain'd a promise from him that he would obey the Synod but he broke it and to add treachery to desertion he abandon'd his Religion and yet profess'd it still outwardâ—y And it is thought that he liv'd in that shameful dissimulation long before he quited his Ministry His Church upbraided him for it and he partly confest it as will appear by the Sequel As soon as he
the Name and Lustre of their Families There were some Reform'd among the Deputies of the Noâ—â—lity but they were not strong enough to oppose the Cathoâ—â—cks Besides what ever came from them was suspected by â—…e ignorant Nobility and one of the reasons which prejudic'd â—…e rights of the Crown most and the Prince of Conde was that â—â—ose who maintain'd them most were Hereticks Peoples minds â—eing dispos'd thus The third Estate began to treat the queâ—ion of the Independency of Kings and of the safety of their â—ersons against the enterprizes and pretentions of the Court â—f Rome It was none of their fault that it was not pass'd â—â—to a fundamental Law of the State that they were subject 〈…〉 no Power directly nor indirectly and that there was no â—ase or pretence to authorise any body to declare their forâ—â—iture of the Crown to dispence their Subjects from their Allegiance The murther of the two last Kings had made a deep impression in the hearts of the King 's best Subjects and the Third Estate was desirous to stifle the remainder of the League by that Law by showing their maxims to be false and contrary to the principle of Monarchy It was still fresh in Peoples minds how those maxims had like to have torn the Kingdom into piece and to deprive the lawful Heir of the Crown under pretence of Religion and of the Excommunication pronounc'd against him by the Popes It seems wonderful in our days that a proposition so specious in it self and so advantageous to Kings could be rejected And yet it certainly was and that which is most surprising is that the King's authority was us'd to reject it The truth is that it was no novelty at that time the Court had partly done the same two years before The Monks had undertaken to make Kings stoop under the Popes feet The Clergy of the Sorbonne was inclinable to that Seditious Theology Regal Authority was the sport of their Disputes and most people were wretchedly misled into that opinion I do not wonder that they refus'd to allow the Reform'd at that time to have the honour to defend their Soveraign and that those Books were suppress'd which they wrote upon that Subject but yet methinks they should have had a little more regard for the Catholicks who maintain'd the same Cause Nevertheless the Court handsomely acquiess'd to its own disadvantage Richet only defender of the King 's Rights and of the Liberties of the Gallick Church and who maintain'd the propositions which the Clergy has lately defin'd was oppress'd by Duval another Doctor seconded by the Monks and the Court interposing in that Dispute he was oblig'd to part with his place of Syndis of the University to suffer the Condemnation of his Books without saying any thing and to suffer his Brethren and even the King himself whose Interests he did defend to treat him as an Heretick But whereas the Reform'd had a great share in that Dispute which was renew'd in the States I think it will be necessary for their Honour to relate somewhat at large how that affair pass'd The Clergy fell out into an Excess of Passion against â—…e Authors of that proposition They made as much noise as if they had design'd to take away their vast Revenues or to set the Reform'd Religion upon the Throne They drew the Nobility into their Sentiments and having put Cardinal Du Perron at the head of a solemn Deputation which they sent to the Third Estate he oppos'd â—…e good Intentions of that Body with all his might The did Cardinal made a long studyed discourse upon that â—…atter to render the said proposition odious and he maintain'd the Interests of the Courts of Rome with so much confidence that he seem'd only to make use of the Grandeur to which the favour of Kings had rais'd him to destroy them and to make them subject to a Forreign Power The turn he took to make an Impression upon the minds of â—…e Catholicks was to represent that Doctrine as a branch of Heresie in order to create jealousies about its Original â—…e maintained with a boldness suitable to a more odious â—ame that before Calvin the whole Church and even the Gallick Church did believe that when a King did violate the â—ath he had taken to God and to his Subjects to live and â—ye a Catholick and not only turn'd Arian or Mahometan â—ut even proceeded so far as to War against Jesus Christ â—…at is to force the Consciences of his Subjects and to oblige â—…em to follow a false Religion he might be declar'd deprived of his Rights and his Subjects could be absolved in â—onscience and at the Spiritual and Ecclesiastical Tribunal 〈…〉 the Allegiance which they had sworn to him and that it belonged to the Pope or Council to make that Declaration â—…e maintained that this Sentiment expos'd no body to the Anathema and did not deprive those who held it of the â—ommunion of the Church He declared more than once that â—…e Oath which the King of England had exacted from the Catholicks was the Patron of the Doctrine of the Third Estate which at the bottom was the substance of that Oath â—…e alledged several inconveniences which might arise from the enterprise of that House for Instance that it would be a Snare for Consciences to make people read as an Article of Faith taken out of the word of God a Doctrine the contrary of which had been and was still held by all the rest of the Catholick Church That it was dangerous that Lay-men should undertake to decide matters of Faith without being guided by a Council or some other Ecclesiastical Judgment That it might create a Schism to declare a Doctrine Impious which was approved by the other Catholicks which they did seperate from by that Declaration That under pretence of securing the Life and Grandeur of Princes they would be exposed more than ever by the troubles which a Schism causes He had the boldness to say that the Murther of Kings could be prevented no otherwise than by the fear of Eternal Punishment and that nothing but Ecclesiastical Judgments can give a real Terror of Punishments He seconded all this with Examples and Testimonies set out with a great deal of Pomp displaying as he us'd to do the most fabulous and most false Reports and he endeavou'd to prove by subtil artificial answers the Examples and Testimonies to the contrary He also endeavour'd to refute the Objections drawn from other Causes and among the rest that which was taken from the Tolleration granted to Hereticks from whence it might be concluded that if Just Laws were made to preserve their Lives their Estates and their Honours Kings were much less to be depriv'd of theirs under pretence of Heresie He answer'd it in a manner which show'd that according to his opinion the Laws under which Hereticks lived did only suspend the execution of those which were against them and insinuating
made all his deâ—…miscary None but the Reform'd were still able to do something for him but they were slow to declare themselves Their Assembly had been open'd at Grenoble on the 15th of July and Lesdiguieres having refus'd the Presidentship which was offer'd to him by all the Deputies they had Elected De Blet Deputy for the Nobility of the Province of Anjou for their President and Durand Minister of Paris and Deputy for the Isle of France for his Associate and Boisseuil and Maniald for Secretaries The Prince of Conde sent a Gentleman thither to invite them to joyn with him in order to procure a good Reformation of the State in which he promis'd to make the Reform'd find all the Sureties they could reasonably expect A considerable part of the Assembly inclin'd towards that Union and the Pretences the Prince us'd were so plausible and so Noble that they could hardly fail of making an Impression upon many People To pass the Independence of the Crown into an Act of the State to secure the King's Person against Assassinations Excommunications and Depositions to revenge the too long neglected Murther of the late King to hinder the Publication of a Council against which a great King had Protested and which was very prejudicial to France to reduce Taxes and Impositions at reasonable Rates to remove the excessive Authority of Foreigners and to call them to an Account for the Abuses introduc'd during their being in Favour to settle the Edicts of Pacification beyond Reach All these were great designs which appear'd so Just so Lawful and so necessary that no body question'd but they would be attended with the Blessing of God and that all true Frenchmen would unanimously favour them But others were of Opinion that the Assembly ought to leave the management of the Political part of those Projects wholly to the Prince of Conde and to apply themselves solely to take measures for the safety of the Reform'd Religion They did not question but the Prince had a Right by his Birth to endeavour to purge the Government of all the Abuses that were slipt into it but they did not think it proper for the Reform'd to ingage in it otherwise than by Prayers to God and most humble Remonstrances to the King Some Provinces had given their Deputies Instructions to that Effect The diversity of Opinions manag'd by Lesdiguieres for the Interest of the Court having appear'd at the overture of the Assembly satisfy'd the Queen that the Reform'd would not be ready so soon but that she might have time to put her designs in Execution before the Prince and they could be in a Posture to oppose them She had given great Causes of Complaint to the Duke of Rohan whom she was Jealous of upon that Account Therefore being desirous to oblige him by some Favour to forget what was past she took the occasion of a difference between the Houses of Rohan and de la Trimouille about the Presidentship of the Estates of Britany to which they both aspir'd with such Equal Rights that it was impossible to decide the question otherwise than by adjudging the said Privilege to both to injoy it Alternately The Duke de la Trimouille who was lately return'd from Travelling design'd to appear in the Estates and so did the Duke of Rohan They refus'd to yield to each other which concurrence could not fail of being attended with ill Consequences The Queen being desirous to pleasure the Duke of Rohan by seeming to declare her self in favour of him either to imploy him elsewhere while she perform'd her Progress or to oblige him in an Affair of Precedence and Honour sent him an Order to repair to the Estates to preside there and at the same time sent a contrary Order to the Duke de la Trimouille whose displeasure she did not Value by Reason that he was very young not much known and far from that degree of Credit and Power in which the World had seen the late Duke his Father This avail'd the Queen but little by Reason that her Refusal of the Governmént of Poitou to the Duke of Rohan to whom she had formerly Granted the Survivorship thereof made a deeper Impression upon him than her pretended Favour about the Presidentship He made no use of the Order he had receiv'd from the Court and Presided that time by consent of the Duke de la Trimouille by Virtue of an Accommodation procur'd by their mutual Friends to hinder those two Potent Families that liv'd in Friendship at that time from coming to a Breach Nevertheless the Queen being so well satisfy'd with the then State of Affairs as to assure her self of success resolv'd to improve it and to do her Business before the Prince could have time to oppose it Therefore all of a sudden while the Negotiation of Peace seem'd to draw towards a happy Conclusion she sent an Order to him from the King to repair to his Majesty with all speed to accompany him in his Progress in Order to the Accomplishing of his Marriage And lest he might plead Ignorance she acquainted him with the very day he had pitch'd upon for his departure The Prince complain'd highly at this Precipitation and took occasion from thence to take up Arms but with so small a Number of Men and so little prospect of Relief that he was like to sink under it In the mean time the King set forward and continu'd his Progress slowly tho' some of the most Judicious and best skill'd in Affairs of State were of Opinion that it was a Rash Resolution by Reason that the King removing from the Center of the Kingdom left a kindl'd Fire in it which would have time and opportunity to do a great deal of mischief while the Court remain'd at one of the Extremities of the Kingdom the most distant from the Conflagration The Assembly of Grenoble which after all the delays occasion'd by the diversity of Opinions had at last determin'd to try what they could obtain from the Court before the taking any other measures had deputed three Persons to the King to present their * Cahiers to him and had charg'd them expresly humbly to beseech his Majesty to consider the Prince of Conde's Remonstrances Those Deputies were Champeaux Des Bordes Mercier and Maillâ—ray Champeaux had the greatest share of Honour in that Deputation by Reason that he was the Head and speaker of it But Desbordes had more Credit because he was a Man of better Parts besides his being ingag'd in the Prince of Conde's Interest to which the Marshal de Bouillon had drawn him as I have already said by very fair promises The King was gone before the Deputies reach'd Paris and could not overtake him till they came to Amboise from whence the King having heard them adjourn'd them to Poitiers for an Answer This delay was ill resented by the Deputies who lookt upon it as an instance of the little regard that would be had to
that the Reform'd ought to have kept within the Bounds of their Allegiance out of Gratitude and in remembrance of the favourable Usage they had receiv'd from the Late King Especially at a time when the King's Minority ought to Excite the Virtue Courage and Fidelity of his good Subjects to maintain the Authority which God had given him as the Basis of every Man's safety as well as that of the Publick In the next place they complain'd that this way of proceeding of the King had not produc'd the Effect that was expected from it upon all people That several sided with the Prince of Conde some through Ambition and a furious desire of raising their own Fortunes by the disorders and ruin of the State Others out of simplicity deceiv'd by the false Impressions which they had receiv'd from turbulent Persons who endeavour'd to perswade them that they would be persecuted unless they put themselves in a Posture of defence telling them that there were secret Articles in the Treaty of the Marriages with Spain which contain'd a Conspiracy to drive them all out of the Kingdom or to exterminate them They said that this Imposition or surprise that was put upon them render'd their Fault excusable and made them fitter Objects of Pitty than of Chastisement In the next place they endeavour'd to prove that this Terror was vain because those Marriages were concluded by the ways of Honour as it 's usual among great Princes from whence it follow'd that Spain could not require Conditions of the King which would have made Desarts and Sollitudes in the Kingdom which the King did confess must have prov'd the consequence of such an Vnjust and Cruel Vsage towards the Reform'd as it was Publisht by some with an ill design They added that nothing had been done with an ill Intention in promoting of those Alliances that all had been Communicated to the Late Count of Soissons to the Prince of Conde and even to the Duke of Bouillon who were present in the Council in which those Affairs had been deliberated and that they did not oppose it That the said Marriages had not created the least Jealousies or Suspicions in other Sovereigns after they had been inform'd of the King 's good intentions yet that some People would needs perswade the World that he was so inconsiderate as to consent to make France the Theatre on which that Bloody Tragedy was to be Acted and to decide the difference of Religion by Arms tho' nothing could be farther from his thoughts since it was his Opinion that the decision of that Controversie ought to be left to God who would at his own time Use the best Remedies to Reunite all Christians to the Catholic Church which the King look'd upon to be the best and in which he was resolv'd to Live and Dye After which they prais'd the Zeal and Loyalty of those that had refus'd to take up Arms against the King who had on the contrary offer'd their Services to him and had resisted the Sollicitations and Threatnings of the others They cry'd up the Number and Quality of those Loyal Protestants among which there were considerable Lords Gentlemen Cities Communities and even Places of surety They likewise Exagerated the Rebellion of the others who had harden'd themselves against those Examples who endeavour'd to debauch the Peaceable from their Allegiance endeavouring â—o perswade them that they would be forc'd to take up Arms at last or expose themselves to Ruin by suffering those â—o perish that had taken them up already which his Majesty â—oped would not prevail upon those Loyal Persons Finally â—hose Assemblies were Styl'd Unlawful and Conventicles which favour'd the taking up of Arms as being compos'd of â—uborn'd Persons who without Order or Power and often â—gainst the Commands and Orders of their Superiors adher'd â—o the propositions of the Factious for their own Ends to â—he prejudice of the Worthy Persons of their Religion This â—ong Preface was followed by a Declaration from the King That he would not impute the Faults of some particular Members to the whole Body for which Reason he confirm'd â—ll the Edicts saying That they had been observ'd till then Commanding at the same time that in case they had been â—nfring'd in some Places it should be forthwith Remedy'd Secondly in consideration of the Fidelity of an Infinite Number of the Reform'd among which there were Persons of great Quality who deserv'd singular Marks of his Affection â—â—e pardon'd all those who had taken up Arms and that they should enjoy the benefit of the Edicts as well as the others provided they return'd to their Allegiance within a Month after the Publication of his Declaration in the Bayliwicks That they should declare the same at the Registry of the next Court within their Precinct and restore the Places they had taken in the same Condition in which they were before those Troubles which being done and they not relapsing into a New Infraction he would take them under his Protection and grant them a full Pardon for all that was past Finally he condemn'd as disturbers of the publick Peace all those who should persist in the Rebellion after the expiration of a Month he depriv'd all the Cities and Corporations of all the Favours Immunities and Privileges that had been Granted them and did forbid all Governors and Lieutenants General to let them injoy the Liberties mention'd in the Edicts which they should render themselves unworthy of by persevering in their Revolt This Declaration produced the Effect of all other Declarations of that kind That is It left every Body in their former Opinion Those who had not taken Arms either because they had no prospect of safety in it or because they expected more favour from the Court than profit by the War remain'd quiet for the most part Those who had taken them only laid them down by a Treaty Many refus'd to Ingage in it for fear of a greater evil or out of simplicity imagining all the Words of an Edict to be so many Truths Nevertheless those who did reflect on the Intrigues begun against them by Spain so many Years before the Death of the late King upon the Propositions that had been made to him so often to destroy the Hereticks upon the Maxims that were introduc'd in the Council since his Death upon the Passion of those who were intrusted with the Management of Affairs upon the Projects form'd by the Clergy in the Estates and in the Assembly that succeeded them upon the Divisions the Court had sown among the Reform'd upon the Illusions wherewith they had paid all their Demands in a word upon all the Proofs they had receiv'd of the Ill will of the Council and of all the Catholicks towards them Those I say did not suffer themselves to be deluded by the Specious Arguments of the Declaration And the Remembrance of the Enterview for which under the Reign of Charles the 9th the same place had been chosen for
his Motions He declar'd that he would look upon those to be Enemies to the State who should refuse to sign the Peace Moreover he was accus'd of having ingag'd himself to the King's Commissioners by writing to March against the Assembly and to make War against them in case they should disown what their Deputies had done or should continue their Session beyond the Term granted to them The Duke de la Trimouille his Nephew who was Young and Easie and who did not tread long in his Father's Steps did the same in Imitation of his Uncle But the Marshal de Bouillon design'd thereby to show that he was the Moving Spirit of the Party that his Advice was sufficient to incline them to War and his Threatnings to make them accept a Peace The Assembly gave him no cause to proceed to Extreams against them They submitted to the Treaty they did Nominate Deputies General And Berteville to whom the Marshal had given hopes of obtaining that Deputation was Elected according to his Promise Maniald was joyn'd with him After which the Assembly Dissolv'd it self without staying until the time that was granted them This Treaty was thus publish'd and Intitl'd An Edict given at Blois in the Month of May. It contain'd 54 Articles among which those that had a relation to the Publick Good were soon Converted into Illusions by the turn of Affairs that follow'd soon after Most of them only contain'd such things as are commonly imploy'd in general Pardons The Third Article was in favour of the Roman Catholick Religion which was to be restor'd in all Places where their Worship had been Interrupted during the Troubles Their Ministers were maintain'd in the Liberty of their Functions in the Injoyment of their Estates and in the Possession of their Houses of which the Restitution was order'd The Fourth was a weak Injunction to make Inquities into the Death of the late King under pretence that the King was inform'd that his Officers had been remiss in it notwithstanding their having receiv'd express Orders about it from the Queen both by word of Mouth and in Writing and the King promis'd to Write to all the Bishops of the Kingdom to cause the Decree of the Council of Constantia to be publish'd in their respective Diocesses which speaks of the Life of Kings and Soveraign Princes The Fifth revers'd a Decree of Suspension of those which the Parliament of Paris had given in favour of the Independency of Kings provided that such things as were Imported by those Decrees should remain unperform'd which had not been put in execution yet which related to the Assembly of the Princes and Officers of the Crown with the Parliament in order to the Reformation of the State That is the King revers'd those Decrees in Terms which seem'd only to reverse the Suspension of them The Sixth presupposing that the Court had gone a great way in answering of the Cahiers of the Estates General promis'd that they would proceed in it without any Discontinuation The King ingag'd himself by the Seventh to Examine the Article of the Third Estate But he did not oblige himself to pass it into a Law The next Imported that the King would give no more considerable Places to Foreigners But he destroy'd the said Promise at the same time reserving to himself the Power of bestowing them on such under the pretence of singular Merit or of great Services Some others follow'd these in Course which seem'd to be useful to the State but were couch'd in Terms as Illusory as the preceeding The Fourteenth confirm'd the Edicts and all that related to them The next Created a new Office of Councellor in the Parliament of Paris to be given to one of the Reform'd in the room of that of Berger who had only chang'd his Religion on condition that he should not be dispossessed of the said Office The Sixteenth restor'd the free Exercise of the Reform'd Religion in all places where it had been Interrupted upon the account of the Troubles The Seventeenth allow'd the Proceedings of the Prince of Conde and of his Adherents both Catholicks and Reform'd Even of those who compos'd the Assembly of Nimes which was at Rochel at the time of this Edict The Twentyfourth only related to Rochel The Forty seventh ordain'd the Restitution of the Places which had been seiz'd by the Adherents of the Prince And whereas Tartas had been taken by Surprize from the Reform'd the King order'd the present Restitution of the same before they should proceed to the Restitution of the others But in order to punish the People as it is common for the folly of the Great ones the King re-establish'd some old Impositions which he had occasion for to pay the Peace he was oblig'd to buy There were also private Articles which were no less important than the General ones The last promis'd 1500000 Livres to the Prince of Conde and the Lords of his Party The Court had no mind they should be seen by the Parliament for fear of Contradictions Therefore they were sent to them Seal'd up and the 53 of the General Articles was very positive in ordering them to be put in Execution The First maintain'd the Gallick Church in its Liberties The Second disown'd the pursuit of the Clergy for the publication of the Council of Trent and promis'd that it should have no Effect The Third excepted Leitoure from the Article about the Restitution of Places because there was a Dispute between Fontrailes and Angalin about the Captainship of the Castle The Dispute was begun before the War which was the reason that Fontrailles favour'd the surprising of the said place by the Duke of Rohan who turn'd out his Competitor He made a shift to maintain himself in it until the year 1620 and then only quitted it upon good Terms In the mean while the Article Imported that until the decision of the Dispute the King would deposit it into the Hands of an Exempt of his Guards or some other Reform'd Officer The Fourth regulated a very particular Affair Villemereau Councellor in the Parliament of Paris and le Maitre one of the Masters of Accounts of the said Court had embrac'd the Reform'd Religion The Courts which they belong'd to had hinder'd them from Exercising their said Imployments upon that Account The Reform'd took it very much to heart and seeing that Berger did not lose his place tho' he was turn'd Catholick they pretended that the others ought not to be us'd worse for embracing the Reform'd Religion The Catholicks urg'd that the Number of Reform'd Counsellors was Limited to Six by the Edict and that therefore Villemereau's place ought to be taken from them or at most that they could only pretend to keep it in compensation of that of Berger The Reform'd on the other Hand pretended that the Edict only Limited the Offices they were to have of necessity but that it did not baâ— their Access to all others which they were declar'd
Instructions from their General â—ending to that End Whither I say it were for the first or last of these Considerations the Reform'd refus'd to admit such Guests They involv'd the Old ones with the New by reason that the one having given their Consents to the Introduction of the others it was evident by that that they were animated by the same Spirit The second cause of Complaint was that the same People had refus'd to suffer a Preacher in their City whom the Bishop had pitch'd upon to Preach there in Advent and in Lent The Governour had undertaken to obtain their leave for it and after having us'd Perswasions he had imploy'd Commands But the reason the Reform'd urg'd was that the said Preacher was a Jesuit and that the Members of that Order endeavouring to imbroil every thing where ever they came it was but just to keep them out of Cities in which the Reform'd had so much Interest to hinder Seditions and Disorders It was so evident that the Jesuits only sought to introduce themselves in those Places to Plot something against the Repose of the Reform'd that apparently their Reasons could not fail of being understood and approv'd of by all those who were not prejudic'd by Passion Moreover there was a General Reason which oblig'd the Reform'd to oppose all the Alterations the Catholicks endeavour'd to make in the Places of Surety which was that one of the Conditions granted with the Places of Surety imported that no Innovations should be made there So that the Bishop of Mompelier's Enterprises were Unjust since they were two important Innovations the one to introduce a New Reform of Friars into that City and the other to call a Preachâ—… thither of a suspected Society which had no right to send any Yet the said Bishop was Fenouillet for whom Sully had obtain'd the said Bishoprick as I have related elsewhere The Third Complaint was the Use that was made in Bearn of the Estates that did formerly belong to the Ecclesiasticks He spoke about it in the most Violent terms as if it had been a Horrid Sacrilege to apply to the Use of the Reform'd Churches Estates which had been so lawfully confiscated and taken from those that did formerly possess them To move pitty the more he desir'd that Mass might be re-establish'd in above one hundred Parishes of that Principality affirming with as much boldness as if he had spoken the Truth that out of thirty persons there there were five and twenty Catholicks This was notoriously false and I need not give a farther Proof of it in this place than that in our Days after the Alteration of Religion occasion'd in that Province by Oppression during the Civil Wars by the Establishment â—f several Monasteries that had seduc'd many Families by whatever the Art Violence Promises and Threats of the Catholicks and the Inconstancy and Weakness of the People â—ad been able to contribute towards it there still remain'd more Reform'd there than the Bishop calculated by his Speech Of about 33000 Families which Inhabited in Bearn there were reckon'd about seven thousand of them professing the Reform'd Religion Ten years ago But the Clergy seldom leave their Affairs imperfect when after having put them â—n a pretty good condition they only want an Imposture to make an end of them Nevertheless this Speech prov'd effectual and the Turn â—e gave to his Remonstrances was very well relish'd by the Court which was resolv'd to satisfie him even before he had been heard He had the boldness to say that he did not â—esire his Majesty to cross the Seas to drive the Enemy of the Christian Name out of the East but only that he would be pleas'd to restore an intire Liberty to some Catholick Churches of his Kingdom which he pretended were oppress'd by the Injustice of the Reform'd This was the Character of that Prelat's Eloquence that he fill'd his Discourse with little Allusions among which some happen'd to be well apply'd That which he made in this Place alluding to the Cruisado's undertaken to Conquer the Holy Land and particularly to that of a Prince of the King 's own Name who was Canoâ—iz'd in recompence of his having ruin'd his Kingdom by those Wars beyond Sea flatter'd the King agreeably who aspir'd to imitate his Predecessor Besides the Tacit Comparison he made of the Reform'd that injoy'd Ecclesiastical Estates in Bearn with the Mahometans Possessors of those Places to which an Ignorant Zeal leads so many Pilgrims pleas'd all those who were prejudic'd against the Reform'd with a Blind hatred and already resolv'd to Sacrifice them to the Passion of the Clergy So that the Bishop did not fail to obtain part of what he desir'd A Decree was made by the Council of State on the 10th of November following which allow'd the Catholics of Mompelier to have Jesuit Preachers and such others as the Bishop should think fit to send thither Declaring that the King by his Briefs never design'd to deprive the Catholicks that inhabited in such Cities as were held by the Reform'd of the Liberty of having such Secular or Regular Preachers as the Diocesâ—… should think fit to call thither which was said by way of Interpretation of the Answers the King had given to the Cabien of the Reform'd in 1611. and 1612. which they made use of to keep the Jesuits out of the Places of Surety The truth is that this Interpretation was Contradictory to the Answer But they began to introduce a certain Policy into the Council which makes a sport of the Credulity of the People and which finds a way to destroy the most formal Laws and those that are most clear under pretence of Interpreting theâ— This singularity was also observ'd in the said Decrees that the King did not so much as order the said Preachers to observe the Edicts and to abstain from such Terms in their Sermons â—s might give Offence Neither did the said Decree prove sufficient to Introduce the Jesuits-into considerable Places aâ— the Reform'd oppos'd the said Innovation as long as possible they could But the Bishop's Speech had a more speedy and greater effect as to what related to the Affairs of Bearn They obtain'd a Decree of Restauration which gave a beginning to the Civil Wars which only ended by the so long and so earnestly wish'd for Ruine of the Reform'd Therefore I wil enlarge a little upon this Subject tho' there are some things in it which seem to be beyond the bounds of my Chief Design In order to which I will repeat in this place that the Affairs of Bearn had been very much discuss'd in the Chamber of the Clergy during the Session of the last Estates and that their Deputies had chiefly demanded two things of which the one tended to the other and serv'd as a Degree to arrive to it The first was the Re-union of the Principality of Bearn to the Crown The second the Restauration of the Ecclesiastical
Estates which had been Confiscated about threescore Years before by the Authority of Queen Jane The Council resolv'd to begin by the Re-union as being that which admits of the most plausible Reasons and which concern'd no â—ody particularly Nevertheless the Bearnois judg'd otherwise of it and being perswaded that the Clergy only stir'd 〈…〉 it for their own advantage on to oblige the Court in one â—…ing in order to obtain other favours from it in Recom-Pence they us'd their utmost Endeavours to ward that blow â—hich they believ'd to be fatal to the Liberty of their Counâ—…y La Force was their Governor a Man of Sence and Courage who had Noble Places and a great deal of Experience and who was much better pleas'd with being Governor â—f an Independent Principality which was only considerable â—y its Soveraignty than with a small Country which would â—e inconsiderable being once mix'd with the other Provinces â—hat were United to the Crown Therefore he did not fail to represent the Consequences of that Affair to the Bearnois and 〈…〉 second their Endeavours with great Courage and Vigour â—e was nevertheless accus'd of having only been difficult to satisfie in that matter to make himself the more considerable â—nd that his only aim in opposing the Court was to be Indemnify'd for what he was to lose by that Alteration But there was another Man of great Authority in Bearn in whom the Reform'd who were the strongest there repos'd a great deal of Confidence It was Lesoun a Councellor in the â—overaign Council of the Country a Sprightly Resolute â—igorous Man who had Courage Learning and Eloquence And the Bearnois held him in great Veneration for that generous Love for his Country and for the Publick Good of which â—…ve find no more Examples unless it be in Ancient Histories The Court on the contrary made him pass for a Factious Turbulent Person And took a pretence to make him perish as a Perturbator of the Publick Peace by reason of the Undefatigable Zeal he express'd for the Welfare of his Religion and of his Countrey It is by those Rigors that all those who have â—im'd at Despotick Power have stifl'd in all Hearts the Seeds of that Vertue which was formerly the Noblest Character of the Hero's Those were us'd by them as Criminals of State who look'd upon a Man of Honour to be oblig'd above all things to preserve the Privileges of his Countrey And they were sensible that Men would lay aside that greatness of Soul formerly so much Reverenc'd finding it only attended with Disgrace and Misfortunes And that all such would be sent to the Gallows or to the Block to whom Antiquity would have rais'd Triumphal Arches and Statues This Lefcun was deputed to the Council after the Clergy had caus'd the Bearnois to be summon'd there to be present at the Tryal of the Restauration of the Ecclesiastical Lands they pretended But he was imploy'd at the same time in the Prosecution of both those Points and he was amus'd long at Paris without being expedited Finally whether the Court was asham'd to try those Affairs in his presence and that they were at a loss about his Titles Remonstrances and Reasons or whither they were not as yet fully resolv'd about it at a time when the Kingdom was threatned with a thousand other Troubles he was seâ—t back again And to remove all manner of suspition of their designing to try the business after his departure they return'd him the Pieces he had produc'd and they made a Verbal promise to him that they would not end those Suits without first giving him notice of it and without hearing him Nevertheless they broke their Word to him And in the sequel they made use of the Writings he had produc'd as a pretence to say that they had heard his Reasons and seen his Papers Therefore at the beginning of December in the Year 1616 in order to prepare People to receive the Edict that was publish'd some Days after it they put out a pretty fine Differtation upon the particular Question of the Re-union of Bearn to the Crown It presuppos'd that the said Re-union had already been made before by Henry IV. When he did re-unite Navar by a solemn Edict in the Month of July 1607. the general Terms of which extended the same Re-union to all the Estates that did belong to him before the Crown fell to him So that the thing in Debate was not properly the Re-union of Bearn but to put the said Re-union which was already made in Execution The Author of it pretended that it was granted upon Right and confirm'd by several Examples That King 's did contract a kind of Marriage with the Kingdom that fell to them That the Re-union of their other Estates with that Crown was a Gift which they were oblig'd to make to it upon the account of that Marriage which became part of that Crown That several Kings before Henry IV. had done the like and that the Case of Bearn was the same And as one of the main Reasons the Bearnois alledg'd against those Examples was that they only related to moving Estates and such as paid Hommage to the Crown of France whereas Bearn was an Independent Principality They refuted this Pretension by a long Chain of Contrary Proofs The first was drawn from the Ancient Division of France whereby it appear'd that Bearn had been part of the Kingdom of Aquitain The second was taken from the Privileges the Bearnois possess'd in France where they were reputed Natives and were not oblig'd to â—ake Letters of Naturalization to injoy the Prerogatives of Frenchmen The third was grounded upon the Prince of Bearn's having paid Hommage to the Kings of England Dukes of Aquitain That the same Princes had often appeal'd from the Judgment of their Barons to the Parliament of Guyenne â—nd from thence afterwards to Paris That by some Passages of the fifteenth Book of the Registers of Innocent III. it did â—ppear that the Duke of Aquitain had Commenc'd a Suit against the Vice-comte of Bearn as a Lord to his Vassal They alledg'd for the fourth That the said Principality had been sometimes under the Jurisdiction of the Parliament of Thoulouse and they added finally That when the Lords of that Country had refus'd to pay Homage for it War had sometimes been declar'd against them to constrain them to do it They granted that there was a Prescription of many Years in favour of the Bearnois But then they said That it could be no Plea for them by reason of this Despotick Maxim That no Prescription can avail against the Rights of the Crown which are sacred and can never be Alienated A Maxim very opposite to Natural Right which â—ever prejudges in favour of Liberty and which wills that Servitude should be Establish'd by great Titles but that they should be Abolish'd by short Prescriptions Moreover they grounded the Nullity of the said Prescription upon its proceeding from
the Suspension of the Rights of France in favour of a King of Navar who having been depriv'd of part of his Dominions and reduc'd to retire with all his Court in Bearn had not been prosecuted for the said Hommage upon the account of his Zeal for the Service of France for fear of adding Affliction to the Afflicted They deny'd that ever the said Province was Infranchis'd by Charles Martel as they pretended They alledg'd the Example of the Re-union of Bretagne which had been done notwithstanding the pretensions of the People who thought their Country Independent of the Crown and who had formerly given the Name of Mauclere to one of their Dukes Nam'd Peter because thâ—â— not understanding his Rights he had acknowledg'd himself a Vassal of France So that they claim'd a Right deriv'd from an Injustice committed against the Brittons even contrary to the Articles of the Treaty made with them when Charles VIII Marry'd their last Dutchess to do the same to the Bearnois These are the Maxims of those who pretend to change the Nature of things by saying I will have it so What they have done once whither justly or unjustly becomes an Example for the future and whereas they have done it maugre the Complaints and Murmurings of the Parties concern'd they have acquir'd a Right of doing the same as often as new Occasions offer themselves In the next place they endeavoured to prove That the withdrawing of Bearn from the rest of the Crown would be liable to a Thousand Inconveniencies that considering what had happen'd to Navar by the Invasion of the Spaniards who had Usurp'd it from a Prince who was too weak to defend it every body ought to desire to see Bearn Incorporated in a State potent enough to defend it That its situation at the Foot of the Mountains which serve for a Barrier to the two Kingdoms requir'd to be united to that on the side of which it was seated Moreover that they had no Intentions to ruine the Privileges of that Principality nor to meddle with the Soveraignty of their Laws That it was necessary to create â— Parliament there not as in a Conquer'd Country to keep them within the Bounds of Obedience but to honour it as a Country in which Henry the Great was Born That there were many Examples in Antiquity of Honours done to places â—…hat were remarkable by the Birth of great Princes That it was necessary to preserve the old Laws and Customs of the Bearnois and to dismember some Lands that were under the â—…urisdiction of the other Parliaments in order to afford a larger extent of Jurisdiction to that which should be Created in Bearn They added to all this great Elogies of Marquemont Arch-Bishop of Lyons who had seconded this Proposition in the last Estates They represented that Re-union as very advantagious for the whole Kingdom of France which would â—hereby be freed on that side of forcing Incursions and for the Country of Bearn it self who would become a sharer in the Glory and Happiness of the rest of the Kingdom Finally 〈…〉 order to render the Reform'd Odious as if the Opposition â—…d only proceed from them and from a Spirit of Faction â—…e Author spoke of that Re-union or Conjunction as of a â—…hing which the Bearnois earnestly desir'd and he begg'd it â—…f the King in their Names in very pressing Terms Nevertheless the Bearnois in general were very distant from â—…hat Thought and the major part of the Catholicks concurred with the Reform'd in the Design to prevent that Important Innovation There were none but the Clergy seconded by the House of Grammont which was at odds with La Force â—…nd some others either too Credulous or prejudic'd by Bigotry or such as expected to raise their Fortunes by such an â—lteration who further'd that Enterprize No body was ignorant that the Clergy were the Authors of the aforesaid Dissertation and none look'd upon them to be so well inclin'd to the Publick Good as only to design the advantage of others Moreover there was something very singular in that the design of that Re-union had been Inspir'd by the Council of Spain which endeavour'd it with all their might Imagining perhaps that those People who are naturally hot and presumptuous would never suffer their contractual Laws to be Violated without taking up Arms to maintain them Or that the Reform'd Churches of France would never behold the ruine of â—hose of that Province without renewing the Civil Wars It is most certain at least that during the delays of that Affair Spain did powerfully excite the Council of France They furnish'd the Reasons and Proofs which were alledg'd against the pretensions of the Bearnois and which were visibly taken out of the Titles of Convents or Spanish Historians out of the Registers of Barcelonna the Archieves of the Metropolitan Church of Tarracona and other places Several Libels which were dispers'd upon that Subject which seem'd to be Printed at Avignon were nevertheless brought from Spain It was easily prov'd by the way by which they were brought and even without that it was easie to judge at the first reading that Spain had a hand in them The Stile of the League was apparent in them which in all their Writings mention'd the King of Spain One of those Libels after having admonish'd the King not to suffer himself to be persuaded out of it added these Words What would the Prince of the Church say What would the Catholick King say What would the Emperor say Which sufficiently shew'd that those Forreign Powers had a hand in it Persons of Judgment easily saw that the Promises of preserving the Rights and Privileges of that little state were nothing but an Illusion Since the method they observ'd to effect the said Re-union violated their most Essential Rights which consisted in not being members of another Body but to be a Body a part although in the Hands and under the Authority of the same Master Besides according to the Constitution of that Principality no Law could be made there nor revers'd unless by the Approbation of the Prince and the Estates Whereas the Prince would make that Re-union like an absolute Master contrary to the desire and in spite of the opposition of the People which was properly to trample upon the Law which they call'd Fundamental and Contractual As for the Reform'd they were very sensible that the Council would not stop there That this first step was only a Tryal to reduce the Reform'd Religion in Bearn on the same Terms as it was in the rest of the Kingdom The Policy of our Days would not allow such Countries as were not united to the Crown at the time of the Edict of Nantes to injoy the Privileges of that Edict because they could not be design'd to be â—…mprehended in it at that time But yet under Lewis XIII it â—ould needs have it that at whatever time the said Re-union â—…as made it was sufficient to introduce
the Roman Religion â—…ere according to the Edict in the same Splendor in which 〈…〉 was thereby Establish'd elsewhere So that the Reform'd 〈…〉 Bearn seeing Religion and Liberty were equally concern'd 〈…〉 that Affair omitted nothing to Ward a blow which would â—…casion the ruine of both Whereupon their Enemies upâ—…aided them as being guilty of a very shameful or very Criâ—inal Inconstancy in having formerly desir'd their Churches 〈…〉 be United to those of France in order to make but one â—…dy in the National Synods and in the General Assemblies â—hereas they now express'd so much Repugnancy to become â—embers of the same Body Politick with the rest of the Kingâ—â—m But that Reproach did not move them by reason that the â—…id diversity of Sentiments had been produc'd by the â—…versity of Conjunctures They had desir'd to be United with â—…ose Churches in order the more to engage themselves in the â—ommunion of their Doctrine And they oppos'd the Union 〈…〉 their Country to the Crown as a thing which would serve 〈…〉 introduce the General Oppression of their Consciences and 〈…〉 their Persons Therefore they answer'd the Dissertation I have already â—…ention'd applying themselves more to destroy the Concluâ—…n than to refute the Arguments one after another which were compos'd of those kind of Probabilities which become demonstrations in the Cause of the strongest but yet which â—o not hinder People in point of Politicks to be ready to mainâ—…in the contrary when their interest requires it This Pamphlet under the Name of a Gentleman of Navar maintain'd â—hat the greatest Princes had ever been pleas'd to preserve the â—…itles of their Ancient Possessions as Monuments of the Grandeur of their Predecessors That some of them still reâ—ain'd the Titles of Kings of Jerusalem and Princes of Antioch That Henry III. himself after having lost the Crown of Poland â—ad kept the Title of it That the Republick of Venice tho' depriv'd of the Kingdom of Cyprus would not suffer the Arms of that Soveraignty Carv'd upon a Column before the Church of St. Mark to be ras'd out That those who were least favour'd by Fortune took as many Titles as they had Castle That those who propos'd the Re-union of Navar and of Bearâ— to the Crown seem'd on the contrary only to be desirous to extinguish the Title of King of Navar as if it were inconsistent with that of King of France that though it were true that according to the General Acceptation of the World the greatest draws in the least yet that it did not follow that the Glorious Name of France should Abolish that of Navar and reduce the State of it into a Province by destroying thâ—â— Rights and Privileges That it lessen'd the Authority of Kings to change their Kingdoms into Provinces That the Treâ—â—â— Grown of the Popes and the Thiara of the Kings of Perâ—â—â— show'd sufficiently that it is an honour to wear several Crownâ— That the King of Spain did not confound his Kingdoms That the Emperor though elevated above other Princes was â—â—â— asham'd of the Titles of King of Bohemia and of Hungary That it was true that the King of France bearing the Name of those two Crowns preserv'd the Right of Lawful Soveraign over both but that in case all the Laws of the Kingdom were violated it signify'd nothing to retain the bare Title of it That God having made the Fundamental Laws of Monarchies they cannot be Trampled upon without Sacrilege That they were like the fix'd Star which cannot change their Place unless when the Firmament turns These were partly the Reasons of those who were afraid that the Court design'd to submit as it came to pass those remains of a free State in which Oppression was still unknown to the Laws of a Kingdom in which the King's Authority began to grow excessive But yet neither these nor the others could prevent the publishing of the Edict of Re-union in the same Month in which those Writings appear'd The Eâ—… of Bearn oppos'd the said Edict and nominated Deputies 〈…〉 the Syndicks of the Country to draw their said Opposition in form They positively maintain'd that Bearn was 〈…〉 Lordship distiâ—ct from all other Soveraignty That the Bearnois being Govern'd by Laws and Customs had only Eâ—â—cted Soveraigns in order to maintain those Customs without â—â—lowing them the Power to Alter Correct or to reform them â—ithout the Estates of the Country and by their Consent â—hat this was their Contractual Fundamental Law which the â—rince was oblig'd to swear to keep at his Inauguration That â—â—cording to that the King could not alter it That Henryâ—â— â—â— himself had rejected the Proposition of it being unwilâ—â—ng to wrong a Country in which he was Born Those Conâ—â—derations made them hope that provided they could be heard 〈…〉 the Council they might obtain something favourable from â—… But instead of receiving any satisfaction from them they â—â—ve them fresh Causes of Complaint and the Assembly of â—â—e Clergy obtain'd a Decree of Restauration of the Church â—â—nds after having so long sollicited for it Maniald one 〈◊〉 the Deputies General who staid at Paris while his Colâ—â—ague went to Vitre to assist at the National Synod there beâ—â—g inform'd that the Council was preparing to give the said â—ecree remonstrated on the 21st of June that it was fit to â—â—low Lescun time according as it was promis'd to him to â—â—pair to the Court again to give in his Reasons and to deliâ—â—r those Papers into the King's Hands which were return'd to â—â—m the preceeding Year But the Clergy prevail'd notwithâ—â—anding this just Remonstrance Du Vair who was made â—eeper of the Great Seal and who did not think himself unâ—orthy of a Cardinal's Cap bely'd in this occasion as in â—â—veral others the Reputation of Probity he had acquir'd â—â—fore his being rais'd to that Dignity And in order that all â—â—e Clergy might share the favour of one of the Members of â—â—eir Body he push'd on that Affair with all his Credit So â—â—at on the 23d of the said Month in the presence of La Force â—ho us'd his utmost endeavours to hinder it a Decree was â—â—ven in the Council by which the King order'd the said â—rocess to be brought before him And two Days after it a â—efinite Decree was given to the satisfaction of the â—lergy This Decree declar'd positively that the Deputies had been heard and that the Council had seen the Writings and Answers and ordain'd three things First The Restitution of Church Lands and the Restauration of the Catholick Religion throughout the Principality of Bearn Secondly The preservation of the Reform'd in all their Privileges and the Reimplacement of the Sums that were taken from them by the said Decree of Restauration upon the Ancient Demesne of Bearn and in case that were not sufficient upon the Demesnes of the Adjacent Places according to which it was said that the Sums should be stated upon the Expence of the Houshold as
it increase it self by Negligence Moreover he gave way either voluntarily or by reason that the thing having been sued for without his knowledge he was oblig'd to consent to it handsomely to the return of the Bishop of Lucon to that Princess on condition that he should dispose her to a Peace and the Bishop being weary with studying of Theology which he was not very wellskill'd in aspiring only to return to Court where he was in hopes of making himself useful made no difficulty to acquiess to it Thus after some Messages to and fro the Peace was concluded The Queen had the Castle of Anger 's and de Ponts de Ce for her Security with leave to come back to Court But the Duke de Luines who was afraid that she would find many Persons there who would rather follow her than him and that she would soon resume her former Authority to his prejudice and revenge the bloody Injuries he had done her found a way to render that permission of no use to her The Prince of Conde whom she had put in Prison about three years before pass'd his Days dismally there though the Princess his Wife had voluntarily confin'd her self with him to keep him Company He amus'd himself in the Study of Controversies But he did not apply himself to it like a Man that design'd to understand the Questions throughly and to take his Party after having maturely weigh'd the Reasons on both sides This way of Study is too long and too tedious for Princes They must have abstracted Methods to shorten their Labour and to free the Matters from the driness and difficulties they are surrounded with A little Superficial Knowledge passes among them for profound Science and of all Arguments none are so proper for them as Prejudications He was delighted with those little Reasons which the Jesuits and the Missionaries their Emissaries did begin to put in practice And he render'd himself more troublesome thereby to the Reform'd whom he persecuted by Disputes in which he would always be in the right than he prov'd formidable to them in the War he wag'd against them with great Violence Luines hoping that Resentment would induce that Prince to protect him against the Queen secur'd himself with him and put him at Liberty And as if he did design to acquaint the Queen that it was against her that he had sought that support he obtain'd a Declaration for the discharge of the Prince in which the Conduct of that Princess was indirectly tax'd But yet in such a manner that it might easily be perceiv'd by any that had Common Sense She was so much offended at it that she would not come to Court and she express'd her Resentments so high that it was easie to judge that she would use her utmost Endeavours to revenge it She was very near doing it and Luines had been ruin'd had she been well advis'd But while these Broils imploy'd the Court the Affairs of Bearn remain'd Dormant by reason that the Court had no time to mind them Moreover they abolish'd by an express Declaration of the 5th of July the Crime of the Assembly of Castel-jaloux and of Orthez which towards the latter end of the preceding Year after having been Converted into a General Convocation had been transferr'd to Rochel for the Conveniency of the other Provinces The truth is that the said Convocation did take the King's part publickly against the Queen and even refus'd to hear Chambret who was sent by that Princess to sound them Besides which they declared all such Desertors of the Union of the Churches who should side with any body but the King After which they broke up on the 22th of April upon the King's Promise of allowing another Assembly in the Month of September following The Brief of permission was Sign'd on the 23d of May and the Assembly repair'd to Loudun where they began their Session on the 26th of September The Court in reality ventur'd less than they seem'd to do by allowing that Assembly in a time of such Confusion They were very well inform'd with the Divisions that reign'd among the Reform'd and they had ready means to improve them Artifices to delude the Simple Recompences to purchase those that were Self-Interested Threatnings to frighten the Weak and all those being made useless to the Party they had more Forces than were necessary to oppress the rest Several Lords sent Deputies thither La Force did not fail to do the same and the Affairs of Bearn were canvas'd there as soon as it was form'd Insomuch that they soon drew Seven preliminary Articles which they gave to those that carry'd their Submissions to the King until they could make more ample Complaints to be sent by the Deputies General The first demanded the Revocation of the Decree of Restoration or at least a Suspension of it until the Bearnâ—is had been heard The Second demanded the continuation of the Places of Surety and especially that an account should be given of those that were held by Lesdiguieres who had all along refus'd to communicate it to the Churches of the Kingdom The Third related to Leitoure which Government they desir'd should be taken from Fontrailles The Fourth renew'd the Affair of the two Councellors in the Parliament of Paris in which they refus'd to receive them And the Court took but little care to oblige the Parliament to Obey according to the King's Promise The Fifth mentioned the Creation of a place of Substitute to the Attorney General in the Parliaments of Paris and Grenoble to be given to Persons of the Reform'd Religion The Sixth contain'd Complaints about the Surprising of Tartas which had been taken from the Reform'd by Craft in time of Peace demanding the Restitution of the said Place The Seventh remonstrated that the Catholicks had burnt the Temple of Bourg in Bresse and demanded Reparation for that Violence I will observe enpassant that they endeavour'd to make the Reform'd pass for Troublesome Obstinate People who would never give over and who did perpetually renew the same Demands even after the King had declar'd by divers Refusals that he would not satisfie them But there never was a more Unjust or more Imprudent Accusation The Truth is that it was never urg'd against them until their decay gave way to their Enemies to make Crimes of all their Actions and to take their very Sighs and their most humble Petitions for a lawful pretence to destroy them I own that they have often renew'd the same Demands But that was chiefly when they had receiv'd Promises which had never been put in Execution or when those things were refus'd which had been solemnly promis'd to them So that it was not a Criminal Importunity to press the performance of a Royal Promise on all Occasions If there was a Crime those were guilty of it who prevail'd with the King to break his Promises and to Ingage his Word to Impose upon the Credulity of
yet more at a loss when they were ty'd to their Instructions which being drawn in Provincial Assemblies were seldom conformable to the Instructions of those that were corrupted Those two Questions were attended with Difficulties The first had often occasion'd Disputes in Councils and in the Estates General The Popes had often lost their Cause when Councils gave their Votes by Provinces For that reason they refus'd to allow that manner of Voting in the Council of Trent in which the Number of the Italian Bishops which surpassed that of all the Prelates of the Remainder of Europe that assisted at it would have been reduced to one Voice in case they had not Voted by Heads which would have given a great Advantage to all those that had a mind to reform the See of Rome In the States General the Brigues and Sollicitations of the Court often prov'd ineffectual when they Voted by Provinces So that the Assemblies of the Reformed being liable to Brigues and Corruption as well as the others the same Question might be of use in it as well as in all the others The second Question was not without Difficulty neither It seems to be a Maxim of Right that those who only act in a Cause as Attorneys for others ought never to swerve from the Instructions which limit their Power But in Affairs of which the Conjunctures change from Morning to Night it seems both unreasonable and very dangerous to tye Deputies so Inviolably to their Instruction that they may not be allowed to do that of themselves which it is most likely their Principals would order them to do if they had time to Consult with them about it Particularly since it is to be supposed that those who intrust any body with their Power in Affairs of great Consequence look upon them as honest Men it would seem to be a Reflection upon them not to allow them to swerve from their Memoirs in unexpected Cases Too much Regularity in such a Case may either occasion tedious Delays or lose an Occasion which may be difficult to recover This was the Reason why those Questions were not decided every where alike To Vote by Heads and not to depend upon Instructions was liked best especially in such Provinces where the Court had many Pensioners But they were of a contrary Opinion in this and the Synod of Alets as we have already seen endeavoured to make the General Assembly approve the same Sentiment Moreover they added that it would be necessary to make the President his Assistant and the two Secretaries set their Hands to the Memoires of the Deputies that should assist in the same and to oblige them in order to avoid Deceit to produce them whenever they should advance Propositions which they should pretend to be contained in the same This particular Assembly finding it self Considerable by the Number and Quality of its Members treated of several great Affairs of delaying the National Synod of hastning the Assembly of Rochel by way of Continuation of that of Loudun to oblige the Duke de Sully to Watch the Preservation of Gergeau a Place of Surety which was unprovided with Men and ill paid They made divers Reflections upon the Promise made to the Assembly of Loudun by the Prince of Conde and the Duke de Luines by which it was easie to judge that they did not trust much to it The Communication of those particular Assemblies with their Neighbours maintained so general a Correspondence among all the Churches that they were all instructed with what past in any of them so that the same Affairs were partly treated of in all of them Therefore it may very well be concluded that the same thing was done in that which was held at Saumur at the latter end of the same Month of July and in that of Burgundy which was held at Pont de Vesâ—e on the 5th of the following Month. There had been Deputies of those two Provinces at Gergeau and the Province of Orleans sent theirs reciprocally in those two Assemblies so that for the most part all things past there in the same manner Divers Complaints were made in those Assemblies of the Injustices that were done to the Reform'd within their respective Jurisdictions The free Exercise of the Reform'd Religion was hinder'd at Chartres A private Person had been turn'd out of the Shrievalty at Remorantin barely upon the Account of his Religion and the Election of another was oppos'd upon the same account The Judge of Orleans had Condemn'd a Temple to be demolished within the space of a Week which was all built the Covering only excepted upon a piece of Ground given at Chilleurs by Chemerolles who was High Justicer of the Place Their Malice went farther yet at Montrichard The Catholicks were forbidden there to assist the Reform'd to carry their Dead into the Ground which Prohibition extended even to Servants towards their Masters threatning them in case they did not obey with Ecclesiastical Censures and even with Excommunication The Parliament of Paris had refus'd to regard the Warrants of a Serjeant Royal because he was of the Reform'd Religion and that he had serv'd an Execution upon a Catholick at the Suit of a Reform'd The same Parliament made two Vexatious Decrees in a short space of time upon the Subject of Burials the one on the 2d of July which order'd the Reconciliation of the Church of Lonlac in which the Heirs and the Widow of Buchon Sieur de Lallier were accused of having deposited his Body with Violence and Force of Arms. The other on the 1st of August in the Chamber of the Edict upon a Sentence of the Seneshalship of Angoumois which Condemn'd the Baron d'Etangs to take his Mother out of the Ground whom he had bury'd in the Chappel of Mâ—ssignac two years before The Sentence was confirm'd but the Fine of 200 Livres to which it Condemn'd the Baron was moderated to 48 Livres in Alms for the Bread of Prisoners to which was added that before they should proceed to the Removing of the said Corps the Attorny General should take Information whether it could be done conveniently in order to proceed to what should be thought reasonable after the hearing of the said Information But the Noise of the Alterations made in Bearn stifled those slight Complaints and the whole Kingdom talked of the Promise made to the Assembly of Loudun in the King's Name which was violated in every Article All the Neighbouring Churches to that oppressed Province were particularly alarm'd Lescun not daring to appear at Home came to Montauban where the Assembly of Rouergue sate He made his Complaints there and they gave him a full Hearing The Circles of the Upper Languedoc took his Affair to Heart the rather because it was reported that the King design'd such another Progress in Languedoc the following Year This Report could not be look'd upon as false by reason that a Coppy had been produc'd in the Synod at
pleas'd Therefore the said Minister doing him such good Services he would have been a Loser by his changing of his Religion publickly by reason that being then no longer able to penetrate into his Master's secrets he would no longer be able to betray him But Deagean provided against it by a Notorious Cheat. He obtain'd a Brief for that Minister from the Pope who allow'd him to perform the Function of his Ministry for three years longer on condition that he should neither Preach against the Doctrine of the Roman Church nor Administer the Sacrament according to the Reform'd manner I do not know which ought to appear most singular in this to Men of sense the Niceness of that Villains Conscience who would not be guilty of Hypocrisie without Leave or the Popes complaisance who under the pretence of his being useful allow'd him to make a sport of Religion for three years together and to abuse God and the World with impunity They did not do so much for Lesdiguieres They only excus'd him for a while from keeping his Word The Truth is that he had made a promise in Writing to imbrace the Roman Religion But since they did not perform their promise to him in recompence of it they did not press him to put his in Execution Moreover when they found that he press'd the conclusion too fast himself they desir'd him not to make so much haste to reduce his Ambition to less Imployments and to keep his Religion in lieu of the Dignity which he was persuaded to yield to another As if a Man who was ever ready to Sacrifice his Conscience for Temporal Advantages would be so far in Love with Piety as to think himself rewarded for the refusal of such Advantages by the Liberty of professing his own Religion There happen'd three very singular Incidents in that Negotiation That the only Man who could be thought capable of the first Dignity of the Kingdom should consent to fool himself to get it for another That the King should be so weak as to be persuaded that a Man who was not able to Exercise a Regiment without the help of a better Souldier deserv'd to be Constable That all the Court should Adore that Master-piece of Fortune and that the Princes should submit to an Authority so ill plac'd A Brother of his was also soon after made Marshal of France who was hardly a better Souldier than himself and who show'd at the Siege of Montauban at the cost of many brave Men that he did not understand how to charge a Mine The Truth is that the King soon repented the complaisance he had had for his Favourite The Crowd of Courtiers that attended that new Constable displeas'd the King who finding himself almost forsaken whereas his Favourite was follow'd by all the Court call'd him sometimes with a spightful Air King Lunes And let fall some Expressions of the desire he had to humble him That was his Forble he could not indure the greatness he had rais'd himself Tho incapable to keep his lawful Authority he was Jealous to see it in the hands of those to whom he had given it But whatever Lesdiguieres could do did not prevent his being in danger of being secur'd at Court He had been warn'd of it by the way and he fail'd but little of Experiencing that the said Advice was well grounded Nevertheless the Court obtain'd so many things of him that they thought him secure and whereas he was always to remain with the King they look'd upon his presence as a sufficient Pledge of his Fidelity By that means Dauphine in which there was a great deal of Reform'd Nobility was retrench'd from the Union of the Churches 12 or 13 Places were secur'd in which he promis'd to put Catholick Governors and Garrisons and he was set up for an Example to many of the Reform'd whom the Court would oblige not to meddle with the Assembly and even to bear Arms against their Brethren But tho he assur'd every Body both by Word of Mouth and in Writing that he did not design to change his Religion yet he Writ to Cardinal Ludovisiâ— who had lately succeeded Paul the V. and who had taken the Name of Gregory the XV. after his Election to the Pontificat to congratulate his Exaltation He had formerly promis'd that Cardinal out of a Compliment that when ever he came to be Pope he would turn Catholick And that Jest was imploy'd as an Argument to persuade him to do it as if he had been oblig'd in Honour to do it after so positive a promise During these Transactions the Assembly of Rochel remain'd steady and the Court was not without disquiets on their side by reason that they were sensible that there were many Male-contents in the Kingdom besides the Reform'd So that they were glad to find that some of the Reform'd Lords were willing still to offer their Mediation in order to an Accommodation The Dukes of Rohan and de la Trimouille undertook it after having taken measures with Du Plessis about it and Writ to the King upon that Subject But Favas finding himself fool'd at Court and that the Government of Leitoure had been given to Blainville in spight of him destroy'd the Project of that Mediation He tarry'd at home in Guyenne after the King's departure from Bourdeaux and he seem'd to be unwilling to meddle any farther with the General Deputation But he was unhappily oblig'd to come back to Court in order to have the management of the Negotiation of that Agreement He spoil'd it by his uneven Temper and the Court which knew him made use of him to deceive the Reform'd and to reconcile some Princes with the Constable who built great designs upon the War of Religion which they saw at hand Those Male-contents were the Count de Soissons a young Prince who had partly the Genius of his Father and the Dukes de Nevers and de Mayenne Villarnoul Son-in Law to Du Plessis suffer'd himself to be perswaded to tell the Count that the Accommodation of the Assembly with the King was concluded And Favas himself had the Complaisance to Write to the two Dukes that he was going from the Court with a perfect satisfaction for the Assembly Nevertheless he repair'd to Rochel with a greater mind to exasperate matters than to Reconcile them The heats of that Man whose mind ran still upon Letoure broke the Course of the Mediation those two Lords were willing to take upon them So that they were reduc'd to endeavour only by their Letters and by their Deputations to persuade the Assembly to keep within the bounds of their Allegiance Du Plessis particularly behav'd himself so that he was suspected of having lost part of the Vigour of his mind with Age and to be mov'd by Interest as Lesdiguieres Du Moulin also joyn'd with them He had been at Sedan ever since the Synod of Alets He did design to call at Rochel in returning from the Synod
before he dy'd for the support of a Religion of which as 〈◊〉 clearly perceiv'd the Catholics had vow'd the destruction 〈◊〉 thought himself of treating with the Count and found it 〈◊〉 hard matter to gain him To that purpose he promis'd him money and that he should be conducted into France by 〈◊〉 reinforcements of men that would very much augment his 〈◊〉 He promis'd also to send him the Prince of Sedan 〈◊〉 eldest Son and the Duke of Trimouille to accompany him and in a word those Lords assisted by the Counts of Suze 〈◊〉 Roussi and some others sent their Friends and their Servants who rendevouz'd from all parts at the places that were assign'd ' em These motions persuaded the Court that all they who quitted their Houses went to strengthen this Foreign Army 〈◊〉 make a considerable diversion upon the Frontiers of Champaigne For which reason several persons were seiz'd upon suspicion 〈◊〉 favouring the Duke of Bouillon's Enterprize and besides some Officers of his Houshold who were imprison'd in several pla-â—…es the Son of the Vidame of Normandy was secur'd at Paris 〈◊〉 Count of Suze at Lion and the Duke of Sulli at Moulins 〈◊〉 being suspected to be of the Confederacy In the mean time Marshal de Bouillon who had promis'd money before he knew where to have it made it his business to seek where to raise it 〈◊〉 he wrote to the Duke of Rohan to see whether he could 〈◊〉 any that way His Letters however contain'd two things 〈◊〉 opposite one to another for at the beginning he exhorted 〈◊〉 Duke to Peace for fear the continuance of the War should 〈◊〉 the ruin of the Reformed He observ'd that their ill â—uccesses proceeded from the dispersing of those who were able 〈◊〉 bear Arms but who were made uncapable of succouring one 〈◊〉 by their separation He added as it were to lead him 〈◊〉 of one discourse into another that this misfortune was oc-â—…ion'd by the want of Foreign Soldiers For the supply of which defect he offer'd the bringing in of Count Mansfeild to 〈◊〉 assistance of the Reformed in order to which he deâ—…nded three things an express approbation of his design money for the payment of his Foreign Forces and assurance 〈◊〉 he should be comprehended in the Peace both he and his if happen'd to be made But money was more difficult to be 〈◊〉 then the demanded Approbation and Assurances so that the â—ourt had time enough to gain Mansfeild and prevent his entring 〈◊〉 France Propositions therefore were made him of being enterâ—… in the King's service and some ready money fix'd his resoluâ—…ns But the Bishop of Alberstadt a Prince of the House of Brunsâ—…k to whom some part of the Forces belong'd was willing â—…heark'n to Marshal Bouillon's Proposals and to be contented 〈◊〉 the small Sum which the Marshal offer'd for present necesâ—…y till a more considerable could be rais'd which differing â—…linations set the two Generals at variance who never after 〈◊〉 did any thing considerable so that after some Sieges attempted without Success Mansfeild retir'd into the Low-Counâ—…s where his Army was utterly ruin'd France would have bin very much incumber'd with him had 〈◊〉 hir'd his Army into her Service She had no Foreign War 〈◊〉 would the Council of Conscience permit the King to concern himself with the King of Bohemia's Broils and therefore there was an Expedient found to get rid of him by sending him into the Service of the Low-Countries then in amity with the King chusing rather that he should join with the States theâ— with the King of Spain or the Venetians who both courted him Thus the Churches of France were flatter'd with an appearance of hope that vanish'd as soon Nor were the Reformed the 〈…〉 that treated with Foreigners for the King had set 'em an Example and sent into Languedoc some German Troops that serv's under the Duke of Mommorancy so that it could not be justly laid to their charge that they went about to expose their Country to the Plunder and Ransack of Foreigners since the Catholics were the first who had call'd the Reiters and the Lansquenets into the Kingdom In the mean time the fear of Mansfeild's Army render'd the King's Council more pliable so that the Proposals of Peace were renew'd But whether it were that the Duke of Rohan Demands were too high or that the Council were freed from the terror of Mansfeild's ever coming to hurt 'em the Negotiation came to nothing and Lesdiguieres spent all his pains and 〈…〉 time to no purpose in promoting it Nevertheless the Couâ—â— began to hanker after Peace of which they who were desirous to advance themselves in the King's Favour or by the management of Affairs stood in great need to the end they might 〈…〉 have too much variety of business to trouble their heads wiâ—â— at one and the same time For as for the Cities that remain'd they were of quite another consequence then the paltry Towâ— the gaining of which had bin till that time the sole Fruit â—â— the War Only they were desirous that the King should graâ—â— the Peace like the Lord and Master of it and they avoided â—â— General Treaty for fear the Union of the Reformed should be justifi'd and as it were legitimated by a Treaty of that nature These Sentiments were sufficiently express'd by the Author of â—â— Treatise that appear'd upon this Subject after the enterview â—â— Lesdiguieres and the Duke of Rohan And indeed no less theâ—â— three persons of a different character deliver'd their Opinionâ— upon the Peace The one a Reformed who was desirous to obtain the Four Articles upon which the Lords were agreed â—… other was a Zealous Catholic who was altogether for Extermination The third a moderate man who took the middle â—ay between the other two Extreams but who rejected the 〈…〉 Articles as contrary to the good of the State The Author 〈…〉 himself the name of Francophilus because he was willing â— give his judgment for those of the truly honest Frenchmen â—ho lov'd the Honour and Repose of the Kingdom He asserted that it was not proper to allow the Reformed by longer possession of Places of Security because the time al â—ted for 'em to hold those Places was expir'd That the Reasons why they were granted were out of doors That the League â—as the true motive which induc'd Henry IV. to trust 'em in â—e hands of the Reformed That he was willing to permit the â—eformed to be in Arms that they might be serviceable to him â— case of necessity That the particular safety of the Reformed â—er so many Wars was but a second motive of less importance â—â—d only serv'd as a pretence for the other That the same Prince before his death began to re-assume 'em indirectly and exâ—ted Promises in writing from the Governour which he sent either that they would keep 'em for his Service That the Reformed had made an ill use of 'em and by consequence that they
while before he was â—…s'd as a Rebel This Peace prov'd very honourable for the Duke of Rohan who notwithstanding that the Reformed had lost about fourscore Towns was yet in a condition to gain a General Peace which the King had refus'd at the Siege of Montauban but the Priâ—ate Articles were still more to his advantage then the General The remaining Places were left in the hands of the Reformed not under the Title of Security Marriage or Hostage but by way of free Gift and voluntary Concession which did â—ut only alter the name not the thing 'T is true that the King would no longer tye himself to pay the Garisons nor what was due for the time past as the Sums promis'd either by himself or his Father for the Salaries of the Ministers Yet he gave 'em some hopes that he would pay 'em for the future But that Article was ill observ'd as well as the rest By a particular Brevet the King promis'd that he would neither keep any Garison nor erect any Citadel at Mompellier that the City should remain in the Custody of the Consuls and that there should be no Innovation other then the demolishing of the new Fortifications which Breif was deliver'd to the Duke of Rohan who lodg'd it in the Consul's hands By other Breifs permission was given that Rochel and Montauban should preserve their Fortifications in the same condition as theâ—… stood and that the Works about Nimes Castres Vsez and Milhau should be but half demolish'd But when that Article about the demolishing of the Fortifications came to â—â— put in execution notice was giv'n to the Parlament of Tholouse that the Reformed went to work after such a manner that by dismantling their Cities they made 'em better and stronger then before so that upon the 14th of December there came forth a Decree which forbid those counterfeit dismantlings which was the reason that that same Article of the Edict was laid aside and the places left in the same condition as the Peace found ' em Nor did the Parlament verify the Edict of Peace but with several Qualifications The Parlament of Paris instead of the words Cities of the pretended Reformed Religion put in Cities 〈◊〉 by those of the pretended Reformed Religion and in the room of thâ— words Ecclesiastical Affairs they alter'd 'em into Affairs concerning the Regulations of the said pretended Reformed Religion These petty Niceties however display'd no signs of Embitterment But the Parlament of Bourdeaux laid about 'em with the same passionate Fury as they had shewn during the Frenziâ—â— of the League They verifi'd the Edict without approving any other then the Catholic Religion or admitting the words Ecclesiastical Affairs They ordain'd that the dismantling of their Towns should be continu'd till it were thoroughly finish'd that such Judgments as were in favour of the Catholics should stand good but that those which were advantageous to the Reformed should be revokable upon a bare Petition and thâ—â— no Foreigners should be capable of being Ministers in the Kingdom These affected Severities in the Verification of an Edict â—ight well be lookt upon as a Presage that the Repose which it contributed to the Kingdom would not be of long contiâ—â—ance Nevertheless all the Cities which had join'd together in the â—â—mmon Cause accepted of the Peace though there were â—â—me that were afraid of the Consequence Privas and Brison who had held it out notwithstanding the Conquests which Chaâ—lloâ— had suffer'd the Duke of Mommorency to make in the Neighbouring parts came in upon the general Conditions Montauban proud of having held out a Siege where the King was in person and of preserving her Fortifications as a Troâ—…y of her Victory accepted the Conditions also Rochel prest 〈◊〉 Sea and Land and fearing to be assailed by the whole strength of the Kingdom if she refus'd the Conditions propos'd submitted to the Count of Soissons who commanded the King's Forces that attacqu'd her However the Duke of Guise â—…ough well inform'd that the Peace was concluded adventur'd 〈◊〉 engage the Fleet of that City and because he could not â—â—â—d out a way to excuse that Action which cost a great deal 〈◊〉 Blood on both sides 't was given out that Rochel knew it as well as he and that she would not have accepted the Peace â—â—d she got the better To say truth her loss was not so great â—â—t that she was still in a condition to appear formidable And 〈◊〉 may be said that her damage consisted in this that the least â—…es of a City that has no other assistance to trust to but her â—wn are always considerable rather then in her receiving any great harm by the King 's Fleet. But after the tidings of the â—eace all Acts of Hostility ceas'd and the City thought herself deliver'd from all her fears of a long Siege Vsez Nimes Milhau all the rest of the Cities obey'd and flatter'd themselves with seeing the Edicts better observ'd for the future then hitherto â—â—ey had bin But Catholic Zeal had not yet alter'd her Characters nor was it lawful for the Council to make a Peace of that nature â—â—t with a resolution to violate it One of the first effects of â—â—e Infidelity of the Court was her defrauding the most part of the Deserters of the common Cause and denying 'em the Recompences which had bin promis'd em for the performance 〈…〉 which Promises they never had bin urgent The King thought that the Peace which he had granted to all the Reformed haâ—… disingag'd him from the Promises which he had made to particular men meerly to retain 'em in their obedience Nor would many People have murmur'd at this piece of Infidelity had thâ—… stopp'd there and it was agreed on all sides that they who haâ— sold for ready money the Towns that were the security of their Religion and their Consciences deserv'd no better usage bâ—… the Court-Designs soon after broke out into Frauds of highâ—… importance For they had promis'd the Rochelois to demoliâ—… the Fort which the Count of Soissons had built to curb and aâ—… noy the City But they were so far from observing that Article that the Fort was not finish'd till after the Peace was made nor could all the Complaints of the Rochellois obtain aâ—… other then feigned Commands to demolish it of which they to whom they were sent had private Orders to take 〈…〉 notice Among the secret Conditions which were granted to the City of Mompelier there was a Promise made to the Inhabitants that the King should not enter with above four Colours of Fooâ—… which should march out back again with him To elude which Promise the whole Regiment of Guards was order'd to enter iâ—… under no more then four Colours unworthily abusing the aâ—… biguous signification of the word though as time has made it out the word Colours or Ensign signifies much more usually in common speech a Company of Soldiers marching under 〈…〉 Ensign then
and accus'd 'em of the King's death and several other Assassinations Tilenus answer'd this Discourse by a Writing wherein excepting the Portraicture which he gives of Milletiere which is natural enough it may be said that he had neither sincerity nor judgment And a man may judge of it by the ridiculous Answer which he gives to the Example of the Maccabees and which he thought to evade by saying that the History that relates it was held at Geneva for Apocriphal as if neither Examples or Reasons avail'd any thing in point of Policy or Right if the Books out of which they were taken were not Canonical Moreover he makes an Apology for the Jesuits which justifies the Assassination of Kings and with he audaciousness of a Missionary he revives the reproach of having suborn'd Simon de Mâ—â— hang'd at Paris for other Crimes to attempt the murder of Katherine de Medicis Nor did he forget Poltrot who assassinated the Duke of Guise and fain would have one Philip de â—â—lombault Sieur de Varcieux executed at Paris in the Court of the Palace without any noise and without expressing the cause to be a Russian of the same stamp grounding his Conjecture upon the privacy observâ—d in his execution He also spends a great deal of time to prove that Kings are not bound to observe the Laws Nor do she spare for Testimonies and Examples and diâ—â—nâ—angles himself from the Testimonies on the other side by saying That a Prince is bound to go according to the Laws but if he breaks 'em it is not lawful to resist him which is as much as to say in a word that nothing obliges Sovereigns to the observance of the most â—acred Laws seeing there is no lawful means to defend the Laws in opposition to their violence when they break ' em Whence it follows that every man who submits himself to a King plainly renounces his own safety since he only grounds it upon Equity and Probity for which it may so happen many times that neither the Prince nor Counsellors have any regard 'T is for the People to consider whether such Politics as these are convenient for ' em Above all things Tilenus advances the Authority of the Kings of France to the highest degree The Emperor's Authority in his Opinion was much more limited Nevertheless all that the most powerful of Kings have ever aim'd at has bin to be Emperors in their own Dominions and those Lawyers who attribute the highest power to 'em say nothing more of it But that which might beyond all this encline the Court to protect the Arminian Theology was the Imposture supported against the Synod of Dort For they made France believe that the secret Design of that Assembly was to form a Protestant League â—o destroy the Church of Rome Tilenus also reveal'd this important Mystery in his writing and from thence concludes That the King did very well not to permit the Ministers of his Kingdom to go thither as if such a great Affair could not have bin â—esolv'd upon for want of French Ministers It may be judg'd by these little Remarks what kind of Answer Tilenus's was â—nd at the same time why the Court of France seem'd so averse â—o the Doctrine of that Synod But I return to that of Charenton They resolv'd upon a â—unctual Obedience in reference to the two Articles of which their Commissioners made their Report reserving to themselves â—he liberty of addressing to the King for his permission when they had a desire to send for any Foreign Minister As for the doctrine decided in the Synod of Dort they order'd it to be â—orn to under the name of the Doctrine of the Synod of Alets without any appearance in the wording of the Oath that it â—ad any relation to the Assembly of Dort And the Articles of â—â—at Doctrine were printed together with the Doctrine of the â—ynod and they were cri'd publicly upon Pont Neuf But they â—ho were not pleas'd with those decisions endeavour'd to disâ—arage 'em by a thousand Observations wherein Calumny was 〈…〉 Argument that carri'd the greatest stroke The Commissioners had in charge to demand the resettlement 〈…〉 Assignations which had bin given and which were due for â—…e preceding years for those which the Churches had obtain'd 〈…〉 the year 1621 were allotted to other uses nor had there â—…n any for the year 1622. and at first they had order'd bad ones â—…r the present year But Candal refusing to accept 'em they order'd better Nevertheless because they lay far remote they remanded such as were nearer at hand and of which they might have a quicker benefit At length the Commissioners obtain'd â—orty thousand Livres in ready money for which they had Bills upon the Exchequer They had also fair Promises for the future but were put quite out of hopes for what was past During the sitting of the Synod the King wrote a Letter to â—he Commissioner dated September 25. and containing three â—hâ—ngs to be propos'd to the Synod The first was That the â—ing would not give leave that either Primrose or Cameron whom the Catholics could not pardon the Affair of Bourdeâ—â—â— should exercise the Function of the Ministry or profess Divinity in the Kingdom He said That that Exclusion was not grounded upon their being Foreigners but upon Reasons that concern'd his service The second was That when the King permitted Politic Assemblies it was his pleasure that no Ministers should be deputed He alledg'd That they were taken off from their proper Duties and he added that he could have wish'd they had prevented his Commands But if they did not obey he should by an express Declaration give farther Order about it or else in the Brevets of Leave which he should grant 'em for holding their Assemblies Nevertheless he did not extend the Exclusion to the Pastors of the place who had his permission to be present The third was That this Declaration of his Intentions should be inserted among the Acts of the Synod The second Article was past because they saw well that it would be in vain to oppose it and for that other Synods had already taken a Resolution conformable to it which nevertheless had never bin observ'd The third Article pass'd in the same manner But they sent a new Deputation to the King upon the former to beseech him that he would remit something of his Severity in favour of Primrose and Cameron And that Affair made 'em also bethink themselves of Moulin whom the Court would not permit to return into France The King made Answer That he did not think they would have repli'd after he had both writ and said what he had done That he had good Reasons which the Synod would readily allow if they understood what they were nevertheless that he gave all the three Ministers leave to stay in the Kingdom upon condition that for the present they forbore all manner of Exercise of their Functions adding that time
Word and Authority of their Lawful Prince would be to tye 'em to another Soveraign For this Reason the Court of France who had let the King of England alone to use all the Arguments of which they could make their advantage yet were not engag'd by any Public Act to do the least Kindness out of any respect for him laught at the Pretension of the English Mediator when he would have had his Guarantie taken effect and lookt upon the Embassador's Writing as an idle piece of Nullity that oblig'd the King of France to nothing But after the Peace was sign'd upon the Conditions mentention'd the Ratifications of Rochel and Montauban were expected of which the one was perform'd the second the other the sixth of March Which done an Edict was publish'd the same Month which contain'd Twelve Articles The Introduction spoke of nothing but Clemency and Pardon on the King's part and Submissions and Supplications reiterated by the Reformed and particularly by those who remain'd in obedience which the King said was the better sort and the greatest part and to whose Remonstrances he had had a special regard when he accepted the Submissions of the Rest The First Article confirm'd the Regster'd Edicts and Secret Articles and gave Testimony that they had been well and duly observ'd in the Reign of the deceased King and after his death till the beginning of the last Commotions Which was an Artifice to induce the Reformed themselves to condemn all the loud Complaints of a thousand Breaches before that time The second restor'd the Exercise of the Roman Religion in all places where it had â—in ejected during the Troubles and order'd ample Restitution of the Estates and Rights belonging to the Ecclesiastics even of their Moveables that should be found in specie The third granted the same favour to the Reformed for the exercise of their Religion and for the Church-yards which they were posâ—ess'd of in 1600. And the Clauses of that Article were taken out of the Answer to the two first of the Paper decreed at Fontainbleau The fourth contain'd an Amnesty of all Acts of Hostility even of those that might have bin committed since the day of the Declaration dated October 1622. till the day of the publication of this in the Parlaments nor were the Submissions and reiterated Supplications of the Reformed omitted The fifth concern'd the raising of money and gave a discharge of it in the terms of the Articles of the Edict of Nantes which mention'd the same thing The sixth re-establish'd the Seats of Judicature the Receits the Officers of the Finances in the places from whence they had bin remov'd by reason of the Troubles wherein the Tablier of the Election at Rochel was also comprehended The Priviledges of the Cities which the Reformed held in their hands were likewise confirm'd The usual method for the electing of Consuls was to be observ'd and the Appeals of Persons aggriev'd were to be judg'd by the Chambers of the Edict The seventh discharg'd the Reformed from all Sentences pronounc'd against 'em by reason of their taking Arms And this Article was very necessary every where but chiefly within the Jurisdiction of the Parlament of Thoâ—â—â—se where they had signaliz'd their extraordinary Zeal by a great number of Decrees against Corporations and private persons The eighth ordain'd a speedy Release of Prisoners and Persons condemn'd to the Gallies The ninth confirm'd the Article of the Edict of Nantes which declar'd the Reformed capable of all Offices re-establish'd those that had bin put out â—evok'd the Patents of their Offices granted to others and restor'd to the Reformed all their Estates their Titles Debts Accompts and Actions and cancell'd all opposite Acts except the peremptory Decrees of the Council and Chambers of the Edict The tenth order'd that this Declaration should be observ'd in the terms of the 92d Article of the Edict of Nantes The eleventh forbid for the future all manner of Politic Assemblies unless they had express leave to hold 'em and all manner of Associations and keeping of Intelligences Nevertheless Ecclesiastical Assemblies were permitted about meer affairs of Church-Discipline and in conformity to the Declaration of August 1623. which enjoin'd the Synods to admit a Commissioner deputed by the King All manner of Fortifications and raising of Money were forbid without an express Commission The last ordain'd the execution of the Articles that related to Rochel and the restitution of the Cities and Castles during the War 'T is true the Mayor the Sheriffs and certain Burgesses of Orleans the Catholics of Mompelier and parts adjoining Prelats Ecclesiastics Gentlemen and others oppos'd the verification of this Edict in the Parlament of Paris and the opposition of the first was admitted but the rest were referr'd to the Parlament oâ— Tholouse However their opposition was only in reference to some particular Interests After the Peace was thus concluded the Confederates were in hopes that France would have turn'd her Arms against the House of Austria But they were strangely astonish'd to see a ratifi'd Treaty appear abroad within eleven days after which du Targis Ambassador in Spain had concluded between the Two Crowns 'T is true that to cover this foul Play they made a shew of disowning the Ambassador who seemingly was never to have bin pardon'd but for the earnest sollicitations of the Court of Rome But this Farce deceiv'd none but Fools for the Treaty held good after some slight Alterations and the Confederates exhal'd their Resentments in vain Reproaches and unprofitable Threats There was only the Duke of Savoy who being enrag'd at such a piece of Perfidiousness sent away the Abbot de la Scaglia into England to excite that Monarch to revenge who had no less reason then himself to be chaf'd at such a scorn of his Amity And Affairs in that Kingdom began to encline toward a Rupture for there was a great Jealousy in point of Honour between Cardinal Richlieu and the Duke of Buckingham but they were unequally match'd For Buckingham was vain hair-brain'd lofty and void of Foresight Richlieuâ—rafty â—rafty a Dissembler a Hypocrite and one that never ventur'd â—ny thing without good assurances of Success They had this â—owever which was common to both that they were hated â—y all men but such as were their Creatures and both were â—qually sovereign Governors of their sovereign Masters tho â—thers say there was a more secret cause of Jealousy between â—â—em For Buckingham had appear'd in the Court of France with the Character of Ambassador in a magnificent Equipage â—nd had drawn the eyes of all the world upon him He had moreover pleas'd the Ladies and his vanity had transported â—im to think himself worthy to attempt the Queen herself The Cardinal had the same thoughts and could not endure that his â—ival should receive any marks of being preferr'd before â—im We may reck'n among the greatest weaknesses of that celeâ—rated Minister of State that he was emulous of out
waited for the effect of the King of England's Promis'd Intercession for demolishing Fort Lewis or whether they were desirous to see what would be the issue of the Confusions at Court they went but slowly on with dismantling their Fortifications more especially the Fort oâ— Tadon which was one of their best and strongest Bulwarkâ— Lesdiguieres discontented with the Court fomented new Troubles in the Dauphinate Brison by his Counsels maintain'd him self in Poussin a paltry place from which however they could not get him out but by giving him a Recompence of 4000 Crowns And Montauban Son of the Marquiss of Gouverâ—â— got almost as much to lay down Arms. Thus all things being in a manner peaceable and quiet the Reformed were permitted to assemble a National Synod at Castres which sate down the 15th of September and the Court sent this Augustus Galand for their Commissioner in pursuance oâ— the Declaration 1623. the revocation of which they could not obtain All they could get was a Decree which upon the complaint of the Delays and Difficulties they met with in the nomination of Commissioners by the Governors and of the long time before the Commissioners came to the Synods imported thus much That the Governors or others to whom they should apply themselves having notice of the Place and Day of the Synod's sitting a Month before should be bound to nominate Commissioners and those that were nominated should be bound to be there at the place and upon the day appointed or within three days after at farthest which if they fail'd to do the Deputies had leave to assemble without 'em they behaving themselves in other things according to the Edicts This same Galand had already been present at the last Assembly held at Charenton and the Figure he made at Court would not permit him to quit his Interest or to swerve from her Orders and Maxims He was entrusted with a Letter from the King to the Synod Commission to be present there and Instructions in writing how to carry himself The Letter imported leave to hold the Synod whose Deliberations were thereby also confin'd to affairs of Church-Discipline only Moreover it was in the nature of Predential for the Commissioner and lastly it contain'd asstances of the King's good-will and his observance of the edicts provided that the Reformed continu'd in their obedience The Commission was plain and downright but it mention'd an express Injunction to be careful of seeing the Edicts observ'd and chiefly that of 1623. and to hinder the keeping â—f any Conventicles at Castres without his leave His Instructions were more ample and contain'd six principal Articles â—he first renew'd the promises of the King's good-will while â—aithful Obedience was paid him The second exhorted the Reâ—â—med to live in Concord with the Catholics and not to have â—â—y other then sentiments of Equity and Justice for 'em which the King promis'd to see done on the Catholics part The third exhorted a Renunciation of all Associations Unions and Intelligences either abroad or at home any other then with the King and the Commissioner was to declare that the King â—ever had the least thought of disannulling the Edicts which â—e prov'd because the King had confirm'd 'em after he came to â—ears of majority that he had renew'd his Alliances with Foreign Protestants that he had augmented the Gratuities which the King his Father had given to the Ministers that he had made use of Protestant Lords in sundry great Affairs and for that in the Insurrections of the Reformed he had bin always enclin'd to mercy so soon as they were ready to submit The fourth was of a singular nature to oblige the Ministers to inform against one another themselves and to brand one another upon their own judgments so that Galand was to exhort em to inform against those Ministers who had held intelligence with the Spiniards without taking notice in reference to it of any Amnesties of what was past He was in that respect to draw a Declaration from the Synod conformable to what had past in the Provincial Synod of Upper Guyenne held at Realmont and to testify that the aim of that Inquisition was not to punish the guilty but to hinder those that were faithful from being comprehended in the Crimes of others The fifth admonish'd the Commissioner not to let the Synod meddle with any thing but barely Discipline And the last took from the Ministers the liberty of going out of the Kingdom or setling themselves in any other places without permission and from the Synods â—â— power of sending any to Foreign Princes and Sovereigns â—â—aâ— should desire 'em either for a time or for a constancy For ' twaâ— the King's pleasure that Demands of that nature should be sent to him and the reason of that new restraint was said to be because that the Duties of Obedience were not to be alter'd by â— mixture of the Manners and Customs of Foreign Countries This Commission of Galands was ill resented by the Synod and Chauve then Moderator told him very roundly That a Man zealous for his Religion ought not to have charg'd himself with Instructions of such a nature which only tended to over reach and dishonour his Brethren After which Remonstrance he return'd an Answer to all the Articles with as much Resolution as Prudence But for the better understanding of his Answer it is necessary here to explain what the Synod of Realmâ—â—â— was and what had bin there done upon the occasion of Foreigâ— Intelligences The Duke of Rohan being sollicited by the Spaniards was enter'd into Treaty with 'em and had sent Campreâ—â—â— into Spain for more positive assurances of the Succor that was offer'd Not that it was the design either of the Spanish Court or the Duke of Rohan to stick to the Treaty but both expected to make this benefit of it that it might be a means to bring the Cardinal to better terms The Duke was in hopes thereby to obtain a more advantageous Peace and Spain willing to shew that if the French went on with the War in Italy that she had a way to revenge herself by continuing the Civil War in France as long as she pleas'd Moreover being afraid â—est the Reformed should agree to an Accommodation she made â—…em a shew of large Succors to render 'em more stiff and to engage 'em to stand upon such Demands as would not be granted â—…em so that the Treaty was concluded by Campredon with conâ—iderable Promises But while he return'd laden with the Articles of the Treaty Peace was made both with the Reformed â—nd with Spain the Treaty having no other effect but only â—hat it put the sooner conclusion to both Wars Campredon at his return was seiz'd upon and carri'd a Prisoner to Tholouse and there prosecuted for his life In the mean time the Edict of â—arch being sent to the President Masuyer to be register'd one would have thought that Campredon should have enjoy'd the benefit
he flatterâ—â— himself was both impossible unprofitable and unjust The also excus'd by divers Arguments the Breach of Treaties which it was not always requisite to observe In pursuance of which Maxim they shew'd that all the Reasons which the Reformed brought were Insufficient to justifie their Arms. They would needs have it that the Reformed had extorted all the Favouâ—… which had bin granted to 'em and particularly the Briefs consequently that the Obligation was void and the Revocation lawful 'T was said that Kings were oblig'd to punish Heretics as the Servants of God as Protectors of the Church and because that Heretics have bin always troublesom to Statâ—… and Kingdoms 'T was asserted that the Reason of Publâ—… Welfare exempted Kings from observing their Promises maâ—… to their Subjects who were never permitted to wage Waâ—… and that tho they were attacqu'd it was not lawful for 'em to defend themselves and they were very large and copious upon this Tyrannical Opinion They were also very diffusive upon the Question what Place the Reformed held in the Kingdom Wherein it was asserted that they were no separate Body and upon that Principle they condemn'd their their General Deputations and in a word whatever else was the Consequence of a lawful Union A new sort of Politics from whence the Pretences for a Great Number of unjust Action were drawn Lastly by a sort of Argumentation altogether Catholic they alledg'd the Victories of the Roman Church over Heresie to be a Mark of her being the True Church and the Fall of the Reformed as a Mark of their Heresie But 〈◊〉 would be a hard matter to demonstrate that Violence Surprize and Treachery which are the Weapons which the Roman Church makes use of against her Enemies were Weaponâ— becoming the Truth and that the Ruin of her Adversaries bâ—… such means was a good Argument to convince 'em of Heresie But while the Duke of Rohan struggl'd with these Difficulâ—…es the Reducing of Alets which open'd her Gates to the 〈◊〉 without any Opposition totally discourag'd those that were 〈◊〉 resolv'd to have defended themselves and the Advantagious Conditions which that City obtain'd perswaded all the 〈◊〉 to imitate Her that they might be no less happy then She. 〈◊〉 Consideration of the Disorders that happen'd at Privas 〈◊〉 'em believe the Capitulation of Alets the more tolerable 〈◊〉 that as it was one of the most Considerable that belon'gd to 〈◊〉 Party her Example extreamly sway'd the Rest Nevertheless the Duke surmounted all these Obstacles and neglecting 〈◊〉 own Advantages which he was given to understand in the 〈◊〉 Name should be much greater if he would treat apart 〈◊〉 himself then if he obstinately insisted upon a General Peace 〈◊〉 engag'd all his Friends and Adheretns to make but one Treaâ—…fâ—r all To which purpose he obtain'd leave to call a General Assembly at Anduse from whence it was translated to 〈◊〉 to the end it might there be more free For the King 〈◊〉 the Confirmation of the Edicts there was nothing which could cause a Dispute but the Article concerning the â—…tifications 'T was the King's desire they should be demoâ—…'d but the greatest part of the Cities refus'd to Conâ—… to it They judg'd it to be the greatest Mischief that could 〈◊〉 'em tho they should stand the utmost of Extremity And â—…say truth in regard there were still remaining about Thirty â—…ng Holds the meanest of which was able to hold out a â—…ge of three Months they might have put the Cardinal to a â—…nge had he insisted upon that Article But particular Inâ—…ests the Cardinals Correspondencies the Fear of Treachery 〈◊〉 Example of Privas and chiefly that of Anduse that first 〈◊〉 gave way and first of all agreed to the Demolishing of 〈◊〉 Fortifications made all the Deputies that were at the Assembly submit to give the same Consent The Peace was then Concluded toward the end of June publish'd in the King's Camp and afterwards the Treaty being 〈◊〉 into an Edict was publish'd at Nimes the next Month. It 〈◊〉 granted in the Form of a Favour and because the King 〈◊〉 it to his vanquish'd and humbl'd Subjects of his meer good will upon no other Considerations or Motives but 〈◊〉 of his Clemency it was call'd the Edict of Grace Upon which â—â—tle there was a High Valne put to cure the Reformed of the Fears lest this Edict should be no better observ'd then 〈◊〉 Rest and because it was taken for a pretence to violate 〈◊〉 that preceded that the Grant of 'em was wrested from 〈◊〉 King by force therefore that there should be no excuse for 〈◊〉 Infringing of this because the King had granted it as a Victâ—â—â— out of the meer Instigation of his Royal good will Nevertheless the very next Day after the Publication of the Peace 〈◊〉 the 29th of June the Cardinal wrote a Letter to the 〈◊〉 Mother upon the occasion from whence it might be concluded that the Motive to this Peace was not any Inclination to 〈◊〉 serve the Edicts obtain'd by the Heretics but to ease the People of the Consequences of the War and for fear of offending 〈◊〉 Protestant Confederates who would hardly have bin draâ—â— to Confide in those who sought the utter Extirpation of the Reformed Brethren But the Queen was already discontentâ—… with the Cardinal nor was there any thing which more 〈◊〉 pleas'd her then the Success of the Enterprises which he undertook She had done as much as she could to hinder the Success of the Siege of Rochelle and at the same time that she voâ—… Pilgrimages and other Acts of Devotion for the Taking of she set all her Engins at work to disappoint the Prosperity that Important Design Not that she lov'd the Reformed tho they had serv'd her faithfully upon several Occasions 〈◊〉 in regard they had offended her in others their Injuries 〈◊〉 deeper at her Heart then their Services But that was 〈◊〉 strange thing For we may build more securely upon the Resentment of Men more especially of Princes then upon 〈◊〉 Acknowledgment Time obliterates out of their Memoâ—… all the Impressions of their good Services and when they pardon they do but suspend the Resentment of an Injury the Remembrance of which the least Pretence revives Now 〈◊〉 which oblig'd the Queen to fret at the Cardinal's Prosperity was this that she saw the Cardinal's Reputation fix'd by the Success of his Designs whereas she saw her Credit sink by degrees while he that before was but her Creature left her hardâ—… any share in the Government of Affairs And she would not have bin sorry to have seen him less fortunate in his Enterprises against the Heretics that there might have bin a Party left in the Kingdom to restore her to the Authority she had lost when occasion offer'd However the Cardinal always paid her most profound Respects that he might not expose himself to the reproach of despising a Princess to whom he was beholding for his Fortune But to
brangling Pettifoggers were certain Laics of the Scum of the People the most Eminent of which were Pedlars Cordwinders Cutlers and such â—…ke Riffraff who rambl'd about from Town to Town from Consistory to Consistory from Synod to Synod to give Insolent Challenges to the Ministers preach Controversies in public Places upon Theaters set up like Mountebank's Stages to teaze â—…nd weary out the meaner sort of people with pitiful and ridiculous Cavils and to endeavour by the Conversion of some poor 〈◊〉 Widgeon or other to gain a certain spill of Money which 〈◊〉 Clergy had fixt as the Reward of such petty Victories But 〈◊〉 shall speak more at large in another place of this new sort of adversaries my business in this place being only to let you know how much the Duke of Rohan was bespatter'd with Reproaches and Scandals after the Conclusion of the Peace the chiefest part of those that had most importunately prest him to make it imputing the Fall and almost Ruin of the Reformed Party to his Ambition his Avarice and his Precipitancy So that he was forc'd to write an Apology for this last Peace wherein resuming his Discourse from the Assembly of Rochelle which began the War he made it appear by a Recital of all that had been transacted that his Conduct was altogether Innocent and that the last Peace was altogether necessary at a time when France having no Foreign Troubles to divert her was pouring upon the Duke with no less then six Armies at once But these Reproaches were only thrown upon him by those to whom the Peace was not so gainful as the War For in the main the Duke had gain'd the Hearts of all the People and almost all the Reformed were of Opinion that he would have done much greater Things for 'em then the Admiral Chatillon had he bin as well seconded by the Citizens and Nobility as the Admiral was In the mean time they began to brangle with the Reformed in divers places about the Right of Exercises more especially on that side next to Rochelle where Thuilerie the Intendant and St. Chament the Governor made several Attempts The first ordain'd that the Exercise should not be performed but in Places where it ought to be according to the Edict and that the Reformed to make appear the Rights to which they pretended should produce their Proofs before the Intendant within fifteen Days He added that within the said Term such Gentlemen as would perform the Exercise within their own Houses should declare which was the Place of which they made choice for their Principal Dwelling upon which they should enjoy the Right so long as they remain'd there with their Wives and Families and that the said fifteen Days being expir'd without any such Declaration made they should be deem'd not to have sufficient Proofs of their Right and therefore should have no more Preaching in their Houses till the King should otherwise ordain This Inquisition was the occasion that the Churches in those Quarters were forc'd to undergo the Persecution of 〈◊〉 world of brabbling Cavils But what was most troublesom was that the Churches whose Right was ocnfirm'd by Thuilerie's Order were in no better Condition seeing that afterwards they found out a thousand Devices to deprive 'em of the Fruit of those Sentences For in Places of which the Lords of the Mannors were Catholics the best settl'd Rights in the world signify'd nothing in regard the violent Zeal of the Lord would not let his Tenants enjoy their Advantage Of which there was an Eminent Example at Rochechouard where the Exercise of the Reformed Religion began in the Year 1559. and where the Commissioners entrusted with the Edict of Nantes confirm'd it in 1601. by a solemn Decree Nevertheless the Lord by force expell'd the Reformed from the Place where they were accustom'd to Preach so that they were forc'd to seek out another And notwithstanding all their Complaints they were expos'd to long and tedious Vexations which could not be determin'd but with the dissipation of their Church The Bishop of Valence a violent Spirit and a hot-headed 〈◊〉 upon the 15th of June procur'd a Decree of the â—…rivy Council which forbid any Foreigner tho a receiv'd Minister within the Diocess to continue his Ministry in the Kingdom There were three of these whom the Bishop would 〈◊〉 involve in the same Prohibition Martin Scarpius and 〈◊〉 for the Bishop as a Temporal Lord had condemn'd 'em 〈◊〉 three Aâ—â—esi kept his ground at Livron without taking any 〈◊〉 of the Decree Scarpius retir'd to Die where he liv'd without officiating in the Ministry And as for Martin he 〈◊〉 chang'd the place of his Residence but never stirr'd out of the Diocess Which made the Bishop stark mad a man otherwise proud and transported with his Passions But he obtain'd nothing from the Council but only against Martin who was the most hated because he had bin a Capuchin and for that after he had quitted his Habit he wrote a Book entitl'd The Capuâ—… Reform'd wherein he gave no Quarter to the Hypocrisies of that Institution and farther because the Bishops having â—…t him in Prison his ill usage could neither make him alter his Conduct nor abate his Courage That year the same Bishop began a Persecution which deriving the Original of it in a particular Diocess spread itself afterwards over all the Kingdom and was the occasion of above 35 years vexation to the Churches The Pretence was because one and the same Minister preach'd by turns in several places And the King was made believe that those places which were call'd Annexes or Quarters belonging to some principal Church were so many Usurpations that were not authoriz'd by the Edict tho there were nothing more false For those Annexes were places where the right of Exercise had bin acquir'd for same one of the Reasons mention'd in the Edict but not being able of themselves to maintain a Minister apart were join'd together by the Authority of a Synod to make up a sufficient Salary for one Pastor This was no injury to the Interests of the Clergy to whom it ought to have bin an indifferent thing how the Reformed order their Churches to be serv'd Besides that 't was very convenient for the Reformed who by that means provided for their Churches and their Ministers at little Expences And that Reason was sufficient to excite the Zeal of Catholic Persecution to deprive 'em of that advantage And it may be thought that this Vexation began in Valence because it is a Bishopric compos'd of two in one Valence and Die tho the Bishop bears the name of Valence only Now that Prelate could not endure that the Heretics should unite several poor Churches together to enlarge the Minister's Salary because it belong'd only to the Church of Rome to unite several poor Bishoprics to augment the Revenue of one single Bishop This was seconded by the Bishop of Vaison who join'd with him in his Persecutions
and Both together obtain'd two Decrees of Council one of the 3d of October against the Minister of Dieulefit the other dated the 11th of the same month forbidding 'em to preach in any other then the place of their Residence Nothing could be more vexatious in the Consequences of it to the Provinces wherein there were many Churches more especially since the King had taken away the money granted by the King his Father in recompence of the Tithes It appear'd by these Examples of the Persecution that the Reformed had not now those Forces which caus'd the Catholics to spare 'em before but that in despite of the Act of Grace they would be brangl'd every day out of the remainder of their Priviledges In a word within less then two years they had so many unjust Injuries done 'em as are hardly to be imagin'd But two things hinder'd that they did not hasten their destruction The first was because the Court itself was intangl'd in most desperate Quarrels and Confusions Providence permitted for the justification of the Reformed who had bin all along accus'd of being the sole Causes of the Troubles of the Kingdom that after the Ruin of their Affairs the Catholics should have their turn should enter into Treaties Leagues and Conspiracies renew the Civil Wars and keep the Kingdom till the death of the King in continual Combustions The original of which Troubles was the Queenmother's discontent who could not brook the high credit to which the Cardinal had attain'd by the success of his Enterprises That Princess ambitious and jealous of her Honour was affronted that the Cardinal whom she had introduc'd into Court should be so powerful as to slight â—…her and that on the other side she should have so far lost â—…her former Reputation that she could not as well contemn her Competitor She saw herself despis'd since the taking of Rochel and in truth since that Enterprize had succeeded the Cardinal had chang'd his Behaviour with all the world nor did he carry himself in any thing so cautiously as before because â—…e thought he stood in need of no body's protection Nay he could not forbear jesting a little too satyrically upon the Queen and in regard the Favour he was in had created him many Enemies there were some that took delight officiously to repeat his Jests and to season 'em with some dashes of particular malice So that the Queen display'd all her Fury against him and notwithstanding all the care which the King himself Cardinal Bagni and other persons of the highest quality took to reconcile 'em she would never pardon him The Duke of Orleans took his Mother's part and several other considerable Lords did the same As for the Cardinal he was too much employ'd in dissipating all these terrible Storms to think of the Reformed and his Enemies had too much business on the other side to mind these miserable Remainders of a Party that made no longer any Figure in the Kingdom But the Cardinal had the good luck or else the cunning to vanquish all these difficulties and to reduce the Queen his Mistress to retire into Flanders since she could not stay neither with safety nor honour in a Kingdom where she had so long exercis'd the Supreme Authority The Duke of Orleans also departed France soon after but return'd with his Arms in his hand The second thing which afforded some relaxation to the Reformed was that the Cardinal was desirous to uphold the King's Alliances with the Foreign Protestants that he had renew'd the League with the Foreign Protestants and for that he had renew'd an Alliance with Gustavus King of Sueden a brave Prince Ambitious one that had acquir'd the Reputation of a great Captain and who but a little before had made an Incursion into Pomerania where he made it evident that it was not a thing impossible to bring down the Puissance of the Emperor This Prince enter'd Germany at the Cardinal's sollicitation and made those surprizing Progresses which are hardly to be believ'd upon the credit of Relations They were afraid he would have gone too far so that after two years of continu'd triumph he was slain at Lutzen no body being as yet able to discover wâ—â—ther the mortal Stroke proceeded from the hand of his Friends or his Enemies There was also great care taken in treating with him to prevent his Conquests from doing any prejudice to the Catholic Religion and that Prince was very complaisant with the Cardinal upon that Subject So that whether he would not offend a Confederate attended every where by Terror and Conquest or whether it were that it was thought but Justice to spare the Protestants for the sake of a Prince so favourable to the Catholics it was not lookt upon as a seasonable time to overwhelm the Protestants of France But what they were unwilling to do openly they attempted by means more closely conceal'd and dangerous With this design it was that they set afoot agen the Projects of Reunion which were always as it were Forerunners of a Tempest that was insensibly gathering together Two sorts of People were caught in this Snare People that were sincere and upright who believ'd in the sincerity of their hearts that a reasonable composition might be drawn from the Catholics at least in reference to the most gross and palpable Abuses and that after they should be agreed upon Expedients to secure the Conscience they might unite in an outward Communion that Schism lookt upon by both sides as a great mischief would surcease by this Accommodation and together with Schism all Discord and Hatred Persecution of the weaker by the stronger which are the inevitable Consequences of it that being return'd to the Bosom of the Roman Church People that were expert might the better labour in the Cure of her Distempers because they would be no longer suspected and for that being arm'd with Truth they would in time by the light of it dispel the darkness and mists of Prejudice and Error There have bin at all times some People flatter'd with this pleasing Vision and who never will be taught that the mischiefs of the Roman Church are incurable because she refuses all manner of Cure â—rroâ—s purely speculative and which arise from the false Idea's 〈◊〉 which the mind is prepossess'd may sometimes surrender 〈◊〉 the evidence of a Truth well made out by Demonstration 〈◊〉 Errors of Interest are proof against all the most evident â—…nstrations in regard they derive their Original from the â—…ption of the heart and for that Maladâ—es of that nature 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 always to be assâ—ag'd by Remedies that convince the 〈◊〉 Other People of a quite different Character either 〈◊〉 by Promises or push'd forward by Ambition or else â—…ited of their own parts and aspiring to the Honour of haâ—…ng put an end to these fatal Contests which for above a hunâ—…er'd years together had occasion'd such Convulsions over all 〈◊〉 desperately threw themselves into the
the Siege of Perpignan to the end they might be quarter'd up and down in the Provinces to reduce by Terror those that would not willingly obey Certainly a man would think there should be something too harsh and cruel in such a design for a Person that felt the Approaches of Death and was just ready to drop into his Grave Consequently could not promise to enjoy the Fruit of such a bold Undertaking The most prudent Authors therefore acknowledge they knew nothing of it but by Hear-say and so that it may be thought that if he did open his Mind to any body upon this Subject he did it by way of Stratagem to make people believe that he felt himself strong enough to live a long time since he undertook such great Designs Thus Tiberius conceal'd his deadly Infirmities under the Cruelty of the Orders which he dispatch'd into all parts and made the Terrible Acts of Injustice which he committed to the destruction of his Subjects to be look'd upon as Testimonies of his Youth and Vigour But before the Cardinal drew so near his end there had been Attempts made which the Wisdom and Constancy of several Ministers and perhaps the Confusions in the Kingdom rendred fruitless Nevertheless I must needs say that this Project in the full extent of it and with all the Circumstances was not altogether a Chimera that if it were not a Whimsey of the Cardinals yet it was a Megrim of the Jesuits that we have seen it set a-foot in our Days as a Project which the Court of France approv'd and that almost every part of it was put in execution I may add that the Illustrious Hugo Grotius went very far in these Projects of Reunion He had a strong Fancy for it all his Life-time It appears also by Letters which du Vair Keeper of the Seals wrote to him from before St. Angeli in 1621. that he had been a great Stickler before that Time in those Accommodations and that he labour'd to bring 'em to perfection by giving up the Cause in some Things to the Roman Church and excusing her in all the rest He likewise approv'd the Essays of Miletiere and testify'd a High Esteem of him and his Works Some years before his Death he apply'd himself more then ever to this same Christian Concord and Printed Consultations Remarks Vows and Discussions which only serv'd to create Disputes about the manner of proposing the Peace But let us now return to our History The Contagious Distempers were no sooner in part abated but the Reformed held a National Synod at Charenton with the King's Permission and tho the Breif were dated the 17th of January the Synod did not meet till the First of September Galand also who had bin Commissioner in the two latter was likewise Commissioner in this and he did several Things that gave an occasion to the Weaker sort to observe that the Synod was not free His Speech was honest enough He gave Assurances in the King's Name that what was past was forgot and that for the future they should have all the liberty granted them for the Exercise of their Religion and to hold Synods provided the Reformed continu'd in their Duty devoted to the King's Service without speaking against the Public Tranquility and that they refrain'd from keeping either Foreign or Domestic Intelligence And he gave these Assurances as in the Name Of a good Father and a good King But as soon under pretence that the preceding Synods had made Regulations to which the King had not agreed and which were as he said conceiv'd in Terms that were subject to various Interpretations he propounded the renewing of 'em not forbearing to hint some things that were never hinted before He declar'd in the first place that the King would no longer admit of Protestations nor Remonstrances against the Establishment of the Commissioners that were present at the Synods and he alledg'd that it was Conformable to the Practice of the Primitive Church and the Politics of the best Regulated States In the second place he requir'd that no Foreigners should be call'd to the Ministry within the Kingdom because it was the King's Pleasure that those Functions should be reserv'd for Natural French-men He put 'em in hopes that by having Recourse to the King's Favour they might obtain Favour for those who had bin admitted since the year 1623. But he extended the Prohibition for the future to all that were born in Foreign Principalities Societies or Republics Confederates or under the Protection of France and in a word to all that were not born in some place within the King's Dominions In the third place That they who should be once admitted Ministers should never stir out of the Realm without the King's leave And because that Salbert Minister of Roâ—… had withdrawn himself during the Troubles that he might have the Liberty to Write the Commissary declar'd him Suspended from the Exercise of his Functions forbid him to stir out of the Place which the King had allotted him for his Exilement or rather for his Prison and disabl'd the Synod to nominate him in the Distribution of the Churches In the fourth place He renewed the Regulation which forbid the Ministers from medling with Politic Affairs This Article had a particular Aim against Beraud Minister of Montauban a person of somewhat too violent a Spirit and who went a little too fast During the last Troubles he wrote a Book wherein not content to justifie the Taking up of Arms he undertook to maintain That Ministers had a Call to bear 'em and to shed Blood The Commissioner aggravated the Importance of that Opinion dangerous in such a man as Beraud who besides that he was qualify'd as a Minister was also a Professor in Divinity He was also the first that pronounc'd Sentence upon this Offender and order'd the Synod to Censure him There were also two other men whom it was the King's Pleasure to have excluded out of the Synod tho they were Deputies of their Province The one was Bouteroue Minister of Grenoble which the Parlament of the Dauphinate thought worthy of no other Honour then to be committed to the Flames because it discours'd a little too freely of the Affairs of the Times and of the Lawfulness of taking Arms by the Reformed The other was Basnage Minister of Carentan who had had toâ— great a share in the last Assembly of Rochelle and who appear d in the Synods a very zealous and active Stickler The Commissioner having made an end of what he had to say an Answer was made him to every Thing that he had propounded In general the Answer was very submissive only they reserv'd to themselves the liberty of making their Supplications to the King not to exclude from his Favour for the future such as were born within the same Limits with those whom he was willing to tolerate for the Time past and to comprehend Salbert in the Favour granted to
all such kind of Projects were coâ—demn'd with extraordinary Severity The second was the Appointment of a Solemn Fast throughout all the Kingdom which the Catholic took for a Proof that the Reformed were in hopes of being re-establish'd by the Arms of Gustavus for which Reason said they those People endeavour'd to engage Heaven on their side by Devotions more then ordinary The third was a Declaration which the Synod made that the Lutherans who desir'd it might be admitted to the Communion that the â—eformed might contract Marriages with 'em and take 'em for â—…fathers provided they would instruct their Children only 〈…〉 those things wherein the Lutherans and Reformed both agree The Missionaries believ'd all obstacles of Reunion with â—…e Râ—mish Church remov'd by this Declaration for that they â—…ald not conceive why the Reformed should have any more â—…epugnance against the Transubstantiation of the Catholics â—…n against the Impanation and Ubiquity of the Lutherans â—ore especially since the Synod acknowledg'd that tho there â—…ere Error in the Lutheran Doctrine yet there was no Venom â—â—d that there was no Idolatry in their Worship The Politicians believ'd it to be an Artifice of the Synod's Prudence by his compliance with the Doctrine of his Ministers to insinuate themselves into Gustavus's Favour But notwithstanding all this the Reformed were opprest with several Acts of Injustice almost over all the Provinces â—oâ— besides the accustom'd Cavils about the Rights of Exercise and Church-yards the Decrees obtain'd by the Bishop of Vaâ—â—nâ—â— almost Dispeopl'd whole Provinces Nothing was to be â—…en but Churches shut up and Ministers Imprison'd for not â—aving obey d the Prohibitions against Preaching in more then â—…e Place The Minister of Chatillon a paltry Place in the â—…phinate serv'd himself nine or ten other Churches besides â—hat if we may believe the Substance of the last Decree obtain'd by that Prelate Nor was it impossible because the â—reatest part of those Annexes were particular Houses where 〈…〉 Gentry would have Preaching in their Families and where â—here were but few others besides their own Domestics Many â—…mes also this Exercise was not common it may be not above â—…e a Month or once in three Months in consideration of some Donative given upon that Condition to the Principal Church In the mean time the rest of the Bishops would â—eeds appear no less Zealous then the Prelate of Valence So that every one sought to ruin the Churches in his Diocess This procur d a Decree of Council of the same nature dated June 6. â—gainst Rivet and other Ministers of Saintonge at the Request of the Bishop of Saintes Where a new Cavil was set a-foot about the Place of Exercises and if they could not dispence with resettling 'em in Places where the Proofs were too clear to be contested yet they would not restore 'em without paring off something from the Real Right that belong'd to 'em and removing 'em out of the middle of the City where the Church had always stood to the dirty Fag-end of some Suburb The Exercise was likewise forbid at Rioux in Saintonge by a Decree of the Sixth of March The Clergy of the Province were Plaintiffs in this Process and there was a Question annex'd to it concerning the Possession of the Church-yard which they pretended was to be left to the Catholics because there was above Eight hundred of them in the Parish and not above Twenty of the Reformed But they never said a word that the Congregation for all that was very numerous as being much frequented by the Reformed Inhabitants of the Parishes adjoyning However the Church had strong and sufficient Proofs of the Possession of it for above Eight years before the Edict But for all that they were depriv'd both of their Exercise and their Church-yard leaving only another small Place for their Burials at the Charges of the Corporation And indeed the Poverty of the Churches was such as oblig'd some Religious persons to bestow Donatives and Legacies to prevent the loss of Legal Right But the Catholics greedy of the Profits and moreover minding nothing but to hasten the Ruin of the Churches commenc'd tedious Suits upon these Donations and sought a thousand Quirks and Pretences in Terms and Circumstances to bring the Cause about on their side Many times also the Heirs of the Donors oppos'd the Effect of the Will and gave the Catholics an Opportunity to apply the Profits to themselves Thus Elias Alardin gave this year an Annual Rent of Two hundred Livres toward the Maintenance of the Minister and Three hundred Livres to the Poor But this Donation prov'd the Original Occasion of a Suit that lasted above Fifty Years and which was adjudg'd to the Advantage of the Church not above three years before the Revocation of the Edict by that one single Act of Justice to cover and palliate a thousand others much more crying that were committed over the rest of the Kingdom The Promises of giving a Gracious Answer to the Paper so â—…on as the Synod brake up were so soon forgot that upon the â—…th of October the King set forth a Declaration purporting â—…at in all Places where there were but Four Consuls the â—…st and Third should be Catholics if there were no Capituâ—…ion to the contrary The Design of which Declaration â—…s to exclude the Reformed from being admitted into the â—…tes of Languedoc whither the Cities sent none but their first â—…nsul Thus the Reformed were excluded from medling â—…th the Municipal Government of their Cities and depriv'd â— all the Honours that were annexed to the first Consulship â—…t in regard that many times the first Consul scorn'd that Emâ—…yment or was not capable of it the most Honourable Funâ—…ons were then exercis'd by the second who was generally a â—…an of Learning and bred up to Business And for the Clause â—…at mention'd contrary Capitulation 't was a meer piece of â—…aud For it was not meant thereby that if there were any such â—…ause which gave the First Consulship to the Reformed he â—…as therefore bound to hold it but if there were any such â—…ause as took from the Reformed the whole Consulship they â—…ere bound to rest contented 'T was sufficient for a City that â—…d Surrender'd at Discretion if an Order came from the Duke â— Mâ—â—morenci or some other Chieftain of the Royal Arms for a City that had not expresly Articl'd that there should be â— Alteration in the Consulship to say that there was a Capiâ—…lation to the contrary Lunel and Bedarieux for these Reaâ—…ns lost their share in the Consulship which remain'e entire to â—…e Catholics But the Reformed were not the only Persons who comâ—…ain'd of Oppression For the Cardnial carry'd his Authority in â—…e Government so high that all the Kingdom groan'd under 〈…〉 New and uneasie Yoak The Catholics could not forbear â—…urmuring to see the Liberty of the Kingdom die together â—…th the Pride of Rochel and they who were blinded by a false
they alldg'd But the following Year was not so serene nor peaceful for â—he Reformed For tho the Cardinal in a flattering Speech which he made the King seated upon this Throne of Justice â—he 8th of January acknowledg'd that Heresy had not bin the â—…le Rebel in his Kingdom yet hardly any but the Reformed suffer'd this Year T is true that the King of his meer Auâ—hority without examining their Deeds and Evidences canâ—ell d the Priviledges and Exemptions of several Cities that were not liable to the Vexations of Taxes The Pretence was specious for it seem'd as if the King had not us'd 'em so severely but to throw upon 'em some part of the charge with which the others were over-burden'd But in regard that in process of time it was apparent that tho these Cities were made liable to Taxes and yet the rest were no way eas'd 't was â—ound that this same change proceeded from no other design â—hen to reduce the whole Kingdom to a Uniformity and involve the entire Body in the same Servitude As for the Reformed they were molested for other Reasons There was something of Policy intermix'd with the Vexations that befel them Nevertheless they were ne're a whit the less real nor incommodious A Doctor of the Sorbonne and a Divine of Lion printed a Book at Paris wherein he maintain'd that the King of France had a Right to all Europe and that he did well to make Alliances with the Protestant Princes to recover the Usurpations of the House of Austria which was openly to publish the Cardinal's Designs The Spaniards were willing to make the beâ—… of this opportunity to revive the dejected Courage of the zealous Catholics in their Favour Thereupon a certain Authoâ—… who assum'd the name of Alexander Patricius Armacanus wrotâ— in their behalf against the Doctor of the Sorbonne He made it ouâ— at large That the Alliance of the King of France with Protestants was contrary to the Interests of the Catholic Religion because the War with the Vnited Provinces and that of Germany were Wars for the sake of Religion He made use of aâ— that had bin said for the Justice of his Arms against the King and shew'd that the House of Austria was under the same Circumstances in respect of the Vnited Provinces and Germany He strenuously made it out That the King chiefly employ'd the Heads of the Reformed for the Conduct of his Armies 〈…〉 that he then had given the Command of 'em to the Dukes 〈…〉 Rohan and Bouillon and the Marshals de la Force and Châ—â—â—lon I know not how he forgot that he had bestow'd a Marshal's Battoon upon one of the Reformed Perhaps it might be after the Author had publish'd his Book However the Duke of Sulli receiv'd that Honour this Year in the Month of September which was done to make him amends for the Employments which the Queenmother had taken from him 〈…〉 Recompence which he had staid for above twenty Years However he liv'd seven Years afterwards and in his latter dayâ— shew'd some more marks of Piety then he had done all the reâ—â— of his life He had bin always seen present at the Sermonâ— preach'd in his House but after a very indecent manner for 〈…〉 was generally playing with a little Dog that sate upon his knees But a young Minister rebuk'd him by degrees for those ill Habits accustom'd him to Censures set up a Consistory in the Church that met in his House and made him accept himself â—he Office of an Elder wherein he officiated till his death But to return to Patricius's Book it was thought that there was nothing more proper to ward off the Gashes of his â—renuous Objections then to vex the remainder of the Reformed with some Acts of Injustice But in truth they serv'd to very little purpose for still the Cardinal bore the reproach of doing more mischief to the Catholics abroad then to the Reformed at home and that while he took from the one â—ome Church or Church-yard he was the occasion that the other lost whole Ciâ—ies and Provinces I do not reck'n among the greatest Vexations of the Reformed the Decree of the 16th of March set forth in the Parmament of Paris against Foreign Ministers which under preâ—ence that they might hold Correspondencies with the Enemies of the Kingdom or preach Doctrines contrary to the â—aws of the Land forbid 'em for the future to exercise the â—unction of the Ministry in France order'd those that were admitted to quit their Functions and threaten'd the Reformed with heavy Penalties if they went to hear ' em I also look upon another Decree of Council dated June 20. as a small thing tho it made the same Regulation in particular for Poiâ—oâ— and added Prohibitions to all the Ministers to preach in Villages out of the places alotted for their Exercises I rank in the same number the Decree of the Parlament of Dijon which condemn'd the Reformed to spread Carpets before their Houses upon Procession days or to suffer 'em to be spread at their own charges excepting such as were very poor and not able to defray the Expences These were things that made little noise neither could they be attended with any considerable Consequences But there was something of greater Importance in the Decree which the Catholic Officers obtain'd from the Council Febr. 5. which adjudg'd to the Dean of the Catholic Counsellors tho he were the youngest of all in the absence of the President the Right of Precedency above the Reformed Counsellors both in the Court of Audience in the Council and in the Town-house 'T is true that the same Decree preserv'd to every one in other Cases as in all public and private Sittings at the Visitation of Pris'ners at Hearings Examinations and Confronting of Testimonies and at the Torturing of Criminals the Rank which appertain'd to 'em by the Antiquity of their Reception But for all that this Decree made a very great Breach in the Priviledges of the Officers of that Chamber Nevertheless there was a Declaration of the 29th of October about the Robes worn by the Counsellors of the Chamber of Castres The Reformed according to Custom wore Red Robes and Caps lin'd with Ermin both in the Public and Private Assemblies of the Chamber But the Parlament of Tholouse who could not brook that mark of Equality had set forth several Decrees against that Custom of which the Reformed took little Notice as believing their Authority independent from that of the Parlament Thereupon the King interpos'd in the Contest and put an end to the Dispute by an Edict wherein after he had set forth that the Custom was not grounded upon any Edict and that the Thing was done contrary to his Intentions as he had made known to those Officers by several Letters under his Privy Signet he forbid 'em according to the Decrees of that Parlament to assume that Priviledge till the Chamber shou'd be incorporated
Decree in their favour dated July the 25th That Decree forbid the Reformed to have either Masters Regents Classes Schools or Colledges It only gave leave that they should have Masters in the City to â—each Children to read and write French but prohibited â—hose Masters from taking Pensioners It forbid likewise the having those Petty Schools without the City reserving only the liberty of sending their Children to Catholic Schools Now in regard the War began this year between France and Spain the Affairs of State afforded some little Relaxation â—o those of the Reformed Religion So that there remains â—ittle of moment for me to relate but only what befel the Duke of Bouillon Son of the Marshal He became inamour'd â—f the Marquess of Berghe's Daughter who was indeed a very â—ovely Lady To marry her he renounc'd far greater Matches â—o which he might have pretended And he abandon'd himself so entirely to this Woman no less a Spaniard by Inclination then a Zealous Catholic that by her Persuasions he quitted his Religion fell off from the Interests of France and reduc'd his own Family to the Precipice of Threatning â—uin Therefore that I may not be forc'd to return any more â—o this Subject again hereafter I shall speak all together which is to be said of him That he had a share in all the Confusions of France that he admitted the Count of Soissons into Sedan who was slain in a Combat before the Town that at the same time that his Pardon was granted him for that Rebellion he enter'd into the Conspiracy of Cinq Mars against the Cardinal that the Plot being discover'd he was seiz'd in Italy where he had the Command of an Army conferr'd upon him to remove him from the City and to be masters of his Person when they pleas'd That knowing well that the Cardinal never forgave twice he offer'd to surrender his City to the King to save his life and Sedan was the Price of his Liberty The Cardinal before his death had the Pleasure of that Conquest after which he liv'd not long Thus the Father of the Duke having had a Principality as the fruit of his siding with the Reformed Religion the Duke his Son lost it as the Reward of his turning Catholic And because his Wife brought him little or nothing in Marriage 't was said of him That the Dowry which he had with her was the loss of Sedan This Misfortune befel him in the Year 1642. The End of the Tenth Book THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of Nantes THE SECOND PART THE ' LEVENTH BOOK The Epitome of the ' Leventh Book AN Assembly of the Clergy A furious Speech of the Bishop of Orleans Odious Accusations The first Accusation of openly violating the Edicts Daille's Books attack'd by the Bishop Second Accusation for having taken a Prayer for the King out of the 20th Psalm Avenomous Aggravation Third Accusation for blaspheming the Sacred Things A fraudulent Question of the Missionaries The Bishop's Conclusion A Dispute upon the second Accusation between Daillé and Muis. An Edict against Blasphemers Arenewing of the first Accusation Papers of the Clergy Answer to the 16th Article to the 32 33 and 26. Interdiction of particular Exercises at Villiers le bel Exercises prohibited at Corbigni Vitré and Claye Other Regulations The Bailliage of Gex Schools Interdicted An unlucky Decree of the Privy Council upon several Articles Others touching Patents for Offices Exercise forbid again at Claye The House of Charity interdicted at Paris The House of the Propagation of Faith and a piece of remarkable Injustice Conversion of Francis Cupif Regulations of the Reformed of Pons A National Synod at Alenson The Commissioner's Speech and his Instructions Article touching Baptism Answer of the Moderator Article of Annexes of the payment of the Ministers and Baptism A Deputation to the King Papers from the Synod The Deputies treated at Court and their Speeches Nomination of General Deputies Particular Deputies Milletiere's Projects condemn'd The King puts France under the Protection of the Holy Virgin The Death of the Duke of Rohan A remarkable Order of the Intendants of Languedoc A Presiaâ—â—l Court erected at Nerac Sick People tormented by the Monks Edict of the Duke of Bouillon in Favour of the Reformed of Sedan The Birth of the King now reigning A new Regulation for Villers le bel and the Dauphinate Statutes of the Vniversity of Poitiers Order of Judge Maye of Montauban Particular Acts of Injustice at Rochechouard at Vitré and Dijon Offices Exercise forbid at Taulignan Church yard at Blois forbid to be enclos'd Croquers Decree of the Parlament of Pau forbidding the Exercise where there were not Ten Families Exercise forbid at Pivigemet and Beaulreu A singular Artifice to oblige the Reformed to call themselves Pretended Reformed Blasphemies pretended and pretended Sacriledge Division of Voices at Castres and the Effects of it Interdiction of Exercise out of the usual places Marriage of Priests converted The Advocate-General's Plea Precedence adjudg'd to the Catholics of the Chamber of Accompts at Mompelier A new Decree about meeting the Sacrament Vexation of some Officers of Castres Exercises and Schools forbid Burials Blasphemies and Profanations Offices Priests and Monks changing their Religion The ancient Church at Vitré pull'd down Exercises forbid at Gex Sancerre and Chauvigni A new Cavil about the Right of Fiefs Exercise forbid at St. Ceré A Cavil about a Church-yard Exercise forbid at St. Savin and Antibe Distance requir'd between the Church-yards of the Reformed and the Catholics Burying violated A pretended Miracle Re-establishment of the Mass at Tonnaiboutonne Offices Schools Blasphemies and Prophanations Other Examples Vniversities Books Acts of Injustice at Sancerre Death of the Cardinal Exercises and Irreverences Children of a converted Priest Visiting of the Sick and Jurisdictions The Death of the King BUT the next Year a violent Tempest pour'd down upon the Reformed The Assembly of the Clergy was sate own before the end of the Year 1635 and the chief Depuâ—s on'y spoke to the King upon the Subject of the Regale â—â—ich the Parlament of Paris went about to extend to all the â—shopriâ—s in the Kingdom But de Nets Bishop of Orleans â—â—uld not confine himself within those Bounds when he made â—â— Speech to the King upon the 17th of February For he made â—â—e most violent Harangue that had ever bin spoken against the â—eformed till that time He utter'd nothing but Extravaganâ—s Ravings and Blasphemies nor did he vouchsafe the Reformed any more honourable Epithetes then those of Insolent â—…ad and Frantic 'T is true that at first he acknowledg'd that 〈…〉 the States of the Kingdom had applauded the Design of the â—â—ngs of France to attempt the Cure of the Reformed to whom 〈…〉 gave the Appellation of Distemper'd by gentle Remedies â—…at is to say by the Edicts of Peace and to honour the Clerâ—â— with a false Moderation he added That the Ecclesiastical â—â—dy itself would not have bin sorry to have seen
of Loriol Preach carry'd a Complaint against him of the 24th of March and inform'd the Judges of several Blaspemies which as he said that Minister had pronounc'd in his hearing This Affair spun out for above two Years before it was fully prosecuted but at last a Capias was issu'd out against the Minister and Inquiry made after his Person which enforc'd him to keep out of the way till the Tempest was over However Chartier a Merchant's Son of Blois had not bin so easily acquitted could they but have caught him For there was a Complaint and an Information put in against him upon the 22th of May for some pretended Blasphemy which he had utter'd against the Sacrament the same Day that the Romish Church carries it about in a Pompous Procession Now in regard he did not make a voluntary Appearance but kept himself from being taken he was condemn'd for Contumacy the First of October to undergo the Amende Honourable before the Principal Church of Blois to have his Tongue bor'd and his Lips slit to be Fin'd Three hundred Livres to the Poor and Banish'd for ever out of the Balliage and County of Blois These were the Fruits and Penalties of this Declaration But this Violence lasted not long and tho we have seen from time to time some Vexation arise from this Fountain nevertheless â—t was not the Occasion of so much Mischief as they who set â—orth the Edict expected As for the first Accusation it produc'd no more then Childish Cavils with which the Missionaries astonish'd inconsiderable People Not but that the Clergy would fain have made a Busiâ—ess of Importance of it For the Bishop of St. Flour who took â—is leave of the King in the Name of the Assembly upon the â—oth of April could not forbear talking of the Vnion with the Lutherans after a most Envenom'd manner He made a Speech full of Allusions to the Affairs of the Reformed more especially â—o the taking of Rochelle which he call'd the Rock that had a share 〈…〉 all the Commotions of the Kingdom and the Foundation of a Reâ—igion contrary to that which Christ establish'd upon the Rock Among other things he congratulated the King That his Power which in other Reigns was limited now knew no bounds A Complement which it is a difficult thing to believe That Subâ—ects who have any Sense or Understanding Cordially bestow â—pon their Sovereigns The rest of his Speech rowl'd all upon â—he Immunities of the Clergy which as he made the King beâ—ieve were violated in divers things Moreover he presented â—o the King a Paper from the Assembly of which there were maâ—y Articles that concern'd the Reformed The greatest part were Answer'd by the King with those Extensions that carry â—he Concession farther then was desir'd Thus the Sixteenth Article demanded That the Reformed might preach no more upon the Lands which belong'd to the Ecclesiastics nor within 5 Leagues within Cities where Parlaments sate nor in Episcopal Cities nor in Places so near Catholic Churches as to disturb Divine Service That Churches built in such Places might be pull'd down within three Months and that the old Church-yards might be reserv'd to the Catholics The King granted every thing and added the pulling down of all Churches that had bin built since the Edict without Letters Patents enregister'd And in Cases of Difference about the Execution of the Edict he summon'd the Cause before himself because at that time there were no Commissioners In like manner as to the Thirty second Article wherein the Clergy demanded that the Ministers might not be suffer'd to Preach in the Annexes the King exprest the Prohibition in more rigorous Terms then those of the Demand and forbid the Ministers to Preach without the Place of their Habitation Likewise to the Thirty third Article which requir'd the Executions of Decrees of Parliaments and Grand Assizes for the Demolishing of Churches the King consented and withall added those that had bin set forth for the Restoration of the Ecclesiastics to their Estates and Priviledges and upon pretended Infringements of the Edicts committed by the Reformed The rest demanded that the Chamber of the Edict or Party-Chambers might not take Cognizance of Appeals of Temporal Persons from Ecclesiastical Courts That the Reformed might be depriv'd of such Honorary Priviledges as belong'd to 'em in the Churches And that the Bishop might confer Benefices instead of Him who had the Right of Patronage That the Reformed Judges might not take Cognizance of the Transgressing of Holidays That the Judges of Courts possest in Peerage with the King if they were Reformed might be Reimburst and Catholics put in their room That the Commission given out for the Execution of the Edict in the Dauphinate might be revok'd That the Materials of the Fortifications of the Reformed Cities which had bin Demolishd might be bestow'd upon the Clergy to build Churches That the Syndics Promooters of Diocesses might be admitted Plaintiffs in Suits about Infringements That the second Place at all General Assemblies in Town Houses might be allow'd the Bishop's Vicar That it might be lawful to lay Impositions upon all the Inhabitants of Parishes for the building of Vicaridge houses Reparations of Structures purchase of Ornaments and other Things of the like nature That Tythes might be paid by the Reformed who as they pretended had bin exempted in some Places for sixty Years together by the Misfortune of the Wars and this notwithstanding any Contracts Agreements or Decrees that had bin made or issu'd forth to the contrary The King granted within a little all these Demands to the Clergy Nor do I see but one Article wherein he observ'd any Measure of Equity for the Reformed and that was upon the Twenty sixth Article Wherein the Clergy demanded that the School-Masters might be Catholics which the King granted according to their desire but without any prejudice to Schools granted the Reformed by Letters Patents enregister'd Now in that ill Humour wherein the Council was at that time there appear'd several Decrees which put the Reformed to no small Trouble For the Inhabitants of Villiers le bel and parts adjoyning were accustom'd to meet upon Sundays or Holidays in that Borough when the Season would not permit 'em to repair to Charenton which was the nearest Place where there was any Exercise The Place of their Meeting was some Private House where they Rendevouz'd upon the Sound of the same Bell which Call'd the Catholics to Church But in regard they had no Minister they only met to hear some Sermon or some Chapter in the Scripture read to sing Psalms and Pray together These private Exercises did no body any harm nor could the Catholics be disturb'd in regard the Reformed had ended their Devotions long before the Catholic Church was done Yet would they needs have these Assemblies to be a Misdemeanour and to render their Prosecutions of those People the more plausible 't was added that they spoke
Allurements of Catholic Tutors By the same Decree the Reformed were also order'd to spread Carpets before their doors upon Solemn Procession-days upon neglect of which after the first Summons they were to be spread at their Cost and Charges and if they obstructed or oppos'd the doing of it they were condemn'd to Imprisonment which was directly opposite to the third private Article of the Edict of Nantes Upon the 28th of the same Month came forth another Decree of the Privy Council the effects of which were still more vexatious For it forbid the Bailiffs and Seneschals to admit any Plaintiffs or Demandants in a Suit whether Notaries or Advocates without the King's Letters Patents For the Council bethought themselves of inserting into Letters of this Nature the Clause of the Catholic Religion on purpose to exclude by that means all the Reformed from any Offices But Custom has settl'd a Remedy against this Artifice in regard that in almost all the Jurisdictions of the Kingdom the Judges admitted People to the exercise of these petty Employments upon the bare resignation of him who had the Letters Patents so that they pass'd from hand to hand without having any recourse to the King which spar'd the Reformed the Affront of a Refusal the Catholics the Trouble the Delays and the Expence of a Suit there being none but Employments that were somewhat considerable for which they troubl'd themselves to take out the King's Letters Patents The King was made believe that it was contrary to his Oath that there should be any Offices in the Kingdom which did not depend upon him and which were executed by persons that were not invested in 'em by his power The first design was to deprive the Reformed of the easie means to maintain themselves in those petty Employments which causâ— 'em to be valued in the places of their Abode and shelter'd 'em from a thousand petty Vexations But if so fell out that this Regulation did as much Injury to the Catholics as to others and that the Name of Reformed serv'd in this as well as in other things of greater moment to involve all the French in the same Restraint This was Sport for the Clergy who exempting themselves from Servitude sacrific'd to their Passion and Malice against the Reformed the Liberty of the whole Kingdom Upon the 23d of June came forth another Edict from the same Council against the Lord of Claye This was the fifth that had bin issu'd out against the Exercise in his House under pretencee that he never resided there yet to ward off this Cavil he had declar'd at the Sessions-house in Paris that he had made choice of his House at Claye for his principal Habitation and that he intended to reside there for the future which ought to have mintain'd his Right of having Sermons in his House had it not bin the Maxim of the Council to make use of any Pretence to forbid the Exercise of the Reformed Religion and still to uphold the Prohibition when the Pretence was remov'd The Reformed of Paris had set up a House in the Suburbs of St. Marcean whither they carry'd their sick People they had already furnish'd it with Fourteen or Fifteen Beds and design'd to have sent in more Now it happen'd that a Cooper's Prentice born a Catholic working with a Reformed Master in the Church Mershes fell sick and with his own consent was carri'd to this New Hospital whether he had imbib'd any tincture of his Master's Religion or whether the Abhorrency which poor Creatures have for the Hostel de Dieu at Paris where the Infection is generally mortal to all that are carri'd thither caus'd him to prefer a House more neat and healthy However it were his removal from one end of Paris to the other could not chuse but be taken noâ—…e of Upon which a Commissioner came upon the 19th of 〈…〉 to this New House of Charity to draw up a Verbal â—eport of the condition it was iâ— and of the use for which was design'd Upon which Verbal Process the Privy Counâ—… iâ—a'd forth a Decree of the 30th of June wherein without so much as mentioning the Religion but only supposing that it was â—…traâ— to the King's Authority to erect Hos itals without the King's Permission as if there had bin so much need of â—…e Authority of Men to exercise Works of Humanity and Charity so expresly approv'd of God and pretending in â—…e second place that the sick People were not lookt after â—â—d reliev'd in that New Establishment as Christian Chariâ—… requir'd it was ordain'd that all the sick People which â—…ere in the Reformed Hospital should be remov'd to the Hoâ—…el de Dieu where they should be receiv'd upon the first â—ommand that the Beds should be put into the hands of â—rustees to be at the King's disposal to whom he should think 〈…〉 et and that the Governor should leave the House with all his Family upon pain of Imprisonment and other corporal punishment This Decree was put in execution by the Usher 〈…〉 the Council upon the 4th of July who found no more â—…hen five sick Persons in the place one of which finding himself strong enough to provide for himself without assistance had his Liberty to go where he pleas'd The other â—…r refusing to be carri'd to the Hostel de Dieu and naming the places whither they desir'd to be carri'd were remov'd without any opposition by the care of the Usher who did 〈…〉 Office with more Civility then the Rabble would have had him There was a new House erected in the Fauburg St. Gerâ—… by the Pope's Bulls and the King's Letters-Patents under the name of The Propagation of the Faith which was design'd for the lodging of young People that might be induc'd to embrace the Catholic Religion Now one La Fraâ—…râ—â— hapning to die left two Daughters with his Wife One of these having attain'd to Thirteen years of Age and the other to Eleven they were both inveagl'd inâ—… this House Their Mother presented a Petition to the Baiâ—… of the Suburb who was then Judge of the Suburb-Couâ—… and redemanded her Daughters The Judge having examined the matter and finding it to be a manifest Cheat thought it his duty to do justice and deliver'd the Childreâ—… back to their Mother Now the Pretence which they maâ—… use of to gain the good will of the Children was that their Mother was marri'd again and would be sure to misuâ—… ' em Upon which the Governours of the House made 〈…〉 most hideous complaint both against the Father-in-law and the Baily accusing the one to have committed several violences in the House and the other for coming to the House to take away the Children by main force accompani'd with several drawn Swords that made a noise and 〈…〉 hubbub before the Door to the great scandal of the House And moreover they positively affirm'd That the Childreâ— had many times declar'd before their Father-in-law himself that they desir'd
their Ready Obedience The Moderatour began with returning Thanks to God that â—e had inclin'd the Kings Heart to uphold the Reformed by his Good Will and Favour to which he added some kind of adulatory Complements to the Commissioner He excus'd â—he Letters receiv'd from the Switzers which only concern'd â—he Calling of Rousselet to the Profession of Theology at Neufâ—â—atel where he was born and which had been produc'd at â—he Synod in presence of the Commissioners then sitting aâ—ong ' em He excus'd the Correspondence that had been â—eld between the Synod of Lower Languedoc and the Dauphiâ—ate as necessary for the Enquiry that one Province was â—ound to make after the Pastors of the Other according to the â—ethod of their Discipline He assur'd him that Private â—ynods should not set up any more Regulations nor appoint â—ny more general Fasts but that they should submit to the Goâ—ernment that they should keep close to the Confession of â—aith and the Word of God That they should abstain â—rom â—arsh and bitter Expressions against all Persons whatever to â—hich he added that it was the Humble Supplication of their â— hole Body to his Majesty that on his part he would Voutâ—â—â—e to restrain the Affâ—onts and Insolencies of the Catholicks â—e promis'd that nothing should be written without Approâ—aâ—â—on and that they would obey the Decrees of the Magestrate â—ouching the Dissolution of Marriages From which the Proâ—ince of Cevennes which was accus'd by the Commissioners â—rotested that they never had the least thought to deâ—art He enlarg'd somewhat more and was a little more resoâ—â—te upon the Article of Annexes and told the Commissioâ—â—r that they never preach'd by force in any Place That the Edict of 1567. which was alledg'd to Authorize these new â—rohibitions ought not any longer to have the Force of a â—aw since it was revoak'd by the Edicts which were afterwards set forth and more especially by the Edict of Nants â—hat the Ministers never preach'd but in such places where free Exercise was allow'd That several of those places also had been Confirm'd by the Commissioners who had conside'd 'em as separate Quarters of the same Body That the Ministers never preach'd out of those Circumscrib'd Limits in the Church of another Minister but in case of Absence or Sickness or when some other Lawful Cause requir'd it That they had leave by Vertue of the Edict to abide where they pleas'd themselves and by Consequence in other places besides the District of their Exercise when they found it for their Convenience Upon these Grounds they besought the King to revoke those Prohibitions which derogated from the Edicts They besought him likewise to hinder the Officers of Justice from medling with Annulling Contracts made between the Churches and their Ministers to let the Method stand without any alteration for raising the Salaries of the Ministers and paying the Schools and to ratifie what had been done in Favour of Petit the Professor as being Conformable to Custom In a word he justifi'd the Opinion of the Synod of Nimes touching Baptism as being the Doctrine of all the Reformed Churches He rejected the Opus operatum of the Roman Church and humbly implor'd the King since he permitted the Profession of the Reformed Religion to give leave that that same Determination of the Synod might be allow'd of After this they deputed two Ministers and one Gentleman to be sent to the King but when they went about to read the Instructions of the Provinces for drawing up the Papers which the Deputies were to Carry the Commissioner endeavour'd to have hindr'd 'em as if it had been matter of Politick concern with which the Synod had nothing to do to Meddle Nevertheless he Suffer'd himself to be overrul'd when they gave him to understand that there was nothing of Debate or Consultation in the Case but only a meeâ— collection of such Complaints and Remonstrances into one Paper which the Deputies of the Provinces brought ready Digested He would also have oblig'd 'em to set down at the head of the Paper the Title of Pretended Reformed Religion but as for that they excus'd themselves by returning him for answer That the King had never exacted from his Subjects that they should brand themselves with any such Appellations in things wherein they were to speak according to their Consceiences So that at length they deliver'd to their Deputies their Letters their Instructions and their Complaints Their Instructions recommended to 'em three Articles in particular The Point concerning the Annexes that of Baptism upon which they were afraid that the Council would make some untoward Order and the Point of being exempted from spreading Carpets before their Houses which had occasion'd great Vexations over all the Kingdom As for the Paper of Complaints it self it contain'd Nine Heads And tho' the King had done nothing in consideration of the Complaints of the preceding Synod yet they resolv'd to present 'em rather that they might preserve to themselves the Liberty of making their Complaints then for any hope they had of an answer The First Article complain'd that notwithstanding all the Promises which the King had made by the Edict of the Year 1629. There were no less then Thirty eight Places where they could not obtain the Reestablishment of Free Exercise tho' it had been put forth in 1620. All which places were nam'd in the Article Forty seven Others were also mark'd down in the Second some in Saintonge some in Aunix others in the Islands of Oleron and Rè and several other Places where they had Suppress'd the Free Exercise of the Reformed Religion by force through the Misfortune of the Times The Third Article demanded the Liberty of preaching in the Annexes The fourth contain'd three Complaints That the Church-yards were not restor'd to the Reformed which had been taken from 'em before the Year 1625. tho the Restitution were promis'd 'em in the Answer return'd to their Papers That in other Places they had been depriv'd a fresh both of their Church yards and Churches That in other Places they had been hindred from building Churches and they nam'd several Places where these Acts of Injustice had been done ' em There was one Town among the Rest where they were enforc'd to bury their dead in their own Fields and where above Three at a time were forbid to attend the Corps The First spoke of Alenson where the Synod was assembl'd which had had a Suit before the Council touching the Right of Free Exercise in that City and of Burying their Dead in the Suburbs of St. Blaise where there was a Church yard There had been a Decree of the 13th of May which put a stop to the Cavils of the Catholicks Nevertheless in contempt of the Decree and during the sitting of the Synod it self they had given a new Assignment upon the same Brangle to the Reformed at the Council The next concern'd the Affairs of the Country of Gex where Machaut by his
as well to the Synod as to the Commissioner certain Letters which contain'd the same in Substance that he had said by word of Mouth to the Deputies The Chiefest Favour they obtain'd was Money to defray the Expences of the Synod but the Answer to their Papers was put off till the breaking up of the Assembly The Commissioner was very Importunate with the Synod to break up and by his Earnest insisting upon their Separation it was evident that when the Court beheld the Reformed met together in their Assemblies she was sensible of those Fears which their ancient Union had infus'd into her And indeed there were but few Reasons that could oblige the Assembly to sit any long time for they had finish'd their Business and had appointed General Deputies Which Nomination was done with Little Ceremony The Marquiss of Clermont was continu'd and they joyn'd Marbaud with him for his Associate They had also written to the King upon this Subject and he had promis'd according to Custom to consent to the Nomination after the Synod was broke up Nevertheless the Marquiss of Clermont remain'd alone in the discharge of that Employment and neither Galand who had been appointed by the Preceding Synod nor Marbaud who was nam'd by this were any way concern'd with him But the Synod no way satisfi'd that the Court refus'd to answer their Paper and foreseeing also that so soon as they were once separated their Complaints would be forgot were desirous to take some Course that they might not lose the Benefit of all their Cares To that purpose they thought it proper to joyn Particular with the General Deputies who might solicit the Answer which was promis'd to their Papers and chiefly take care of three Articles which they jud'gd to be of Greatest Importance The Commissioner was desirous to thwart this Resolution and pretended that a Deputaion of that Nature was a Politick Affair with which an Ecclesiastical Assembly had nothing to do to meddle without Express leave But the Synod stood their Ground and having given him to understand that there was nothing of Debate and consultation that their business only was to appoint certain Deputies to carry on an Innocent Solicitation a Liberty which the Laws allow to all men whatever and that it could not be displeasing to the King who had frequently suffer'd the same freedom they then went on with their Design and Deputed Angle and Gigord two Ministers of Great Credit and Authority in their Provinces La Militiere who had already render'd himself very troublesome by his Projects of Re-union address'd his writings to this Synod where they were condemn'd And as for the Behaviour and Writings of Daille who had refuted this Visionary they were approv'd And they wrote moreover to that same Reconciler that if within six Months he did not manifest his Repentance by an Authentick Declaration to the Consistory at Paris they would no longer look upon him as a Member of the Reformed Churches But the Greatest Good this Synod did the Reformed was their appeasing the Dispute which had made a great noise for some years upon the Subject of Vniversal Grace Nothing was ever known more Hot and Violent then the Fury that appear'd in the pro ' and con of this New Controversie And it had certainly Compleated the Ruin of the Churches had not the Synod found out a way to calm the Tempest by obliging the contending Parties to a Mutual Toleration The next Year was not remarkable for any Great Events that concern'd Religion However the Reformed were not a little griev'd to see a Declaration set forth by the King upon the 10th of February by which he put his own Person and his Kingdom under the Protection of the Blessed Virgin The Memory of which was to be perpetuated by a Picture set up on purpose in the Cathedral Church of Paris commonly call'd Nostre Dame This Declaration contain'd in Substance those Expressions which the Reformed persisting in their Sentiments touching the Object of Religious Worship could not choose but look upon as Impious And that alone was enough to blast all their Hopes of expecting any thing Favourable from a Prince whose Zeal for his own Religion transported him to that excess of New Devotion For to put his Kingdom under the Portection of a Creature tho' never so Holy never so Divinely Priviledg'd was evidently to vow the Extermination of those whose Principles enjoyn'd 'em to believe that in seeking such a Protection the King renounc'd the Protection of God The Duke of Rohan dy'd this Year of the Wounds which he receiv'd at the Battel of Rhinseldt Which at first were not lookt upon to be Considerable or at least there was no body that ever beleiv'd they had been Mortal Which was the reason that some People believ'd 'em to have been poyson'd and that the Jealousies the Court had of him had given an occasion to lay hold of this Opportunity to send him out of the World without any Noise And the Chyrurgeons that were sent him under pretence of being serviceable to him were thought to be the Instruments of this black Piece of Politicks 'T is said that the Dukes Journey into Germany to serve the King in the Duke of Weimar's Army whither he went against the Good liking of the Court and where he would not accept of any Command was the Effect of some secret Projects the Consequences of which some People were much afraid of Some believ`d that he held a Strict Corespondence with the Deceas`d King Gustavus that they had joyntly labour`d the Re union of the Lutherans and Reformed that their Intreagues in Order to it had produc`d the Act of the Synod of Charenton That in pursuance of that Act the Reformed in Gustavus`s Army had receiv`d the Communion after the Lutheran Manner and the German Lutherans who serv`d under the the Duke of Rohan in the Country of the Grisons had receiv`d after the manner of the Reformed That those two Aspiring Genius`s built Great designs upon this Re-union that the Death of Gustavus procur`d by those who were desirous to stop the Torrent of his Victories disappointed all the Duke's designs Therefore it was giv`n out that he was about to revive the same Corespondencies with the Duke of Weimar a Prince of vast Courage great Experience and accompted one of the Bravest Captains of his Time Nor had the Duke of Rohan any more then one Daughter who was a transcendent Match and therefore `twas verily thought that he had a design to the end he might procure a stricter Union with the Duke to give him his Daughter in Marriage But that Prince was by no means belov`d in France because he had nothing that was Low or Base in him and for that he knew how to render himself redoubted Besides he had settl`d himself in Germany by his Conquests and this Year he took Brisac more upon his own account then upon the Kings A Person of such
Rennes condemn'd the Reformed in Vitre to spread Carpets before their Doors upon Procession days tho' about ten years before they had set forth an Edict quite opposite to it And upon the 14th of December the Parliament of Dijon made another which was no less singular For two of the Reformed had had a suit together The one demanded that his Cause might be sent back the Other requir'd that the Cause might be continu'd Accordingly the Parlament judg'd the continuance of it and the Pretence was that it was a case wherein the Cause of the Defendant was to be favour'd They might have said with much more Justice that in regard the Dispute was about a Franchise he who was willing to wave it could not so well do it to the Prejudice of him that endeavour'd to make use of it The sixteenth of December the privy Council condemn'd the Reformed who practis'd as Proctors in some Jurisdiction or other of Poitou to produce their Letters Patents and to justifie that they were qualified for the Employment that is to say that they were Roman Catholicks In the mean time they were forbid to practise in them This was the Language of all the Courts in the Kingdom who knew the King had by that means a design to exclude the Reformed from all petty Employments The same day came forth another decree which forbid the Exercise of the Reformed Religion at Taulignan in the Province of the Dauphinate and which would not permit 'em to bury but in the dusk of the Evening as at Paris and other great Cities under the Forfeiture of three thousand Livres I meet with also another Decree the same day which forbid the Reformed of Blois to lock up their Church-yard For the Archdeacon who is the chief Clergy-man of that City had presented a Petition to that Effect wherein he set forth that the locking up of the Church-yard would create a Jealousie in the Catholicks For that the Church-yard being advantagiously seated to command the City which was built upon the Descent of a Hill they might meet together and fortify themselves in it to the great danger of the City Which was a Precaution that signifi'd very little at a time when France was already subdu'd and patiently bore the Yoak So that there were none but the Croakers who made a little Bustle in some of the Provinces For so were the Peasants call`d who not being able to bear the Taxes and Imposts with which they were overwhelm'd nor the Vexations of the Gentry had taken Arms to defend themselves Nevertheless the Council granted those Prohibitions to the Archdeacon not because the Reason of the thing deserv'd it but because it would be an Inconvenience to the Reformed who Burying their dead in an open Place would be expos`d to the Affronts of the Rabble The next year they continu'd their Vexations of the Reformed by a thousand Squabbles and Cavils The Bishop of Oleron in Bearn and the grey Fryar Placede his Proctor attempted to put down the Exercise at Oleron St. Marie Luc and Saucede And the Parliament of Pau whither the Cause was remov'd retain'd it and in the mean time forbid the Continuance of Preaching in Places where there were not above ten Families of the Reformed in all Grounding their Proceedings upon the Answer return'd to the Paper presented by the Ecclesiasticks in 1617. upon which a Decree was made the 23th of January The Parliament of Paris also by a Decree of the 7th of September forbid La Gateliniere to suffer any Preaching in his House at Puigeniet nor in any place belonging to the Bailliage of Tours The same day likewise the Parlament of Bourdeaux sent the same Prohibitions to those of Beaulieu in Limosin at the same time forbidding 'em to hold a Synod in the City or to make use of the Common Bell for tolling to Sermon under the Forfeiture â—â— 10000 Livres 'T is true indeed that this was not ordain'd but for such a Time and till it should be order'd otherwise The Schools were the Subject of many Cavils as well as their Exercises For the Syndic of the Clergy oâ— Roven took his Opportunity when the Council stay'd aâ— Roven in regard the Chancellor had Orders to repair into Normandy and Command the Forces that were sent against the Piednuds or the People that went Barefoot for so were they call'd in that Province who were nam'd Crokers in other Places This same Syndic set forth in his Petition that the Catholicks themselves had not the Liberty to keep Schools without leave of the Chancellor of the Metropolitan Church whence it follow'd that the Reformed were not to have that Priviledge without Permission For this reason the Council upon the 6th of February set forth a Decrcee prohibiting Schools to be kept at Roven or in any other Places where there was not a Right of Exercise Upon the 10th of December the Parlament of Bourdeaux at the Instance of du Sault a Zealous Persecutor who pleaded in the room of the Advocate General by a Decree forbid Ordâ— and Grenier Regents of the Reformed Schools at St. Fri to keep 'em open for that they had intruded into 'em of their own Heads without leave of the Court The Fifteenth of the same Month wrote expresly to the Bishop of Poitiers to let him understand that 't was his Pleasure for Decorums sake that the Schools where Boys and Girls were taught should be distinct Two Months after appear'd a Judicial Sentence upon a Motion of the Kings Advocate that all Schoolmasters as well Catholicks as Reformed should be bound to take their Licenses from the Bishop and by Consequence to observe the same distinction between the Schools of both Sexes Since that the Law is very much alter'd for that by forbidding the Reformed to have any more then one School in a Place they have provided against their Observance of that Distinction As if the Profession of Heresie were a reason sufficient to deprive Hereticks of their Right to observe the Decorums of Morality The Advocate General in the Parlament of Pau bethought himself of a rare Artifice to oblige the Reformed under that Jurisdiction to give their Religion the Title of Pretended Reformed They were wont to qualifie themselves with the Addition of the Religion of the Edict or barely Of the Religion And this they observ'd in all their Publick Acts even in the Pleadings of Advocates But the Advocate General undertook to prohibit 'em that Custom and to render this Severity more Tolerable he was desirous to usher it in by some Act of Justice He shew'd how that the Catholicks commonly call'd 'em Huguenots and Hereticks which might cause great Disorder besides that the Reformed were not to be Suffer'd â—o use such Expressions as frequently came out of their Mouths â—n Conformity therefore to this Request the Parlament set forth a Decree forbidding the Catholicks to call the Reformed Huguenots or Hereticks and prohibiting
thrice honour'd Lady and Mother tho' continually with Tears in her Eyes and Grief in her Heart nevertheless has not forborn with incessant Labour and with great Magnanimity and Prudence to prevent that fatal Accident from doing any Prejudice to our Person and Dignity or to our Kingdom or Subjects holding her self bound to this Duty not only by the natural Affection which she bears us but also because of her having been declar'd Regent and under that Character being entrusted with the Care and Administration of the Affairs of the Kingdom by the Votes and Suffrages of the Princes of the Blood and the rest of the Princes Prelates Peers Principal Officers of the Crown and Members of our Parlament Assembl'd therein we keeping there our Throne of Justice wherein her Pains prov'd so successful and the Affection of our Subjects who were then about us as also of the Inhabitants of our good City of Paris was so great and sincere toward us that we can desire nothing more from their Obedience and Fidelity nor from the good and prudent Conduct of the Queen Regent our aforesaid thrice honour'd Lady and Mother Being also inform'd by Intelligence that comes to us every day that in all other Places and Parts of our Kingdom all our Subjects as well Catholicks as of the pretended Reformed Religion of all Qualities make it their Business out of a laudable Emulation to outvye each other in readiness to Obedience in Actions and Behaviour which give some Testimony of their Fidelity and Duty for which we have great occasion to bless God and to hope that as he has been pleas'd to preserve this Kingdom from imminent Dangers so as to make it flourish for so many Ages so he will take into his Protection our youthful Years and grant us leisure to grow up in Piety and Vertue to the end we may one day employ the Grandeur to which he has rais'd us to his Honour and Glory Which with all our Hearts we implore him to vouchsafe us and to inspire us always with Councils requisite and necessary for the well governing our Subjects in his Fear and causing them to live in Peace Union and Amity one with another as being the true Foundation upon which next after God depends the Safety and Preservation of the Kingdom Experience having taught the Kings our Predecessors that the Fury and Violence of Arms had been always not only of no effect to reduce their Subjects who were gone astray into the Bosom of the Catholick Apostolick and Roman Church but rather extreamly prejudicial which was the Reason that being swaid by more happy Councils they had recourse to Mildness in granting them the Exercise of the pretended Reformed Religion of which they made Profession By whose Example led the Deceased King our thrice Honour'd Lord and Father made the Edict of Nantes for the Reconciling of all his Subjects together The Observation of which Edict together with the Regulations made in consequence of it settled such an assured repose among 'em as has lasted ever since without Interruption By means of which although that Edict be perpetual and irrevocable and consequently has no need of being confirm'd by a New Declaration nevertheless to the end our Subjects may be assur'd of our good Will and that our Intention and pleasure is inviolably to observe that Edict made for the good and repose of our Subjects as well Catholicks as of the pretended Reformed Religion Therefore we Declare That this Affair having been debated in our Presence by the Queen Regent our thrice Honour'd Lady and Mother we have by the Advice of Her the Princes of our Blood other Princes Dukes Peers Officers of our Crown and several eminent Persons of our Council said and ordain'd say and ordain and it is our Will and Pleasure That the said Edict of Nantes in all the Points and Articles of it together with the rest of the Articles to them granted and the Regulations made and Decrees set forth upon the Interpretation or Execution of the said Edict and in consequence of it shall be inviolably upheld and observ'd and the infringers shall be severely punish'd as Disturbers of the Publick Tranquillity To which Effect we enjoyn all our Officers to be sedulously assisting under the Penalty of being responsible and being punish'd for their Negligence with the same Rigour as the Disobedience of those that shall offer to Violate it In like manner we command our Beloved and Trusty People holding our Court of Parlament in Paris that these Presents may be Read Publish'd and Register'd and the Contents thereof to keep maintain and observe Point by Point according to their Form and Tenour without suffering or permitting any Breach thereof in any manner whatever In Testimony whereof we have caused our Seals to be affix'd to these Presents Given at Paris May 22. in the Year of Grace 1610. and of our Reign the First Louis And upon the Folding of the Paper By the King the Queen Regent being Present De Lominie Seal'd with the great Seal of the said Lord upon a double Label Also written upon the side of the said Folding Read Publish'd and Register'd heard by and Consenting and Requesting the Kings Advocate General And Order'd that compar'd Copies shall be sent to the Bayliwicks and Seneschalships to be there also Read Publish'd and Register'd with all speed by the Advocate General 's Substitutes who are enjoyn'd to Certifie the Court of their doing it this Month. At Paris in Parliament June 3. 1610. Signed Tillet A General Regulation drawn up in the Assembly General of the Reformed Churches of France held at Saumur by the Kings Permission in the Year 1611. IN every Province there shall be a Council established to Consult about the Affairs of the Church within the Province Which Councils shall be continu'd and chang'd every two Years either all or in part at the Discretion of the Provincial Assembly Which Assembly shall choose out of the Gentlemen Pastors and third Estate Persons well known to all the Province for their Piety Probity Capacity and Experience the number of those that are to be employ'd out of every one of the said Ranks or Degrees being to remain at the Discretion of the Provinces The Council shall Name the Place and the Persons to whom Advices shall be directed whether General Deputies or of the Province When a General Assembly is to be call'd the Council shall give notice to all the Churches either one by one or by way of Colloquies according to the Method observ'd in every one of the Provinces to Assemble at a certain day and send thither their Deputies either by the Appointment of Churches or Colloquies To which purpose the Elders of each Consistory shall be careful to give notice to all the Principal Members of their Churches to meet upon a certain Sunday at Sermon at the Conclusion of which the Ministers shall give notice to the House-keepers to stay in Order to Consult about Affairs of the
Enquiry shall be made after those that shall disobey but by the Officers of Justice wherein the Curates shall not presume to be Parties XII And for as much as the Multiplicity of Holy days and the Observation of New ones occasion several disorders therefore that in such places where those of the Religion shall require it that there may be a certain Regulation made as to the Number of the said Holy-days by the Commissioners executing the said Edict and that the Curates may not be permitted to be accusers for the non-observance of 'em nor the Provost Marshals their Lieutenants Archers or other Officers of the Watch nor the Serjeants without express warrant and command of the Judges of the Place The XVII Article of the Edict shall be observed XIII That according to the XVII Article of the Edict none of those of the said Religion may be depriv'd of the Dignities and Employment of which they are in possession whether they made profession of it before or after they were preferr'd and where any of 'em were depriv'd without observing the Usual Forms that they may be restor'd more especially such as were provided of Governments and Captains Places The Church-Yards order'd 'em by the Commissioners who have formerly executed the Edict shall remain in the Petitioners Possession and if upon any Occasion they be taken from 'em they shall be allow'd others by the Commissioners ordain'd by his Majesty XIV That all Church-Yards that have been enjoy'd since the Verification of the last Edict and the Execution of it may remain in their Possession and that they may not be taken from 'em upon any Occasion whatever The Answer given to the XXII Article of the Writing answer'd the last of August 1602. shall be observ'd And to that purpose his Majesty ordains that convenient Burying-Places shall be allow'd those of the Religion by the Commissioners and Officers of those Quarters in publick Places belonging to his Majesty or else to the Bodies of Cities Burroughs and Villages or Communities or for defect of such Places the said Bodies and Communities shall be bound to purchase other toward which those of the Religion shall contribute their Proportion like the Rest XV. That in pursuance of the Regulations formerly made more especially by the Answer to the XXII Article of the Writing answered in August 1602. all the Royal and Inferiour Judges may be enjoyn'd to allow a Convenient Place for the Burial of their dead to those of the Religion in some publick Place belonging to the King or to the Communities of the said Cities Burroughs and Villages and where there are no such places that they may be purchas'd at the Common Expences of all the Inhabitants of the Parish those of the Religion contributing proportionably to the Rest Those Burials were order'd in the Night time to avoid Commotions and Tumults and for the greater Security of those of the Religion who attended the Corps But if there be any Places where they can bury by Day-light without disturbing the Peace of the Inhabitants Orders shall be given to the Commissioners about it XVI That such Places where by particular Regulation they have been constrain'd to bury their dead at an inconvenient Hour they may be Permitted to bury by day-light if they think it fitting The King cannot allow that the Gentlemen of the said Religion and others who have Right of burying in Câ—â—rches shall be there interr'd because the Canonical Constitutions forâ—â—â— and for that it would be a 〈…〉 contrary and prejudicial to â—â— Catholick Apostolick Roman Religion which his Majesty professes for can it be done without giving great occasion of Scandal and Disâ—â—â—ent to the Catholicks But his Majesty grants that the Commissioners being upon the Place may advise with them about the means of preserving the Temporal Right and Authority which they have as Lords and Patrons of the said Churches so that no prejudice may be done either to them or their Successors XVII And for as much as in some Places the said Funerals cannot be solemniz'd without danger of Commotion and Sedition and other Incocveniencies especially in Places where the Lords Gentlemen and others of the said Religion have right of Burying in the Churches and Chappels of their Predecessors and that Orders may be given to the Commissioners proceeding to the Execution of the Edict to make so good a Regulation in reference to the said Enterments so that no Inconvenience may happen And in so doing to have a regard to the Satisfaction of the said Lords Gentlemen and others who have a Right and Property in the said Burying Places The King grants the said petty Schools in Cities within the Suburbs of which the Service of their Religion is permitted and that for one Master in each and onely for teaching to Write and Read With Prohibitions to the said Masters to dogmatize or to admitt above ten or twelve Scholars in each School of the Neighbourhood only and no Forreigners XVIII That in pursuance of the Supplication address'd to his Majesty by the Writing answer'd in August 1602. and according to the Hope 's given by the Answer made to the sixth Article of the said Writing it would please him by an Interpretation of the XXXVIII of the particular Articles to permit 'em petty Schools in all the Villages and Burroughs of the Kingdom to teach them Children to read and write aâ—â— to instruct 'em in the first Rudiments of Grammar The Edict permits 'em to erect Colledges in such Cities and Places where they have the Exercise of their Religion to which his Majesty allows the same Priviledges as to other Colledges receiv'd and approv'd in this Kingdom XIX That in Conformity to the Answer return'd to the Writing answer'd in March 1602. it would please him to vouchsafe the Academies of Saumur and Montauban the same Immunities Priviledges and Prerogatives which other Academies of the Kingdom enjoy The Choice of the said Presidents depends upon the King onely and such Care and Discretion has been used and shall be for the Future that those of the said Religion shall have no cause to Complain XX. That the Presidents and ten Catholick Counsellors who are to serve in the Chamber of the Edict of the Parlament of Paris with the ten Counsellors of the said Religion be chosen out of the most equitable peaceable and moderate Men according to the XLVII of the particular Articles and to that purpose that it may be agreed upon with the Deputies of the said Churches as also for that by the XLVII Article of the said Edict it is expresly said that the said Presidents and Counsellors shall be continued as long as possible may be The Number of the said Officers is already so great over all the Kingdom that there is no need of increasing it But to the end there may be no want of Judges in the said Chamber because of the said Refusals 't is granted that they may judge to the Number of eight as in other
Orange should remain in the hands of a Governour of the said Religion his Majesty would be pleas'd to interpose his Authority with the Prince of Orange that the said Castle may be put in the hands of a Governour of the said Religion Provision was made for this by the Brevet of April 1598. and what is specifi'd in the Edict and Secret Articles has been always observ'd and shall be L. That it may please his Majesty to grant that the Governours of the Cities left in their Custody may not surrender 'em up but by the Consent of the Churches of the Province And that when there is a Vacancy by Death it may be suppli'd by his Majesty at the Nomination of the General Deputies residing with his Majesty The King will take care as he shall find most convenient for the good of his Service LI. That he would be pleas'd not to dispose of the Commands of Lieutenants to Governours of Captains of Companies without the Consent of the Governour of the Place 'T is the Kings Pleasure that the Edict of Nantes and what has been done and ordain'd in pursuance of it may be observ'd and executed throughout the Kingdom and if any breach happen the Commissioners shall take care to see it amended LII That in all the said Places the exercise of the said Religion may be permitted with all Freedom without any Interruption and that it may be restor'd in such Places where it has been molested or expell'd No Colledge of Jesuites can be erected within this Kingdom but by his Majesties Permission who will take such care in that Matter that there shall be no cause of complaint LIII That the Jesuites may not be permitted to erect any Colledge Seminary or House of Habitation nor to Preach Teach or Confess in any of the said Places held by those of the said Religion and that his Majesty would please to confine the said Jesuites to those Places to which they were confin'd by their re-establishment in 1603. Care shall be taken about this by the Commissioners after they have advis'd with the Governours and Lieutenant Generals of the Provinces LIV. That there may be Provision made against the Inconveniences that may happen by Processions which are accompanied with great Trains of People to the Churches and Chappels enclos'd within the Castles left in the hands of the Religion and Guarded with very slender Garrisons And that the Governours of the said Castles may not be oblig'd to let those Processions enter unless they will restrain themselves to such a number as may be no prejudice to the Security of those Castles or else that the exercise of the Roman Catholick Religion which is perform'd in some of the said Castles may be remov'd into the Cities The Gates and Walls of the Cities and Places left in their Hands for Security shall be repair'd at the charges of their respective Inhabitants as is usually done in other Cities of the Kingdom and for the Levies and Impositions necessary for that purpose they shall Address themselves to the Council for the obtaining Letters of Permission And if there be urgent Necessity for any of the said Places upon a Petition to his Majesty care shall be tak'n to do what is â—itting LV. That his Majesty would be pleas'd according to the XLIX Article of the Writing of Gergeau to allow necessary Provisions for the repair and keeping in repair and securing the Gates Walls Fortifications and other out-works of the said Places left in their hands which by time and other Accidents are fallen to decay The Inventories of the Guns and Ammunition c. which were in the said Places in 1598. and which are there at present shall be view'd and reported for Orders to be made upon 'em it being his Majesties Intention nevertheless to leave 'em as many as they stand in need of for the Defence and Preservation of the said Places LVI That the Artillery Arms and other Warlike Ammunition which are in the said Places held by those of the said Religion either garrison'd or otherwise shall not be drawn out and remov'd to another place that what has been taken away may be restor'd and when the Yearly Distribution of the said Arms and Ammunition is made they may have their Proportion as well as other Cities of the Kingdom His Will is to allow those of the said Religion to hold the said Assemblies when he shall think it proper for his Service or that they stand in need of 'em and they shall be bound to appoint six Deputies as was ordain'd by the Deceas'd King LVII And for as much as the Necessity of having General Deputies near his Majesty is notoriously known as well to acquaint the Churches with his Majesties command as to present him their Petitions and prosecute their necessary Affairs and for that the said Deputies cannot be made but by a General Assembly of the said Churches may it please his Majesty to permit 'em to hold the said General Assembly every two Years in such Cities which are in their hands as they shall think most Commodious to the end that the Assembly being by that means become common may be the less liable to givâ— occasion of Jealousie and Suspition That the Employment anâ— Commission of the said Generaâ— Deputies may hold for two yearâ— and no longer and that the twâ— which shall be appointed by thâ— said Assemblies for general Deputies may be accepted and admitted by his Majesty to reside neaâ— his Person as formerly has beeâ— practis'd upon their first Institution in the Assembly of S te Foi and after that in the Synod of Gap without being constrain'd to nominate six as since has been done As to the LVIII and the following Articles concerning the Churches of Bearn His Majesty not having allow'd or approv'd the Vnion of the pretended Reformed Churches of Bearn with those of France neither can the King allow it now but upon presenting their Petitions by their General Deputies separately to the King he will take care as Reason shall require Done and Decreed by the King being in Council the Queen Regent being present and assisted by the Princes of the Blood other Princes Dukes Peers and Officers of the Crown and Principal Members of his said Council at Paris July 23. 1611. Sign'd Phelipeaux A Declaration of the King touching the Assemblies of any of hiâ— Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion confirming thâ— Edict of Nantes and Particular Articles At Paris Apriâ— 24. 1612. Register'd in Parlament May 25. of the samâ— Year LEwis by the Grace of God King of France and Navarr to our Beloved and Faithful Counsellours holding our Court of Parlament at Paris Greeting So soon as it pleas'd God to call us to this Crown we resolv'd to follow the Method and Form of Government as we found it settl'd by the Deceased King our thrice Honour'd Lord and Father whom God Absolve judging well that we could not more safely preserve the Kingdom which he had
and Quiet the Benefit of the Edicts made in their behalf In which number far the greater are comprehended those who have more Power and Authority to be assisting in upholding the Publick Tranquillity We have said and declar'd and once more do say and declaâ—e by these Presents by way of Explanation of what is contain'd in our said Letters Patents of April last that we are very well satisfi'd and contented with our Subjects of the pretended Reformed Religion in General And upon that Consideration we have altogether buried in Oblivion the Offences which the said particular Persons might have committed contrary and to the prejudice of our Edicts Nor will we that any thing be imputed to 'em nor that upon this occasion any Blame or Blemish be fasten'd upon 'em for the Future provided they continue hence forward within the Bounds of their Duty Obedience and Fidelity toward us and prove as exact observers of the Laws Edicts and Ordinances made to the end that all our Subjects may live in Peace Repose and Amity one with another So we Will and Command that you cause these Presents to be Read Publish'd and Register'd in your Registers that our said Subjects of the said Religion may fully peaceably and without any Molestation or Impeachment enjoy the Benefit of the Contents For such is our Will and Pleasure Given at Paris July 11. 1612. and the third of our Reign Sign'd Lewis By the King the Queen Regent his Mother being present De Lomenie And Seal'd with Yellow Wax upon a single Label Register'd after being heard and upon the Motion of the Kings Advocate General At Paris in Parlament August 8. 1612. A Declaration of the King and Confirmation of the Edict of Nantes given at Paris December 15. 1612. and verifi'd January 2. 16â—3 LEwis by the Grace of God King of France and Navarr To all c. The extream desire we have had ever since our coming to the Crown for which we continually implore the Blessing of God and for which the Queen Regent our thrice Honour'd Lady and Mother has always most sedulously labour'd has been to take care to maintain and preserve all our Subjects in Peace Tranquillity and Repose and in good Friendship Union and Concord one with another as being the Principal Foundation of the welfare of this Kingdom To this purpose from the Time that it pleas'd God to visit us with the fatal Accident that befel us through the Death of the Deceased King our thrice Honour'd Lord and Father of glorious Memory we resolv'd to imitate and follow the same Methods which he took to attain the same ends and having observ'd that after he had by his Valour restor'd this Kingdom to its Ancient Splendour he with a great deal of care Labour and Prudence and for a Foundation of an assur'd Repose and an entire Reconciliation between all his Subjects as also to remove from those who profess'd the pretended Reformed Religion all occasion of Fear and Distrust for the Liberty of their Persons Consciences Honour and Families made and ordain'd what is compriz'd in his Edict giv'n at Nantes in April 1598. by the Observation of which and of the Secret Articles he had happily rul'd and govern'd his People in Peace till his Decease therefore one of our first Actions which we were willing to do in this Kingdom has been to set forth our Letters of Declaration of the 22. of May 1610. containing a Confirmation of the said Edict and of the Secret Articles Regulations and Decrees set forth by way of Explanation and for the putting the same in Execution which we sent at the same instant to all our Parlaments to be there verifi'd and sometime after we resolv'd to send into all the Provinces of our Kingdom some of the Principal Members of our Council and other Persons well qualifi'd chosen by our selves as well Catholicks as of the pretended Reformed Religion to cement and corroborate the Establishment and Execution of the said Edict and favours granted in pursuance of it having ever since continu'd to give that Assistance toward it that could be expected from our Care and Authority But it has so fallen out that our good Intentions have not had that successful Effect that we could have desir'd among all our Subjects Some of whom and of those of the pretended Reformed Religion through Suspitions too lightly conceiv'd of adverse Occurrences are enter'd into Jealousies and Mistrusts one of another Whence it has follow'd that they have begun to double their Guards make Provision of Arms Levy Souldiers hold Assemblies and Councils and to do other things quite contrary to the Tenour and Observation of the said Edict To which however we are willing to believe 'em to have been induc'd by some â—ears which they have conceiv'd of themselves and upon â—â—lâ—e Suspitions and Pretences thô rot out of any ill Will or bad Intentions Having always found the Generality of those of the Reformed Religion extreamly well affected to the good of our Service and firm and constant in that reverence Fidelity and Respect which they owe to us But in regard this Mischief may draw after it dangerous Consequences we thought it necessary to provide against it to re-establish the good Friendship Correspondence and Society which ought to be alike among all our said Subjects for the maintaining of their common Repose which cannot be done more assuredly then by an exact Observation of the said Edict Secret Articles Briefs and other Acts made in pursuance of it As also by giving new Assurances to all our said Subjects of the said pretended Reformed Religion of our good Intentions in their behalf and of our Intentions to preserve maintain protect 'em and cause 'em to enjoy all the Favours and Concessions which have been decreed 'em as well by the Edict as since that time as they did in the Life-time of the Deceased King till his Death For these Reasons and others Us moving after we had caus'd this Matter to be debated in Council where was the Queen Regent with the Princes of our Blood and other Princes several Officers of the Crown and Principal Counsellours of our Council with the Advice of them we have said and declar'd and we say and declare and it is our Will and Pleasure that the abovesaid Edict of Names together with our Declaration of the 22. of May 1610. with the Private Articles Regulations Decrees and other Letters set forth in pursuance of them either by way of Explanation or for the better Execution of the same may be read de novo and publish'd in all our Courts of Parlament and Seats of Judicature under their Jurisdiction having to that end and as much as need requires confirm'd 'em as we do again Confirm 'em by these presents Sign'd with our hand We Will and Ordain that the whole may be fulfill'd and inviolably observ'd without any Breach oâ— Infringement whatsoever in any manner whatever Also for as much as the Breaches which have been
Diligence and our Parlaments to proceed against 'em with their utmost Care and Affection and our Governours and Lieutenant Generals to be strenuously assisting in the Execution of such Decrees and Judgments as shall be pronounc'd against 'em not suffering 'em to enjoy any Favour or Priviledge granted 'em by the Edicts made in Favour of our Subjects of the said Religion of which they have render'd themselves unworthy by this Pernicious Rebellion So we command our well Beloved and Faithful Counsellours holding Courts of Parlament Chambers of the Edict Bailiffs Seneschals c. that these our present Letters of Declaration be Publisht and Register'd and the Contents of 'em punctually observ'd according to their Form and Tenour c. Commanding also our Advocates General and their substitutes to be assisting c. For such is our Will and Pleasure In Witness whereof c. Given at Bourdeaux November 10. 1615. and sixth of our Reign Sign'd Lewis And below by the King De Lomenie Seal'd with the great Seal in Yellow Wax upon a double Label Read Publish'd and Register'd upon the Motion of the Atturney General and order'd that Copies be sent to the Bailiwicks and Seneschalships c. to be there Publish'd and Register'd with all speed by the Substitutes c. At Paris in Parlament December 7. 1615. Sign'd De Tillet Extract of the Kings Edict for the Pacifying of the Troubles of his Kingdom given at Blois May 1616. and verifi'd June 13. the same Year Article XLV OUr Pleasure and Meaning is that the Edicts of Pacification Declarations and secret Articles verifi'd in our Courts of Parlament as also the Brevets and Answers to the Papers made by the Deceased King our thrice Honour'd Lord and Father in Favour of the Pretended Reformed Religion be observ'd and executed and that they may enjoy 'em according to their Form and Tenour XV. And whereas M. Peter Berger Counsellour in our Court of Parlament in Paris who had one of the six Offices which by XXX Article of the said Edict were appointed for those of the Pretended Reformed Religion has made Profession since of the Catholick we have created and erected and do create and erect de novo an Office and Counsellour in our said Court of Parlament at Paris with the same Salary Rights Priviledges Authority and Functions equal to any of the Rest Which Office now by Us created we appropriate to those of the said Pretended Reformed Religion instead of that which Berger held and for which we will provide a Person of the said Pretended Reformed Religion of ability and sufficiency according to the Form express'd in the L. of the Private Articles granted at Nantes to those of the said Religion XVI It is our Pleasure and Meaning that the Exercise of the said Pretended Reformed Religion shall be restor'd and settl'd in Places where it has been discontinu'd or interrupted since the said first of July by Reason of the Present Commotions in the same Manner and Form as before XVII And to the end there may be no Question of the sincere Intention of our Dear Cousin the Prince of Condè and those who are joyn'd with him we declare that we repute and hold our said Cousin the Prince of Condè for our good Kinsman and faithful Subject and Servant as also the rest of the Princes Dukes Peers Officers of the Crown Lords Gentlemen Cities Communities and others as well Catholicks as of the Pretended Reformed Religion of what Quality or Condition soever they be who assisted him or joyn'd or united with him as well before as after the suspension of Arms comprehending also the Deputies of the said Pretended Reformed Religion tho' assembl'd at Nimes and present at Rochel for our good Subjects and Servants And after we read the Declaration set forth to us by our said Cousin the Prince of Condè we believe and deem that what was done by him and the abovenamed was done out of a good end and Intention and for our Service LIII The Secret Articles which have been granted by us and which will be found inserted in the present Edict shall be punctually and inviolably fulfill'd and observ'd and upon an Extract of the said Articles Sign'd by one of our Secretaries of State all necessary Letters shall be forthwith given out Private Articles granted in the Kings Name by his Deputies sent to the Conference at Loudun to the Prince of Condè and others joyn'd with him to obtain the Pacification of the Troubles after that seen approv'd and ratify'd by his Majesty I. 'T Is the Kings Pleasure and meaning after the Example of the Kings his Predecessors that the Gallican Church be preserv'd in her Rights Franchises Liberties and Prerogatives II. What has been done by the Clergy upon the Publication of the Council Trent has not been approv'd by his Majestie and consequently nothing has come of it Nor will he permit that any thing be done hereafter without or contrary to his Authority III. Altho that in the Edict it be express'd that all places which have been taken on either side during these Toubles shall be restor'd to the same Hands and resettl'd in the same Condition as they were before Nevertheless it is agreed that the Castle of Leitoure shall be put into the Hands of an Exempt of the Guards of the Kings Body or some other of the Pretended Reformed Religion who shall be made Choice of by his Majesty to keep it till the Contest between the Sieurs de Fontrailles and Angelin about the Captainship of the said Castle be adjusted by his Majesty IV. That the XXVII Article of the Edict of Nantes about the Pacification of the Troubles concerning the admitting promiscuously those who do or shall profess the Pretended Reformed Religion to all Estates Dignities Publick Offices or Employments Royal Signioral or City Magistrates shall be follow'd and observ'd and by vertue of this the Sieurs Villemereaâ— Counsellour in the Court of Parlament and Le Maistre Master in the Chamber of Accompts shall be admitted to the Exercise of their Employments as they were before they profess'd the said Pretended Reformed Religigion V. The Ministers of the Pretended Reformed Religion shall enjoy the favour and Exemptions to them Vousaf'd by the Kings Letters Patents of December 15. 1612. VI. The Sieurs Durant Louis and Gausin shall be resettled in the City of Metz as formerly they were VII The Inhabitants of the City of Millau and of the Cities Boroughs and Communities of the County of Foix who were at the Taking of the Castle of Cameraâ—e as also some particular Persons of the City of Nimes shall enjoy the Benefit of the Amnesties which were formerly granted 'em for some Crimes and Extravagancies therein mention'd without needing any other Verification then the Registring of these present Articles nor shall the said Registring be any Prejudice to the Civil Interests of the Parties for which there shall be provision made according to reason And as for the City of Millau the
Counsellors c. That these presents may be read publish'd and register'd c. And that our Subjects of the pretended Reformed Religion may enjoy the Benefit of the Contents fully and peaceably without suffering the least Injury Trouble or Impeachment to be offer'd ' em For such is our Pleasure In Witness c. Given at Amboise May 24th 1619. and 10th of our Reign Sign'd LEWIS And below By the King De Lomenie Seal'd c. Register'd upon the Motion of the Kings Attorney General At Paris in Parlament July 15th 1619. Sign'd Gallart A Declaration of the King against those of the Assembly at Loudun together with a Confirmation of the Preceding Edicts of Pacification Given at Paris February 26. 1620. and Publish'd in Parlament February 27. the said Year LEWIS by the Grace of God King of France and Navarr To all c. As we have always held it for an assured Foundation of the publick Tranquility of this Kingdom to maintain and preserve our Subjects as well the Catholicks as those of the pretended Reformed Religion in good Peace Union and Concord one with another under the Benefit of the Edicts and Declarations made and set forth to that purpose by the Deceased King our thrice honour'd Lord and Father whom God absolve So we have had a particular care in causing 'em to be exactly observ'd and that they of the said Religion may enjoy the Favours and Concessions which were granted 'em by the same Which also we have not only maintain'd and preserv'd but also out of our special Grace and Favour have much augmented and enlarg'd And to be the more particularly satisfi'd of any Faileurs in the Observance of the said Edicts and Declarations which might be commitâ—ed and to give out said Subjects of the pretended Reformed Religion the means to inform us of 'em in imitation of the Deceased King our thrice honoured Lord and Father we have agreed that they shall have near oâ—â— Person and in our Train certain Deputies who may inform us of 'em and exhibit their Remonstrances to us and our Council as they shall judge requisite to be provided against and remedi'd at their Instance and Solicitation and to the end those Deputies may be made choice of and appointed when they have a design to change 'em we have for that reason given 'em leave to hold Provincial and General Assemblies when they shall give us to understand that they have occasion for ' em And altho' the Principal cause for which we have given 'em leave to hold those Assemblies has bin for the Choice and Nomination of the said Deputies we have nevertheless thought good that the Complaints which our Subjects of the said Religion of every Province may make of the said Breaches and Violations shall be exhibited to the said Assemblies for them to send their Deputies to present their Papers and Remonstrances to us For this reason it is and upon this only Consideration that we permitted our Subjects of the said pretended Reformed Religion by our Brevet May 23th to hold a General Assembly the 26th of September ensuing in our City of Loudun in which we were in hopes that according to what is express'd by the said Brevet they would have begun to have proceeded to the Choice and Nomination of Deputies which they would have had to succeed to those that resided in our Train in whose hands they would have entrusted the Papers of Complaints and Remonstrances which they had to present to us to the end they might solicit our Answer and take care of putting in Execution what should be by us ordain'd But instead of so doing they would needs send to us certain of their Number with a first Paper containing some principal Heads to which they besought our answer and to cause to be executed what we thought convenient till they had compil'd their other Papers which as they said they were preparing to exhibit to us Upon which we gave 'em to understand that when all their demands should be reduc'd into one Paper and that they should present 'em to us all at once and according to the usual Method and Forms we would receive 'em and give a favourable Answer and in such sort that they should find by the Effects our good will towards 'em And tho' they were also oblig'd to cause the said Paper to be presented to us by such as should be made choice of among them to reside near our Person and then to break up as it was the Practice while the deceased King liv'd of the Assemblies of Chatellerant and Gergeau and that it is still observ'd by all the Assemblies of what Quality soever they be that are held in this Kingdom Nevertheless we were willing to doe 'em that favour for once not to draw it into President as to receive the said Papers from the hands of those who did present 'em to us on their behalf Which being reported to the said Assembly after several Contests and Delays at length they sent us other Deputies with the General Papers of their Complaints and Remonstrances whom we kindly receiv'd giving 'em assurance that we wou'd labour to return 'em a speedy answer and by which they should not only receive the Justice which they demanded but also as much as they could expect from our Grace and Favour Which we gave 'em in charge to report back to their said Assembly being also farther commanded to tell them in our Name that since they had presented all their Papers and that their longer sitting together was to no purpose but was prejudicial to our authority and gave scandal to our Subjects our Pleasure was that they should proceed with the soonest to the Nomination of their Deputies that were to reside near our Person and then break up Which done we promis'd to deliver into the hands of the said Deputies the Answers which we should make to the said Papers and within a Month after to proceed to the Execution of those things that should be agreed upon But instead of receiving this with that respect and reverence which is due to us they reply'd that the said Assembly was resolv'd to sit still and not to stir till they had the Answer that was to be made to their Papers and that they saw the performance of it For which tho' we had just occasion to be offended as being an Answer far remote from the Duty which Subjects owe their King Nevertheless we contented our selves with laying before 'em the Fault which they committed and exhorting them to demean themselves with that Obedience which became ' em And however to the end the said Assembly might be expresly inform'd of our Intentions we resolv'd to send to 'em the Sieurs Le Maine Counsellour in our Council of State and Gentleman of our Chamber and Marescot one of our Secretaries to the end that after they had confirm'd to 'em the Assurances of our good will toward 'em in that particular they might lay upon 'em the
without our leave or the Orders of our Admiral in contempt of our Laws and the secret Practises and Correspondencies held with Forreigners To all which we have been much troubl'd to give Credit considering the good and favourable usage our said Subjects of the Pretended Reformed receiv'd And when we understood that the Sieur de Soubise we the Head of his Faction he who has tri'd the Force of our Authority and the softness of our Clemency upon several occasions this was the reason that we were willing to wink at his first Practises and Proceedings in hopes that by our Patience we might reduce him to his Duty But our goodness and forbearance having augmented the Audaciousness of the said Soubise we understand that within these few days he has put to Sea with some Vessels having Souldiers aboard that he has robb'd our Merchants Ships made attempts upon some of our Islands and principal Places and upon the Vessels that were in the Roads and Harbours belonging to 'em and in these Actions committed several Enormities Violences and Acts of Hostility against our Subjects Now in regard that all these Enterprizes and Attempts of the said Soubise discover to our great sorrow an evident and manifest Rebellion against our Authority and a design lay'd betwixt him and some particular Adherents to disturb the general Peace and Tranquility of the Kingdom without any lawful reason or cause on the other side we are extreamly well satisfy'd to understand from our dear and well beloved Cousin the Duke of Tremouille and the Sieurs de la Force and Chatillon and other Persons of Quality as also from the General Deputies of our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion refiding near our Person as also by the Deputies of the Pretended Relion at Charenton and those of our Cities of Rockele Nimes Vsez as also to see by an Act in writing which the said general Deputies have presented us with express injuctions from our dear and well-beloved Inhabitants of our City of Moniaban how much they renounce and disown his Actions as unworthy of that Fidelity and Affection which true French-men owe their Soveraign considering they can tend to nothing else but the subversion of this State and their own Ruin Whereupon being desirous to make known what our good Intentions are the Protection which we are willing to grant to the Faithful and Obedient and the Rigor which we intend to use toward Rebels if they persevere in their Contumacy We make known that for these Causes and other weighty Considerations us thereunto moving with the Advice of the Queen c. and of our certain knowledge full Power and Royal Authority we have said and declar'd and say and declare by these Presents Sign'd with our hand and it is our Will and Pleasure that all our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion who shall continue in that Fidelity and Obedience which they owe us without adhering to any Factions and Conspiracies against the Kingdom shall fully and Peaceably enjoy in freedom and safety the Exercise of their Religion together with all the Favours to them granted by the Edicts and Declarations made in their Favour as well by the Deceased King c. as by our selves which we resolve to have inviolably kept and observ'd according to their Form and Tenour putting all our said Subjects together with their Goods and Families under our special Protection and Favour And as for the said Soubise and others who are enter'd into open Rebellion against us having attempted to disturb the Tranqaility of our Kingdom we have hereby declar'd and declare all those that shall adhere to and Favour him directly or indirectly of what Quality or condition soever they be and who shall hold Intelligence Association or Corespondence with 'em both disobedient and Guilty of High Treason As also we declare the Inhabitants of our Cities that shall Countenance or adhere to the Rebellion and Disobedience of the above nam'd or shall give 'em any Harbour Retreat or Quarter among 'em or shall suffer 'em or assist 'em in any sort or manner whatever guilty of the same Crimes and to have forfeited all their Rights Franchises Immunities and Priviledges granted either by the King our Predecessors or by our selves And for that our Intention is always to prefer Clemency before the Rigour of Justice and to afford 'em the Means and Leisure to acknowledge their Faults before they althogether plunge themselves in Faction and revolt we say and declare that if within one Month from the day of the publication of these presents in Parlament the said Soubise or any others who have been guilty of the Actions above express'd shall return to their Duty lay down their Arms disband their Souldiers which they have muster'd together and submit themseves entirely to the Obedience which they owe us we have and shall from this present Time and for the Future forgiven pardon'd and obliterated forgive pardon and obliterate by these Presents all Acts and attempts which they may have made or design'd in this last Insurrection and taking of Arms contrary to our Authority and Service without any enquiries or prosecutions either now or hereafter in any sort or manner whatever as having pardon'd and restor'd 'em to their former Condition and to all Honours Priviledges and Immunities which were granted 'em by Us or our Predecessors under the Exact Observation of our Edicts But if after that time expir'd they persist in their Rebellion and Disobedience our Pleasure is that they be proceeded against with all the Rigour of our Laws by Imprisonment of their Persons Seizure of their Estates demolishing their Houses and other usual Courses in such Cases and that they lose the Benefit of our Edicts and Appeals to the Chambers So we command c. In Testimony c Given at Paris January 25. 1625 and fifteenth of our Reign Sign'd LEWIS And Below by the King De Lomenie Read Publish'd and Register'd c. At Paris in Parlament February 18. 1625. Du Tillet A Writing giv'n by the English Embassadours to the Deputies of the Churches to make the King of Great Britain Guarranty of the Peace in 1626. WE Henry Rich Baron of Kensington Earl of Holland Captain of the King of Great Brittan's Guards Knight of the Order of the Garter and one of his Majesties Privy Council And Dudley Charlton Knight one of his Majesties Privy Council and Vice Chamberlain of the Houshold To all c. Whereas the Sieurs de-Mommartin and de Maniald General Deputies of the Reformed Churches of France and other Particular Deputies from the Dukes of Soubise and Rohan as also others from several Cities and Provinces which joyn'd in Arms with the said Lords have made a Peace with the most Christian King by our Advice and Intercessions agreed and consented to by the King their Soveraign and for that the said Deputies have releas'd many things which they thought of great Moment for their security and altogether Conformable to their Edicts and
remote with the usual Submissions and that the Cities make their Declarations such as are requir'd in the like Cases at the same time And whereas we have found during the late Troubles that some of our Subjects of the said Pretended Reformed Religion siding with the Rebels were wont to send their Children or else permit 'em to go and bear Arms together with 'em they themselves staying at home to avoid the Rigour of our Prosecutions 'T is our Pleasure that for the Remedy of such abuses that the Fathers or Masters of Houses and Families shall be held and reputed to adhere to the Enemies Party and that they shall suffer Corporal Punishment together with all the Penalties mention'd in these presents if their Children or other Relations usually abiding in their Houses and having no other habitation then that of their Fathers or Kindred shall be found siding with the Enemy in actual Arms. Unless the said Parents or Masters of Houses or Families actually serve us in our Armies or other where and make it so much their endeavour to regain their Children or Kindred out of the Enemies service as to convince us that 't was no Fault of theirs And as for all our other Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion that shall continue in their Obedience and Fidelity to us without adhering to the Enemies Designs and other Practices Factions and Conspiracies against us our Authority Service and Repose of this Kingdom our Pleasure is that they shall freely enjoy the Liberty of their Exercise and all Favours and Concessions to them granted by the Deceased King and our selves which it is our full meaning and Intent to preserve inviolably putting all our said Subjects of our said Pretended Reformed Religion their Families and Estates so long as they remain within the Bounds of their Duty under our special saseguard and Protection So we command c. In Testimony whereof c. Given at Villeroy August 5. 1627. and 18th of our Reign Sign'd Lewis And below By the King De Lomenie Read Publish'd and Register'd c. At Paris in Parlament August 12. 1627. Du Tillet A Declaration of the King after the taking of Rochelle to his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion Given at Paris December 15. 1628. and verify'd in Parlament January 15. 1629. LEWIS by the Grace of God King of France and Navarr To all c. We have by several Preceding Declarations exhorted our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion to forsake and desist from the Factions and Rebellions wherein they were engag'd against our service promising 'em all that could be expected from our Favour in case that within the time prescrib'd they return'd to their Duty and subscrib'd such Declarations as were requisite before our Judges Which several having done have experienc'd our Good Will liv'd peaceably and at Liberty in the enjoyment of their Estates and Exercise of the Pretended Reformed Religion Several Cities also and Paticular Men led away by the Artifices of Factious and seditious Spirits have still continu'd in the same Rebelion into which their Engagement with the Inhabitants of the City of Rochel had participated ' em For which reason now that it has pleas'd God to reduce that City under our Obedience and to take from 'em that Pretence we are willing to hope that they will the more readily return to their Duty by new Exhortations and freeing 'em from the Fear of being Liable to the Penalties mention'd in our Preceding Declarations And being desirous to let 'em see our Paternal Affection toward 'em and to excite 'em out of a Consideration of their own good and Preservation more or less to their Benefit as they shall continue more or less Obstinate in returning to their Obedience And which is that which we are willing so much the rather to hope that now that by the Reduction of our said City of Rochel under our Obedience they have manifestly understood our singular Goodness toward the Inhabitants of that Place whom we receiv'd upon their Surrendring to us with the assurance of their Lives Estates and Exercise of the Pretended Reformed Religion and of the integrity of which agreement they enjoy so religious a performance that all their Fears are turn'd into Consolation and have prov'd a sufficient Convincement that the Apprehensions which the Factious Boutefeaux of Rebellion infus'd into 'em were but Artifices without any Foundation to hinder 'em from seeking in our Obedience that true Tranquillity and Liberty which they now enjoy For these causes we make known that upon mature debate of this Business in Council of our full knowledge full Power special Grace and Royal Authority We have enjoyn'd and by these Presents do enjoyn all our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion of what quality or Condition soever they be who shall now be found engag'd in the Rebellion and bearing Arms or holding out Towns and Cities against our service and contrary to that Obedience which they owe us or adhering to those that hold 'em out and enjoy 'em that they forthwith lay down their Arms return to their Duty and Subscribe such Declarations as are usually requisite before our Courts of Parlament or Presidial Seats within 15 days after Publication of these Presents And as for the Cities that they send their Deputies to us to receive our Gracious Will and Pleasure in pursuance of their Submissions Which doing we will receive 'em into our Favour and maintain 'em in the Enjoment of all their Goods and Estates and free Exercise of the said Reformed Religion and look upon 'em as good Subjects worthy to partake of our benefits ard Favours no less then the rest who have continu'd in the Fidelity which they owe us All which we promise upon the Faith and Word of a King to keep observe and fulfil inviolably But in case that continuing in the obstinacy of their Rebellion they scorn the Favour which we offer to 'em and do not satisfie the Contents of these Presents within that time We have and do declare 'em from this time forward to have incurr'd the Penalties mention'd in our Preceding Declarations and guilty of High Treason in the Highest degree and unworthy of all Grace and Mercy In which case after the time prefix'd is once past our Pleasure is that they be proceeded against in their Persons Goods Houses Inheritances and whatever else belongs to 'em with the utmost Rigour of the Law So we command c. In Testimony c. Given at Paris December 15. 1628. and 19th of our Reign Sign'd Lewis Below by the King De Lomenie Read Publish'd and Register'd At Paris in Parlament c. January 15. 1629. Du Tillet An Edict of the King upon the Grace and Pardon granted as well to the Duke of Rohan and the Sieur de Soubize as to his Rebellious Subjects of the Cities Flat Countries Castles and Strong Holds of the Provinces of Vpper and Lower Languedoc Cevennes Gevaudan Guyenne Foix c. with the Articles Given
Ibid. At Clay 536. Forbid in several Places 301. Exorcisms the ridiculous â—ssâ—cls of 'em 505. F. FAvas's Interest 365. Favourites new Intreignes against 'em 337. Fenouilles Bishop of violent against the Reformed 335. Remarks upon his Speech 337. Beholding for his Preferment to the Duke of Sully yet a bitter Persecutor of the Reformed 152. Ferrand the Minister flatters the King 410. Ferrier retires 67. Heavy Accusations against him 102. Quits the Ministry and is receiv'd a Counsellour at Nimes 146. More of him 148 c. His end 150. Flatteries excessive 362. Foix Desolation of the Church there 338. Fontrailles put out of Leitoure 364. La Force corrupted by the King leaves the Reformed 333. La Force Governour of Bearn 279. His unequal temper and the effects of it 292. France Plays foul play with the Confederates 416. Makes a League with Queen Christina 497. Her Pretensions to all Europe set forth by a Sorbon Doctor 502. G. GAland Augustus a Commissioner 371. Admitted into the Synod 372. His Intreigue against the Duke of Rohan 442. In vain opposes the Vnion of the Churches of Bearn 483. Gex the Bailliage how us'd 534. Commissioners sent thither 93. Great Alterations there in the State of Religion 107. Governours of the Towns of Security basely self-interested 423. Grand Assizes several of their Decrees against the Reformed 512. Grievances a large Memoir of 'em 430. Gustavus King of Sweden his Death 497. H. HArdy put in Marrialds Room 427. House of Charity forbid at Paris 536. House of the Propagation of Faith and a remarkable piece of Injustice 537. Huguenots whether to be admitted in the Kings Army 441. Hust the Original of the Word 349. I. JAcobins turn'd out of Mompellier 275. James I. of England his Compliance for the Catholick Religion 390 391. His coldness as to the Affairs of the Palatinate 391. Jeannin his remarkable writing 330. His Answer to the Duke of Bouillon 181. Jesuits receive a great Mortification 93. Impudence of the Jesuits Aubigni and Cotton 13. Inclinations of the Great Men 314. Independency of Kings from the Pope maintain'd 169. Rejected by the Court and Clergy and why 170. Injustice extraordinary against the Reformed 435. Instructions of the Commissioners 421. Answer'd by Chauve the Moderator 422. For the Provincial Assembly 23. Continuations of the Instructions 26. Invectives against the Synod of Aletz 357. Joseph a Capuchin his draught of the Reunion 474. K. KIng of England in what sence Garrantee for the Protestants 413. Offers his Mediation for a Peace 234. Refus'd by the Council of France Ibid. Knight of Malta Marry'd 432. L. LAnguedoc Lower in Confusion 328. Continue unquiet 234. The Circle of it Assembles at Limel 376. League powerful against Spain 410. Legacies perverted 432. Lescun Counsellour in the Soveraign Council of Bearn 279. His Remonstrance 290. Lesdiguieres pretends to the Constables Sword and intercedes for Peace with the Protestants 334. He endeavours to hinder the removal of the Assembly of Grenoble to Nimes 212. Engag'd in the Interest of the Court 214. He falls out with the Assembly of Rochel 381. His small Affection for Religion Ibid. c. Will not hearken to his Friends 386. He remains at Court 388. Lessius put to Death 354. Letter Satyrical dividing the Reformed into three Orders 29. A Letter from Court Authorizing the Inferiour number against the greater 56. Letter suppos'd to be written in the Duke of Montbazons Name 366. Lewis XIII Marches into Guyenne 314. Returns to Paris 330. Leaves Paris 332. His success in Poitou Ibid. And Guyenne where he treats with La Force 333. He suspects the Duke of Tremoville and seizes Tulleburg Ibid. Hastens into Languedoc 334. He forbids the Reformed to quit their Habitations 339. He makes use of Forraign Catholick Souldiers 342. He puts his Kingdom under the Protection of the Virgin Mary 413. Returns to Paris 358. His particular Insidelity to the Rochellers 363. His Death 452. His Letter to the Queen about the Peace 463. The Court surpriz'd at the Kings Death 1. The Penetrating into the Causes of his Death avoided 14. His Temper 260. His unexpected Journey to Bearn 343. He arrives at Pau and takes in Navarreins returns to Pau and takes the Oath to the States 345. He goes unexpectedly from Paris and removes the Offices of the Receits 401. Lewis XIII born 419. Lion an unfortunate accideent there 326. A new Sedition there 451. Loudun Assembly there justified 301. which produc'd several Complaints and Apologies 302. Answer'd by the King 303. The Place appointed for the Conference which procures Peace 235. Luson Bishop of made a Cardinal 360. His Character Ibid. His Speech to the King 173. He withdraws from the Queen 272. He writes against the Ministers 274. His ill Counsel 341 c. M. MAcon the Bishop of his Speech to the King 274. Proves ineffectual 277. Remarks upon it 317. Mage the Judge 422. Maine Duke of his Death 322. Mandamus Final to the Soveraign Council of Bearn 311. Attended by Decrees of Council 312. Maniald dies 427. Mansfield Count treats with the Reformed 340. Gain'd by the Court 341. Contrary to the Bishop of Alberstads Inclinations Ibid. Marans Count of his Hostilities against Sancerre 268. Marets Minister of Alets put to Death 494. Marriage of Converted Priests 431. Masuyer's false dealing 423. His Character 373. He writes to the King 374. More of him Ibid. c. Mediation of the Dukes of Rohan and Trimoville ruin'd by Favas 389. Metz the Reformed forbid to erect a Colledge there 517. Milletiere a writing of his 373. His Project about Re-union of the Protestants and Papists 477. Refuted by Daille 478. Turns Catholick through Necessity Ibid. Ministers Forraign a Declaration against 'em 436. Decrees against 'em 503. Ministers Pensioners 121. Allow'd to assist at Political Assemblies 270. Ministers of Charentons Answer 273. The Treachery of some punish'd 354. Miron President his Character 172. Missions and Missionaries 467. Mombazon Duke of his care of the Reformed 324 325. Mompellier besieg'd 344. Holds out stoutly 352. The Kings Infidelity to Her 358. A Cittadel built there contrary to the Treaty 377. The building of it oppos'd by Maniald Ibid. Innovations there 436. The Foundation of it by whom Ibid. Monks converted their Rogueries 271. Monsanglard Minister his Process 532. Montauban defended by La Force 318. The Siege rais'd 319. Reduc'd 463. Moulin in danger of being secur'd 390. His Letter to James I. of England miscarries 391. From which the Jesuits seek an opportunity to ruin him 392. Muce Marquiss of condemn'd by the Parlament of Rennes 355. N. NErac a Presidial Court erected there 416. Negrepelisse taken by Assault and great Cruelties there exercis'd 334. Nomination of General Deputies permitted 426. The Synod desires to be exempted from it Ibid. O. OAth of Vnion 377. Renew'd by the Assembly of Tonneins 165. Offices 441. The Catholicks combine to exclude the Reformed from 'em Ibid. 448. Talon's manner of Pleading 510. His Distinction between the Right of
Exercise and the Right of the Church 511. Oppression continu'd 501. Orleans Duke of commences a Civil War 492. P. PAmiers City of goes to Law with Bishop 392. Papers of the Reformed General 366. Answers to 'em 367. Of the Clergy of Saintes 385. Full of Malice 386. Calmly answer'd by the Court 402 404. Papers answer'd by the Court 113. General Paper of the Assembly of Grenoble 207. Answer'd 208. Papers of the Clergy favourably answer'd 291. Parlaments encroach upon the Jurisdiction of the Chambers 114. The Parlament ordains the continuance of the Exercise of the Reformed Religion 224. Their Acts of Injustice 302. Parpailler the Original of the Word 347. Pau the Parlament there forbid the Exercises 425. Payment of Ministers 406. Peace Proposals of it renewed 342 The Court would have the King grant it to have a Lord and Master Ibid. Three several Persons give their Opinions upon it 343. Peace agreed before Mompellier 352 353. Honourable for the Duke of Rohan 355. All the Cities accept it 357. Ill observ'd by the Court Ibid. Peace discours'd of 401. Concluded between the King and the Reformed 411. Peace made with the Reformed 459. Perron Cardinal his Harangue to the third Estate 171. Petit's Project about the Reunion 476. Du Plessis his Death 379. Elected President of the Assembly of Saumur 30. He fortifies Saumur 44. His wise Counsel 58. Trick put upon him to get Saumur out of his hands 421. Politicks Bloody of the Catholick Clergy in France 315. Pons Regulations there against the Reformed 539. Pope his Brief to Lewis XIII 316. Precautions to prevent disorder 4. Precedency adjudg'd to the Catholicks 434. To the Catholick Counsellours of the Chamber of Guyen 503. To the Catholick Counsellours of the Chamber of Castres 514. Priests and Monks changing their Religion 442. Priest converted his Children 452. A Priest put to Death for bewitching his Nuns 505. Privas Besieg'd and Betray'd 454. The Kings Declaration upon the taking of it 457. Re-establish'd 498. The Castle retaken 377. Puimirol laught at for his Loyalty 314. Puisieux a new Favourite Adviser of Horse proceeding against the Reformed 359. His Favour short 360. His Promise to the Nuncio 363. Q. QUeen Mother hates Cardinal Richlieu 460. Withdraws into Flanders 471. Queen Regent Characters of Her 30. Offended with the Duke of Rohan 124. She Consents to the removal of Rochebeaucour 137. The Princes discontented with Her Regency 153. She prepares to Assemble the General Estates 166. She takes a Progress with the King 203. She escapes from Blois 319. Her scruples 339. She forms a powerful Party 340. Her Forces defeated procure a Peace 343. Question to insnare the People 526. R. REconciliation of the great ones Projected 132. Regency given to the Queen 5. Reformed unfortunate every where 315. Quitt their Habitations 326. Accus'd of Piring the Bridges of Paris Ibid. Of Firing the Gaol of Lion 327. They reassume fresh Courage 332. Disarm'd 350. The exercise of their Religion forbid 368. A singular Artifice us'd to oblige 'em to call themselves Pretended Reformed 369. Their Condition impared by the Commissioners at Gergeau Remorentin and Tours 382. The Reformed dissatisfi'd with the Kings answers 405. They send Deputies to the King 427. Who remonstrate Ibid. And return with the Kings Answer 427. In great Consternation Ibid. Fear'd at Court 488. Faithful to the King 493. The Condition of the Reformed 5. Who are dreaded and yet afraid Ibid. They fall into a fond Opinion of safety deceiv'd by the Court Artifices 10. They take part with the House of Guise in a Quarrel 94. They abhor the Name of Pretended Reformed 109. Their Strength in the County of Avignon 110. They obtain Gergau instead of Grenoble but dissatisfi'd desire Grenoble again 182 183. Reformed disarm'd at Bourdeaux 223. Inclin'd to the Queen Mothers Service 328. Their faults and the cause 344. Begun to be us'd as Rebels 366. All manner of Justice refus'd 'em 377. To be destroy'd root and branch 397 c. The Peaceable Reformed disarm'd 419 c. Regulations for Villiers le Bel and the Dauphinate 420. Regulations of Vnion 72. Relapsers remarkable Orders against 'em 415. De Retz Cardinal 329. Reunion projected 472. Inclinations of the Ministers towards it 475. And of the People 476. Difficulties that obstructed it Ibid. The issue of it 479. The Truth of it Ibid. Richelieu Cardinal his Maxims 388. His designs of which he is forc'd to delay the Execution 410. Jealousies between him and Buckingham 416. His backside 417. Conspiracies against him 419. He takes a Journey into Italy with the King 453. His Project of Reunion 473. He oppresses the Publick Liberty 491. Much a do to guard himself from Conspiracies 497. His Death 451. Rieuperieux summon'd by the Council 422. Rochechouard particular acts of Injustice there 423 468. Rochel hard press'd by Land and Sea 351. The Priviledges of it disputed 400. Excepted by the King out of the Peace 408. The ruine of it sworn and the King strives to put particular Laws upon it 408 409. Accepts the Conditions somewhat mollifi'd 411. The Condition of it 420. Still blockt up 437. The Irresolution of the Inhabitants 440. They intercept a Pacquet of Court Letters Ibid. Rochel Resolves and Publishes a Manifesto 441. Surrendred 443. Refuses to submit to the English 444. How the Inhabitants were dealt by 446. General Assembly conven'd at Rochel 255. The Circle of Rochel sends Deputies to the King 257. Rohan Duke of 317. Detain'd Prisoner at Mompellier 363. Releas'd 364. He advises the Reformed Cities what to do 366. Meditates great designs 395. Enterprize of Rohan and Soubife Ibid. His Politick Devotions 398. Seconded by his Wife 399. He Publishes a Manifesto 441. Personal Enmity between him and the Prince of Condè 451. Decrees and Declarations against him 453. He treats with Spain 457. He retires out of the Kingdom 463. Accus'd of the ruin of the Churches 467 Serves the King in Italy 494. Breaks with the Duke of Bouillon 118. Differences between him and Rochebeaucour 131 His high Pretensions 136. Reconcil'd to the Duke of Bouillon 150. Engages in the Queens Party 338. His Death 413. Royan surrender'd to the King 332. S. SAcriledge pretended 428. Sancerre seiz'd by the Reformed 250. Saumur an Attempt of the Sheriffs of that Place 151. Scholars of the Academy of Saumur run themselves into a Premunire 496. Forbidden 534. Schomberg Marshal 329. Schools forbid at Rouen 426. At St. Foi Ibid. Order'd distinct Ibid. 448. Sedition at Paris 324. At Orleans 347. At Lion Ibid. The Violence of it 349. At Paris 89. At Rochel 133. At Milhau 173. At Belestar 174. Sedition at Pau against Renard the Kings Commissioner 309. At Tours 406 c. Sessions Grand Sessions in Poitou 507. They put the Churches into great affrights Ibid. And make an important Decree Ibid. Sick People tormented by the Monks 416 417. Visited by the Priests 452. Soubife defeated 332. Solicits for succour in England 351. His succour cast away in
the Harbour 352. Meditates great designs 395. Betray'd by Nouailles 396. He disingages himself 397. His success alters the face of Affairs 398. His Manifesto 399. Answer'd 400. He prospers 402. Spanish Fleet before Rochel 444. States General of France meet 168. The third Estate oppress'd by the Nobility and Clergy Ibid. St. Mark Commissioner in the Synod of Alenson 401. Substance of the General Cahier of the Assembly of Saumur and of the Answers to it 73 c. Sulli Duke of made a Marshal of France 502. He takes false measures 6. He is advis'd to look to himself 7. His disgrace 19. Remov'd from the Exchequer and Government of the Bastille 20. He writes to the Queen 21. His Affair examin'd 25. An anonimous Answer to his Discourse 27. His Speech to the Assembly 48. Synod at Alenson 401. The Commissioners Speech there Ibid. And his Instructions 402. The Moderators Answer 404. Their Deputation to the King 407. The Deputies how treated at Court 410. Nomination of General Deputies 411. They make particular Deputies 412. They condemn Militieres Projects 412. And approve Daille's writings Ibid. They appease the Dispute about universal Grace Ibid. Synod National at Charenton 370. Send Commissioners to the King 372. Their Obedience 375. Proposals made there by Galand Ibid. They send a new Deputation to the King 376. Synod National 420. Synod of Realmont 422. An Article drawn up in that Synod for discovery of all such as had a hand in the Spanish Treaty it offends the Churches and is disown'd by the National Synod 425. The National Synod names General Deputies 428 429. And come to divers Resolutions 429. National Synod at Charenton 480. The Commissioners Speech Ibid. Answer'd 482. They send Deputies to the King 485. Their Papers Ibid. The Deputies favourably receiv'd 487. Important Resolutions taken by the Synod 488. Synod National at Alenson 540. Synod at Blois 90. Synod National of Privas 99. Complaints of the Synod of Blois 103. Care of the Synods for the Reconciliation of the Grandees 105. National Synod at Tonneins 158. Synod National at Vitre 266 c. Synod National at Aletz 349 c. T. TIerache the Reformed Inhabitants there treated favourably 117. Titenus writes against the Assembly of Rochel 308. He answers Milletiere 373. Tonneboutonne Mass resettl'd there 447. Tonneins derided for her Civility 314. Treatise entitl'd The Eucharist of the Ancient Church 500. Tremoville Duke of submits 313. Troubles in France renew'ed 394 129. Troubles end 143. Troubles of Privas 354 c. At Nimes occasion'd by a Jesuit 376. New Troubles in Bearn 402. V. VAlence's Credit 365. Valence Bishop of persecutes the Forreign Ministers 469. Vatan the Lord of it dies 94. Vendosm Duke of foil'd before Britesse 346. De Vic 329. Vieville his ingratitude and ill success 388. Villarte a Monk sent to Foix and his Behaviour there 338. Attestations given him Ibid. His Triumph but a Chimera 402. Vitrè the Church there pull'd down 443. Union sign'd and sworn 100. Treated of between the Prince of Condè and the Assembly of Nimes 216. United Provinces send succour to France 438. University of Poitiers the Statutes reviv'd 421. Vniversity regulated 450. Voices and Opinions divided in the Court of Castres and the Issue of it 429. Ursulin's of Loudon the Farce acted upon 'em 504. W. WAtons besieg'd taken 379. Retaken and restor'd 380. War against the Reformed the Reasons for it prevail 332. The success of it in many Places 346. Civil War new Seeds of it 470. War new in France the Presages of it 378. William de Hugues his Negotiations in England 390. A TABLE of the Edicts Declarations c. Serving for Proofs to the Second Part of this Work THe Kings Declaration upon the Edict of Pacification May 22. Page 455. General Regulation drawn up in the Assembly of Saumur August 29. 1611. 458. Writing of the Assembly at Saumur Anno 1611. and Answer 462. A Declaration of the King touching the Assemblies of any of his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion confirming the Edict of Nantes and the Particular Articles At Paris April 24. 1612. Register'd in Parlament May 25. of the same Year 482. A Declaration of the King in favour of those of the Pretended Reformed Religion confirming the Preceding Declaration of April 24. Given at Paris July 11. 1612. and verifi'd August 8. 484. A Declaration of the King and Confirmation of the Edict of Nantes given at Paris December 15. 1612. and verifi'd Jan. 2. 1613. 486. A Declaration of the Kings Majority containing a Confirmation of the Edict of Pacification and Prohibiting Duels At Paris Octob. 1. 1614. Verifi'd the 2. of the same Month and Year 489. A Declaration of the King touching the renewing of all the Edicts of Pacification Articles agreed Regulations and Decrees in pursuance of the same Publish'd in Parlament the last of April 1615. 491. A Declaration of the King upon Arms being taken by some of his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion containing a new Confirmation of the Edicts and Declarations formerly made in favour of those of the said Religion Given at Bourdeaux Novemb. 10. 1615. 494. An Extract of the Kings Edict for the Pacifying the Troubles of his Kingdom given at Blois May 1616. Verifi'd June 13. the same Year 499. Private Articles granted in the Kings Name by his Deputies sent to the Conference at Loudon to the Prince of Condè to obtain the Pacification of the Troubles after that seen approv'd and ratifi'd by his Majesty 500. A Declaration about the Edicts of Pacification given at Paris July 20. 1616. And verifi'd August 4. the same Year 503. A Declaration of the King containing a Confirmation of the Edict of Loudun and the Private Articles of it Given at Paris the last of September 1616. and verifi'd Octob. 25. 504. A Declaration of the King against unlawful Assemblies of any of the Pretended Reformed Religion at Castel-jaloux and Bearn given at Paris May 21. 1618. and verifi'd May 25. 506. A Declaration of the King confirming the Edicts of Pacification and the Assemblies of Castel-jaloux and Orthes approv'd dated May 24. 1619. 508. A Declaration of the King against those of the Assembly at Loudun together with a Confirmation of the Preceding Edict of Pacification Dated Feb. 26. 1620. 510. A Declaration of the King in Favour of his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion who shall remain in their Duty and Obedience dated April 24. 1621. 514. A Declaration of the King by which all the Inhabitants and other Persons within the Cities of St. Angeli and Rochel are declar'd guilty of High Treason Publish'd June 7. 1621. 517. A Declaration of the King containing Prohibitions to all his Loving Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion remaining in their Obedience to stir from their Houses either in the City or Countrey under the Penalties therein express'd dated July 25. 1622. 520. A Declaration of the King upon the Peace which he gave his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed
pleasure A Debate whether to accept them provisionally or definitively The Council's Shiftings about the Articles The Treaty is interrupted New Instructions Disputes put to an end by the King's firmness The Assembly beggeth the intercession of the Queen of England and of the Vnited Provinces New Delays partly malicious partly innocent A Book setting forth the Grievances of the Reformed Elamed by some The Importance of its Contents It beginneth with excusing the freedom of those Complaints Maketh Remonstrances to the King about the Delays of his Council and the general State of the Reformed By what degrees the King had been drawn from them The Design of their Petion General Complaints made by them against all â— French Against all the Orders of the State Against the Clergy in particular The publick Exercise of the reformed Religion obstructed and private Devotions hindred And in their private Devotions Instances of great Violences The boldness of the Parliament of Bourdeaux The Exercise interrupted or forbid in several places by divers Decrees In the Army At Rouen the King being there Complaints upon the account of the places Against the Catholick Gentlemen Against the Treaties with the League Singing of Psalms hindred Books seized and burnt Comforting of the sick Consciences forced The Prince of Conde The keeping of Lent and Holidays Colledges The Poor ill used Places where the Reformed dare not dwell A remarkable Injustice done at Lyon Trades Violences Injustice done to the Reformed about Offices * The Council of State is not meant here but a Court of Judicature in Paris where some Special Matters are debated Seditious Words and Speeches Passion of Judges and Parliaments Difficulties in reestablishing the Edict of 1577. Special Instances of the ill will of the Parliaments Burials made difficult Hindred A strong free and moving Conclusion Reflections on that Book New Delays And Difficulties upon particular Places The breaking up of the Assembly The state of the Garrisons The naming of Governors The Annual renewing of the state of the Garrisons Private Interests 1598. The Edict delay'd till the Month of August when there were no more Leaguers The Assembly allarmed The King grants the Edict being armed Different Opinions about the Edict The Conclusion at Nants The Particulars of the Difficulties on each Article They first demand a new Edict Reasons pro and con The second Demand a free Exercise and its extent The advantage secured to the prevailing Religion A second place in each Bailiwick was no new thing Difficulties about the Places of Exercise Upon the Proofs Difficulties about the Burials The Third Demand the Subsistence of the Ministers A Sum of Mony promised by the King The Schools The 4th Demand the possession of Estates and Rights of Succession The fifth demand impartial Judges Chambers Miparties or of the Edict The sixth Demand to be admitted to Offices The extent of this Concession * The Offices wherein Notaries Public allow'd by Authority ingross and register private Contracts The Sham of this Concession The 7th Demand Securities 1598. How they were useful to the King â— The payment of the Garrisons Gifts to private Persons Contestations touching the Form of the Concessions which is diverse according to the nature of the thing The manner of Payment The Conclusion * Chambre Mipartie is a Court of Justice Erected in divers good Towns of France in favour of and for the righting them of the Religion one half of the Judges being of the Reformed the other Papists 〈…〉 Edict Artifices to gain ' em A Synod at Mompelier The number of the State of the Churches Forming a Church what it is Several Churches United into one Causes of contenting themselves with the Edict as it was obtain'd Lesdiguieres's Religion Treatise of the Eutharist Consequences of the publishing of it Three Important Negotiations with the Pope The Establishment of the Jesuits Their boldness and Credit The Monks all hate the King Persecution in Piedmont The Marquisat of Saluces Reasons why the King favour'd the Jesuits 3d. Mâ—…age of Madame Her Constancy The King's Severities toward her Scruples Rais'd by the Pope His Reasons The King proceeds to the Marriage without staying for the Dispensation The issue of the Negotiation till the Death of the Princess The Advantages which the Reformed got by her Perseverance Difficulties about the Verification of the Edict Their Proposals upon the Edict The Transports of some Prelates The Nuncio's Moderation The Opposition of the Parliament The Justice of the D. of Mayenne 1599. The Reformed forbear insisting upon several Articles Obstinacy of â—â—â— Clergy Chambers of the Edict at Rouen Chamber Mipartie â—n Guien * A kind of a New-years Gift given for the contiance in an Office Verification of the Edict The Pope makes great Complaints to stop the Spaniards Mouths Answers of the Cardinals de Joyeuse and d'Ossat Accommodated to the Popes liking Edict for the Principality of Bearn Which is receiv'd â—rmplaints of the Alterations made in the Edict Particular Complaints Precedency pretended by the Catholic Officers that compos'd the Chambres Miparties ever the Reformed Verbal demands concerning Chappels in Gentlemens Houses The Papers answer'd Precedency preserv'd to the most â— Ancient President Article of Church-yards Brossiereâ—eigns â—eigns her self possess'd by the Devil The Sequel of this Comedy within and without the Kingdom Dissolution of the Kings Marriage A Decree of the Parlament of Bretagne touching the Oath referr'd by a Reformed to a Catholic Trimouille made a Peer of France 1600. Roni's Advancement not much wondred at Commissioners for the Execution of the Edict and their Power General Observations upon the Edict Reproacheâ— of the Catholics thrown upon the Reformed Answers Questions upon the Nature of the Edict The Benefit of the Edict The condition of the Kingdom hoth before and after the Edict Warâ— abovt Religion the most Cruel What sort of variety Policy ought not to suffer in a Kingdom What is the Nature of the Reformed Religion The Justice of the Edict Justice of Reward after Service done What Reward is The Edict Grants nothing to the Reformed c. The Concessions for this reason so much the more Just What the Edict grants the Reformed does no body harm The Catholics Gainers by the Edicts The Edict ought to be Irrevocable Considerations upon the Word And upon the things Rights of Conscience The Force of Edicts that maintain Liberty And of these that are granted for the preservation of the Societies The preservation of Subjects the chief Obligation of Soveraigns An Express or Tacit Treaty naturally between Sovereign and Subject Also between Master and Slave The Force of Treaties The Edict of Nantes a Treaty The Form of the Edict renders it more Venerable Two things relating to a Treaty in the Edict 1. Between the King and the Reformed 2. Between the Catholics and the Reformed The Reformed Treats with the King 1. â—â—r Recompence for their Services 2. Touching their being secur'd against their Enemies Places of Security Kings may Treat
a great promoter of that Siege and had made vast Preparations for the taking of that Place But the Marshal's submission broke all the Measures of that envious Person He deliver'd up the Castle of Sedan to the King who was to restore it to him at the end of four years but the King only took it out of Ceremony and return'd it to the Marshal almost as soon as he had delivered it into his hands This Reconciliation was made without the Duke of Sully's participation which prov'd a great Mortification to him Whether the King designedly conceal'd it from him lest he should oppose it or whether Velleroy who was the manager thereof would have the Marshal solely oblig'd to him for it at least Sully complain'd that Villeroy had sent him the King's Letter by an indirect way whereby he was desir'd to share in that Treaty insomuch that he was ignorant of the Project till after it was concluded However it is most certain that the Marshal was a necessary Person for the King's Design by reason of his credit among Foreign Protestants who plac'd an intire confidence in him and whose Friendship the King was resolv'd to preserve at any rate Therefore the Marshal was observ'd the very next day after his Reconciliation to be as far in the King's favour and Familiarity as ever he had been During these Transactions the Court continued to cause the Edict to be put in execution where it was necessary The Commissioners had re-establish'd the Mass at Rochel but that Worship had been so long interrupted there that the People being no longer accustom'd to it the renewing thereof was very much thwarted The Clergy appli'd it self to the King to obtain greater Liberties But the Court was at a great loss to Answer their Petition not daring to do it favourably for fear of occasioning some Commetion at Rochel nor harshly lest the Ecclesiasticks should thereby lose the hopes of returning thither The thing was referr'd to an Arbitration and Sully was chosen Mediator The Rochelois had some confidence in him perhaps because some among them receiv'd Pensions Some Effects of that Confidence had appear'd in the Affair of the Pancarte The demands of the Clergy were reduc'd to Six Articles Sully made them desist from the two first which related to their Houses and Revenues He obtain'd a grant for them upon the Third for leave to visit the Sick in the Hospitals and Criminals and others in the Prisons and to administer Confession and the Communion to them on condition that it should be perform'd secretly and without Pomp and he prevail'd with the Ecclesiasticks not to accompany the Criminals to the Place of Executition Upon the Fourth he perswaded the Reform'd to allow that the Ecclesiasticks should assist at Burials provided it were not in the Form of a Procession carrying the Cross on high but that they should have leave to wear their Canonical Habits in the Streets and that the People should be hindred from insulting or abusing them Upon the Fifth he advis'd the Catholicks not to pretend to Places unless call'd to them by the usual way of Suffrages but at the same time that no difficulty should be made to admit them to Arts and Trades and that the Catholick Journy-men should not be turn'd out of the City lest the Catholicks should do the same in those Places where they were the strongest Upon the Sixth By which the Catholicks desir'd a Place of Worship pretending that the Commissioners had assign'd them one he gave his Opinion for leave to build a Church there provided the Place were neither suspicious nor troublesom that in that case it would be fit to prevail with them to accept another that upon their refusal it would be proper to offer a Petition to the King to obtain a Regulation and to abstain from ways of Fact These Advices which had been agreed upon by the King and the Catholicks and which serv'd partly as a Law until the renewing of the Troubles show that the grand Maxim that was observ'd in the Execution of the Edict was to leave things in the same Condition into which the Edict had found them and to preserve to the Reform'd Religion the Priviledge of Superiority in those Places where they injoy'd it at the time of the Edict as the Roman Religion enjoy'd it in those Places out of which they had not been dispossess'd One would have thought that the King's Reconciliation with the Pope and all that he had done since to perswade that he was a sincere Catholick should have remov'd all the Scruples of the Bigots and brought back every body to their Duty However there still were some Clergy-men so much disaffected to him that they did not pray for his Person in the publick Service Moreover there were several Churches under the Jurisdiction of the Parliament of Thoulouse where they made use of Mass-Books in which that Prayer was omitted and the said Books were so much in Vogue that three Impressions of it had been sold during the Wars one of Lyons another of Paris and the third of Bourdeaux The Parliament of Thoulouse was oblig'd to remedy it that year by a Decree which they gave on the Month of June whereby the use of the said Mass Book was prohibited and the Priests were commanded to mention the King in the Prayers of the Mass But an Affair of far greater consequence occasion'd a great deal more noise The Jesuits had of late imbroil'd all Europe by their Intrigues and had promoted Bloody Tragedies in Sweden Muscovy Poland Prussia and Hungary But that which they had design'd for England was far more worthy of them had the Success answer'd their hopes They had design'd to blow up the King and Parliament with Powder which they had laid to that purpose under the House where they Assemble which was to have been fir'd at the King 's coming in The said Conspiracy was discover'd upon the very point of Execution and some Jesuits who had a hand in it were punish'd High-Treason being fully prov'd against them which did not hinder their Order from placing them among the Martyrs The King's Complaisance for the Court of Rome could not hinder them from forming that horrid Conspiracy against him Altho he us'd his best endeavours to perswade the Court of Rome that he inclin'd to their Sentiments and that he express'd as much by his Publick and Private Discourses and that there was a kind of a Secret Negotiation between the Pope and him about Religion which Henry the 4th was Mediator of the Court of Rome did not confide in him whether they had no good Opinion of his steadiness or whether they thought his Complaisance was only an effect of Policy to oblige the Catholicks of his Kingdoms to remain quiet in hopes of a better Condition But he quite ruin'd his Reputation there by the Oath he exacted from the Catholicks by which he made them acknowledg that they had no dependency on any
Foreign Power that he was Sovereign in his Kingdoms even in Ecclesiastical Causes This Oath was the Discourse of Europe for several years and serv'd to create Divisions among the Catholicks of England of which some maintain'd it lawful and others contrary to their Consciences The Pope joyn'd with the last which was the Party of the Jesuits But there were some English Priests who neither believ'd the Pope nor Jesuits in that point and who exhorted the Catholicks to take that Oath without scruple The King himself writ in defence of his Oath and his Book had the success I have express'd elsewhere In France the Jesuits advanc'd their Affairs with a wonderful facility And tho several Cities refus'd to consent to their Establishment they notwithstanding daily obtain'd new Favours However they could not prevail to hinder the King that Year from granting the Reform'd a Boon By the Treaty of the Reduction of Paris the Exercise of their Religion was not to be allow'd them nearer than at the distance of five Leagues It had been allow'd at Ablon a place a little nearer than that Article mention'd But yet the distance was too great to permit them to go and come in a Day especially in the Winter time It was very inconvenient for such as had Children to be Christned the Reform'd at that time not allowing Baptism to be Administred out of their Assemblies They alledg'd that several Children dy'd by the way which might have been Christned had the place of their Exercise been nearer which reason was capable to move the Catholicks upon the account of their Opinion concerning the necessity of Baptism Moreover Foreigners and the Lords of the Court complain'd that it was impossible for them to pay their Duty to God and to the King in one and the same Day by reason of the great distance to which they were oblig'd to go to make their Devotions which at that time seem'd more inconvenient than ever The Dutchess of Bar's Death having depriv'd them of the Advantage of Religious Worship at Court which they had enjoy'd whilst she was a live Therefore the Reform'd desir'd to have a place nearer to remedy those inconveniences And the King being desirous to favour them of two places which they had pitch'd upon granted them one which was the Village of Charenton near the Abby of St. Maur within two short Leagues of Paris They obtain'd his Letters Patent for it bearing date the 1st of August by virtue of which they were put in Possession thereof within a few days The King by the same Letters reserv'd to himself the Cognizance of all the Oppositions and Appellations that might be form'd upon that Subject and forbid the Parliament and all other Judges to meddle with it That Affair did not pass without difficulty tho it met with none from those who were most able to oppose it viz. the Parisians who might pretend that the said Grant violated the Edict of their Reduction It was the Lord of Charenton who oppos'd it grounding the said Opposition upon that Article of the Edict which forbids the settling of the Religious Worship of the Reform'd in Mannors belonging to Catholicks against the Will of the Lords thereof but those Oppositions were shifted off by transferring them to the Council Nevertheless the Successors of the said Lord have renew'd them from time to time as if they had been concern'd at the improvement of their Mannor the Village which of it self was one of the poorest in the Kingdom being grown one of the most considerable and richest by the incredible Trade it occasion'd there every Sunday But notwithstanding all those Oppositions the Exercise of the Reform'd Religion has been continu'd there until the Revocation of the Edict The Rabble was not so easily supprest as that Lord's endeavours Soon after that new Establishment they excited a violent Sedition at St. Anthony's Gate which is the nearest to Charenton against the Reform'd at their coming back from their Temple Tho the Magistrates immediately repair'd thither it was not in their power to remedy it And the consequences might have prov'd of very ill consequence had not the King come back on purpose from Fontainbleau to Paris to give his Orders there His Presence restor'd Peace and Union into the City and confirm'd the Reform'd in the possession of the favour he had granted them About the same time the King receiv'd the Petitions which the Deputies General presented to him very favourably which were very large and very material The most considerable Articles were That the Modifications of the Edict made by divers Courts and Jurisdictions might be cut out That it might be recorded with the particular Articles in such places where it had not been done yet That the Comissioners already nominated might be oblig'd to execute the Edict in Burgundy in Dauphine and in other places where it had not been done yet That the Charges of their Journey might be allow'd them to remove all pretence of delay That the Ecclesiastical Lordships of the first Places of Bailiwicks might not be exempted That the Restriction of the second might be remov'd which had been added after the first Expedition of the Edict and that the Lands belonging to the Orders of Knighthood might not be comprehended under the Denomination of Ecclesiastical Lordships That the Poor might be receiv'd into Hospitals and share in the Publick Alms proportionably to the number of the Inhabitants and that they should not be molested upon the account of Religion or otherwise That the Reform'd Inhabitants of the places where the general Gatherings should be made might not be oblig'd to contribute towards them That in such Places where they had allow'd no Church-yards to the Reform'd they might be allow'd to bury their Dead in the Old Church-yards and that the Ecclesiasticks should not be allow'd to disturb them in the same or to take up the Corps which the Official of Anger the Bishop of Alby and the Cardinal of Sourdis were accus'd to have done to some that had been buri'd above Six some even Eighteen Years That a stop might be put to the Seditions that were excited in divers places against the Reform'd either at their coming back from Divine Service or when they held their Conferences or Synods That Officers might not be allow'd to sit in their Assemblies in that Quality as they had pretended to do it in divers Provinces That the Ministers might be allow'd to Visit the Sick and such as were Condemn'd to Dye and that the Priest and other Catholicks should not be allow'd to divert them from their Belief That they might be exempted from contributing towards the Fraternities Casting of Bells Reparation of Churches and the like conformably to the Second of the particular Articles which the constraints impos'd by the Judges and the Precipitation of the Syndies render'd of no use even forcing the Reform'd to contribute towards certain Collections made for the Capucins Jesuits and other Ecclesiasticks
made by some of our Subjects have proceeded rather from Suspitions and Distrusts too slightly listen'd to then from any want of Affection Fidelity or Allegiance which they have all along made apparent upon all occasions that have offer'd themselves Hoping also that for the Time to come they will keep themselves within the bounds of Duty under the Observation of the Edicts and Ordinances therefore we Will and it is our Meaning and our Pleasure that all Decrees Procedures Acts and other Letters that have been granted and set forth against 'em as well in general as particular upon any occasion whatever shall be null and void as if they had never been extant so that upon occasion and in pursuance thereof they shall not either in general or particular inour any Blame danger or dammage nor be disturb'd or prosecuted for the Future And to this purpose we impose Silence upon all our Advocates General their Substitutes and all others as we also expresly forbid all our said Subjects in Conformity to the 77. and 82. Articles of the Edict to hold any Communications of Assemblies to settle or hold Provicinal Councils or to make any Levies Provisions of Arms or Musters of Souldiers or to commit any other Acts directly or indirectly contrary to our Edicts and Declarations upon pain of Disobedience and of being punish'd as disturbers of the Publick Peace To this purpose we command our Beloved and Faithful Counsellours holding our Court of Parlament and Chambers of the Edict settl'd within the Kingdom that the abovemention'd Edict the Edict of Pacification Secret Articles Brevets Declarations and other Letters Patents to them sent in pursuance of the same be â—orâ—nwith read and publish'd in the usual Places and that the Contents thereof be inviolably fulfill'd and observ'd ceasing and causing to surcease all Troubles and Impeachments to the contrary We further enjoyn our said Atturney Generals to be aiding and assisting thereto and if any Infringements happen after this to prosecute the Authors with Severity to the end that Examples of Punishment may deterr others For such is our Will and Pleasure In Witness whereof we have caus'd our Seal to be affixed to these Presents Given at Paris December 15. 1612. and the thirteenth of our Reign Sign'd Lewis And upon the Folding of the Paper By the King being in Council the Queen Regent his Mother present De Lomenie Extract out of the Registers of Parlament This day the Court the Grand-Chambers the Parlamental Court of Criminal Causes having seen the Letters Patents in form of Charters of the 15th of December last concerning the Observation of the Edict of Names and other Letters and Articles in pursuance of it the Conclusions of the Advocate General and the Matter brought into debate have Decreed that the said Letters be Read and Publish'd upon the Hearing and Motion of the Kings Advocate General and Copies sent to the Bailiwicks and Seneschalships to be there Read and Publish'd Done in Parlament January 2. 1613. Sign'd Guyet A Declaration of the Kings Majority containing a Confirmation of the Edicts of Pacification and Prohibitions of Duels Dated at Paris October 1. 1614. Verifi'd the second of the said Month and Year LEWIS by the Grace of God King of France and Navarr To all c. It having pleas'd God to bless our Reign with so many Favours and Successes and to bring the course of our Years to the Age of Majority to which we have now attain'd as we have at all times all the Reason in the World to commend and be thankful for the happy Adminstration of our Kingdom during our Minority under the Regency and Prudent Conduct of the Queen our thrice Honour'd Lady and Mother we are willing to seek all ways possible and agreeable to the Duty of a most Christian Prince jealous of Gods Glory and who desires to maintain the Publick Peace and Tranquility for the welfare repose and ease of his Subjects whether in causing an exact Observation of the Good and Holy Laws made by the Kings our Predecessors of most praise worthy Memory or by new Laws which we shall deem proper to make as occasion offers and upon such Advice as may be given in the next Assembly of the States General of our Kingdom which we shall cause to be summon'd for the attaining of which and to the end that all our Subjects may live in Peace Union and Right Understanding in the fear of God Obedience of his Commands and Observation of our Ordinances so that the publick repose and tranquility which we desire to preserve among 'em may not be interrupted or violated We have with the Advice and Counsel of our thrice Honour'd Lady and Mother the Princes of our Blood other Princes and Lords principal Officers of our Crown and most remarkable Persons of our Council said declar'd and ordain'd and we say declare and ordain and it is our Will and Pleasure in Conformity to what we have already formerly ordain'd That the Edict of the Deceased King our thrice Honoured Lord and Father given at Nantes in April 1598. in favour of those of the pretended Reformed Religion in all the Heads and Articles of it together with all the other Articles to them granted and Regulations made Decrees given either by way of Explanation or for the Execution of the said Edict or in pursuance of it may be fulfill'd and inviolably kept and observ'd as has been ordain'd and perform'd by our said Deceased Lord and Father and that the Infringers may be severely punish'd as disturbers of the Publick Repose And the more to secure the Publick Peace and Tranquility under our Authority and Obedience we prohibit all our said Subjects from holding any particular and private Intelligences Leagues or Associations as well within as without our Kingdom nor without our Permission to send to any Forreign Princes whether Friends or Enemies upon any occasion whatever And we enjoin all our Officers to look carefully after it and to be assisting as need shall require upon pain of being responsible and of being punish'd for their Negligence with the same Severity as the Disobedience of the Offenders We also forbid all our said Subjects of what Estate Condition or Quality soever who receive Estates Pay or Pensions from us not to take accept or receive any Estate Pay or Pension from any Prince or Lord whatever nor to follow be present with or accompany any other then our selves upon pain of being depriv'd of the said Salaries Estates and Pensions And for as much as for want of due Execution of the Edict made by the Deceased King our Lord and Father concerning Duels Combats and Encounters and afterwards by our selves and for that they have not been obey'd by several of our Subjects in Contempt of our Authority great Disorders and Confusions have from thence arose which greatly offend God and may provoke him to send the Scourges of his Wrath among us and upon our Kingdom if we should not provide against so
great a Mischief it is our Pleasure and we ordain that all the said Edicts Ordinances and Declarations made by the Deceased King and by our selves upon occasion of the said Duels Combats and Encounters shall be inviolably observ'd for the Future and fulfill'd and observ'd according to their Form and Tenour nor shall they who shall presume to infringe our Commands hereafter so much as hope or expect from us any Favour or Pardon upon any excuse pretence occasion or consideration whatever And we enjoin all our Officers to proceed against the Offenders with the utmost Rigour of our Laws without any Exception of Persons And our Advocate Generals and their Substitutes to make all necessary Prosecutions against such Malefactours Considering also that the Divine Majesty is greatly offended with Oaths and execrable Blasphemies which are utter'd daily by several Persons against the Edicts and Ordinances made by the Kings our Predecessours We have ordain'd and do ordain that the said Edicts and Ordinances shall be Publish'd de novo that no Body may pretend Ignorance And we enjoin all our Judges and Officers within their several Jurisdictions upon pain of losing their Offices to proceed against the Offenders with the utmost Rigour contain'd in the same with which thy shall not dispense upon any Cause whatever upon Pain of being responsible to us in their own Names and Persons Farther we Command our Advocates General and their Substitutes to use all requisite Diligence in the Execution of these Presents Given at Paris October 1. 1614. and the Fifth of our Reign Sign'd Lewis By the King in Council De Lomenie The King with all his Court repairing to his Palace sitting in his Throne of Justice all the Court of Parlament assembl'd in their Scarlet Robes the Speeches made the Chancellor pronounc'd the Decree of Verification which was transcrib'd afterwards upon the folding of the Letters Read Publish'd and Register'd upon the Hearing and Motion of the Kings Advocate General At Paris in Parlament the King there sitting October 2. 1614. A Declaration of the King purporting the renewing all the Edicts of Pacification Articles granted Regulations and Decrees depending upon ' em Publish'd in Parlament the last of April 1615. LEWIS by the Grace of God King of France and Navarr To all c. Immediately after our coming to the Crown the Queen our Thrice Honour'd Lady and Mother then Regent of the Kingdom during our Minority prudently judg'd that there was nothing which ought to be more dear to her then the Preservation of the Publick Peace and that for the Enjoyment of this Happiness and to cause our Subjects to live in Amity one with another it was necessary to confirm the Edicts Declarations and all other Writings and Dispatches granted by the King Deceas'd our thrice Honour'd Lord and Father whom God Absolve to our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion on purpose to let 'em know that she was desirous to follow the Example and Conduct of a Prince who had so happily rul'd and govern'd his Kingdom and advanc'd so high the Grandeur and Reputation of it by his Wisdom and Matchless Valour that she knew not how to take a better course or more wholsome Counsel then that which he made use of Which she did by a Declaration Publish'd in all the Parlaments and in other Places where it was necessary taking the same care also to see it Publish'd And when she receiv'd any complaint of Breaches that were pretended to be made to the Prejudice of the same did all that lay within the Verge of her Power and Authority to cause amends to be made This Conduct which she us'd in all her Actions and Deportment in the Government of the Kingdom having been the true Cause next to Gods Assistance to keep all our Subjects united in Affection Fidelity and Obedience toward us and in Friendship one among another Which has also mov'd us after the Declaration of our Majority to beseech her that she would be pleas'd to continue with the same Affection and Vigilance to assist us with Her good Counsels in the same manner and with the same Authority as if the Administration of the Government were still in Her hands In pursuance whereof by Her Advice as soon as we enter'd into our Majority we set forth a Declaration in favour of our Subjects of the Religion the same in Substance with the former to let 'em always see that our Intention and Desire was to promote Friendship and Peace among our Subjects and inviolably to observe our Edicts And being very sorry for the Contention and Dispute that happen'd between the Catholick Deputies of the Chamber of the Nobility and some others of the said Religion assembl'd in the General States held in our good City of Paris upon this occasion that the said Catholick Deputies had put the Question and came to a Resolution that we should be Petition'd to preserve the Catholick Apostolick Roman Religion according to the Oath which we took at our Coronation a needless Proposal or rather altogether unprofitable considering that we our selves profess it with an unshaken Constancy and Resolution to live and dye in it So that we must believe that the Proposal was not made by them but only to testifie their Zeal and Affection for the Catholick Religion and not to give offence to any Body as first they separately declar'd to us and afterwards all together protesting that they desir'd the Observation of the Peace as Establish'd by the Edicts And that we would be pleas'd to await and expect from Divine Goodness the Reunion of all our Subjects to the Catholick Apostolick and Roman Religion by the means most usual and customary in the Church Being fully perswaded by experience of what is past that violent Remedies have only serv'd to encrease the number of those that are departed from the Church instead of teaching 'em the way to return to it Therefore to take away all evil Impressions out of the Minds of our good Subjects of the said Pretended Reformed Religion who profess it with a Zeal no less Pure and Innocent then remote from all Faction and Evil Design As also all Pretences from whosoever seeks 'em to disturb the Repose of the Kingdom we thought it our Duty upon this to declare what is our Will and Pleasure For these Reasons we make known that having consider'd of this matter in our Council where were present the Queen our thrice Honour'd Lady and Mother the Princes of our Blood c. We have with their Advice said declar'd and ordain'd say declare and ordain and it is our Will and Pleasure by these Presents that all the Edicts Declarations and Private Articles ordain'd in Favour of tâ—â—se of the Pretended Reformed Religion as well by our Deceased Lord and Father as by our selves together with the Regulations and other Letters or Decrees given in their Favour by way of Explanation and for the Execution of the Edict of Nantes and in pursuance of iâ— shall