1539. with many wounds was murthered and she desiring that her sonne which she had by him who was then but a little childe should one day reuenge the death of his farther she kept his fathers bloodie and gorie shirt in her chest euen as it was taken from his backe when hee was slaine which she often shewed to her sonne to the end to imprint in his minde by that obiect the outrage done to his father In in processe of time it happened that either at the intreatie of her parents and friends or the perswasion of some religious persons she yeelded to a peace and pardoned the murtherer of her husband and with so great a generositie of heart she forgaue him and ratified the peace promised that to shew the sincertie of her heart and that of an enemie she was become an honest Christian friend she put out of sight the obiect which might put her in minde of the offence committed and taking the bloodie shirt of her slaine husband she sent it to him who slew him letting him to vnderstand that hee might liue securely for she not onely pardoned him but had also put from before her eyes the obiect which might alter her minde and make her to remember the iniurie past In like manner the noble and magnanimous act of Maximilian the first Emperour is worthie of eternall memorie and to bee registred in the immortall writings of the most excellent authors who being resolued to hold for his friend Lewes the 12. King of France A noble acte of the Emperour Maxunâ—â—an from the house of the which Kings of France the Empire had receiued many iniuries he not onely thanked the King for helping him by his meanes to recouer his townes in Frioli which the Venetians held but forgetting all the wrongs receiued of the kingdome of France and to shew that he was become a true friend and had no obiect before his eyes which might call to memorie offences past he caused a booke to be burnt which was kept at Spire wherein were written all the iniuries which in time past the Kings of France had done to the Empire an act truly of great goodnes and worthie of the magnanimitie of the house of Austrich CHAP. 39. A man ought not to giue credit to an error which he seeth his enemie to commit but rather to thinke that he doth it to some speciall purpose and that vnder the same there lieth hidden some ambush or deepe deceite A Wise Captaine or Generall of an Armie ought neuer to giue credit to an error which hee seeth his enemie to commit especially when the errour is apparantly foule grosse for therein euer lieth some secret and hidden deceit which may happen in sundrie manners first in shewing a great and audacious rashnesse and temeritie vsing to aduenture so far forwards that it should seeme impossible that the enemie should be so vnaduised to commit a fault of so great importance except to some purpose as for example when the enemie commeth to call thee at the very foote of thy walles and to prouoke thee to fight boldly presenteth himselfe euen into thy campe that all men may maruell thereat or by some grosse fayned shew in disguised and counterfeite apparell making shew to doe something enforcing themselues thereby to draw thee out of thy Campe. Such manner of the enemies proceeding ought to make thee beware for such drifts are not without some cause and especiall set purpose to deceiue thee 〈…〉 Amongst the examples of the Romanes we haue one of Fuluius Lieutenant of the Romane armie when he remained alone to guard the Campe in the warre against the Tuscanes for the Consull being gone to Rome to doe certaine ceremonies the Tuscanes then thinking to drawe the Romanes in the absence of the Consull out of their Campe and to make them fall into an ambush laide there hard by they sent certaine Souldiers apparrelled like Shepheards with a good number of beasts and made them goe within sight of the Romane Armie comming almost to the trenches of the Campe. The Lieutenant meruailed much at this their boldnes and deuising with himselfe what this presumption might meane and considering well that it had some foundation he found out the meanes to discouer the fraude and so this deuise of the Tuscanes serued to no purpose A man ought also to knowe this error when the rashnes of a few with a great brauado prouoketh the enemie to fight being encamped in a strong and sure ground and when men sallie forth to fight with them they begin to file and make such retrait that the incamped desiring to ouercome may follow without thinking of any ambush and fall therein without perceiuing their error vntill such time as they be surprised wherefore they ought to beware of such manifest errors and to beleeue that thereunder lyeth some hidden deceit And to the end to trust to a most euident error committed by the enemie we haue an example in the Lombards sometime called Gaules These Lombards hauing ouercome the Romanes at the riuer of Allia now called Caminate tooke their way towards Rome and finding the gates all open 〈…〉 and seeing none to guarde the same and fearing some Ambush and deceit for they thought it impossible that the Romanes should commit so grosse a fault as to leaue their Cittie open without defence but for some purpose wherefore they held themselues all that day and all the night following without entring neuer thinking that in the hearts of the Romanes had been harboured so great cowardise and so little iudgement that they should haue abandoned their Citie and Countrey We haue another example of error Culcciardin which happened in the time of our auncesters in the yeare 1508. when the Florentines made warre against the Pisans In this warre was taken prisoner Alfonso de Mutolo a citizen of Pisa but a man of base condition who was taken by Canaicio de prato an olde Souldier of the Florentines which kept this Alfonso and made him great cheere and vsed him very honourably This man being by the Pisans induced to doe some exployte offered to giue vnto the Florentines one of the ports of Pisa prouided that they should set him at libertie whereupon he was deliuered and being come to Pisa he entertained the Florentines with this hope to be possessed of a port of Pisa wherein their armie might enter and the matter was carried so openly that comming to consult and parle with the Commissioners and principall men of the Florentine Campe The ouerthrow of the Florentines before Pisa through the policie of Mutolo a Pisan Captaine Mutolo brought with him certaine young men of Pisa to keepe him companie and although he left them a part when he went to speake with those which were sent by the chiefe Commaudners of the Florentine Armie it is not to be said but that the aforesaide Florentines might haue perceiued that affaires of so great importance are not handled in
perfections which are in you which raise you aboue all the greatnes which you enioy for dignities greatnes serue to little purpose or are rather hurtfull without the noble vertues wherewith they ought to be adorned which is the cause that I boldly present vnto you this my little booke which although vnworthie of you after an infinite number of others which the gentle pens of our France haue dedicated vnto you assuring me so much in your graue humanitie that you will giue no worse entertainement vnto this which I here humbly present vnto you than you haue done vnto others which peraduenture more boldly haue prevented themselues vnto your view This doing my Lorde hauing made an end of the preface of my booke of the estate description and gouernment of the kingdomes and Common-wealths of the world almost imprinted to be presented to the King you shall giue me occasion to attempt according to my ordinarie profession of writing some greater more serious matter which shal not peraduenture be vnworthie of you will not feare seeing your naturall goodnes and clemencie to wearie you with that whereof you haue but too much and which daily commeth to your hands seeing the great number of bookes which are vowed vnto you which maketh me stedfastlie to beleeue that if you receiued them ill and gaue them euill countenance there would not be so many addressed vnto you neither should you be so followed by the muses which flie all those which hate them in the meane time I beseech you to accept in good part my humble deuotion which I offer at the feete of your greatnes which I pray our good God my Lord long to preserue by his grace and to graunt you Nestors yeares according to the desire of all the gentle wits in France from Paris the last of Nouember 1584. Your most humble most obedient and most affectionate seruant Gabriel Chappuys Tourangeau THE ORDER OF THE CHAPTERS AND ARGVMENTS HANDLED IN THESE CIVILL CONSIDERATIONS THe aduice of great Princes is not to be lightly regarded but to be noted especially if those Princes be friends Chap. 1. fol. 1 That it is very dangerous to be gouerned by the same example without the same reason and the same fortune Chap. 2. fol. 3 Whether it be lawfull vpon any occasion to forget good turnes receiued and not to seeme thankfull towards the benefactor Chap. 3. fol. 8 That hee who by himselfe or by any other beginneth any daungerous enterprise without foreseeing the end and issue thereof bringeth himselfe and others in perill and is constrained to doe some things little to his honour Chap. 4. fol. 10 That ill Genies and vncleane spirits often times suffer themselues to bee seene and heard by men and haue appeared to diuers foretelling them of many matters Chap. 5. fol. 12 That it is very dangerous to iest and scoffe with men of valour which are sudden and as some say haue their blood in their nailes Chap. 6. fol. 14 Which may be well perceiued by the doings of Lewes Sforce when hee committed the guard of Valencia to Donat Raffignin Chap. 7. fol. 17. That it is a great fault in any man to giue himselfe to robbing and pillage when he ought to fight which hath been the occasion of the ill successe of many faire enterprizes Chap. 8. fol. 18 The Ambassadours of Princes ought not to shew themselues fearefull in any case but vertuously to accommodate themselues to all occasions that shal happen Chap. 9. fol. 23 Betweene reconciled friends the least suspition breedeth great distrust and causeth them againe to become enemies Chap. 10. fol. 25 It is an euill example in any Common-wealth to prescribe lawes and not to obserue the same principally in those which are the authors thereof and doe not defend and maintaine those lawes against all such as would infringe them Chap. 11. fol. 27 In our affaires and occurrences we ought to settle and ground more trust and assurance in him which expecteth good from vs then in him who hath alreadie receiued the same Chap. 12. f. 29 He which taketh more authoritie vpon him then appertaineth to his dignitie and office committeth an error and seldome escapeth vnpunished Chap. 13. f. 31 Whether a publike seruant of a Prince or Common-wealth may passe the limits of the Commission giuen to him or no. Chap. 14. f. 35 Whether Lewes Poggio did erre in refusing to take possession of the Dutchie of Milan in the name and behalfe of Alphonse King of Naples because he had no commission thereto the which estate was renounced and abandoned by Phillip Maria Vicount to the said King being by him nominated and instituted heire vnto the said Dutchie Chap. 15. f. 38 That he who is disloyall and vnfaithfull to the first friend may yet proue trustie and faithfull to the second Chap. 16. f. 42 To denie vnto a people their first requests is to make them the better content with what they receiue and to make them the more moderate in their demaunds Chap. 17. f. 44 That in chusing Generals and chiefe Commanders their vertue ought more to bee regarded then the noblenes of their blood or any priuate affection Chap. 18. f. 46 That in time of dangerous warres men of vertue and worth ought to be preferred and placed in gouernment and when a man in small enterprizes hath caried himselfe honorably therein and yet would make himselfe chiefe and haue principall commaund in great matters he deserueth to be repelled and put back Chap. 19. f. 48 How dangerous it is in two contrarie and enemies Armies to haue souldirs of one particular nation Chap. 20. f. 51 That lightnes of beleefe is a great fault in any man and that too much credulitie hath bred and caused many euils Chap. 21. f. 53 That it is neither good nor sure to continue obstinate and not to beleeue often aduertisements by sundrie persons Chap. 22. f. 57 That the obstinacie of those who are established in great authoritie breedeth many disorders which afterwards cannot be remedied Chap. 23. f. 60 That courtesies bestowed vpon obstinate enemies vsing them with gentlenes and fauour serue to no purpose but are employed in vaine Chap. 24. f. 62 That the suspitions increased and made greater and the speeches and ill rapports by men in authoritie is the occasion that men oftentimes become cruell Chap. 25. f. 63 That no man ought either in iest or by any other meanes to put the Prince in iealousie of his state for that it is a matter full of danger Chap. 26. f. 65 Which may be well perceiued by the doings of Valentine who hauing requested passage of the Florentines set forwards and marched on with his Armie without attending their answere Chap. 27. f. 67 That Princes and great Lords ought not to despise him who desireth audience and chiefly if hee may peraduenture rise to some high degree Chap. 28. f. 69 That those estates which are not mightie and puissant cannot accommodate themselues to
bands of faith dutie honour and neerenes of blood being generall of the Army royall high Constable of the Kingdome of Naples and owner and possessor of many estates in that Kingdome notwithstanding all this seeing it was not in his power to saue the King his benefactor neither to warrant him against the victorious armies of Trance and finding it not expedient to come to ruine with him to the great meruaile of the French themselues consented that his Sonnes should compound with the French and serue the King of France Wherefore it may well be said that Virginio did this through extreme necessitie and bitter griefe of heart the proper interests being of such nature that they cause pleasures receiued to be forgotten how great soeuer they were by reason whereof it may be said that if the little acknowledgement or ingratitude of Vrsin was not lawfull yet neuerthelesse it was excusable The other example was of Prospero and Fabritio Colonna who hauing shewed great prowesse and done many feates of armes for the King of France in the conquest of Naples and were much honored by that King and receiued of him many benefits yet neuerthelesse when the French power began to decline in Italie after the seruice of Tare Prospero and Fabritio considering that Charles going into France could not maintaine them in the estates which he had giuen them and that Ferdinand his great enemie began to haue the better hand in the warres of Naples constrained likewise by necessitie and through desire to continue in their estates concluded an agreement with Ferdinand and comming to his seruice holpe him to recouer againe that estate which a little before Guicciar lib. 2 Prospero and Fabritio Columna returne to the seruice of Ferdinand King of Naples they sought by all meanes to make him to leese They are likewise excused for departing from the French Kings seruice for as much as Virginio Vrsin and the Countie de Petiglian without any desert were highly cherished and much made of by the King whereat being grieued as at an iniurie receiued they forsooke his seruice and serued King Ferdinand wherefore if the ingratitude of the Colonnois to the Crowne of France were not lawfull yet it was in some sort excusable seeing that ordinarilie an iniurie hath greater power in our hearts then a pleasure or a good turne receiued and he which doth an iniurie or wrong through necessitie is farre more excusable then he who doth it willingly for such a one can neuer yeelde any sufficient excuse CHAP. 4. He who by himselfe or another beginneth any dangerous enterprise without consideration of the end bringeth both himselfe and others into danger and is often constrained to do things little to his Honour ONe of the most principall parts that are in a wise man yea the first and the greatest is to consider the end and issue of any enterprise which as well in the beginning as in the pursute and end thereof may be very dangerous as well for him which doth it as for those which are by him perswaded to be a partie and with him to enter into the action For those which before hand consider not of the end weighing and balancing the same with good aduise and counsell neither taking any care or regard vntill the last harme and danger that may happen ought not to meruaile if afterwards to their great dommage blame and shame they be constrained to doe some thing very little for their honour and whosoeuer to please his present humour and to doe that which commeth into his fantasie vndertaketh such an exploite without hauing regard vnto the good which he might foresee if he followed the rules of reason and by foresight might embrace certainely sheweth himselfe vnwise And as for him who by perswasions and allurements seeketh to draw another into such an action if he who is so perswaded to intermeddle therein haue not the same consideration a man may well say that one blind man leadeth another vntill both fall into the ditch and are constrained in the end the one to lose his reputation and honour another his goods and his meanes another his estate and dignitie and another his life It is true that it may seeme impossible to be able to discouer and foresee the last losse and perill which may happen in a dangerous enterprise yet neuerthelesse to consider of the generall harmes and most neere vnto the last ruine and destruction seemeth not very hard and difficill to him who hath although neuer so little experience in the affaires of the world and especially in the wars For who so feeleth and knoweth himselfe able and sufficient to begin such an enterprise and to support and maintaine the same may boldly vndertake it but hee who knoweth himselfe insufficient ought not to enter into any such action neither to be perswaded or inticed thereunto by those which take pleasure aloofe off to see other mens tragedies which sometimes perswade and exhort one man to doe another man a mischiefe Let not him which is not of power sufficienterprises enterprises which he cannot maintaine Guicciar lib. 2. little knowing what wrong they doe therein and afterward repent them of their former sayings when they are constrained to thinke better of their fault when it is too late and pastremedy One of the reasons as saith Guicciardin which moued Pope Alexander the sixt not to accord and agree with Charles the eight King of France when he with his victorious armie ouerranne the territorie of Rome was this That he remembred himselfe to haue bin one of the first which by all meanes incited and procured the French King to the enterprise of Naples and afterward without any occasion with all hostilitie he resisted him imploying therein both authoritie counsell and armes which proceeded of no other thing then through want of foresight and consideration of the euils and harmes that might arise through the passage of so mightie a Kings armie through the middest of his Countrey going to execute that enterprise which by his instignation was vndertaken the execution whereof could not be effected without some discommoditie and trouble vnto him Lewes Sforce was led by the like inconsideration who would with all post-hast satisfie his owne will and humour which he had to rule and to bereaue his Nephew of his estate he called the French into Italie and when he perceiued his fault and could not remedie it and had well considered in the end that which he should haue foreseene and considered in the beginning this vnwise and vnaduised Prince lost miserably both his estate and his life a thing which will euer happen vnto those men which without considering the last end begin and vndertake or cause to be begun and vndertaken enterprises of great danger CHAP. 5. That the euill Genies or vncleane Spirits suffer themselues to be seene and heard by men and haue appeared vnto sundry foretelling them of many things to come I Would not willingly let passe without
enter into any daungerous action they thinke that without all doubt that euill must needes happen vnto them which was prognosticated I remember there was a Captaine of accompt in the warres who was to enter into the lists to fight the combat with another and held himselfe in a manner assured of the victorie seeing he had receiued honour in seuerall charges and had made sufficient proofe both of his vertue and valour This man had a desire to see the issue of this matter vpon Pythagoras wheele which is a vaine manner of diuining by meanes of numbers and names of those which cast the lot and in this wheele is distinguished the good and the euill life and death It happened vnto this Captaine that his name set by numbers and letters which are practised by him who busieth himselfe about such foolish vanities came vnder the place of death and his aduersaries vnder the place of life by reason whereof hee was in so great feare and gaue such credit to this lotterie that perswading himselfe that he should dye in this fight he began to listen to a parley of agreement and so concluding the matter the best that possibly he could he came not to the combat I hold it not good that a Prince and his people should listen and apply themselues to such Southsayings â—publike ruâ—iour is not to he contemned but regarded because it seeâ—â—eth that what is in euery mans mouth is to be held for a â—uine oracle which may draw them from executing any honourable action But I say also that to be obstinate in not beleeuing or giuing credit to that which hath beene often foretold him by Astrologers to whom they presage some euill to come is neither good nor sure for that they may foresee some ill inclination of the heauens against him whereof by the helpe of God and mans wisedome he may be deliuered They also doe not well which make a scoffe at a common report which is in euery mans mouth without knowing the author thereof for it seemeth that a publike voyce and common brute should be as a diuine forewarning which ought not to be despised and oftentimes a man for not beleeuing of himselfe that which hath been told euen to his face hee hath repented that he did not beleeue it and it hath made him with shame losse and dishonour to say Truly I thought c. And although that to such aduertisements a man ought not to attribute such certain and vndoubted credit that he should hold the same for diuine oracles yet ought he not alwaies to scoffe and iest thereat â—ust lib. 12. but wisely to prouide for those euils which are threatned against vs and by wisdome to withstand the maleuolent aspect of the Planets and Starres Notwithstanding that Alexander the great was a worthie and most happie Prince yet failed he herein for that hee obstinately despised the Magitians and Sages of Egypt Alexander the great poysoned by Thessalus his Phisition which oftentimes perswaded him to forbeare to enter into Babylon for if he did he should there leaue his life but he contemning their often warnings would needes goe thither where being poysoned by Thessalus his Phisition he dyed Suetonius in the life of Caesar saith that the diuine Spurina did many times tell Caesar that he should take heede of the day of the Ides of March which is the 15. day of that moneth for that then vpon that day hee should be in great danger of death Iulius Caesar would not giue credit to the speech which she vsed to him but in going the morning of that same day towards the Senate he met her vpon the way and said vnto her Spurina wee are now in the 15. day of March and I am yet aliue Whereto she answered If the day be come it is not yet past but tell me this to morrow morning But Caesar being entred into the Senate Caesar slaine and massacred by Cassius and Brutus was presently slaine by Cassius and Brutus and other conspirators Whereby it appeared that it had bin better and more expedient for him to haue giuen some credit to the Diuine and by his wisedome to haue obserued that day to ouercome his constellation rather then in despising her counsell and aduertisements to tempt his ill fortune seeing that the Diuine had prefixed the certaine day he by his wisedome might haue made her a lier And through the like obstinacie in giuing no credit to often aduertisements of euill and so to take heede thereof the histories of the kingdome of Sicilie make mention of great daungers foretold their Kings as to William the first of that name called the Caitiffe William the first King of Sicilie would neuer beleeue that Maion a fauourite of his would haue slaine him of whom we reade that he hauing raised to the honor and dignitie of Admirall a man of most base and vnnoble race and linage called Maion hee remained many daies as with a dagger at his throte for that that the same Maion aspiring to the royall dignitie had to the gouernment of the realme so fitted his busines that there mist but a little that he had not depriued the King of his life and seased on the Crowne which he had effected if he had not been preuented by death This William would neuer beleeue what was told him coÌ„cerning MaioÌ„ how he would haue killed him but was so blinded in his loue that although there were most manifest signes of al that which had bin told him and had found in his house after his death all the royall habiliments ensignes new made to attire himselfe withall yet would hee not be perswaded but that Maion had rather caused theÌ„ to be made to giue vnto him than to any euil end construing al these signes to the contrarie notwithstanding that he were made as a man may say to touch the danger with his hand he loued better to suffer himself to be led by his blind and foolish affection than by the consideration of the truth which was often told him by his true affectionate friends And thou friendly reader if thou wilt know the sottishnes of a foolish Prince the villanie of a wicked seruant reade the histories of Sicilie written by Fazelli in that chapter where he treateth of William the Caitiffe King of Sicilie A man ought not too curiously to applie himselfe to the predictions of Astrologers which are often found vaine and false A man by his wisdome ought to eschue and ouer come the euils threatned vnto him by his constellation and may draw a man from executing sundrie faire and good actions neither would I that a man should too obstinately despise them for that they may foresee many ill inclinations but wee ought to gouerne our selues in such sort that the contempt of them hurt vs not that by our wisedome we may withstand those euils which are threatned vnto vs. CHAP. 23. The obstinacie of those which
end they should giue money to be exempted from the warres and those which were decrepit vnfit and vnable to the end that they should doe the like Wherefore this Prouince reuolted and rebelled and Ciuilis which was a man of great courage and noblie descended making himselfe chiefe head of the rebellion did much hurt and dammage to the Romanes seeing that by his meanes this Prouince shooke off their obedience This auarice also which consisteth as a man might say in this pedlerie in sparing to spend when need requireth being found in the seruant of a Prince is the cause of the losse of an estate and was plainely seene in Siluius Passerin whom Pope Clement the seuenth had established in the gouernment of Florence to the end that in the house of Medicis should be conserued the dignitie of gouernment as tofore it had been This man when in the yeare 1527. the Citie rose against that noble familie after the newes of the sacke of Rome became so miserable that he would not spend a farthing of his owne for his Masters profit and being impossible to get any of the Popes treasure for many reasons he loued rather to depart from Florence with the Popes Nephewes and suffer those of that house to be driuen from thence then that he would put his hand to his purse to pay the Souldiers of Countie Peter de Noferi which he had there to guard the Citie The auarice of the seruants and Captaines of Lewes the 12. were cause of his ruine As for those which haue the managing of the warres it appeareth in the seruants and Captaines which had the handling of the money of Lewes the 12. King of France when he warred against the King of Spaine in Italie for the Kingdome of Naples This auarice besides many other disgraces and ill fortunes was the cause that the King who had prouided all things necessarie in great aboundance to his dishonour lost the enterprise Wherefore Princes must pray vnto God that it may please him to accompanie with their diligence and vertue Guicciar lib. 6 the bountie and fidelitie of their seruants and to vse the speeches of Guicciardin As for the sustaining of the bodie it sufficeth not that the head be well but it is also necessarie that all the other parts doe their dutie and office euen so it is not enough that the Prince be exempt from fault in his affaires if that vertue and diligence be not likewise found in his seruants As for the auarice of those which haue the guarde of Castles holds and fortresses it is very hurtfull and pernicious to the Prince who employeth them whereof there be so many memorable examples that it shall not neede to take the paines to recite them there are so many that we see by experience that with one handfull of golde a man may breake and beate into peeces a gate of yron Let Princes then take heede how they giue any charge vnto those which they knowe or haue heard reputed to be couetous for they will neuer be good seruants and will euer loue their owne profit better for it is their nature than their Masters CHAP. 74. Princes ought to suffer their seruants and familiars to grow rich so as it be not through dishonest meanes ALthough the common people may conceiue an ill opinion when they see some Minion or fauorite of the Prince to grow rich thinking that such riches are not gotten by iust and reasonable meanes yet neuerthelesse the Prince ought to giue time and meanes to his familiars and fauourites to enrich themselues and yet he ought not therefore to endure that vnder the shadow of the fauour which they haue they doe any thing against reason or presume to constraine him to doe the least iniustice of the world For the Prince and iustice being one and the same thing when a man taketh from the Prince any part of his dignitie a man cutteth away so much of the habit of his iustice and these two words can neuer agree together Prince and vniust Wherefore when he knoweth that any one of his fauorites or familiars vseth any vnlawfull and vnworthie meanes to enrich himselfe or when he knoweth that he sueth and intreateth for any thing that is vniust he doth a thing worthie of himselfe when he doth punish him speedely and holdeth him for a mortall enemie But when too great affection or some other respect withholdeth the Prince from punishing a fauorite who to enrich him required some vniust thing he should at the least correct him by gentle meanes and to make him to knowe that rather than he will doe iniustice at the instance and prayer or intreatie of another The liberalitie of Artaxerxes he will be readie to giue out of his own purse as did King Artaxerxes by a Groome of his chamber by whom he was prayed and entreated for a matter very inconuenient who in lieu of that which he desired gaue him thirtie talents and said vnto him This which I giue thee doth not make me lesse rich but if I should graunt that which thou demaundest I should be lesse iust which is not expedient either for thee or me because I should lose the title of a true Prince and thou shouldest purchase the dishonour to be a seruant to an vniust Prince Pope Leo the tenth Pope Leo the tenth his discourse to a Groome of his chamber a most liberall Prince being intreated by an household fauorite of his that it would please him to bestowe a benefice vpon a friend of his who knowing that the request was neither iust nor honest and that he should haue some good summe of money for the procuring hereof he smiling demanded what he had for this dispatch his seruant and fauourite freely answered that he had 200. Ducates the Pope merely gaue him 200. Ducates of his owne and said goe and deliuer thy friend his money againe and tell him that thou canst not obtaine this fauour for if I should graunt vnto thee that which thou demaundest I should during my life haue a remorse of conscience and should be reputed for an vnwise Prince To conclude then I say that when Princes giue meanes to their fauourites lawfully to enrich themselues then if they doe or would importune their Princes to doe any vnworthie thing they ought to be punished with seueritie or that their Princes let them knowe that they loue better to giue of their owne then to yeeld or be induced by their sute and intreatie to do any the least iniustice of the world CHAP. 75. Jt is very dangerous to let slip time and not to execute what is determined principally in the warres THose men seeme to me to be very wise who when they are to execute some enterprise of great importance first ripely consult with wise men who tell them their opinions without any passion of loue or hatred but when the affaires are ripelie debated and concluded that there resteth nothing but the execution when a
Countrey where he was whereby he wan the hearts as well of the Princes as of the common people with whom hee had to deale and brought whatsoeuer hee vndertooke to a good and happie successe for when he was at Athens he applied himselfe to pleasant and wittie discourses and often laughed and iested with such subtilties he bred most faire horses and in briefe lead a merrie life after the custome of Athens When he was in Lacedemonia he shaued his head and his beard ware a long cloake and washt himselfe in fresh water When hee was in Thracia he was euer readie to fight and to drinke and being at Tisapherne he liued deliciously in pompe and pleasure and for this cause he was euery where well beloued When Hippolito de Medicis was sent by Pope Clement the seuenth Hippolito de Medicis vvas much fauoured of the Hungars Ambassadour for his Holines into the warres of Hungarie against the Turkes he was much beloued by those of the Countrey because that sometimes he apparelled himselfe after their fashion and conformed himselfe vnto their other manners which acquired vnto him the loue and fauour of that nation But because that in euery Countrey there be both good and euill fashions I speake of those which generally are held for good for I meane not that it is well done for a man to fashion himselfe to certaine particular vices principallie in a publike person if it bee not in secret among equals which also should not be peraduenture tollerable as for example although that in Germanie it bee a common custome to drinke so much till some be drunken which is a vice but tollerable by that nation accustomed to wine which will bee no way beseeming or conuenient for an Italian Ambassadour or of another nation neither for euery graue man to doe the like for although that he be reputed according to the by-word a good companion among those which are giuen to this vice he shall be therefore neither praised nor esteemed by men of iudgement and the Germane Lords as wise and aduised know well how hurtfull drunkennes is in a man to whom are giuen Commissions and charges of secret affaires and of importance Wherefore a graue man may make himselfe to be well beloued without giuing himselfe to such manners which leane vnto vice in modestly auoiding thē by his grauitie and without blaming of them openly as euill from hence it grew that Agesilaus and Epaminondas in retaining their particular nourtur and behauiour although that they frequented many nations of diuers manners and fashions were neuerthelesse beloued euery where shewing themselues in their apparell diet speech grace and bringing vp worthy themselues And Plato was no other at Syracusa then he was wont to bee at Athens and with Dion and Dionysius hee was the same It importeth much to know the manners and fashions of a nation which among them are generally accounted and taken for good and to assay and practise to conforme himselfe thereto and sometimes to be apparelled as they are with whom a man conuerseth and to inuite them to dine and eate with them and to vse such fashions as they vse among themselues when there shal be occasion to treate of affaires A man must also giue vnto Princes such titles as others vse to giue ☞ or such as are pleasing vnto thē for although that they be but worldly vanities yet a mā must not depriue thē of that which they hold deare haue peraduenture sometime bought for a great summe of gold and are angrie and displeased when it is denied them A man must not eschue the companie and conuersation of gentlemen as base for it is better to beare with some thing then to seeme to abhorre it and briefly wee are to behaue our selues so towards all as that we may get the fauour and good will of all for he that will liue only after the manner of his owne countrie may peraduenture be mockt for his labour because that fashions and customes are not euery where alike for a man behaueth himselfe after one manner in Itatly and after another in France and in France the fashions are different from those of Spaine Wherfore he which will liue in Italy as an Italian in France as a Frenchman and in Spaine after the manner of Spaine shall euer better dispatch his busines thē another And for this cause I much esteem of those which being to trauell into diuers countries learne diuers languages for thereby they shall be the better vnderstood in expressing their meanings and conceits in that countrie speech where they are then they shall doe in their owne tongue and he which shall goe Ambassadour into Spaine and follow the Court being an Italian shall euer haue better accesse to the King and more fauour of his Counsellors and Secretaries hauing the Spanish tongue then if hee spake no other but onely Italian for besides that he shall neuer haue need of an Interpreter by him hee shall haue a better grace in speaking Spanish though he speake but indifferently then though hee spake neuer so well in Italian In the time of Pope Eugenius the fourth the Cardinall of Aquileia had this consideration being sent by the Pope as Legate to Alfonso K. of Arragon and of Naples to treate of peace betweene them but because the Cardinall had not the Spanish tongue neither was well able to expresse his minde in the Italian in such sort as the King might well vnderstand him neither answered to the Kings demaunds so well as to content him hee resolued to serue his turne by the meanes of a Prothonotarie which he had with him whose name also was Alfonso who speaking in Spanish to the King and shewing the will and charge of the Legate so as he was vnderstood concluded and confirmed the peace which had not peraduenture been concluded by the Legate which had not that tongue neither knew how to vtter his speeches with such efficacie as they might haue been vnderstood Those also which by good fortune are called to the gouernment of kingdomes and forreine estates to winne the fauour of the people ought also to liue after the custome of the countrie whither they are called and not after that of the countrey where they were bred vp into which error fell Vnon King of the Parthians which being brought young to Rome was bred vp and taught there and learned very well the manners and fashions of the Romanes Who being afterwards called to the gouernment of that kingdome hee vsed towards the Parthians in giuing them audience and to entertaine them with such humanitie and curtesie as hee had learned at Rome and would not follow the fashions and manners of the Parthians for they had a custome to be gouerned proudly and to bee commanded by their King with great rigour for it was the manner of their Kings to proceede in this maner with their subiects And for this cause the gouernment of Vnon seeming vnto them more womanish
And this reconciliation of custome is as clay to broken pots for as euery little knocke more easilie breaketh the vessell where it was mended and sodered A small matter breaketh friendship but much is required to restore it than where it is whole euen so suspition although it be false A shadow of an iniurie and an imagination of discontentment betweene reconciled friends hath more power to breake the friendship than the ciment of reconciliation to hold the same linked and vnited together For we often see among reconciled friends that through the remembrance of offences past and the suspition of new such friendship doth not long endure especially if the enmities be of long continuance and of great importance betweene whom to vse the words of the Author it is very hard to establish any reconciliation that may be faithfull and firme We haue hereof an example in Antonel and Bernardin Sanseuerin brothers the one Prince of Salern Antonel and Bernardin Sanseuerin againe rebell against King Ferdinand vpon suspition and the other of Bisignan most honourable and noble Lords of the Kingdome of Naples Bernardin Prince of Bisignan had wronged a Greeke in the person of his Wife the Greeke dissembling the wrong attended time and place to be reuenged In the meane season the warres arose in that Kingdome betweene the King of France and those of the house of Arragon in which warres these two brethren with all their power fauoured the French partie and holpe to chase Alphonso and Ferdinand out of that Kingdome and after that King Charles returned into France they continued in their friendship ayding and succouring the French against Ferdinand Federicque which reconquered the Countrey In the end the Arragonnois preuailing the two Princes of Salern and Bisignan reconciled themselues to King Federicque and vpon an euening as the Prince of Bisignan came forth of the new Castle at Naples he was very grieuouslie wounded by the Greeke aforenamed whereupon his brother Antonel Prince of Salern amazed with this deede grew in suspition and feare that this was done by the Kings commaundement in reuenge of offences past and presently without dissembling the doubt withdrew himselfe to Salern And notwithstanding that King Federicque deliuered the Greeke prisoner into his hands to content him and thereby to ascertaine him of his good will and of the fact and how it happened yet for all this the Prince could neuer be perswaded to repose trust in him and so againe becomming an enemie he loued better to lose his estate than to liue neere to a reconciled friend in continuall suspition and feare to lose his life CHAP. 11. It is an euill example in any Common-wealth to prescribe Laws and not to obserue the same and principallie in those who are the authors thereof and doe not defend and maintaine those Lawes against all such as would infringe them CErtainelie it is a thing pernicious and very scandalous in any Common-wealth to make and publish a Lawe and afterwards not to obserue the same principallie when those who were the Lawmakers care not to breake them speciallie in time of occasion neither to defend them against such as resist and impugne and misconster them for who so is author of such a Lawe sheweth himselfe therein to be a man of little iudgement and small courage and giueth men occasion to thinke that he inuented that Lawe vpon some priuate fantasie and conceite and not that he held it expedient for the Com-wealth The Common-wealth of Florence hauing been reestablished in the time of Hierosme Sauonarola The â—awe of appeale in Florence introduced by Sauonarola by meanes of his helpe and the great credit which he had in the Citie by reason of his orations and hauing caused an ordinance and statute to be made for the securitie and safetie of Gentlemen who from the sentence of the Magistracie of the Eight and of the Seignorie giuen in matters of estate might appeale to the people but when occasion required to put that Law in vse he did not cause it to be obserued and maintained notwithstanding that to obtaine it and to make it of force and auaileable he had long laboured by many perswasions and exhortations and in the end obtained the same For a little while after were condemned to death by the sentence of the Seignorie for matters of state fiue Gentlemen which fauoured the de Medicis and the condemned appealing to the people by vertue of the Lawe of appeale could not be heard and the matter was referred to some few of the Citizens who were to decide whether the Lawe of appeale should continue in force or be repealed in matter of estate but in conclusion the condemned were speedily executed without giuing place to the Lawe and had their heads stricken off Which did so much cracke the credit and reputation of Sauonarola that he could neuer after attaine to the credit which he had before for he spake nothing in the defence of the Lawe which was made and brought in by himselfe So as this grew greatly to his dishonour in that he perswaded not his followers and such as were of his faction to cause that Lawe to be obserued which he a little before had by many perswasions alleaged to be a most holy and holsome Lawe for the Common-wealth and with so great vehemencie procured the establishing thereof This Father was much blamed and ill spoken of for the breaking of this Lawe for if the appeale were profitable as he before had often times affirmed he should with all his power and meanes haue maintained the same if it were not profitable he should not haue taken such paines to cause it to be authorized And this accident was further noted in that that Sauonarola after the death of these fiue Gentlemen in any of his orations although he made many did neither accuse nor excuse any of them which were breakers of this Lawe for he blamed none because he would not be found contrarie to himselfe and he could not excuse himselfe because the matter was so manifest and the refusing to maintaine the Lawe so notorious that he was inexcusable Those which haue discoursed of this matter for example haue produced Appius and Virginius two noble Romanes but because we will not spend long time in examples it shall suffice to say that he which maketh and establisheth a Lawe ought to obserue and maintaine the same notwithstanding it were against his owne profit And although there was at that time in Florence question of matter appertaining to estate the people peraduenture would haue iudged the same or altered the punishment according to their discretion it might haue sufficed so as the offence were punished as worthie thereof and the Lawe neuerthelesse held inuiolable as good and profitable CHAP. 12. Jn our affaires and occurrences we ought to settle and ground more trust and assurance in him who expecteth good from vs then in him who alreadie hath receiued the same GVicciardins counsell and aduice
kingdome of Naples Peter hauing resolued to continue constant in the friendship of Alphonse of Arragon King of Naples would neuer giue eare to the French King who desiring to enter into league with him and offered him many faire conditions to which league all the whole citie seemed to leane and to yeeld as inclined and well affected to the French nation For afterwards when the French armies began to haue the better in Italie and the name of the French to be terrible and the affaires of those of the house of Arragon to decline from ill to worse Peter repenting him of his resolute determination to asswage the wrath of Charles 〈…〉 Charles the S. King of 〈…〉 to Peeter de Medicis went to S. Peters to see and speak with him in person where being receiued by the King with better countenance then good will the King made vnreasonable demaunds which were that presently the Fortresses of Serezana and Serezanell which are the keyes of the Florentine Seignorie should be giuen into his hands with the Fortresses of Liuorne and of Pisa and that the Florentines by his meanes should lend him 200000. Ducats and vpon this condition hee would take them into his protection Peter yeelded to all these demands and taking vpon him more authoritie then he ought yeelded the Holds and Fortresses aboue said without out the counsel of the citizens without order from the Magistrates and without giuing the Common-wealth to vnderstand thereof Which being vnderstood at Florence did so moue the harts of the people against him that being returned to the Citie hee was verie vnwelcome Peter de Medicis chased from Florence and by the furie of the Citizens was driuen from the Pallace and out of the Citie and declared and proclaimed a Rebell If in any case it be a matter doubtful yea or very dangerous to passe the bounds of the authoritie receiued and as a man may say play the Prince whereas is no neede it is principally in charges and commaunds in the warres where euery fact done in this manner by a Generall is sufficient to put such iealousie in the hearts of his superiours and make his trust and faith so suspect to the Prince who gaue him such charge that he cannot be put from his gouernment without preiudice of his reputation and daunger of his life Paulo Vitellio a man most valorous and in his time one of the chiefe and most renowned Captaines in Italie being by the Florentines established and made Generall of their armie against the Pisans in that time wherein they were vnder the sauegard and protection of the Venetians for one onely fact wherein he vsurped more authoritie then belonged vnto him put the Florentines in such iealousie and suspition of him that taking all his doings in ill part in the end they bereued him of his life This man being at Casantin against the Venetian armie led by the Duke of Vrbin Bartelmy Liuiano Astor Baglioni and other honourable Captaines all which he did so valiantly resist that he did not onely stop the passage against them but also besieged them with their principall Captaines within Bibienna a Castle of the Casantin The Duke of Vrbin fell sicke in this siege who desired Vitellio to giue him a safeconduct to goe to take Phisicke and to cure himselfe and this Paul vsurping a little too much authoritie Guicciar lib. 4 without acquainting the Florentine Commissioners herewith who represented the state of the Common-wealth gaue safeconduct to the Duke and to Iulian de Medicis a rebell to the Seignorie Common-wealth which made him so suspected that they began to marke his behauiour and the manner of his proceedings for they mistrusted him to haue some secret intelligence with the enemie And for this cause when they afterwards sawe that without any occasion hee abandoned the Fortresse of Stampace which was taken by force and that being able to followe the victorie against the Pisans he tooke no care to pursue them but vsurping supreame power and authoritie hee raised the siege from before Pisa without the leaue or knowledge of the Florentine Commissioners they began to hold for certaine that which before they but doubted Paulo Vitellio condemned to dye by the Florentines in such sort that to rid themselues of this suspition and feare and to giue example to their other Leaders and Commanders of armies they put him to death by order of Iustice But except it were vpon some extreame accident or to auoide some manifest and present danger it were ill done for a man to attribute to himselfe more authoritie then he ought and to promise also that which is not in his power to performe as the Lord of Tremouille who being for Lewes the 12. King of France Generall of his armie against Henry the 8. King of England which made warre against the French King before Terouenne and Tournay The said Generall hauing vnderstood that an armie of 20000. Swissers had besieged Dijon the head Citie of Bourgundy thereby to constraine the French King to giue ouer his claime to the Dutchie of Milan and the said Lord of Tremouille seeing the great danger wherein the realme of France was The Lord of Tremouille with absolute power coucluded a peace with the Swissers notwithstanding that it was vpon very vnworthie conditions hee vsurped and attributed to himselfe more authoritie then to him appertained so as promising that which he could not performe neither had commission to promise he came to parley with the chiefe conductors of the Swissers and promised them that the King of France should surrender the right which he pretended to the state of Milan and to assure his promise he gaue thē 4. French gentlemen in ostage The Lord Generall took this resolution knowing that if the citie of Dijon were taken and lost and that if that nation should not giue ouer to vexe the French King being alreadie tired with warres the Swissers on the one side and the English on the other might without any let march to Paris gates Peter de Medicis might peraduenture haue the same consideration in making his treatie with the King of France who seeing his countrie in great daunger for that the King was in armes victorious displeased with the Florentine Common-wealth and neere vnto Florence but this warlike people easily to bee moued to despite and indignation iudging otherwise of his doings then hee deserued chased him out of the towne and proclaimed him Rebell So as in summe a man ought so moderately to vse the authoritie receiued and to carrie himselfe in such sort that he giue his Prince no cause to be iealous of him by taking vpon him as a Prince when as he is but an inferiour and a seruant it is farre better to shew that he respecteth his Prince by giuing him to vnderstand of all his purposes and enterprises than by vsurping equalitie seeme to make no account of him CHAP. 14. VVhether a publike seruant of a Prince or Common-wealth
many Swissers he made triall how daungerous it was to haue friends and enemies both of one countrie and nation for that the Swisser Captaines which were in the French campe wonne and corrupted the Swissers souldiers which were with the Duke so as they did not onely mutine against the Duke but also betrayed him for when he would haue issued forth with his forces to haue assailed the French 〈…〉 lib. 4 the Captaines of the Swissers alreadie mutining said openly that without leaue from their Lords they would not fight and come to blowes against their cousins their brothers and others of their owne nation and presently after they assembled themselues togethers faining that they would goe home to their owne houses and their treacherie and disloyaltie was so extreame that they betrayed the Duke who being apparelled and armed like a Swisser marched a foote in ranke in a squadron like a priuate souldier amongst them The Almains which were in the pay of Francis the first shewed him such a like tricke for when the King of France would haue giuen assault to the towne of Bresse they said that they would not go against such townes as were held by the Emperour Guicci lib. 12. But the truth was that they did this because that within the towne there were besides other men of warre two thousand Almaine souldiers so as to eschue the comming to hands against them they would not fight The Emperour Maximilian distrusted the Swissers And the Emperour Maximilian fearing the like daunger when he came into Italie against the French and considering that in his armie were many Swissers and in his enemies campe were 10000. of the same nation he remembred what had happened vnto Lewes More and how the Swissers had dealt with him at Nouarrette wherefore without doing any other thing he retired to Trent and would not to his daunger and dammage make proofe of the Swissers fidelity knowing how hard a matter it is to bring souldiers of a nation to fight against others in the enemies campe of the same nation When a Prince or a Common-wealth is constrained to vse the helpe of strangers especially of those nations which are free as the Swissers the Grisons and such like it is very necessarie to know whether the enemie likewise hath waged any of that nation and to what number to the end to be resolued and assured which way he is to bend his force to auoide the daunger or to entertaine so few as if they would they should not be able to annoy him though they did reuolt from him seeing that in the warres euen the least mutinie and reuolt is ill and hurtfull CHAP. 21. Lightnes of beleefe is a great fault in any man and too much credulitie hath bred and caused many euils IT is a common saying Light beleefâ— in euery thâ—â—â— sheweth a 〈◊〉 vvit 〈◊〉 braines that to be light of beleefe and easily perswaded to a thing sheweth a lightnes of wit and a weakenes of the braine and from thence it commeth that such manner of men are easilie deceiued for through want of iudgement standing vpon the shew and appearance of reasons and the efficacie of words they without consideration doe that whereto they are perswaded and made to beleeue These men for the most part are of the nature of women or of little children and therefore in their actions they shew small constancie and are constrained to chaunge and alter their opinion and with dishonor withdraw froÌ„ that which they haue done or to their losse to reproue themselues for being too credulous By which meanes they are accompted and held for men of the first impression for that their wits being as soft as waxe that which they are perswaded vnto is easily imprinted Charges and gouernments of importance are not to be giuen to men of the first impresâ—ion Charges and gouernments of importance ought not to be giuen to such persons for that being easie to be deceiued they are subiect and prone to commit a thousand errors These men are also easily induced to trust and remit matters to the discretion of others and thence it commeth that when they haue to deale with cunning and craftie persons they are led by the nose and perceiue it not vntill they be plunged and as wee say duckt ouer head and eares in such sort that they shall not be able to remedie the matter They also suffer themselues to bee drawne and ouercome with a common brute and publike report of something as too credulous in such sort that they suffer themselues to be carried away and lulled asleepe in the error without caring to be ascertained of the truth and chiefly when they may and ought to be most vigilant and carefull they are so seduced by the smooth wordes of those which perswade them to the contrarie of that which they should boult out and be assured of that not knowing whereon to resolue they durst doe nothing which may assure them Roger the 2. King of Sicilie sonne of Tancredi was of such light beleefe and so prone to repose trust in others to his owne great hurt and dammage that hauing some controuersie with the Emperour Henry the fift which pretended title to the Kingdome of Sicilie in the right of Constance his Wife he came to an accord and agreement with him whereby the Kingdome was diuided which conteyned then the Kingdome of Naples Roger the second King of Sâ—â—â—lie taken 〈◊〉 at Paâ—â—â—en by the 〈…〉 Henry the sift with 〈◊〉 three 〈◊〉 who had 〈◊〉 â—ienes pluckt out and afterward dyed in Prison King Roger perceiuing that he could not long time defend himselfe against the Emperour who was fauored by the Church of Rome made a compositioÌ„ with him vpon this condition that the Emperour should holde Sicilia and Roger the Kingdome of Naples The Emperour was content with this agreement and taking his way towards Palermo to enter into possession of the Kingdome of Sicilia with many signes of good will and friendship and many faire words but all fained he drew vnto him the simple credulous King Roger who went with him euen to Palermo to passe and throughly to confirme the agreement where with Alteria Constance and Madonia his sisters he was deteyned prisoner and being depriued of all regall authoritie was sent in exile into Germanie where his eyes being pluckt out and his stones cut off to the end he should not hope to haue any more children he was condemned to perpetuall imprisonment Which happened to him for that he gaue too much credit to the smooth words and faire shewes of good will and friendship vsed by the Emperour and for trusting too much to a reconciled friend without considering into what danger he aduentured putting himselfe into his hands who would haue bereaued him of his life If he had gone and quietlie enioyed the Kingdome which was fallen vnto him by lot or election without busying himselfe so simply in courting a Prince which had
follow the contrarie for by so much more his aduice and counsell shall be held and reputed for wife by how much the issue of the matter shall be more correspondent with the counfell which he gaue The issue and end of an enterprise manisteth the wisedome of the counsell giuen Archidamus King of the Lacedemonians saw that the whole Councell of Sparta was inclined to take armes against the Athenians in the behalfe of the Corinthians which were recommended vnto them and as confederates had required their aide in the warre which the Athenians waged against them and knew well that his aduice should not bee accepted notwithstanding this hee would not faile to speake his opinion and by many liuely reasons to shew that they ought not to stirre against the Athenians nor to breake the truce which they had with them Archidamus got nothing by propounding this counsell but the aduice of Stenelaides an Ephore was followed who seeing the hearts of the Lacedemonians disposed to make warre against the Athenians caused them to resolue to make it suddenly But the issue of the matter made it manifest how much the counsell of Archidamus had been more profitable then the resolution of Stenelaides Mercurie Gattinara a Piemontois great Chauncellor of the kingdome of Spaine knowing the heart of the Emperour Charles the fift to be disposed to come to agreement with Francis the first of that name King of France and his prisoner and to deliuer him he knew the will of the Viceroy of Naples and other Lords of the Counsell of Spaine tending to the same hee knew finally the conditions of the agreement and the qualitie of the Articles thereof and was well assured that his counsell should not bee receiued nor accepted neuerthelesse he would not faile to speake what hee thought and rather to crie it out then dispute and by reasons to debate and disswade this accord the which reasons are well deliuered with grauitie of speech by Guicciardin in the oration of the said Gattinara whose aduice was not allowed nor approued but theirs was followed which perswaded the agreement and Mercurie was so constant in his opinion that the accord should not bee accepted nor obserued that he would not signe the Articles but that the Emperour all angrie must signe them himselfe But the issue made it knowne that the counsell of Gattinara was much better then that of the rest for that the Articles were not obserued and after that the King was at libertie all vanished away in smoke Then let no good Counsellor of a Prince leaue to speake his aduice neither let him leaue to giue good counsell for feare that it shall not be regarded or that it shall be despised for in the end the goodnesse of sage deliberations and prudent counsels is knowne in the goodnes of issue and good successe CHAP. 70. Promises voluntarily made are to be held and performed and the euill which ensueth through default thereof IT is a thing altogether infamous and dishonest to faile and breake promise but it is most dishonest in a Prince or Common-wealth for it cannot be said that such persons failed through inaduertence or want of discretion as of particular men A man ought to be well aduised how he promise any thing if they were not carried away by affection or apparance of good A man ought to bee well aduised touching his promise and ought not to make it but that first he weigh and consider well what is required and demaunded for whosoeuer shall doe otherwise shall euer commit some fault because that promises made with small iudgement haue this custome either to the displeasure of those to whom they were made to be refused and denied or otherwise they are performed to the great griefe and repentance of those which made them It is true that some are made without consideration and it were better to breake them then dishonestly to put them in effect as that which was made by Herod to his daughter in law which daunced before him at a banket and this promise to giue to her what she should demaund was made without consideration and sinfully and wickedly performed whereby he purchased perpetuall infamie and the iust man vniustly lost his life Some there are also which promise dishonest and reprochfull things and more shamefully performe them and to these men ordinarily commeth that which Cicero speaketh of that wicked promises hurt him which made them and him also which receiueth them whereof the examples are daily so manifest in robberies murthers and such other Riots that it is needles to produce them But speaking of promises which are made not through necessitie but free and voluntarily if they be of honest matters I say they must be performed for to faile in them there happen grow many euils and inconueniences as was the promise of Robert Gescard made to Roger his naturall brother This Robert in the diuision of the Norman Empire promised to his brother Roger the halfe of Calabria and all Sicilie but when it came to sharing and diuiding Robert would giue him nothing in Calabria Meto and Squillacci but Meto and Squillacci and bad him to purchase the Realme which he alreadie began to possesse meaning Sicilie and in the end resolued according to Alexanders words to Darius that as the world could not endure two Sunnes so one Realme could not endure two soueraigne Lords Roger being much displeased herewith made warre against him and after many aduentures hauing taken him prisoner in a Castle where Robert vnwisely was entred in the habit of a paisant to bring it to his owne deuotion King Robert taken prisoner afterwards graciously deliuered by his brother Roger Roger of a brotherly pitie saued his life and restored him to his estate which by right of warre and being prisoner hee had lost So Roberts failing of his word was the cause that he entred into such disorder so as if hee had had to deale with any other then his brother hee had peraduenture learned to his losse or to his perpetuall dishonour how great a fault it is not to performe and keep those promises which no man constrained him to make CHAP. 71. Jn what case promises exacted perforce ought to bee performed ALthough that some haue said and left in writing that promises made by constraint ought not to be performed alleaging the example of the Romanes when they made agreement with the Samnites I say neuerthelesse that that ought not to bee taken for a law or a generall rule for that it is not a thing secure for all men to faile in their promise notwithstanding that it were made by force I say then that he which is constrained to make some promise to graunt perforce and signe the Articles of agreement with all solemnitie may in two manners consider after that hee is at libertie and out of his power to whom he made the promise to wit whether hee be in point or state to surpasse or
to hold himselfe equal with him which constrained him to be inferiour and inequall If he who hath been constrained to accept of some vnreasonable conditions may haue the better of him that forced him I say that seeing hee is out of his hands and power hee may resolue not to keepe any promise made vnto him nor obserue any Articles thereof And for this cause the Romanes would not maintaine nor obserue the promises which they had made vnto the Samnites and for the same reason the great King Francis the first Monarke of France Wherefore King Francis the first would not performe the articles of agreement made betweene him and Charles the fift would not maintaine to Charles the fift any thing that he had promised concerning Burgundie or any other matter when he was prisoner because that they then and he now being at liberty might at euen hand encounter their enemies and againe trie the fortune of the warres and win as it happened to the Romanes But when a man that is forced to agreement cannot possibly haue the vpper hand or to returne again equally to fight with him who hath constrained him he ought not to faile of his promise and he which doth otherwise committeth a great fault for he which seeth himselfe mockt fretteth against him to whom whilest he was in his hands hee granted and did some fauour and againe maketh warre against him doth wholy vndoe and ruinate him or bindeth him in such sort that he shall haue no more occasion to breake promise with him neither to assemble forces to resist or make head against him The Saguntines fell into this error when the first time that they were inuaded by Hanniball of Carthage Plutarch of noble women as Plutarch reciteth in the treatise of noble women and principally of the women of Sagunt for saith he before that Hanniball leuied armes to inuade Italie he went into Spaine to take the Citie of Sagunt and the siege thereof was so furious that the Saguntines vnable to withstand it came to a composition and promised Hanniball to doe what he would commaund them and sware that they would bee obedient and obserue their promises And among other conditions were these that Hanniball should raise his siege and depart and so soone as he should be out of the countrie and the Citie free and at libertie they should pay him three hundred talents of siluer which may amount to the summe of one hundred and foure score thousand French Crownes of gold and should deliuer vnto him three hundred gentlemen for hostages of all that they had couenanted and agreed vpon together After the siege was raised and Hanniball out of the countrie and land of Sagunt the Saguntines repenting them of the agreement would not obserue their promises made by force Wherewith Hanniball being moued returned to besiege the Citie in such sort Hannibal compelled the Saguntines to depart out of their Countrey with onely the clothes on their hackes that the Saguntines to saue their liues were content to accept of what the Carthaginians would and Hanniball commaunded them to lay downe their Armes and permitted the men to depart the Citie in their coates onely and would not suffer that the women should carrie any more then one sute of apparell vpon their backes onely and that they should goe so whither they would These were farre harder conditions then the first which they needed not to haue receiued if they had not failed of their first promises made perforce being vnable to master the enemie neither again to trie their fortune by Armes for being vnequall vnto him In the yeere of our saluation 1277. Ottacar King of Bohemia hauing first made some promises to the Emperour Rodulph the first and hauing sworne to them and done him homage in his Pauillion which he did perforce and for feare to lose the battaile which should presently haue beene fought for his Armie was by a great deale lesse in number then the Emperours and for this cause hee accepted perforce of any condition offered vnto him But after that Ottacar was returned into his kingdome Cunicunda his wife reproued and blamed him for his small courage and that he without one blow striken had accepted and receiued so great dishonour Wherefore wroth at his wiues words and for the remembrance which was yet fresh of the iniurie which Rodulph had done him when he made him to be seene of all his armie vpon his knees before him for his Pauillion was made in such sort that it fell iust then when hee vpon his knees did him homage which hee would not to haue happened he againe rebelled and held no part of his promise Wherfore putting themselues both in armes and the King of Bohemia willing againe to trie the fortune of the warre battaile was giuen wherein for this that Ottacar was of lesse force though equall in despite and choler he was ouercome and slaine which had not happened vnto him if he had considered that he could not fight with equall force against the Emperour and that he was then in the same necessitie which he was in before when he first compounded with him And if the Emperour had not been of so good a minde and conscience as hee was hee might haue seazed on his kingdome by the law of Armes The noble minde of the Emperour Rodulph the first but being content to haue ouercome hee gaue the kingdome of Bohemia to Vinceslaus sonne of King Ottacar deceased and withall gaue him his daughter in mariage Hee then which will not maintaine and keepe his promises made perforce let him first measure himselfe and his forces and see whether he be able to make his partie good against his enemie and then if he finde himselfe able to doe it he may resolue to faile of his promises But he that hath not forces to ouercome or equally to resist let him not put himselfe in danger for hee will euer finde himselfe deceiued CHAP. 72. VVhen a Generall or chiefe Commander too much doubteth his enemie and too much distrusteth his owne forces he shall neuer effect any laudable enterprises TO make account of an enemie as much as is needful is the part of a wise Captain but to haue such opinion and to make so great reckoning of him that it bereaueth you of courage to assaile him is rather a signe of base feare then of a wise doubt Wherefore when a Generall gouerneth himselfe with consideration and sheweth that hee so much esteemeth the enemies valour that he will not hazard rashly to assault him neither with shame and pusillanimitie to flie from him he doth well maketh himselfe knowne to bee wise and of iudgement But to the contrary when he sheweth to make such account of him to haue such distrust in his owne forces that he dareth not attempt to sound him hee shall neuer be able to doe any thing of worth and in vaine shall spend his time and the charge which he must be at
blinded with auarice or hatred they be depriued of the valour and prudence of such men and estrange themselues from them Alberigue de Barbian a man of great valour and reputation in the warres in his time committed this error hee hauing subdued the Bouloignois through the prowesse and valour of Braccio de Monton which he acknowledged with many signes of curtesie and good will commending him publikelie and increased his pay and his charge gaue him the armes and ensignes of his house and finallie the gouernment of the whole Armie After the warres of Boulogna were ended it happened that the Venetians made warres vpon the Lordes of Padoua to which the said Barbian was of kinne and allyed hee sent to their succours certaine Captaines of horse and foote and appoynted Braccio Lorens de Cotignola and Rosso de L'aigle for chiefe Commaunders of those troupes Lorens and Rosso did greatly malice the glorie of Braccio and by many detractions and slaunderous speeches bringing him in disgrace with Barbian brought it so to passe that he giuing credit to their backbitings slaunderous wordes and letters resolued with Lorens and Rosso to cause Braccio to be slaine Barbians Wife which deerelie loued the vertue of Braccio knowing how much her husband was bound vnto him and being acquainted with the purpose and deuises of Rosso and Lorens and with the resolution it selfe which they had taken to put him to death she aduertised Braccio thereof willing him speedilie to be gone for that her husband would cause him to bee slaine and tolde him the course which was to be held who they were which had perswaded him thereto Braccio hauing this aduertisement which he soone had being lodged but a league from thence because of the winter mounted on horsebacke with the greatest part of his best friends without saddles or stirrups and got him out of the confines of Barbians dominion and fled to the enemies Campe whither hee was very welcome When the flight of Braccio was made knowne the Souldiers began to mutin and raile against those which had brought him into disgrace with Barbian and to blame Barbian for his lightnes Wherefore Barbian being very sory but too late that he had giuen Braccio occasion to flie from him and grieued to be depriued of so valorous a Captaine wrote him a letter by which he desired to speake with him and yeelding himselfe culpable offered to giue him better pay and more honourable charge than euer hee had before But Braccio answering him with great grauitie would no more assure himselfe of him neither goe to serue a Prince The errour of Alberigue de Barbian Guicciardin lib. 12. who peraduenture another day carried away with the like lightnes might againe conspire his death So Barbian rashlie without thinking thereof giuing occasion to Braccio to forsake him and to goe to his enemies was the cause of the decay of the Padouan Brothers and the aduauncement of their enemies The Catholike King also committed this errour making shew lightlie to regard Peter de Nauarra a Captaine much esteemed and verie valiant in the wars for this King conceiued in his minde that the ouerthrow at Rauenna wherein Peter was taken prisoner happened for the most part through his fault and this Peter being prisoner in France The errour of Ferdmand king of Spaine and set at 20000 Duckats ransome the King continuing his displeasure would not harken to the paiment nor to deliuer him Wherfore Peter perceiuing that the King did little esteeme him and thinking that hee made more account of 20000 crownes then of him resolued to serue the French king Francis the first who loued him much and payde his ransome of 20000 crownes to the Marquesse of Rottelin The errour of Francis the first king of France to whom King Lewes the twelfth had giuen him and Peter to auoide all dishonour gaue the Catholike King to vnderstand that sith hee was abandoned by him and was constrained to leaue in the kingdome of Naples the estate which hee held by his gift being forced by necessitie hee turned to the King of France who hee knew would be his perpetuall enemie But King Francis the first did no lesse a fault to giue occasion to Andre Dorie to forsake his seruice and to serue another for Dorie hauing serued him verie faithfullie with his Gallies the space of fiue yeares continuallie thinking to haue deserued so well as to haue bin employed in all occasions for chiefe the King either for that he cared little for him eyther for that he was perswaded by the prayers and intreaties of the Princes of France which enuying the Italians loue not to see them grow great in the French Court made Admirall and Generall of the Sea in the enterprise of Naples Mounsieur de Barbesieux leauing Dorie as a priuate Captaine leader of his own Gallies onlie who thought that his deserts had bin such that if he had refused such a charge hee should haue beene instantlie intreated to haue accepted thereof Hee thought also that there was great wrong done him in that hee was not paid 20000 crownes due vnto him for his seruice without the which hee could not entertaine his gallies and because that the king was so earnest with him to haue the Marques de Guast and Ascaigno Colomna his prisoners notwithstanding that he promised to pay their ransome yet it seemed that hee would by force take them from him by his royall authoritie and besides that the king had deliuered the Prince of Orange his prisoner would not that hee should pay his ransome at 20000 crownes All these things then and many others whereby the King shewed the small account he made of him were the cause that Dorie forsooke his seruice and went to serue the Emperour Charles the fifth Guicciar li. 19 and the Spanish nation whereof hee had bin a mortall enemie Andrew Dori forsooke King Francis the first in hiâ— greatest neede And notwithstanding the King perceiuing his owne fault sent to Dorie making him many faire offers yet it was too late for hee would not accept thereof thinking that they were made by constraint and that the King had bin verie slow to shew him curtesie vntill that necessitie and not his owne will did induce him to doe it the King was liberall when it was too late of that which he ought to haue giuen him long before and receiued greater losse by losing this Captaine then if hee had lost the halfe of his armie by Sea as the successe of things which afterwards happened do make manifest Princes and common wealthes may learne by these examples to take heed that they lose not those men in whose vertue they may boldlie repose much trust hauing them on their side and not hauing them haue great occasion to stand in doubt and ought not vpon euery light occasion to neglect them vse them in such sort that they giue them cause to abandon them but ought to cherish them and
of the Duke of Florence when hee gaue him to vnderstand of the Rebellion and reuolt of Siena 2. f a Daungerous tumult happened in Florence 236. g the subtill Discourse of Demetrius Phalerius to King Ptolomie 210. f Dionysius the Tyrant made his Barber to be slaine 166. g Donat Raffignin by treason yeeldeth the fortresse of Valence to the French 18. e Demaratus lost the kingdome of the Lacedemonians for speaking one word vnaduisedly 166. h the Demaunds of Charles the eight King of France 32. h Dionysius put a gentleman to death for speaking of a word 166. g It is dishonorable for a man to abandon his friend in time of need for any occasion whatsoeuer 79. c Duke Valentine caused Ranire de Orco a Spaniard his Lieutenant to be slaine in Romania for doing iniustice 135. b In chusing of Generals for the warres the qualitie of the warre and the worthines of the person which is to be chosen is chiefly to be regarded 50. f E ENterprises ought to be considered in cold blood and executed in hot blood 190. e the Emperour Maximilian distrusted the Swissers 52. g the Emperour Vitellius was ouerthrowne by Vespasian the Emperour 141. d the error of Alberigue of Barbian 194. f the errour of Ferdinand King of Spaine 194. g the error of Francis the first King of France 194. h there is double errour committed in chusing of Captaines 46. g the Egyptians punished those children which were ingratefull to their parents 250. e Empoli taken by the Prince of Orange 206. g of an Enemie what account is to bee made 183. c. d F FInizan sacked by the French 4. e Francis Sforce of his owne authority concluded a peace between the Venetians and Duke Phillip of Milan 37. a Francis Sforce maketh warre against Phillip his father in law 39. e the Fault of Lewes Poggio in departing from Milan 41. a Fabius Maximus opposed himselfe against Titus Ottacilius who maried his sisters daughter and would haue been Consul 49. c Fuluius a wise Captaine of the Romanes 104. a the Florentines by distrusting the King of France and the Lord Beaumont his Generall lost a most fit oportunitie to recouer the Citie of Pisa 72. f Ferdinand and Don Iulius conspire against Alfonse Duke of Ferrara 88. e Francis Guicciardin deliuered the Citie of Florence from great danger 130. e the Florentines murmured against Guicciardin 130. g Federick of Sicilie caused Remond il Blanco to be beheaded for treason 171. d the Follie and obstinacie of Cambyses 213. c the French ouerthrowne by the Swissers 151. c wherefore Francis the first would not performe the articles of agreement made betweene him and Charles the fift 181. b Francis Sforce Duke of Milan renounced the safeconduct of the Emperor Charles the fift 218. f Foure things principally to bee held inuiolable 222. g the Florentines were seuerely punished for breaking certaine statues 114. e G GArsia Nicosio slaine by his Lord vpon suspition 229. c God reuealeth sinne early or late and the punishment followeth 170. e the Greedines of souldiers and Captaines hath been the losse of many faire enterprises 19. b Gabades a Captaine of the Persians sacked the Citie of Amide 220. h the Greedines of English souldiers 19. d the Greedines of Italian souldiers 21. c the Greedines of the Stradiots 21. d Galeas Sanseuerin fled from Alexandria and left it in pray to the enemie 47. d the Greatnes of courage of the Romane Common-wealth 93. b the Germanes were defeated by the Guelphes before Siena 121. d in chusing of Generals for the warres the qualitie of the warre and the worthines of the person which is to be chosen is chiefly to be regarded 50. g the Gabaonites punished for abusing a stranger 246. e a Gentlewoman of Cesena much praised 102. g H HAnnibal preserued by a gentleman of Capua 246. g Hanniball compelled the Saguntines to depart their countrey with the cloathes on their backes onely 182. e Harpagus tooke pitie of Cyrus being an innocent infant 74. c Harpagus Generall for Astyages reuolted from him ouercame and slew him 75. a Henry the 5. Emperour made warre in Sicilie against King Roger. 54. e He that is employed ought to haue an eye to his Princes qualities and conditions 36. e the Hopes of banished men are more measured with desire then with reason 86. h Hippolito de Medicis much fauoured of the Hungars 240. g Herod made a promise to his daughter in law without any consideration 179. d Hierom Sauonarola lost his credit in Florence 28. e Hippolita Cardinall of Ferrara made the eyes of Iulius de Esté to be pluckt out and set in againe 87. d Hospitalitie is a vertue worthie of a gentleman a Christian 244. e Hugo de Moncado slaine in a battaile by Sea against Phillippin de Doria 191. a I IT is notable folly to giue much credit to iudiciall Astrologie 57. c It is not possible to foresee or preuent al the mishaps disgraces which may happen to Princes neither to resist or redresse them when they happen 51. f It is follie to commit the state of an Empire to the will of a few 154. e Iohn Bentiuogli and Hermes his sonne in one night murthered almost all those which were of the house of Marescotti or depending thereof through suspition 64. g Iaques Caldor noted of inconstancie 233. a Imbault Generall of the French armie mocked the Florentines 72. g Iohn Rata Earle of Caserta put his Lord Manfredi King of Sicilie in extreame danger 78. e the Insolence of the Spanish souldiers 132. g the Imeresians seaze vpon Reggio 141. c Ioy cannot be hidden 99. c the Issue and end of an enterprise manifesteth the wisedom of the counsell giuen 178. e be which doth an Iniurie doth more shame and dishonour to himselfe then to him to whom the wrong is done 73. c to deface an Image or statue is a poore reuenge 113. a Inconstancie and lightnes of wit is greatly to be reproued principally in a Captaine 233. b L LAwes ordained by Valerius Coruinus and Tiberius Gracchus 221. b Laurence de Medicis reconciled to Alfonse King of Naples 6. h Let not him which is not of power sufficient attēpt enterprises which he cannot maintaine 11. b Lewes More out of countenance and mocked by the Florentine Ambassadours 24. h the Law of Appeal introduced by Sauonarola 27. c the Lord of Tremouille with absolute power concluded a peace with the Swissers notwithstanding that it was vpon very vnworthie conditions 34. g Light beleefe in euery thing sheweth a light wit and weak braines 53. b it is Lost labour to goe about to perswade obstinate persons by reason for the more they are counselled the more stifly they persist in their opinion 60. g Lautrech through his obstinacie was the cause of the totall ruine of the French Army before Naples and was the occasion of his owne death 61. a Liuius Salinator exposed the Romane Armie to manifest danger 27. a the