12 Senectutem Tiberii ut inermem despicient Tac. Hist. l. 6. The Authority of a decrepid Prince is lost and his Orders 〈…〉 not taken for his own as it was 〈◊〉 of those of 〈◊〉 13 〈◊〉 Principe iâ—â—â—to exitium dâ—mui ejus iâ—tendi 〈◊〉 〈…〉 l. 5. He is hated by the 〈◊〉 who look upon him as an unprofitable Instrument the Source of all the Evils the Government suffers And as Love is in a manner bred by interest and brought up by Hope all make slight of him inasmuch as he is not â—ble to give much who hath but a little while to live His Empire is accounted precarious and short lived as that of Galba was 14 Precarium sibi imperium brevi transiâ—â—â—â—â— Tac. Hist. l. 1. and the Ministers like the Goss-Hawks of Norway that they may get the day lay their Pounces upon the Publick Treaâ—ures selling Places and Favours as the Servants of the same Emperor did 15 〈◊〉 afferebant veâ—alia câ—nctâ— prapâ—â—â—mses libeâ—◠〈…〉 Tac. Hist. l. 1. When therefore the Age is come to this pass the Prince has more need of Instructions to make him sensible of his inability and resign the weight of the Government to his Successor than of Precepts to continue it to himself Let not Ambition delude him by the Representation of his post Character and Applause for Men consider not the Prince as he was but as he now is Nor is it enough to have once made himself feared if he cannot do it now nor to have governed well heretofore if he neither is able nor knows how to govern well still Dominion is like the Sea which immediately casts on Shore all unprofitable Carkasses The Prince is esteemed for the Form of the Soul with which he Ordains Commands Rewards and Punishes so that when Age comes to discompose that Form the Esteem vanishes aâ—d therefore it will be prudent to acknowledge the Injuries and Contempts of Age in time and so slip from them before they arrive If the Prince and Business must part it is better that he bid the first adieu 'T is a glorious Action to submit to own one's Frailty and voluntarily divest one's self of Grandeur before Death takes it away by Force lest it should be said that he died unknown by himself who lived known by all Men. He should consider that his Royal Scepter is like the Herb of the same Name which in a little time turns to Worms 16 Theophr l. de Plant. and that if the whole Globe of the Earth be no more than a Point in comparison of the Heavens What will one Monarchy one Kingdom be And though this were never so large yet he can have no more of it than a Place to bury him in 17 My breath is corrupt my days are extiâ—â—â— the graves are ready for me Ioâ— 17. 1. or as Saladin said a Shrowd without carrying away with him any other Glory The Prince is not to live always for the Commonwealth he should reserve some Time to himself and endeavour that at the setting of his Life the Horizon of Death may be cleared from the Vapours of Ambition and the Clouds of Passion and Interest as is expressed by the Sun in this Emblem taken from the Sepulchre of Ioshua upon which a Representation of that Planet was raised with this difference only that there it was put in memory of its standing still at the Voice of this Great Captain 18 And the sun stood still and the moon stayed Iosâ— 10. 13. here to signifie that as a Clear and Fair Evening is an infallible Sign of the Serenity of the next Morning so a Reign ended in Sanctity and Happiness portends that he who is a to succeed will be also happy for a Reward to the Vertue and by the irresistible Efficacy of this last Example The Art of Living and Dying well that glorious Retirement of the Emperor Charles Va. May teach who so far laid aside all Publick Cares that he never so much as enquired after the State of his Monarchy but brought his great Soul otherwise made for brave Atchievements to the dressing of a Garden or to divert the Hours after his Spiritual Exercise performed at some Ingenious Art or other But if there are any Disputes or Revolutions to be apprehended upon account of the Succession it will be Prudence in the Persons present at the King's Death to keep it secret and make that and the Possession of the Successor publick at one time For in such Cases the People are like a Colt not broke which suffers not the Saddle unless it 〈…〉 sees it Thâ—â— Liviâ— concealed the 〈◊〉 untill 〈◊〉 was setled in his 〈◊〉 19 Simâ—l exceâ—â—iâ—â—e Augustum rerâ—m potâ—ri Neronem â—ama eâ—dem â—â—lit Tac. Annal. l. 1. as Agrippinâ— did that of Claudius with so much Diâ—â—imulation that even after his Decease a Senate was convened in his Name and Prayers offered for his Health till Time was gained to contrive Nero's Succession 20 Dum res firmando Neroâ—â—â— iâ—pâ—rio 〈◊〉 Tac. Annal. l. 12. The Death of the Prince being made known neither Piety nor Prudence dissuade from Tears and Demonstrations of Sorrow The Holy Ghost far from forbidding recommends thâ—em 21 My son pour forth tears over the dead Eâ—clus 38. 16. All the People of Israel lamented the Death of Abner and David followed his Corps to the Grave 22 Mourn before Abner and king David himself followd the bier 2 Sâ—m 3. 31. For though there want not Christian Considerations to comfort us and though there hath been heretofore a Nation which less enlightned with the Rays of Immortality received those with Tears who came into the World and took leave of them that went out of it with Rejoycings yet these Reasons stand good only on their side who are gone to a better Life but are not for those who are left alone and deprived of their Services and Conversation Even our Saviour Christ going to raise Lazarus wept over his Sepulchre 23 Jesus wept Ioâ— 11. 35. These last Expressions of Grief must not be denied the Tenderness and Resentments of Nature They are the Scales wherein the Merit of the deceas'd Prince is weighed and whereby may be known what Value his Subjects had for him in a word the Touch-stone on which their Love and Obedience is tried which strengthens the Links of Subjection and gives Heart to the Successor Yet for all this the People must not be obliged to an expensive Mourning for fear their Prince's Death should turn to a burthensom Tax Not however that Funeral Pomp and magnificent Tombs adorned with Statues and costly Imbossed Works are to be look'd on as a meer Vanity of Princes they are rather a generous piece of Piety which marks out the last Bounds of Humane Greatness and shews in the Magnificence wherewith their Ashes are honoured what Respect is owing to Majesty Sepulchres being no other than a kind of
grown it will be difficult to judge whether they were the product of Nature or Art Let them incourage Vertue with Honour brand Vice with Infamy and Disgrace excite Emulation by Example these things have a great Effect upon all Tempers tho' more on some than others Those who are of a Generous disposition Glory influences most the Melancholy Ignominy the Cholerick Emulation the Inconstant Fear the Prudent Example which is generally of most efficacy with all especially that of Ancestors for often what the Blood could not Emulation does perform 'T is with Children as young trees on which you must Graff a branch as I may say of the same Father to bring them to perfection These Grafts are the famous examples which infuse into Posterity the Vertues of their Ancestors and bear excellent fruit That therefore it may be conveighed as it were thro' all the Senses into the mind and take deep Root there should be the particular industry of his Instructors and consequently they are not to be proposed to the Prince in ordinary Exhortations only or Reproofs but also in sensible objects Sometime let History put him in mind of the great Atchievements of his Ancestors the glory of which eternized in print may excite him to imitate them Sometimes Musick that sweet and wonderfull Governess of the passions playing their Trophies and Triumphs will be proper to Raise his Spirits Sometimes let him hear Panegyricks recited upon their Life to encourage and animate him to an Emulation of their Vertues now and then reciting them himself or with his young Companions Act over their Exploits as upon a stage thereby to inflame his mind for the force and efficacy of the action is by degrees so imprinted on him that he appears the very same whose person he represents Lastly let him play the part of a King amongst them receive petitions give audience ordain punish reward command or marshal an Army besiege Cities and give Battel In experiments of this nature Cyrus was educated from a little Boy and became afterwards an eminent General But if there be any inclinations unbecoming a Prince discernible in his Infancy he should have the Company of such as are eminent for the opposite Vertues to correct the Vices of his Nature as we see a straight Pole does the Crookedness of a tender Tree tyed to it Thus if the Prince be covetous let one naturally liberal be always at his Elbow if a Coward one bold and daring if timorous one resolute and active if Idle and Lazy one diligent and industrious for those of that Age as they imitate what they see or hear so they also easily copy their Companions Customs To Conclude in Education of Princes too rough Reprehension and Chastisement is to be avoided as a kind of Contempt Too much Rigour makes men mean spirited nor is it fit that he should be servilely subject to One Man who ought to Command all It was well said of King Alphonsus Generous Spirits are sooner corrected by words than blows and â—ove and respect those most who use them so Youth is like a young horse that the Barnacle â—urts but is easily governed by the gentler Bit. Besides that men of generous Spirits usually conceive a secret horrour of those things they learnt thro' fear on the contrary have an inclination and desire to try those Vices which in their Childhood were prohibited them Affections too much confined especially such as nature endows a Prince withall break out at last into Despair as Exhalations hard bound within the Clouds into Lightning He that imprudently shuts the gates upon natural inclinations is the occasion of their attempting to get thro' the Windows Some allowance is to be made to humane infirmity which is by some innocent diversions to be raised to Vertue this method they took who had the Care of Nero's Education 14 Quo facilius lubricam Principis aetatem si verâ—tutem asper nareâ—ur voluptatibus concessus retineret Tac. 13. ann The Tutor ought to chide the Prince in private not before Company least he rather grow obstinate when he sees his Vices are publick In these two Verses of Homer is very aptly contained how a Prince ought to be instructed how to obey Advise Command him and what 's good suggest He will obey when for himself 't is best Hom. 2. Il. EMBLEM III. BY the industry of some ingenious and carefull hand one while watering another time defending it from the injuries of Wind and ill Weather the Rose grows and as the Bud opens unâ—olds its little leaves into a circular form A flower strangely pretty but which flatters only the Eyes and is subject to so many casualties that in this its infinite delicacy 't is by no means secure The very same Sun which saw it bloom sees it also whither and that without any other benefit than just shewing the World its beauty it brings so many months Labour to nothing nay oftentimes wounds the very hand that planted it nor could it be otherwise than that such rank tillage should produce thorns Of Coral a Sea shrub there 's quite another account to be given for that growing under Water and continually tossed by the Violence of Waves and Tempestuous Winds becomes so much the harder and more beautiful nay then first is it more illustriously useful when it has underwent the rage of so many Elements Such contrary Effects arise from the different manner of growing of this Shrub and that Flower in respect of softness and hardness The same happens in the Education of Princes for they who are brought up so tenderly and closely that neither the Sun Wind or other Air can come to them but that of perfumes prove too delicate and little fit for Government they on the contrary are strong and able who inure their Bodies to laborious Exercises It 's also convenient to use ones self to Cold from our infancy as a thing of great advantage to health and that will enable us to undergo Military duties 1 Est etiam utile sâ—atim ab ineunte aetate frigoribus assuescere hoc 〈◊〉 tum ad vâ—letudinem tum ad munera militaâ—ia commodâ—ssimum est Arist. Pol. 7. cap 17. By these Exercises Life is prolonged by Voluptuousness and Luxury shortned a Vessel of Glass formed with a blast of the Mouth is with a blast broken Whereas one of Gold wrought with a hammer resists a hammer 'T is no matter if he that lives a private and retired Life be delicate but one who is to support a Kingdom as Atlas the Heavens upon his shoulders had need be strong and robust A Common-wealth has not occasion for a Prince only for a shew but in the Field also and in time of War and in Scripture we find an effeminate King mentioned as a kind of divine punishment 2 I will give Children to be their Princes and Bâ—bâ—s to rule over them Isaâ— 3. 4. The advantage or disadvantage of this different Education was visible in
things says K. Alphonso a Prince will be oblig'd to take to his assistance one who does understand them and he may experience what King Solomon said That he who entrusts his secret with another makes himself his slave whereas he who can keep it â—imself is Master of himself which is infinitely requisite in a Prince For the Office of a King requires a great understanding and that too illustrated with Learning for without doubt says K. Alphonso in the same Law no man can acquit himself of an Office of such importance as this at least without great understanding and wisdom whence he who scorns the favours of Knowledge and Education will be scorn'd by God who is the Author of them Other Sciences have been divinely infused into many none but Solomon was ever inspired with Politickss For Tilling ground Agriculture prescribes certain Rules the Art of Taming wild Beasts has also its Methods but 't is easier to command any Animal than Man 't is necessary therefore that he be endued with an extraordinary portion of Wisdom who has Men to govern 5 Omni animali facilius imperabiâ— quam homini ideo sapientissimum esse oportet qui hominibus regere veâ—it Xenoph. The different Customs and Dispositions of Subjects canâ—t without considerable Sagacity Application and Experience be discovered and consequently no man requires Wisdom more than a Prince 6 Nullâ—s est cuâ— sapientia magis conveniat quam Principi cujus doctrina omnibus debet prodesse subditis Veget. T is that makes Kingdoms happy Princes feared and reverenced Then was Solomon so when the World became acquainted with his Knowledge renders a Prince more formidable than Power 7 Wisd. 5. 26. A wise King says the holy Spirit is the upholding of the people But an unwise King destroyeth them 8 Eccl. 10. 3 All which shews how barbarous the Opinion of the Emperour Licinius was who cryed out upon the Sciences as a publick Plague Philosophers and Orators as Poison to a Commonwealth nor does that of the Goths appear less absurd who found fault with Athalaricus's Mother for instructing him in good Letters as if he was thereby rendred incapable of publick Business Silvius Aeneas had quite other sentiments of them when he said they were Silver in the Commonalty Gold in the Nobility and in the Prince Jewels Alphonso of Naples upon hearing once a certain King say That Learning did not become a Prince Replyed immediately That 's spoke rather like a Beast than a man 9 Eam vocem bâ—vis esse non â—ominis Panorm lib. 4. Well therefore said K. Alphonso †lib. 16 c. 5. p. 2. That a King ought to be assiduous in Learning the Sciences for by them he will learn the Office of a King and know better how to practise it Of Iulius Caesar 't is related that he would have the Statuary form him standing upon a terrestrial Globe with a Sword in one Hand in the other a Book with this Motto Ex utroque Caesar thereby intimating that as well his Learning as his Arms was instrumental in getting and preserving to him the Empire Lewis the XIth of France did not esteem Learning at this rate for he would not permit his Son Charles the 8th to apply himself to it because he found himself thereby so obstinate and opinionative as not to admit the Counsel of any which was the reason why Charles proved afterwards unfit to govern and suffered himself to be led by the Nose by every one not without great Dishonour to himself and detriment to his whole Kingdom Extreams therefore in that as in all other things are to be avoided supine Ignorance breeds Contempt and Derision besides it is exposed to a thousand Errours on the other side excessive Application to Studies distracts the Mind and diverts it from the Care of Government The Conversation of the Muse is very pleasant and agreeable and no oâ—â— would without Reluctancy exchange it for the Fatigâ—â— and Trouble of Audiences and Consultations Alphonâ—â— the Wise knew the Causes of Earthquakes but coulâ— not regulate the Commotions of his Kingdoms thâ— Coelestial orbs his Ingenuity penetrated yet knew noâ— how to defend the Empire offered and Crown haereditary to him The Sultan of Egypt upon his famâ— sent Embassadours to him with very considerable presents in the mean time almost all the Cities of Castilâ— revolted Thus it usually happens Princes too mucâ— addicted to the Studies of Wisdom advance their Reputation among Foreigners and lose it with their Subjects Their Learning is admired by those to these sometimes prejudicial for Men of mean parts are generally better Governours than men of ingenuity 10 Hebetiores quam acutiores ut plurimum melius Rempub. administrant Thucyd. lib. 3. A Mind too intent upon Speculation is usually slow in Action and fearful in Resolution for of necessity many different and contrary Reasons must occur to such a Person which either wholly take away or obstruct the liberty of his Judgment If an Eye looks upon Objects by the Sun 's Light reflected it clearly and distinctly sees them as they are whereas if it be fixed directly against the Sun's Rays 't is so dazled with too much lustre that it can't so much as distinguish the Colours and Figures of them It happens thus to Wits those who too eagerly apply themselves to the Studies of Wisdom and Learning are less fit for publick business Right Reason never judges better than when free and disengaged from the Disputations and Subtilties of the Schools nor without Reason did the wise K. Solomon call that the worst of Travails which himself had tryed 11 I gave my Heart to search out by Wisdom concerning all things that are done under Heaven This sore Travail hath God given to the Sons of Men to be exercised with â—â—â—les 1. 13. For there are some of the liberal Sciences which to have a superficial Knowledge of is commendable but to make them ones whole Business and desire to attain a Perfection in them very prejudicial 12 Sunt enim quaedam ex liberalibus scientiis quos usque ad aliquid discere honestius sit penitus vero illis tradere atque usque ad extremum persequi velle valde noxium Arist. lib. 8. Pol. Wherefore 't is very convenient that prudence moderate a little that desire of knowledge which is usually most vehement in the best Wits as we read Agricola's Mother did who cooled the heat of her Sons Mind when in his youth he seem'd to follow the study of Philosophy more eagerly than was allowable for a Roman and Senatour 13 sed in prima juventa studium Philosophiae acrius quam concessum Rom. â—c senatâ—ri hausisse ni prudentia matris incensum ac flagrantem animum coercuisset Tac. in vâ—t Agr. As in Vices so in Learning there is excess 14 Retinuitque quod dâ—fficillimum est ex sapientia modum Ibid. and this is as hurtful to the
mind as those to the Body It will suffice therefore for a Prince to tast the Arts and Sciences as 't were en passant some practical knowledge of them will be more for his advantage particularly those which relate to the Affairs of Peace and War taking as much out of them as will suffice to illustrate his understanding and regulate his Judgment leaving the honour of being excellent in them to his Inferiours let him pass only his leisure hours in this Noble Exercise as Tacitus says Helvidius Priscus used to do 15 Ingenium illustre altioribus studiis juvenis admodum dedit non ut plerique ut nomine magnifico orium velaret sed quo firmior adversuâ— foâ—tuita Rempub â—apesseret Taâ— lib 4. Hist. This granted those are not always to be esteem'd the best Tutors for Princes who are most eminent for Learning and Knowledge for they are generally too great Lovers of Retirement and studious Idleness Strangers to conversation Men of no Resolution and very unfit for the management of weighty Affairs But those rather who are Learned and Experienced Politicians who besides the Sciences can teach a Prince the Art of Government The first thing to be instilled into a Prince is the fear of the Lord which is the beginning of wisedom 16 Psal. 100. 10. He who adheres to God is very near the fountain of all Sciences To know what is human only is Ignorance the daughter of Malice which is the ruine of Princes and Commonwealths Another necessary qualification in a Prince is Eloquence that pleasing Tyrant over the Passions that sweetly allures Mens Wills to a Submission to its Commands That great Prophet Moses knew of what Consequence this was and therefore when he was sent into Egypt to conduct the Children of Israel thence made this excuse to God that he was slow of speech and of a slow Tongue 17 O my Lord I am not eloquent neither heretofore nor since thou hast spoken to thy Servant I am but slow of speech and of a slow tongue Exod 4. 10. And God took this for a reason and accordingly to encourage him promised to assist his Lips and put into his Mouth the Words he should speak to Pharaoh 18 I will be in thy mouâ—h anâ— teach thee what thou shalt say Exod. 4. 12. What did not Solomon promise himself from his Eloquence I shall be admired says he in the sight of great men When I hold my Tongue they shall bide my Leisure and when I speak they shall give good Ear unto me if I talk much they shall lay their hands upon their mouth 19 Wisd. 8. 12. And certainly if naked eloquence has power so strangely to captivate an audience what can't it do if armed with Regal Power or cloathed with Purple a Prince who can't speak his Mind without the assistance of another a fault Nero was first observed to be guilty of 20 Primus ex iis qui rerum poâ—iti essent Neronem alienae facundiâ— eguisse Tac. 1. Ann. is rather a dumb statue and deserves not the Name of a Prince History is the Mistriss of Political truth 21 Verissmam disciplinam â—â—ercitationemque ad politicas actiones Historiam esse Polyb. lib. 1. than which nothing can better instruct a Prince how to rule his Subjects For in that as in a clear Mirrour appears the Experience of former governments the prudence of Predecessours and the Souls of many Men collected into one 22 Hominum multorum mâ—ns in unum collecta Greg. Naz. ad Nicom History is like a faithful Counsellor always ready and at hand Of Law the Prince need only study that part which relates to Government turning over such Laws and Constitutions of his Kingdom as were by right Reason dictated or by Custom approved Let him not spend much time in the study of divinity for how dangerous that knowledge and power in conjunction is England has experienced in K. Iames 't is enough for a Prince to persevere himself in the faith and have about him devout and Learned Men able to defend it Lastly Judicial Astrology has been the ruine of many Princes for that desire of knowing future events is in all Men vehement especially in Princes for they promising to themselves great Authority if they can be looked upon as equal to the Gods or do any thing above the common reach of Mankind follow these superstitious and odious Arts nay sometimes arrive to that degree of madness to ascribe all thingâ— to second causes and utterly destroy divine providence by imputing all to chance and divination whence it happens that while they attribute more to Chance and Fortune than human Prudence or Industry they are too remiss in their Designs and Actions and oftner advise with Astrologers than their Counsellours EMBLEM V. THE Sciences have bitter Roots though the Fruit be sweet for this reason our Nature at first has an Aversion for them and no labour appears so harsh as what must be employed on their first Rudiments What Pains and Anxiety do they cost Youth Upon which account and because Studies require assiduous Application a thing very injurious to Health and which the Business and Diversions of the Court don't permit the Master should be industrious in inventing several means to qualify this troublesome Institution by disguising it under some pleasant Game that the Prince's mind may imbibe what he is to learn insensibly For instance to teach him to read he may use this contrivance let there be made four and twenty small Dice on each of them be engraven a Letter of the Alphabet then let some Children play and he win who at one Cast throws most Syllables or an entire Word These little Victories and Entertainments will take off much of the difficulty of this Task for 't is far more hard to play at Cards which however Children presently learn Now to teach the Prince to Write in a way as short I would have the Letters engraven of a thin Plate this put upon Paper and him to go over these Tracts of Characters as so many little Furrows with his Hand and Pen especially exercising himself in those Letters of which the rest are framed Thus while he Attributes to his own Wit and Industry what is only the effect of this artificial Plate he will by degrees be more pleased with those Labours Nor is skill in Languages less necessary for a Prince for always to use an Interpreter or read only Transactions is a thing too liable to deceit or at least the truth thereby loses much of its Force and Energy Not to mention that it can't but be very hard for a Subject not to be understood by him from whom he is to expect Comfort in his Afflictions to have his Miseries relieved and to be gratified for his Services This moved the Patriarch Ioseph when he was made Commander over Egypt before all things to apply himself to learn the Languages most in use there and which
in Injuries as well offered as received let him always use the same Crystal of right Reason through which he may see every thing equally without disguise or â—allacy That Indifference and Justice in giving a due Estimate of things becomes none more than a Prince who ought to perform the same Office in his Kingdom as the Tongue of a Balance in a pair of Scales and agreeable thereto pass a true and sincere Judgment of all things that his Government may be just whose Balance will never hang even if the Passions have place or all things be not weighed in the Scale of right Reason Upon this account Masters ought to come with singular Caâ—e and Industry to instruct the Prince's Mind discovering those Errors of the Will and the Vanity of its Perswasions that free and disengaged from Passion he may pass an unprejudiced Judgment on every thing For really if we throughly examine the fall of so many Empires so many Revolutions in States such a multitude of Kings and Princes deposed and murthered we shall find the first Origin of these misfortunes to have been the Passions having shaken off their Obedience and their refusal to submit to Reason whose Subjects they are by the Law of Nature Nor is any thing more pestilent to a Commonwealth than those irregular Appetites or the particular Ends which every one as he pleases purposes to himself I don't hereby contend to have these Passions wholly razed or extinguished in a Prince for without them he would be absolutely incapable of any generous Action Nature having not furnished us with Love Anger Hope Fear and other the like Affections to no purpose for though these are not Virtues they are however their attendants and means without which they are neither attainable nor practicable 'T is the abuse only and inordinacy of them I disapprove of those are to be corrected that a Prince's Actions be not guided by Passion but his whole Government by Prudence and Policy Those things which are common to other Men are not allowable in a Prince 5 Regum est ita vivere ut non modo homini sed ne cupiditati quidem serviant M. Tull. in Orat. Syll. Charles the Fifth if at any time he would indulge Anger or Indignation did it in private and remote from Company not publickly when he represented the Person and Majesty of an Emperor for in this Capacity a Prince is rather the Idea of a Governor than a Man and rather his Peoples than his own Man Nothing is then to be determined out of Affection but all things examined by the Rule and Standard of Reason not by his Inclination but Art A Prince's Behaviour should be rather Political than Natural his designs proceed rather from the Heart of the Commonwealth than his own Private Persons usually make their own Interest and Advantage the Measure of their Actions Princes are to have the Publick Good in view In a private Man to conceal his Passions is look'd upon to be a sign of too close and reserv'd a Temper in Princes even Policy sometimes require it There appeared not the least Symptom of Passion in Tiberius when Piso presented himself to him after having according to his order dispatched Germanicus which occasioned no small Jealousy in Piso 6 Nullâ— magis exterritus est quam quod Tiberium sine miseratâ—ne sine ira obstinatum â—lauâ—umque vidit ne quo affectu perumperetur Tac. 3. Ann. He who Commands many should with many vary his Affections or if possible appear free from them 7 〈◊〉 est sapere qui ubicumque opus sit aniâ—â—um possis flectere Terent. endeavour in the same Hour as occasions differ to seem Severe and Courteous Just and Merciful Liberal and Frugal 8 Tempoâ—i apâ—ari decet Sen. in Mâ—d. Tiberius was a great Master 9 Haâ—d fâ—cile qâ—i despexerit illa in câ—gniâ—â—sne mentem Principis 〈…〉 misouit â—ra â—lementiae signa Tac. 3 Ann. of this Art whose Mind it was not easy to discover he knew so well how to mingle the Symptoms of his Anger and Satisfaction A good Prince commands himself and serves his People but if he neglect to break or conceal the natural Tendency of his Mind his Actions will be always uniform whence every one will presently see the Scope of his Designs contrary to one of the principal Maxims of Policy which for this very reason recommends variety of Methods in Acting that the Prince's Designs may not be known Nor is it by any means safe for him to let others discover his Nature and Inclinations For there 's no easier access to his Mind than that which 't is necessary he keep free and reserved if he desire to have his Kingdom well-governed For as soon as his Ministers have once discovered his Inclination immediately they flatter him and encourage the same in themselves If in any thing the Prince be obstinate and opinionative they are so too and now nothing but perversness governs But if it shall be at any time the Prince's Interest to court the Peoples Favour and Applause let him rather so behave himself that what the People like or dislike he may seem to have a natural Inclination or Aversion for Aristotle puts Bashfulness in the number of the Passions denies it to be a Moral Virtue because a fear of Infamy and therefore seems incompatible with a great Man whose Actions being all squar'd by the Rule of right Reason he has nothing to be ashamed of According to St. Ambrose however 't is a Virtue which regulates our Actions 10 Pulchra virtus est verecundia suavis gratia quae non solum in factis sed etiam in ipsis spectatur sermonibus ne modum praetergrediaris loâ—uendi ne quid indecorum sermo resonet tuus St. Ambros. by which I conceive he means that ingenuous and liberal Shame or rather Modesty which like a Bridle restrains us from the Commission of any ignominious or unseemly Action and is a token of a good Genius and no small argument that there remain in that mind some Seeds of Virtue though not yet deeply rooted I am apt to believe Aristotle speaks of another vitious and irregular Bashfulness which is an obstacle to Virtue we may say of both as of Dew which falling moderately nourishes and refreshes Corn but when thick like small Snow burns up and kills it No Virtue can be freely exercised when this Passion has once prevailed nor is any thing more Pernicious to Princes for this reason above all that it has the appearance of Virtue as if it were in a Prince a sign of Candor and not rather of a mean and abject Spirit not to be able to deny contradict reprehend or correct without a Blush Such as these straiten themselves too much in their Grandeur are in a manner afraid of Shadows and what is worse make themselves Slaves to those they ought to govern Besides how unbecoming is it to see in
thinking his ill Practices would be less unacceptable if he could engage his Prince Nero to be his Associate in them 8 Validioâ—que indies Tigellinâ—â— malas artes quibus pollebat gratiores ratus si principem societate sâ—eleris obstringeret Tac. 14. Ann. By this means 't is the Commonwealth is disordered and Virtue confounded Princes should therefore lead such a Life so form their Manners that all may learn by them to be Virtuous and Honest which advice they have given them by King Alphonso in the Sixth of his Law For if Vices extinguish the Lamp of Virtue in a Prince who ought like a Beacon to give Light to all and shew them the securest Course to Sail in he cannot avoid dashing against Rocks the Vessel of the Commonwealth it being impossible for that Government to be well ordered where the Prince has abandoned himself to Vice For says King Alphonso the Nature of Vice is such that the more a Man uses it the more he loves it The People easily slight and contemn Laws if they see him that is the very Soul of them not observe them Thus as the Moon 's Eclipses prejudice the Earth so the Prince's Faults are the Destruction of his Kingdom For the Punishment due to them God Almighty generally inflicts upon the Subjects too and that deservedly for that in following his Example they make themselves Accessary to the same Crimes as 't is related in Scripture of the People of Israel under Ieroboam 9 And the Lord shâ—ll give Israel up becâ—use of the Sins of Ierobâ—am who did sin and made Isâ—ael to sin 1 Kings 14. 1â— The bare Shadow of an ill Action which obscured King Roderigo's Fame kept the Liberty of all Spain in Darkness for many Years wherefore that barbarous Custom of the Mexicans is in some measure excusable who at the Inauguration of a New King obliged him to take an Oath he would Administer Justice not oppress his Subjects that he would be in War strenuous and valiant In a word that he would †Lop. Gamar take care the Sun continued his Course and preserved his Splendor that the Clouds should give Rain and the Rivers Water and that the Earth should produce its Fruit plentifully For the Sun himself obeys a Holy Prince as Ioshua experienced for a Reward of his Virtue and the Earth is more than ordinary Fertile out of Gratitude in a manner to the Justice of Kings towards their People This is what Homer would signify by these Verses The King who takes Religion for his Guide Who does for 's Subjects wholesome Laws provide For him the willing Earth shews all its Stock Corn Wine and Fruit for him the teeming Flock Brings double Births the Sea opens all its Cells Where Iustice reigns their Peace and Plenty dwells The goodness of a Year is not to be judged of so much by good Fruit as the Justice of the Prince 10 Annum 〈◊〉 non tam de bonis fructibus quam de juste regâ—â—â—tibus existimandum Boetius And 't is very much the Opinion of the Vulgar that those who Govern them are the only Cause of their Happiness or Misery nay they often impute to the Prince even Casualities as the Roman People did to Tiberius 11 Qui mos vulgo forâ—uita ad culpâ—â— trabentes Tac. 4. Ann. Let not a Prince perswade himself that his Viceâ— will be less censured for suffering them to go unpunished in others or having them in common with the People as 't is related Witiza did For though Subjects love Libertinism they hate the Author of it which was the reason it cost him afterwards his Life being by all Men hated for his scandalous way of living What we usually Censure in others as highly Base and Infamous in our selves we scarce allow to be Infirmities of Nature The greatest Defect in our selves we easily connive at but in a Looking-Glass can't suffer the least Spot Such a one is a Prince in whose Person his Subjects have a view of themselves nor is any thing more unpleasant to them than to see him sullied with Vice Nero was not at all less infamous for having many Companions in his Debaucheries however he thought thereby to avoid Scandal 12 Ratusque dedecus emoliri si plures 〈◊〉 dasset Tac. 14. Ann. Nor should Princes imagine themselves secure from a self-consciousness of their good Actions for whenever the People can't inform themselves of their Actions they begin nicely to examine them and always put the worst Interpretation upon them wherefore 't is not enough for them to do well but necessary also that the means they use have no appearance of Evil. And how will that Man have any thing secret who can't be without his own Grandeur and a Retinue of Courtiers nor do any thing alone whose Liberty draws with it so many Fetters and Golden Chains whose noise every one hears This was signified in the Person of the High-Priest by those little Bells that hung round the bottom of his Garment least he should forget that his Steps were exposed to all Mens Ears 13 And he compassed him with Pomegranates and with golden Bells round about that there might be a sound and a noise made that might be heard in the Temple Eccl. 45. 9. All the Guards both within and without a Prince's Palace all the Courtiers that attend him in his Chamber or Closet are so many Spies of his Words and Actions nay and very Thoughts attentively observing all his Gestures and the Motions of his Countenance that discoverer of the Heart Thus according to the Psalmist's Expression Their Eyes look unto his Hands 14 Psal. 122. 2. But if they observe any failing in a Prince though they pretend to conceal it yet they love to discover it either to get the Reputation of Persons discreet and well acquainted with the Government or that of Zealots Here they look on one another and no one daring to open his Mouth they speak most by their Silence The Secret boils and bubbles within them agitated by the fervent desire they have of revealing it till at last it overflows 15 His word was in mine heart as a burning fire shâ—t up in my bones and I was weary with forbearing and I could not slay Ier. 20. 9. Tongues run to Ears This Man discloses it to that having first obliged him by Oath to Secrecy that in the same manner to another so that while no body knows 't is known to all Thus as 't were in a moment Calumny passes from the Closet to the Offices thence to the Streets and Publick Places But what wonder is it if this happens among Domesticks when Princes are not assured even of their own faithfulness however desirous they are to conceal their Vices and Tyrannies for their own Conscience accuses them as it happened to Tiberius who could not forbear disclosing to the Senate the Miseries which he suffered from his Crimes 16 Quippe Tiberium
case is condemn'd So it was enacted by Philip the Second and once when his Grandson Philip the Fourth your Highness's Father was present in Council upon a Debate of a Case relating to the Exchequer neither the Judges wanted Integrity to give it against him nor his Majesty Temper to hear it without Resentment Happy is that State in which the Prince's Cause is the worst 28 Quae gloria tua est praecipua saepe vincitur Fiscus cujus mala causa nunquam est nisi sub bono principe Plin. in Pan. EMBLEM XXII THough the Peoples Consent confers the Power of Justice upon Princes they receive it immediately from God as being his Vicars in Temporal Affairs They are the Royal Eagles the Ministers of Iove 1 For he is the Minister of God to thee for good but if thou do that which is evil â—e afraid for he beareth not the Sword in vain Rom. 13. 4. who Administer his Thunder and supply his place in punishing Vice and administring Justice in which they have need of three Qualities of the Eagle sharpness of Sight to inspect Crimes swiftness of Wing for Execution and strength of Talons that they main't fail therein The Injury done by a certain Nobleman to a poor Peasant though in the remotest Corner of Galicia could not escape the quick sight of King Alphonso the Seventh call'd Emperor who disguising himself went immediately to punish him with such speed that he apprehended him before he knew any thing of his coming O lively and ardent Soul of the Law to be himself Judge and Executioner to satisfy an Injury done to a poor Peasâ—nt and to punish the unjust Oppression of the Grandee The same did King Ferdinand the Catholick who being at Medina went privately to Salamanca and seized Roderigo Maltonado who exercis'd great-Oppressions in the Castle of Monleon 2 Mâ—r. Hist. of Spain Who would ever transgress the Laws if he always fear'd such a surprise One such as this would frighten and reform a whole Kingdom But it is not always expedient for Majesty it self to imitate such Examples When the State of the Kingdom is well settled when the Courts of Judicature are open and the fear of the Law is fresh and lively 't is sufficeint for a Prince to see Justice administer'd by his Ministers But when all is in Confusion when Obedience staggers when the King's Authority is slighted as 't was in those times then some such suddain and severe Punishment will be seasonable that the People may know the Power of their Prince and understand that as in a Humane Body so in a Kingdom the Soul of Majesty is all in all and all in every part Yet 't will be very necessary to moderate this severity when the Distemper is inveterate and the Kingdom confirm'd in Vice for if Virtue should be too severe upon Vice and endeavour to reform all at once 't would be esteem'd rather Cruelty than Justice Time must recruit that which time has weakned to precipitate a Cure is dangerous and may make the Prince experience the Rage of the incens'd Multitude Connivance and Dexterity is often more effectual than force In this King Ferdinand the Catholick was excellent and by this King Peter was deceiv'd who relying wholly upon Severity got the Name of Cruel Though Justice be one single Virtue yet has it various Effects according to the difference of time Sometimes the People wholly reject it and become more Insolent sometimes they acknowledge the damage of their excess and co-operate with the Prince to remedy it and suggest the most severe means against their own Liberty by which the Prince acquires the Name of Just without danger Let not a Prince remit the Punishment of such Offences against the Government in which few are concern'd but pardon those in which many are involv'd Agrippa being put to Death in the Isle of Planasia by the Order of Tiberius a certain Slave who was very like him stealing away his Ashes pretended that he was Agrippa the Romans believ'd it the Report spread and caus'd a Tumult with evident danger of a Civil War Tiberius caus'd the Slave to be apprehended and put to Death privately and though many Gentlemen and Senators of his own Family were said to have assisted him with Money and Advice 3 Et quanquam multi ex ejus domâ— equites ac senatores sustentasse opibus juvisse consillis dicerentur Tac. 2. Ann. yet would he suffer none to speak in his behalf Thus Prudence triumph'd over Cruelty and by Silence and Connivence he appeas'd the Disorder Let a Prince pardon small Offences and punish great ones sometimes let him be content with Repentance which Tacitus commended in Agricola 4 Parvis peccatis 〈◊〉 magnis severitatem commendare nec poena semper sed saepiùs pâ—nitentia contentus esse Tac. in Vit. Agâ—ic He is not the best Governor who punishes with most Severity but he who pardons with such Discretion and Circumspection as not to give any occasion to the Delinquents to transgress again No body commends a Chirurgeon for cutting off many Legs and Arms no body hates a Prince for punishing provided he does it with Reluctancy and Grief but him who delights in it and eagerly carps at all opportunities of doing it To punish for Example and amendment is Mercy but to do it through Passion or Avarice is Tyranny Let not a Prince suffer any one to think himself so great and free from the Laws as to dare to oppose the Ministers of Justice and those who represent its Power and Authority for so the Pillar of Justice can't stand secure 5 Hanc P. C. curam sustinet Princeps hâc omissâ sunditus Remp. trahet Tac. 3. Ann. when such boldness once takes place contempt will by degrees undermine it and bring it to the Ground The chief Foundation of the Spanish Monarchy and that which has rais'd it to such an height and keeps it so is the inviolable Observation of Justice and Rigour by which its Kings have always taken care to make it respected and esteem'd of all No Violation of it goes unpunish'd though great be the Dignity and Authority of the Delinquent A certain Judge at Corduba was by the Command of King Ferdinand the Catholick enquiring into some Misdemeanor whom when the Marquiss of Puego had arrested the King so resented it that all the Signal Services of that Family of Corduba could not hinder him from punishing him very severely afterwards he put himself wholly into his Majesty's Hands by the Advice of the Great Captain who seeing the heinousness of the Crime which would not admit of Pardon wrote to him to cast himself at the King's Feet by which he might perhaps expiate his Crime but if not he would certainly be ruined 6 Mar Hist of Spain Nor ought a Prince only to punish Crimes committed against his own Person or during his Reign but those also which were acted in the last though
if this by the Testimony of another Oracle not fabulous and uncertain but infallible and divine cannot be sunk neither can that which is embark'd in it For this reason your Highness's glorious Ancestors were us'd to consecrate part of the Spoils they took in War from their Enemies to God as the Lord of Victories who fought for them offering for his Worship very considerable Revenues and Possessions whence innumerable Foundations and Endowments of Churches Cathedrals and Convents took their rise having built in Spain above Seventy thousand Churches Of which Samy the first King of Arragon alone built a Thousand consecrated to the Blessed Virgin which his Munificence was amply rewarded by the many Conquests he made and Victories he won having fought Thirty three Battels in all which he came off victorious These pious Works were like Religious Colonies render'd by their Spiritual Arms not less powerful than Military ones for Artillery make not so great Breaches as Prayer The Prayers of the Israelites for seven Days beat down the Walls of Iericho 1 And the People shouted with a great shout that the Wall fell down flat so that the People went up into the City every Man strait before him and they took the Ciâ—y Ios. 6. 20. Riches are therefore better reposited in Temples than Treasuries not only against extream necessity but that as by them Religion flourishes the State may with it The Athenians kept theirs in that of Delphi as did many other Nations What better Guardian than the Sovereign Arbitrator of Kingdoms Our Hearts at least will be in the Churches if our Treasures are there 2 For where your Treasure is there will your Heart he also Mat. 6. 21. Wherefore their Council 〈◊〉 no less impious than imprudent who under the â—lightest pretence of publick Necessity are for pillaging them He is not worthy the Protection of Divine Providence who diffident of God's Power upon every accident has his Eye upon the Furniture of his House When King Ferdinand the Holy wanted Money to carry on the Siege of Sevil and some advis'd him to supply the Deficiency of his Exchequer out of the Church-Treasures He made answer I promise my self more from the Prayers and Sacrifices of the Priests than from their Riches which Piety and Confidence God abundantly recompenc'd the very next day by the Surrender of the City Those Kings who have done otherwise have left severe Examples of their Sacrilegious Presumption Gunderick King of the Vandals going to Plunder St. Vincent's fell down dead as he was entring it The great Misfortunes of Alphonso King of Arragon were thought to be God's Judgmentâ— upon him for having robbâ—d his Sacred Houses Queen Uraca died at the very Door of St. Isidore's at Leoâ— the Treasures of which she had embeziled Saneâ—â— King of Arragon was shot through the Arm with 〈◊〉 Arrow for that he had defilâ—d his Hands with thâ— Plunder of Churches And though in St. Victorio's aâ— Rota he publickly confess'd his Crime and with Tears and all imaginable Signs of Contrition offering Râ—stitution and Amendment yet it pleas'd God to publish his Offence in his Punishment as a warâ—ing to others King Iohn the First was routed and kill'd aâ— the Battel of Aliubanota for having made use of the Treasures of the Church of Guadaloupâ— Upon the Surrender of Cajeta to Frederick King of Naples the Frenâ—h loaded two Ships with the Plunder of the Churches both which were lost But in all these Cases extream necessity had not place for then right Reason allows Princes for their Preservation to make use of such Riches as out of â— pious Liberality themselves have laid up in these Holy Places provided it be with a Resolution to restore them when the Prosperity of their Affairs shall put them in a Capacity As their Catholick Majesties Ferdinand and Isabella did having obtainâ—d a Grant from the Parliament of Medina del Campo of the Church-Plate to defray Expences of War And the Sacred Canons and Councils have prescrib'd certain Cases and Circumstances of Necessity or Danger wherein Ecclesiasticks are bound to assist the Publick with their Contributâ—ons and certainly 't would be inexcâ—â—able Avaâ—â—câ— in them not to regard Common Necessities They are the most noble and principal Part of a State and if for them or for Religion others are oblig'd to expose their Lives why not they their Riches If the State maintains and keeps them it may very justly expect a reciprocal Relief from them for its Conservation and Defence The People would be diâ—courag'd from paying Tyths and other Church Duties if in Common Calamities there were none to ease them of extraordinary Burthens they will blame their own Piety and their Zeal and Devotion for any new Offerings Donatives and Legacies to the Chuâ—ch will slacken 'T is therefore highly reasonable that the Clergy in Cases of this Nature aid the Publick with their Revenues not only for that the danger or benefit equally respects all but withal least the Goods and Estates of the Laity be so oppress'd that Tillage and with it Tythes and other pious Works must fail In such cases Church-Plate shews better in Bars in the Mint than in Chalices and Cups in the Vestry This Obligation upon the State Ecclesiastical is more strict in the more urgent necessities of the Sâ—â—nish Kings for almost all the Foundations and Endowments of Churches being the Effects of their pious Liberality â—hey are in Justice bound mutually to relieve their Patrons in necessity and oblige them to continue their Munificence in better times These and many other Reasons have prevail'd with the Apostolick See to be so liberal to the Kings of Spain in granting them the use of the Church goods to maintain their Wars against the Infidels Gregory the Seventh granted Sancho Ramiâ—ez King of Arragon the Tythes and Revenues of all the Churches either newly built or gain'd from the Moors to dispose of as he pleasâ—d The same Grant also Pope Urban made to Peter the First King of Arragon his Successors and Grandees of his Kingdom excepting the Churches of Residence Innocent the Third granted the Bull of the Croisade for the War of Spain which was call'd the Holy War which favour Pope Calixtâ—s afterwards in Henry the Fourth's time extended both to the living and the dead Gregory the Tenth gave King Alphonsus the Wise the third Part of the Tythes which were design'd for Building This began afterwards to be perpetuated in Iohn the Second's Reign and Alexâ—nder the Sixth extended it also to the Kingdom of Granada John the Twenty Second granted the Tythes of the Church Revenues and the Croisade to King Alphonsus the Eleventh Urban the Fifth a third Part of the Benefices of Castile to Peter the Cruel Sixtus the Fourth consented to have the Clergy contribute at one time an hundred thousand Ducates for the War of Granada which favour several other Popes continued Iulius the Second granted Emanuel King of Portugal the third Part of the Revenue which
real ones to those who with a firm Faith and Assurance expect them from Divine Providence How can an infinitely Just God give success to these Arts which seem to call in question his Care and Concern for things here below that counterfeit his Omnipotence and ascribe to him what he is not the Author of What certainty in Religion can the People promise themselves if they see it wrested to serve the particular Ends of Princes and that 't is nothing but a Veil with which they cover their Designs and give Truth the lye That Policy is certainly very unsafe that is cloak'd with Fraud very weak and tottering that is supported by contrivance EMBLEM XXVIII PRudence is the Rule and Measure of Virtues without that these degenerate into Vices Wherefore as other Virtues have theirs in the Appetite this has its residence in the Intellect from thence presiding over them all Agatho calls it a great Goddess This it is which constitutes the three Forms of Government Monarchy Aristocracy and Democracy and assigns each of them their Parts conformed to the Subjects Nature having its Eyes always intent upon their Preservation as the principal end of Politicks Prudence is the State 's Anchor the Prince's Compass Where this Virtue fails the very Soul of Government is wanting ' T is this says King Alphonsus which makes see things as they are and judge what they may be making us act therein decently without Tumult and Precipitation 'T is the peculiar Virtue of Princes 1 Nam recte disponere recteque judicare qui potest is est Princeps imperator Menand and that which above all others renders a Man compleat which makes Nature so sparing in her Dispensations of it having given many great Wit and Capacity very few great Prudence for defect of which the more eminent Men are in Dignity the more dangerous is their Government for as much as they easily transgress the limits of Reason and are ruined besides that one of Command requires a clear Judgment to discern all things as they are in themselves to weigh and give each thing its just value This nice Examination is of very great consequence in Princes and as Nature contributes much to it so does Observation and Experience more The Virtue of Prudence consists of several Parts reducible to these three Heads the Memory of past the Knowledge of present and the Prospect of future times All these differences of time are represented in this Emblem by a Serpent the Emblem of Prudence upon an Hour-Glass which represents Time present winding it self about a Scepter and viewing it self in the two Glasses of past and future with this Verse of Virgil translated from Homer including all three for the Motto What are what were and what shall come to pass which Prudence looking into regulates and composes all its Actions These three Times are the Mirror of Government in which by observing the past as well as present Errors and Miscarriages it dâ—esses and beautifies it self by private and acquired Experience Of the former I treat in another place The acquir'd is either attain'd by Conversation or History Conversation is very beneficial thought something more limited being apprehended with less difficulty abundantly more satisfactory of all Doubts and Questions and consequently more improving History is a general Representation of all the Ages of the World and by the benefit of that the Memory recals the Time of our Ancestors The faults of those who were instruct them that now are Wherefore 't is necessary that the Prince search for true Friends such as will relate with sincerity things both past and present And since they are as Alphonsus King of Naples and Arragon us'd to say Like Histories that neither flatter nor conceal or dissemble the Truth let him admit them particularly into his Council carefully observing the neglects and failings of his Predecessors by what Tricks they have been put upon the Court Artifices the intestine and foreign Ills of Kingdoms and examine whether he be not in danger of the same Time is the best Master of Princes Past Ages are a kind of Hospitals where Policy Anatomizes the Carcasses of Monarchies and Commonwealths which once flourished thereby the better to cure the Ails of the present They are the Sea-Charts wherein by the Wrecks or prosperous Navigations of others Shores are discover'd Seas sounded Sands and Rocks found and all the Lines of Government marked out yet are not all Books good Counsellors for some advance Knavery and Deceit which because more practised than truth many have recourse to 2 Who seek Wisdom upon Earth the Merchants of Merrhan and Theman the Authors of Fables and Searchers out of Understanding none of these have known the way of Wisdom or remember her Paths Baruch 3. v. 23. The most secure are those dictated by Divine Wisdom Here a Prince hath for all manner of Accidents a compleat System of Politicks and safe Precepts to govern himself and others by 3 All Scripture is given by Inspiration of God and is profitable for Doctrine for Reproof for Correction for Instruction in Righteousness 2 Tim. 3. 16. For this reason the Kings of Israel were commanded to have always by them the Book of Deuteronomy and to read some part of it every day 4 And he shall read therein all the days of his Life Deut. 17. 1â— 'T is God we hear him we learn of as often as we turn over those Divine Oracles The Emperor Alexander Severus had always near him Persons well vers'd in History to tell him what other Emperors had done in dubious Matters 5 Praeficiebat rebus literatos maximè qui historiam norant requirans 〈◊〉 in talibus causis quales in disceptatione versabantur veteres imperaâ—â—â— fecissent Lamp With this Study of History your Royal Highness may securely enter the dangerous Sea of Government having the experience of things past for a Pilot to Steer you in the Conduct of those present both which your Highness ought to manage so as to keep your Eyes fixt on Futurity still looking forwards to prevent dangers at least to render them less injurious 6 She knoweth things of old and conjeâ—â—â—eth aright what is to come Wisd. 8. 8. According to these Aspects of Times your Highness's Prudence ought to judge of things to come not by those of the Planets which being few in number and having their Motions stated and regular cannot possibly though there were some Virtue in them foretel such variety of Events as fortune produces or free-will prepares Nor are Speculation and Experience sufficient whereupon to ground any certain knowledge of Causes so remote Let your Highness therefore be pleas'd to cast your Eyes on the times past from Ferdiâ—â—â—d the Catholick to Philip the Second and comparing them with those that have pass'd from thence till now consider whether Spain be now as well-peopled as rich and plentiful as then whether Arts and Arms flourish as much whether Trade and
reconciling Enemies fitter to be Informers than Mediators Affairs require Persons of very different Qualities to Administer them That Man is above all the most proper who in his Air and Words discovers a Soul of Candor and Veracity whose private Person procures him Love and Esteem in whom Jealousy and Cunning are from Art not Nature who can keep them in the most secret Place of his Breast when they require Concealment who proposes with Sweetness hears with Patience replies with Force dissembles with Discretion urges with Attention who obliges by Liberality persuades by Reason and convinces by Experience who in a word designs prudently and executes effectually It was with these Ministers King Ferdinand the Catholick was able to succeed in all his Enterprizes The good Choice of these is of no leâ—s Consequence than the Conservation and Enlargement of any State for as much as all depends upon their Administration more Kingdoms having been destroyed by their Ignorance than by that of Princes Let this therefore be your Highness's chiefest Care to examine diligently all the Qualities of your Subjects and after having given them any Place look now and then into their Actions and not be presently taken with and deluded by the Draught of their Memoirs There being very few Ministers who in them draw themselves to the Life In Effect who will be so candid so much a Stranger to self-love as to confess what good he has neglected to do what Evil to prevent It will be much if he with Sincerity relate what he has actually done some using to write to the Prince not what they have done or said but what they ought to do or say They have thought of and designed every thing â—â—fore-hand they foresaw nay and executed all-Affairs enter their Closets like mishapen Logs but immediately come out again as from some Statuaries Shop exquisite Figures 't is there they are varnished giâ—â—ed and painted to beautify them and enhance their Value There Judgments are form'd and abundance of Preventions devis'd ever after the Success there they are more powerful than God himself make the past Time present and the present past by changing the Date of their Actions as they see convenient They are Ministers who transact Affairs in Imagination only Men that court Applause and steal Rewards by their false Letters Whence proceed the greatest Inconveniences in the World in that the Prince's Privy Counsellors being directed by those Intelligences and Advices if they are false the Orders and Resolutions founded upon them will necessarily be so too The Holy Scripture teaches us how Ministers and particularly Ambassadors are oblig'd punctually to execute their Commissions for we see in that Hazael had from Benhadad King of Syria to consult the Prophet Elisha about his Disease he chang'd not one word nor dared so much as to speak in the Third Person 8 2 Kings 8. 9. Ministers of extraordinary Experience are sometimes dangerous either for that the Prince puts too much Confidence in them or because biassed by Self-love or presuming upon their own Abilities they seldom think thoroughly of Affairs and born as 't were to overcome the most violent Tempests despise the small Storms of Inconveniences and Difficulties whereby they evidently expose themselves to Danger Those are in some Cases much safer who 〈◊〉 yet Novices in Navigation keep close to the Shore Though both together compose the best Counsels in that the Experience of those is qualified by the Timorousness and Caution of these in Debates between the Flegmatick and Cholerick the Bold and Circumspect the Quick and Slow there results a wholsome Composition of Opinions as there does in Bodies from the contrariety of Humours EMBLEM XXXI A Pillar supports it self balanced by its own weight If it once leans on either side it presently falls and that the sooner the heavier it is Thus Empires stand and are preserv'd by their own Authority and Repute when they begin to lose that they begin to fall nor is any Earthly Power sufficient to strengthen and prop them 1 Nihil rerum mortalium tam instabile ac flâ—xum est quam famae potentiae non sua vi niâ—a Tac. 13. Ann. Let no one trust too much to a streight Pillar when it inclines never so little the weakest Hand promotes its Ruin that very leaning I know not how inviting to push it but when falling the strongest is unable to uphold it One single Action sometimes overthrows the best establish'd Reputation which a great many can't erect again For scarce any Stain can so thoroughly be washed out but some sign of it will remain nor any Opinion in Mens Minds that can be entirely effaced Dress the Infamy as carefully as possible it will still leave some Scars Wherefore if the Crown stand not fixed and firm upon this perpendicular Pillar of Reputation it will soon fall to the Ground Alphonso the Fifth King of Arragon by his Credit not only preserved his own Kingdom but conquered that of Naples At the same time Iohn the Second King of Castile for his mean Spirit was so far the Contempt of his Subjects that he admitted what Laws they thought fit to impose The Provinces which under Iulius Caesar and Augustus Princes of great Esteem were Firm and Loyal rebell'd in the Reign of Galba a Man slothful and universally despised 2 Melius Divo Iulio Divoque Augusto notos eorum animos Galbam infracta tributa hostiles Spiritus induisse Tac. 4. Hist. Royal Blood and Large Dominions are insufficient to maintain Reputation where private Virtue and Magnanimity are wanting as it is not the Frame of a Glass but its Intrinsick Excellency makes it valuable Regal Majesty has not more Force than Respect which usually arises from Admiration and Fear and from these Obedience and Subjection without which the Princes Dignity cannot long maintain it self being founded upon the Opinion of others and the Royal Purple will be rather a Mark of Derision than Eminence and Majesty as was visible in Henry the Fourth It is the Spirits and Native Heat that keep the Body upright the Legs alone would not be a sufficient Basis. And what is Reputation but a kind of fine Spirit kindled in all Mens Opinions which raises and supports the Scepter Let the Prince therefore take all possible care that his Actions may be such as will nourish and foment these Spirits The Parthians grounded their Petition upon Reputation when they asked Tiberius to send as of his own accord one of Phraates's Sons to Rome 3 Nomine tantum auctore opus ut sponte Caesaris ut genus Arsacis ripam apud Euphratis cerneretur Tac. 6. Ann. This Repute and Authority has yet greater Influence in War where Fear is of more Efficacy than the Sword and Opinion than Strength whether of Mind or Body and therefore to be taken no less Notice of than Force of Arms. This made Suetonius Paulinus very prudently advise Otho to endeavour always to keep the
the giddy Rabble Contempt of such is Courage and Steddiness in a Prince whose Sovereign Law is the Peoples Safety Tiberius heretoâ—ore gloried in having shewn himself fearless of Affronts and Scandal for the Publick Benefit 1 Offensionem pro utilitate publica non pavidum Tac. 4. Ann. A great and lively Soul is nothing affraid of the uncertain Ruâ—ours of the Multitude and Common Fame He who â—â—spises this imaginary will thereby obtain real and â—â—lid Glory This Fabius Maximus well knew when â—e preferr'd the Publick Safety before the Clamours and Complaints of the People accusing his Delays 〈◊〉 did also the Great Captain in the Captivity of Duke Valentin who though he had surrendered and intrustâ—d himself to his safe Conduct yet for some fresh 〈◊〉 he was inform'd he had laid against his Catholick Majesty kept him Prisoner thinking the Dangers his liberty might cause more to be respected than the Aspersions were thrown upon him for the Breach of 〈◊〉 Parole from which at that time it seem'd by no means proper for him publickly to clear himself King Sâ—â—cho the Brave was a Prince renown'd and warlike 〈◊〉 Deaf to the Calumnies of his Subjects he declin'd the Battel of Xeres †Mar. Hist. Hisp. 'T is better for a Prince to be â—â—red by his Enemies as Prudent than as Rash and Precipitous My Design by this Discourse is not to make the Prince a very Slave to the Commonwealth so that for â—â—y Reason or upon the least appearance of its Inteâ—â—st he should break his Word or run Counter to all Treaties and Agreements For such a Violation can neither be of any advantage to him nor his State but will be rather the Ruin of both what is dishonest being never long secure A remarkable Instance of which we have in the Kingdom of Arragon which has been so often embroiled toss'd with so many Storms of Calamities and eminent Miseries because Peter the Fourth as well in times of Peace as War had more regard to Interest than Credit and Renown Interest and Honour should walk hand in hand and the same pace nor câ—â— I be reconciled to this Opinion That nothing is glorioâ—s but what is safe and that whatever is done to maintain Dominion is honourable 2 Nihil gloriosum nisi tutum omnia retinendae dominationis 〈◊〉 Sallust For what is base can never be a good means to preserve it nor if it were will it be therefore the more honourable or excusable My Design is only to raise the Prince's Mind above the Vulgar Opinion and arm him with Constancy to withstand the vain Murmurs of the Multitude that he may know how to temporize to dissemble Injuries to lay aside Kingly Gravity to despise empty Fame having his Eyes fix'd upon that which is true and well-grounded In a word to take Counsel from the time and necessity if the Conservation of his State require it and not suffer himself to be deluded with vain Shadows of Honour esteeming that more than the Publick Good A Fault blam'd in King Henry the Fourth who refus'd to take their Advice who perswaded him to apprehend Iohn Pachico Marquiss of Villena the Author of the Troubles and Commotions among the Grandees of the Kingdom Saying he had made him a promise of a safe Passage to Madrid which he ought not to violate A frivolous Excuse to prefer an idle Proof of Faith and Clemency to his own Life and the Publick Safety especially towards one who would abuse this his Favour to Plot against his Royal Person which was the source of great Calamities to the King and his whole Kingdom Tiberius was not at all moved that some blamed him for making so long a stay at the 〈◊〉 of Caprea and neither went to aid the Gauls of whom a great part were already lost nor to appease the legions in Germany 3 Tanto impensius in sccuritatem compositus neque loco neque 〈…〉 sed ut sâ—litum per illos dâ—es egit Tac. 3. Ann. Prudent Constancy hears but does not much regard the Sentiments of the ignorant Multitude knowing if things succeed well Murmur will afterwards turn to greater Glory and sensibly vaâ—ish of it self The Army distrusted Saul's Election and in Derision said How shall this Man save us 4 1 Sam. 10. 27. Saul however took no notice of those Words but made as if he did not hear them nor indeed should Princes hear every thing and the Soldiers condemning afterwards their Crime recanted nay and made diligent search for the Author of that Abuse to put him to Death 5 1 Sam. 11. 12. It had not been prudent in Saul to expose 〈◊〉 Election by discovering his knowledge of the Peoâ—â—es Dissatisfaction What Levity were it in a Traâ—eller to be stopp'd by the importunate Noise of every Grasshopper To be guided in ones Resolutions by the â—â—â—ting Mob were folly 6 Non ex rumore statuendum Tac. 3. Ann to fear them and reâ—oke what has been once resolved base and infamous Scarce any Council would be secure did it depend â—pon the Multitude who are incapable of penetrating â—ll the Motives upon which the Prince Acts nor is it 〈◊〉 to make them publick for that were to give them the Authority of the Scepter All the Peoples Power 〈◊〉 included in the Person of the Prince It is his part to Act theirs to Obey with a firm Perswasion of the Equity and Reasonableness of his Commands If every 〈◊〉 bad liberty to ask Reasons of what is injoyned there â—â—uld be an end of Obedience and Empire 7 Si ubi jubeantur quaerere singulis 〈◊〉 pereunte obsequio eâ—â—am 〈◊〉 interciâ—it Tac. 1. Hist. 'T is as necessary for a Subject to be ignorant of these things 〈◊〉 to know others The Sovereign Iurisdiction of things God has given to Princes to Subjects is left the Glory of Obedience The only thing required of a Prince is to acquit himself of his Duty in his Resolutions and Decrees if the Success prove not answerable to his desire he ought not to be discouraged for it is sufficient that he has done nothing imprudently the very best Counsel is weak and liable to abundance of Accidents The greater a Monarchy is the more exposed it is to the unhappy Casualties which Chance brings with it or Humane Understanding is unable to foresee and prevent Gross Bodies usually labour under great Distempers Did not the Prince prosecute Affairs notwithstanding all Obloquy and Detraction with Courage and Constancy he would lead but an unhappy Life If he at any time chance to err Courage is necessary least he be dash'd and become for the future slow and irresolute That Prince who upon no grounds suspects all he does will be disapproved of contracts too much the Limits of his Power and subjects himself to a thousand Terrors of Imagination which generally arise from some private superstitious Perswasion or Excess of Melancholy These Inconveniences David seems to have
Minister is to be furnished with his Prince's Maxims so also should he be with his Majesty Valour and Magnanimity EMBLEM XXXIV WHoever looks on the Thorns and Prickles of the Roseâ— Tree will hardly be perswaded a Daughter so beautiful as the Rose could proceed from so deform'd a Mother One had need be indued with a great Measure of Faith to water it and wait till it be cloathed with Verdure and blossom into that wonderful pomp of Flowers of so delicate a Smell Yet by Patience and long Expectation we at length find the labour not lost nor that Care ill imployed which has produced such Beauty and Fragrancy The first Branches of Virtue are harsh and thorny to our depraved Nature but after some time its Flower of all other the most beautiful begins to Bloom Let not the first sight of things discourage a Prince for the outside of very few in Government are pleasant they all seem full of Thorns and Difficulties but Experience has found many easy which appeared much otherwise to Sloth The Prince therefore should not be disheartned for in lightly yielding to them he will be overcome by his own Apprehension rather than any thing real Let him endure with Courage and Hope with Patience and Perseverance still keeping the means in his Hand He that hopes has a good and faithful Companion on his side I mean Time Whence Philip the Second used to say I and Time against any two Precipitation is the effect of Madness and generally the occasion of great Perils Theobald Earl of Champagne put his Succession to the Crown of Navarre very much in Question by not having patience to wait for his Uncle King Sancho's Death but underhand conspiring with the Nobles to possess himself of the Kingdom in his life-Life-time for this put Sancho upon adopting Iames the First of Arragâ—n his Heir Patience obtains many Trophies This was Scipio's Excellency who though he had infinite occasions of Displeasure was yet so patient as never to let â— passionate Word fall from him 1 Vt nullum ferox verbum excideret Tit. liv which thing gave sucess to all his Designs He that suffers with Expectation vanquishes the slights of Fortune and obliges her to take his Part that Confidence among all her Vicissiâ—â—des like Flattery winning upon her Columbus not without great hazard exposes himself to the Ocean 's incertain Waves in quest of new Countries Neither Hâ—rcule's Ne plus ultra at Caspe and Abyla nor the Mountains of Waters that seem to oppose his Enterprize deter him from it he by Sailing tells the Sun's Steps and steals from the Year its Days from the Days their Hours his Needle wants the Pole his Charts the lines his Companions patience all things conspire against him but his Hope and Patience rub through all Difficulties till at length a new World recompences his invincible Constancy Ferendum Sperandum was a saying of Empedocles and afterwards the Emperor Macrinus's Motto whence that of this Emblem is borrowed Some Dangers are more easy to surmount than avoid As Agathocles well knew when being beaten and besieged in Syracuse he did not basely Surrender to the Enemy but leaving a sufficient Body of Men for the Defence of the City marched with the rest of his Army against Carthage and he who could not be victorious in one War by this means obtain'd a double Triumph Rashness frequently overcomes a Danger and despising it often confounds an Enemy When Hannibal saw the Romans after the Battel of Cannae send Succours into Spain he began to fear their Power and Strength No one ought to trust Prosperity too much or despair in Adversity Fortune lies between both as ready to advance as depress Let the Prince therefore keep in the one and the other a Constancy and Strength of Mind prepared to encounter any Accident and not suffer the Threats of the greatest Tempest to disturb him For sometimes the Waves have cast a Man out of one Ship that is to be wreck'd into another that is to be saved A great and generous Soul Heaven it self favours Let not the Prince rashly despair for anothers Dangers or those which Chance brings with it He that observeth the Wind shall not sow and he that regardeth the Clouds shall not reap 2 Eccl. 11. 4. Let him not imagine he obliges any one by his Afflictions Tears are Womanish nor is Fortune appeased with such Sacrifices A great Soul endeavours to give it self Satisfaction or Comfort by some heroick and generous Action Thus Agricola when he heard of his Son's Death took not the Accident as generally Men do ambitiously nor in Tears like Women but by War diverted his Grief 3 Quem casum neque ut plerique fortium virorum ambitiosè neque per lamenta rursus ac terrorem multebrem tuliâ— in lustu bellum inter remedia erat Tac. in Vit. Agr. To be wholly insensible is either Vain-glory or Excess of Consternation In suing for Offices and Honours the Design of this Emblem is very useful He that can bear and hope knows how to get the better of his Fortune Whereas one that impatient of delay thinks it base to be beholding and submit shall be despised and abandon'd by the whole World To look on it as a point of Honour not to obey any is the way to command none The means are to be measured by the end if in obtaining this there be more Honour got than is lost by them certainly they ought to be used Impatience of Sufferings we take for Generosity of Mind when it is imprudent Haughtiness Honour once attain'd the Tracks made in ascending them presently wear out To endure much in order to Advancement is not base Degeneracy but extraordinary Strength of a Mind elevated and aspiring Some Tempers there are which can't abide to wait that would have all things ended in a Moment desiring now to exceed their Equals by and by their Superiors and in a little while even their own Hopes These hurried by this Violence of Ambition despise the most secure means as slow and choose to employ the shortest though most hazardous But it usually fares with them as with Buildings raised in haste before the Materials have had time to dry and settle which immediately fall down again The Master-piece of Government consists in hoping and enduring in that these are the only means to do things in time without which nothing can possibly come to maturity Trees that at the Springs first warmth bear Flowers soon lose them for not waiting till the Winters cold was quite gone He who would ripen Affairs with the Hand cannot have the Satisfaction of tasting the Fruit of them Impatience is the cause of Miscarriages and Dangers 4 Prov. 14. 17. it creates Periâ—s which by being uneasy under and too hasty to escape we augment Therefore for those Evils as well Internal as External which have by our negligence been increas'd in the Commonwealth 't is better to let them
so obstinately persist in his fault Let Anger therefore and Mildness Punishment and Rewards be so intermixed as in the Golden Fleece the Steels and Flints are knit together and between them Flames of Fire to signifie that the Prince's Heart should resemble the Fire-stone or Flint which keeps the sparks of its Anger shut up least they should hurt any one rashly yet in such a manner that if it happen to be struck by Injury or Contempt it immediately breaks out into fire of Revenge and Justice yet those not so quick in execution but it has the Dew of the Fleece at hand to extinguish at least to moderate them God said to Ezekiel as Adamant and Flint have I made thy fore-head 15 Ezek. 3. 9. signifying by that the constancy of Justice and by this the fire of Piety But if the Prince cannot break his rough and savage Nature let him at least keep an obliging Family to supply his place giving a courteous reception to all Business and Petitions A Prince is often beloved or hated upon account of his Servants they very much cloak their Master's roughness if they have the skill to moderate it or to excuse it by their Affability and Discretion Some Nations hide the Royal Majesty behind Veils and Curtains when he gives Audience without exposing him to the people A Custom inhumane to the Prince severe and cruel to the Subjects who usually find comfort in their Prince's presence if not in his hands This Retreat may make the Prince more fear'd but never more beloved 'T is through the Eyes and Ears that Love strikes the Heart What we neither see nor hear we can't love A Prince who refuses the sight and speech of his Subjects refuses to hear their Necessities and to remedy them the Tongue is an easie instrument that ought to reconcile the Minds of all let not the Prince make it harsh and dis-agreeable King Iohn the First because he was short and had an impediment in his Speech lost the Portuguese in his Pretension to that Crown upon the death of King Peter 'T is not sufficient for the Prince to dispatch business by Memorials and Petitions for by them the Sentiments are not so well express'd They not being attended with Sighs and other moving Actions they are but dry Tears and have not that force upon the Prince The doors of Temples are always open so also should be those of Palaces for Princes are God's Vicegerents and the Altars as we have said which the people fly to in their Afflictions and Calamities 'T would be a scandalous thing for a Soldier to find it more easie to charge through a Squadron of Pikes than to come to the presence through the midst of Swiss and Dutch Guards who like armed Hedg-hogs are neither gain'd by Prayers nor Civility Let people come to me says the Emperor Rodolphus for I am not Emperor to be shut up in a box This retirement makes the mind savage 16 Etiam fera animalia si clausa teneas virtutis obliviscuntur Tac. 4. Hist. Attention to Government and Communication soften the temper and render it easie Princes like Hawks are tam'd by the assiduity of Affairs and by familiarity with Men. The Kingdom of Leon rebell'd against King Ramirez the Third for his difficulty of Access King Ferdinand the Holy was deny'd to none and every one had admittance even to his most private Apartment The Kings Alphonso the Twelfth and Henry the Third gave publick Audience three times a Week as did also their Catholick Majesties Ferdinand and Isabella †Mar. hist. Hisp. Nature has put doors to the Eyes and Tongue but has left the Ears open that they may be ready to hear at all times Let not a Prince then stop 'em but hearken favourably to those that would speak to him Let him comfort either by Reward or Hope for that is one kind of satisfaction which supports Merit Let him not always use set Forms and general Answers for those which are given to all satisfie none nor is it a small trouble to the Petitioner to receive an answer that he knew before Let him not always hear let him ask sometimes 17 Eccl. 23. 12. for he who does not enquire will never be well inform'd Let him throughly know the state of affairs and let his Audiences be instructive not merely ceremonial as were those of Ferdinand the Holy Alphonso King 〈◊〉 Arragon King Ferdinand the Catholick and the Empeâ—â—â— Charles the Fifth by which they were beloved and reâ—â—ected by their Subjects and esteem'd by Strangers As â—â—e Audience should be easie so it ought also to be speedy â—â—r the delay of a benefit diminishes the Obligation Tho' there are some affairs of that Nature that 't is better to let time undeceive them than either the Prince or his Miniâ—â—â—rs For all had rather be entertain'd with Hope than be dispatch'd with Despair which in prudent Courts is â—ound not given I don't approve of the Prince's exposing himself in the Streets and publick Places for the People 't is true admire him the first time observe him the second and slight him the third 18 Continuus aspectus minus verendos magnos homines ipsa societate fâ—it Liv. That which is not seen is respected most 19 Arcebantur conspectu quo venerationis plus inesset Tac. 4. hist. â—nd the Eyes often despise what the opinion esteem'd 'T is not convenient the people should know whether the chain of their Slavery be of Iron or of Gold passing judgment upon the parts and qualifications of the Prince We respect that most which is farthest distant 20 Cui major è lâ—nginquo reverentiâ— Tac. â— ann Some Nations take the Prince's Affability and Complaisance for a Vice Others dislike his reservedness and would have him mild and courteous as the Portuguese and the French The Extreams in one and t'other are always dangerous and he will be best able to moderate them who in his Actions and Government remembers that he is both Prince and Man EMBLEM XL. THE Scriptures call Princes Mountains and the rest of Mankind Hills and Valleys 1 Ye Mountains of Israel hear the word of the Lord God 〈◊〉 saith the Lord God to the Mountains and to the Hills to the Rivers and to the Valleys Ezek. 6. 3. This compâ—rison comprehends the great Affinity between them for Mountains are Princes of the Earth as being nearâ—â— Heaven and superiour to the other works of Nature as also for their Liberality by which from their own generouâ— Bowels they supply with continual Streams the droughty Plains and Vallies beneath cloathing them with Flowers and Verdure this being the true property of Princes By this vertue more than any is a Prince ally'd to God who 〈◊〉 ever giving to all plentifully 2 â—ames 1. 5. 't is this renders obedience more prompt for a Present from him who could command forces Obligation Subjection is agreeable when 't is beneficial King
3 2 Sam. 9. 3. follow that of some Tyrants as if all were not ruin'd by these pernicious practices and if any one has been preserv'd as we shall observe 't was by changing them for the better Most Kingdoms are augmented by Usurpation and afterwards maintain'd by Justice and legitimated by time Extreme violence is extreme danger Cyrus invaded Lydia and dispossess'd King Croesus But had he had any of our Politicians they would have advis'd him for his greater Security to have taken him off Yet Cyrus restor'd him one City by which he might support his Royal Dignity and 't is certain he had provok'd the Hatred and Arms of all Greece if he had shew'd himself cruel 4 Hec clementia non minus utilis victori quam victo fuit Tac. 2. hist. Tyranny is equally hatefull to God and Man nor are there wanting in such cases some mild means by which the mind may be diverted from shedding Blood from breaking the Line of Succession from diminishing or transferring the greatness of States and taking off those who may aspire to the Crown which had they been observed in Portugal that people had never revolted When the danger is so evident that it obliges to Defence and natural Preservation the Prince ought to strike at the Root that it may not sprout again keeping a watchfull Eye upon it least it should happen as it did to the Philistin Princes who having cut off Sampson's hair wherein lay all his Strength began to ridicule him not considering that it might grow again as it afterwards did 5 Judg 16. 21. when he pull'd the Temple upon their Heads 6 Ibid. killing more Enemies dying than he had done living 7 Ibid. Inordinate Ambition moreover perswades the Oppression of the liberty of the people the humbling of the Nobility the weakning of the potent and rich and the reduction of all to the Royal Prerogative thinking that the more absolute the more firm it is and that the lower the people are reduc'd the higher its Glory rises an error by which Flattery gains the Hearts of Princes and leads them into great dangers 'T is Modesty that preserves Empires so correcting the Prince's Ambition that it may maintain it within the bounds of Reason the power of his Dignity the honour of the Nobility and the liberty of the people for no Monarchy is lasting which is not mixt that is compos'd of Aristocracy and Democracy 8 Quae ex pluribus constat resp melior est Arist. 2 Pol. c. â— Absolute Power is Tyranny Whoever promotes that promotes his own ruin A Prince ought not to govern as the Lord but as the Father the Protector and Governour of his States 9 Huc enim sunt omnia reducenda ut iis qui sub imperio sunt non Tyrannum sed patrem-familias aut regem agere videatur c. Arist. Pol. 5. c. 11. These disorders of Ambition proceed from a long use and abuse of Dominion which covets all for it self in which 't is necessary Princes should conquer themselves and submit to reason however difficult the attempt appear for many can conquer others few themselves This Victory is of Force that of Reason 'T is not Valour to conquer in Battle but to subdue the Passions Obedience and Necessity make Subjects humble and modest Superiority and Power render Princes proud Pride has destroy'd more Kingdoms than the Sword more Princes have ruin'd themselves than have been undone by others The remedy consists in the Prince's knowledge of himself by retiring within himself and considering that though the Scepter distinguishes him from his Subjects they much exceed him in endowments of Mind more noble than his Grandure That if Reason might take place the most accomplish'd man would be King That the hand with which he governs the World is of â—lay and Subject to the Leprosie and all other human Miseries as God gave Moses to understand 10 Exod. 4. 6. that knowing his own Miseries he might pity those of others 11 Hebr. 5. 2. That a Crown is a very unsafe Possession for between the utmost height and the lowest fall there is no Interposition 12 Quod regnum est cui parata non sit ruina proculcatio dominus carâ—fex Nec ista intervallis divisa â—ed horâ—e momentum interest inter soliâ—m aliena genua Senec. That he depends upon the Will of others since if they would not obey he would be but like other men The greater the Prince shall be the more he ought to esteem this Modesty since God himself does not disdain it 13 Modestia fama quae neque summis mortalium spernenda est à diis aestimatur Tac. 15. ann Modesty which hides Greatness under it is like rich Enamel upon Gold which gives it the greater Value and Esteem Tiberius had no Artifice more cunning than to appear modest to gain Esteem He severely reprehended those who call'd his Occupations Divine and him Lord 14 Acerâ—éque increpuit eos qui divinaâ— occupationes ipsumque Dominum dixerunt Tac. 2. ann When he went into the Courts of Justice he would not suffer the President to quit his seat but sat down upon one corner of the Bench 15 Assidâ—bat in cornâ— Tribunalis Tac. 1. ann He who is gotten to the highest step among men cannot rise but by stooping Let all Princes learn Modesty of the Emperor Ferdinand the Second who was so familiar and affable to all that he made himself lov'd rather than reverenc'd In him Goodness and Modesty were conspicuous and Majesty found but by Attention He was not the Imperial Eagle with a sharp Beak and bare Talons threatning all but the tender Pelican continually digging his own Intrails to feed his people as his own young It cost him no pains to humble his Grandure and make himself equal to others He was not the Master but Father of the World and the excess of Modesty often causes Contempt to the ruin of Princes to him it created more Respect and oblig'd all Nations to his Service and Defence See the force of true Goodness and of a greâ—t Soul which triumphs over it self and is superiour to Fortune He has left us in the present Emperour his Son the lively Portraicture of all these qualities with which he steals the Hearts both of Friends and Enemies There is no vertue more agreeable to a Prince than Modesty all others would be foolish in him if that did not adjust his Looks and Actions not permitting them to exceed themselves In Government 't is very convenient not to touch upon Extremes for too great Condescension is not less prejudicial than a haughty Grandure Monastick Communities may perhaps suffer the Rigour of Obedience but not popular ones Such rigid Discipline may keep a few in awe but not many Civil Happiness consists in vertue which consists in the middle as does civil Lâ—fe and the Government of States for the nature
be granted to none else for he exposes Loyalty to evident Danger who grants any one a Power too absolute The Royal Crown put upon a Subjects Head tho' but in jest will make him proud and think himself above what he is The mind of a Subject should not experience this Royal Grandeur and Glory of reigning for afterwards abusing it he usurps it and that it mayn't return to him from whom he had it he Plots and contrives his Ruine the Divine Writ in one Chapter gives us Examples of Kings put to Death by the hands of their Subjects for having raised them too high Solomon for all his Wisdom fell into this misfortune and ran the same Risque for having made Ieroboam President of all the Customs of the House of Ioseph 2 1 Kin. 11. 28. and we read that he had the Impudence to lift up his hand against his King 3 1 Kin. 11. 26. Let Princes then take it for a Maxim of State not to promote one too much above others or if they are oblig'd to it let it not be one but several that they may Balance one another and mutually keep each other in their Devoir by a reciprocal Examination of one anothers Actions and Designs 4 Est autem omnis Monarchiae cautio communis neminem facere nimis magnum aut certè plusquam unum facere ipsi enim inter se quid quisque agat observant Arist. 5. Pol. c. 11. The Emperour Ferdinand II. did not sufficiently observe this piece of Policy when he gave the absolute Command of his Armies and Provinces to the Duke of Fridland whence sprang so many misfortunes and amongst the rest the loss of that great Man which was meerly the effect of too much Power Let not Princes be deceived by the Example of Pharaoh who committed all his Power into the hands of Ioseph who preserv'd his Kingdom 5 Gen. 41. 40. for Ioseph was the Emblem of Christ and there are very few Ioseph's to be found now adays Each would depend upon himself and not upon the Body which this present Emblem represents by a Branch encircled with a wicker Basket filled with Earth such as Gardiners use where it by degrees takes root and so being cut off insensibly becomes a Tree independant of the Stock without the least respect to its Greatness This Example shews the Danger in making Governments of Provinces perpetual for Ambition having once taken root claims 'em as its Property he who is so accustom'd to command will afterwards scarce be brought to obey France shews us many Examples of this written in its own Blood Even God's Ministers in the Kingdom of Heaven are liable to slip 6 Job 4. 18. the Perpetuity of great Offices is an Alienation from the Crown the Scepter will be useless and of no force and will stand in awe of that very Power it has been so prodigal of Liberality will want a Dowry and Vertue a Reward The Minister becomes a Tyrant in the Government which he is sure of for Life that Prince whom he sees preserves his Authority he respects as his Master but him who does not he despises and at last rebells against him Therefore Iulius Caesar limited the Pretorship to one Year and the Consulship to two And the Emperour Charles V. advised his Son Philip II. not to continue Ministers in Office too long especially in places Military to give the greatest to persons of mean Fortune and Embassy's to the rich thereby to weaken ' em The Bravery of the great Captain in Italy made King Ferdinand the Catholick suspect him so that he recall'd him and if he did not then wholly mistrust him at least he would no longer hazard his Loyalty by the Continuation of the Vice-Royship of Naples And though that great Politician Tiberius continued Ministers in Posts all their Life-time but this was upon such Tyrannick Considerations as ought not to enter into the Thoughts of a prudent and just Prince 7 Id morum Tiberii suit continuare Imperia ac plerosque ad fine◠vitae in eisdem exercitibus aut Iurisdictionibus habere Tac. 5. ann Princes ought therefore to take advice from Nature the Mistress of true Politicks who does not allow its Celestial Ministers of light a perpetual Authority and Government of the World but certain fixt Seasons as we may see in the Motion and Reigns of the Planets that they mayn't lose the right of disposing of 'em and to prevent the usurping her Authority and Power besides she considers that the Earth would be ruined if it should always be governed by the Melancholy of Saturn or the heat and fury of Mars or the severity of Iupiter or the subtilty of Mercury or the levity of Venus or the inconstancy of the Moon In removals of this Nature great Care ought to be taken that Ministers should not take it to be a slur upon their Reputation to be removed from greater to lesser Places for since there are not many that Minister would be of no use who when he has been employ'd in the highest would refuse to Officiate in lower Places and though Reason requires that Rewards should be equal to Deserts yet in this Point the Subjects reason should be guided by the Princes interest when his Service or the publick Advantage is in the Case not that he ought to be put into any inferior Post out of Contempt or Disgrace for so the importance of the Negotiation makes amends for the meannes◠of the Office If any Offices may be continued long they are Embassies◠for their Business is only to intercede not Command not to give Orders but to negotiate at their Departure all Acquaintance with their native Countrey dies and all Intimacy with the Prince with whom they negotiate and his Ministers cease Forts and Garrisons which are as it were the Keys of the Kingdom should be at the immediate Power and Disposal of the Prince King Sancho was ill advised when by reason of the Minority of his Son Don Alonso III. he order'd those of the Nobility who were Governours of Cities to remain till his Son was fifteen years old which occasioned many grievous Calamities to that Kingdom As for other Offices let 'em be but for a time for their too long continuance makes the Ministers proud and endangers their Loyalty This Tiberius knew though he did not practise 8 Superbire homines etiam annua designatione quid si honorem per quinquennium agitent Tac. 2. ann Vertue is tired by Industry and Expectation yet should not Offices be of too short continuance so as the Minister can reap no benefit or experience in 'em or so as to make him too ravenous like Hawks in Norway because of the shortness of the day but in troublesome and dangerous times publick Offices and places of Trust ought to be continu'd longer least they should upon removal be conferr'd upon raw unexperienced Persons So Augustus did upon the defeat of Quintilius Varus
of changing mending and rejecting whatever his Ministers propose to him 'T is sometimes convenient to hide from 'em certain Mysteries and to deceive them as the same Philip did who differently reported to his Council the Negotiations of his Ambassadours when he had a mind to draw 'em to his own Resolutions or thought it convenient to conceal certain Circumstances from them A Council of State should be like a Colossus that the Prince standing upon its Shoulders may see farther than it The Thebans did not desire Princes so foresighted as one may guess by the manner of Painting them with their Eâ—rs open and their Eyes shut signifying that they ought blindly to execute all the Resolutions of the Senate but this was not the Emblem of an absolute Prince but only of a Prince of a Common-wealth whose Power is so circumscrib'd that 't is sufficient for him to hear for the Power of seeing what is to be done it reserved for the Senate This is nothing but a dark shadow of Majesty and an empty appearance of Authority His Power is nothing but a reflection of that of the Senate and so he has no need of Eyes who can't go where he pleases But though 't is convenient for a Prince to preserve this Liberty in Counsels yet he ought not to be so vain as for fear of being thought to want their Advice to reject whatever they proâ—â—â—e for so he would incur very great Inconveniâ—ncies As Pettus did according to Tacitus 28 Ne 〈◊〉 sententiâ— indigâ—â—s videretur iâ— diversa ac deterior◠〈◊〉 Tac. 11. ann If 't were possible Kings should have Kings for their Counsellours that 〈…〉 Counsels might not deviate from 〈◊〉 Aâ—thority and Honour of 〈◊〉 a Prince sometimes 〈…〉 beneath himself 〈…〉 Instigation of an abject 〈…〉 But since this is impossible they 〈◊〉 chuse 〈◊〉 â—â—unsellours as though they are not Princes by Birth are so in greaâ—ness of Mind and Generosity In Spain there are several Councils instituted with a great deal of Prudence for the Government of Kingdoms and Provinces and for all the most important Affairs of the Kingdom yet ought not all Care to be rejected by confidently relying upon this happy Constitution for no Government is so strongly fenced but that its Foundations in time wear away or are unsensâ—bly undermin'd by Malice or Abuse 'T is not sufficient for each distinct part to be well govern'd if they don't sometimes all unite to treat as well of themselves in particular as of the whole Body in general For this Reason we have in Convents or religious Orders Provincial and general Chapters and in the Government of the Church Councils For the same Reason every ten years there is held at Madrid a General Council consisting of two Counsellours of each particular Council and of two Deputies of each Province to consult for the Preservation not only of each part but of the whole Kingdom For if these Kingdoms were not so renewed they would grow old and at last die This Assembly will unite the parts of the Monarchy and make 'em agree among themselves to the mutual assistance of each other For this Reason the Councils of Toledo were assembled where not only Matters of Religion but also those of State were treated of All these Qualities of Eyes ought also to be found in Confessors to Princes who are their Counsellours Judges and spiritual Physicians these Offices require Men of Zeal and intire Affection for the Service of God and their Prince Persons who have Sence to judge well prudence to advise Liberty to reprehend and Courage to undeceive by setting before his Eyes though at the hazard of his Favour the Disgusts of his Subjects and the Danger of his Kingdom without smearing over the craz'd and falling Wall with untempered Mortar 29 Ezek. 13. 10. Some Princes use Confessors only for Conscience sake others make use of them as Councellors of State I shall not pretend to examine into the Reason of these two Methods I only say 't is thought convenient in Spain to admit the King's Confessor into his Council as well to give his assistance in matters of Conscience as also that being as it were a sharer in the management of Affairs he may correct the Prince if in any thing he is deficient in his Devoir For some know the Faults that they are guilty of as Men but not those which they commit as Princes though those are greater which belong to their Office than those which respect only their person Noâ— only the Confessors ought to assist in Council but also Bishops or other Ecclesiasticks who by their Authority and Learning may be very serviceable and so the two Arms the Temporalty and Spiritualty will more firmly unite for the Defence and Preservation of the Body of the Government The Gothick Kings used to advise about all weighty Affairs with Prelates who were to that purpose assembled in the Councils of Toledo What we have said about Confessors should be understood also of Preachers who are the Trumpets of Truth 30 Cry aloud spare not lift up thy voice like a Trumpet Isâ— 58. 1. the Interpreters between God and Men 31 For every High Priest taken from among Men is ordained for Men in things appertaining to God Heb. 5. 1. in whose mouth God has put his word 32 Behold I have put my words in thy mouth Ierem. 1. 9. the Prince ought to carry himself with great Circumspection towards them they being the Channels by which wholesome or poysonous Doctrines are delivered to the people the Mobb wholly depends upon 'em they being the most proper Instruments either to raise or appease them as has been seen in the Revolts of Catalâ—nia and Portugal Their Zeal for declaiming against Vice often gives 'em occasion to reflect upon those in Authority which the people eagerly swallow thro' their natural Aversion to the Ministers whence proceeds Contempt of Authority and the Peoples disgust which is the occasion of Seditions and Tumults especially when the Princes faults are reflected on 't is necessary therefore that these Reprimands should be general without pointing at persons when the Scandal is not publick or Holy Admonitions or other Circumstances have been ineffectual God so modestly in the Apocalypse reprehended the Bishops that he seems almost to â—latter them 33 I know thy Works and Charity and Service and Faith and thy Patience and thy Works and the last to be more than the first Notwithstanding I have a few things against thee Revel 2. 19. Christ never reflected upon any person from the Pulpit his Reprehensions were general and if at any time he descended to particulars 't was not as Preacher but as King That should by no means be heard from the Pulpit which is dissolute and punishable in the Streets in which Zeal is often mistaken either because 't is extravagant or blinded with the Applause of the Giddy Mobb which eagerly crowds to hear the Prince or Magistracy
for a Prince at the begiâ—ning of his Reign to observe the methods of the last 〈◊〉 king Care to reform it by Degrees with that easiness aâ— moderation that the People shall find themselves on t'otheâ— side without knowing how they got over Tiberius duâ— not at the beginning of his Reign abolish the publick Sportâ— introduc'd by Augustus 13 Sed populum per tot annos mollitèr habiâ— nondum audebat ad duriora vertere Tac. 1. ann Galba reigned but a fâ—â— Months because immediately upon coming to the Thronâ— he began to punish past Crimes to moderate extravagaâ— Donatives and to curb the Licentiousness and Insoleâ— which the People had been so us'd to in Nero's time 14 〈◊〉 veterem disciplinam atque ita quatuordecim annis à Nerone 〈◊〉 ut haud minus vitia Principis amarent quam olim virtutes 〈◊〉 rabantur Tac. Hist. 1. that they as much loved their Princes Vices as former they esteem'd their Vertues The same befel the Emperoâ— Pertinâ—x for designing to reform the Militia enervaâ—â— under the Luxurious Reign of Commodus Lewis XI Kiâ—â— of France fell into the same Errour for that he began 〈◊〉 Reign with the severe Punishment of some of his principâ— Nobility The Excellence of a new Government ought 〈◊〉 be Benignity since too much Rigour and Severity is 〈◊〉 Vice of an old one What dare not old Kings do The softest Chaiâ— Of Kingdoms is in a new Princes Reign To settle a Government is a work of time for 't is troublesome to reform as to new model one 15 Non minus negotii est Remp. 〈◊〉 quam ab initiâ—â—onstituere Arist. 4. Pol. cap. 1. for 〈◊〉 reason David excus'd himself from punishing Ioab for the Murther of Abner as being weak and newly anointed King 16 2 Sâ—m 3. 39. that is he fear'd by too much Severity he should make his new gotten Government odious Rehoboam had never ruined himself had he considered this when by the Counsel of the young Men he answer'd the People of Israel who desir'd he would treat 'em with less Severity than his Father had done My Father made your Yoke heavy and I will add to your Yoke my Father also chastised you with Whips but I will chastise you with Scorpions 17 1 Kings 12. 14. There is nothing more serviceable to a Prince at his entrance upon the Government than to signalize himself by some glorious Exploits for Reputation once got is not immediately lost for which Reason Domitius Corbulo when he was sent into Armenia took particular Care to raise his Reputation 18 Ubi famae inserviret 〈◊〉 in novis câ—ptis validissima est Tac. 13. ann The same Agricola did in his Government of Britain knowing that the Reputation of his first Actions would byass all the rest 19 Non ignarus instandum faâ—â—ae prout prima â—essissent fore universa Tac. in vit Agr. The comparison which the People make between the past and present Administration is always of ill consequence when they don't find in this the same Felicity they did in t'other or don 't perceive the same Parts and Qualifications in the present Prince as in his Predecessor let him therfore take Care as much can be that there be no difference but that the same hand may seem to hold the Reins But if the Prince either cannot or knows not how to adjust his Actions to the Peoples humour as his Predecessour did let him more particularly avoid occasion which may breed Comparisons Which was the reason that Tiberius was never present at publick Shews fearing that his rough melancholy Temper compar'd to the complaisant Gaiety of Augustus would be offensive to the People 20 Cur abstinuerit Spectaculo ipse variè trahebant aliâ— taedio caetus â—â—idâ—m tristitia ingenii metâ— comparationis quia Augustuâ— comiâ—er â—â—â—fuisset Tac. 1. ann Wherefore as soon as a Prince comes to the Helm of Affairs he should diligently enquire what things were distasteful in the past Reign that he may avoid them this was Nero's Maxim at his Accession to the Throne prescribing it as a Plan of his future Government sedulously declining those things which had lately bred Disgust 21 Tum formam futuri Principatus prâ—scripsit ca maximè declinâ—â— querum recens flagrabat invidia Tac. 13. ann Let a Prince also adjust his Actions to the Customs of the Countrey and methods of his Predecessor for even the Vertues of the Successour which are new and such aâ— the Predecessour and the Nation in general were unacquainted with the People look upon as Vices and loath ' em The Parthians demanded Vono for their King a Person endu'd with the Gentile Accomplishments of Rome where he had been as Hostage but those Vertues lost him the Affections of his People who regarded them as nothing but new Vices 22 Sed prompti adius obvia comitas ignotae Parthis Vertutes nova vitia Tac. 2. ann they were disgusted that he did not give his mind to Horses and Hunting as his Predecessors did and on the contrary they all loved Nero because he accommodated himself to their Customs 23 Quod hic prima ab infantia instituta cultum Armeniorum 〈◊〉 latus venatu epulis quae alia barbari celebrant proceres plebemâ—â— juxta devinxerat Tac. 2. ann And if this difference of Manners in the Princes Person produces these Effects how much greater will the Alteration of the Customs and Ways of the People create But if Correction be necessary it must be apply'd with such Moderation as may neither make the Prince seem severe nor remiss but when the negligence of the Predecessour was very great and the People require a Remedy then the Activity and Diligence of the Successour is very opportune as was visible in the first Years of your Royal Highnesses renown'd Father 'T is a generous piece of Justice for a Prince to begin his Reign with pardoning all offences against himself and punishing those committed against others nothing gaiâ—â— People's esteem and respect more than this 24 Novum Imperium inchoantiâ—â— utilis clementia Tac. 4. Hist. As the Emperours Vespâ—siâ— and Titus found as also Charles VII King of France Upon this Consideration Witiza remitted the Banishment of those whom his Father had condemned and caused their Tryals to be burnt by this great means the better to secure the Crown upon his Head Though these Acts are highly requisite yet the main Point is the gaining the Love and Obedience of the Subjects which two Kings of Arragon were absolute Masters of †Mar. Hist. Hisp. One was King Alphonso I who going to take Possession of the Kingdom of Castile for his Wife Terraca behaved himself with great Complaisance and Affability to all he heard Causes and administer'd Justiâ—e himself he protected Widows and Orphans reliev'd the Poor honour'd and reward'd the Nobility according to their Desert prefer'd Vertue and made the Kingdom plentiful
Communities proceeded common Government in which not to admit Sovereignty is the means to preserve their Freedom but if the Seeds of Royalty are once sown they will produce the Desire of Monarchy which puts an end to their Liberty In a word 't is Peace alone as we shall shew elsewhere that preserves aâ—quir'd Kingdoms provided that Peace be cautious and arm'd For so it gives opportunity to Possession to settle its Government and justifie its Title without the trouble of War which confounds all Right and gives opportunitâ— to turbulent uneasie Spirits and robs the Commander oâ— his Authority Wherefore a Prince ought not only to endeavour to procure Peace to his new Kingdoms but also to the neighbouring Provinces for the same sparks of Fire easily catch and the fury of Arms soon embroils those that are near them This was the Reason that King Philip III. took up Arms against Emanuel Duke of Savoy when he would have taken Monferrat from the Duke of Mantua his Majesty endeavouring to decide those Pretentions by Justice not Force nor would he suffer the Ambition of one person to disturb the Quiet of all Italy The same Danger is at present to be fear'd unless these Animosities which have put so many Princes in Arms be accommodated for the Sword once drawn either revenge thinks of satisfaction for Affronts received or Justice of recovering her Right or Ambition of extending its Dominions or Mars himself of trying his Strength I conclude this Discourse with four Verses of Tasso in which he very judiciously and concisely comprehends the true Grounds upon which any new Kingdom should be established EMBLEM LX. AN Arrow sent from a Bow either mounts or falls without suspending in the Air like time present which is so imperceptible that it no sooner is but is past Or like Angles in a Circle where the acutâ— becomes obtuse without ever forming a right Angle The first point of the Arrows consistence is the first of its Declination the higher it mounts the nearer 't is to its fall All things when they arrive at their highest Pitch muâ—â— necessarily decline Hippocrates observ'd this in humanâ— Bodies that when they are past thriving they immediately begin to decay 1 Nec enim in melius verti nec diu sistere valent reliquum est â—t 〈◊〉 deterius dilabantur Hippoc. Nothing in Nature is Permanent the Heavens themselves never rest no more do their Effectâ— which they imprint on things below for which Reason Socrates attributed all changes of Government to them 2 Qui causam esse tradit quod nihil perpetuò maneat sed omnia motu quâ—dam orbicular mutentur Arist. 5. Pol. Monarchies differ not from Animals and Vegetables they are born live and die like them nor have they any time of Consistence so that their falls are natural 3 Naturales esse conversâ—â—â—es Rerumpub Cic. lib. 2. de nar Deor. In not increasing they decrease There is no interval in the fall of the highest Fortune when it once begins to fall 't is impossible to stop it 't is more difficult for the Majesty of Princes to fall from the highest Pitch to the middlemost than from thence to the lowest Degree 4 Regum majestatem dissiâ—ilius à summo fastigio ad medium detraâ—i quam a mediis ad ima praeâ—ipitari Livius But all Kingdoms don't rise and fall by the same Degrees when they are got up to the highest Point they fall with more speed than they rose 5 Fati maligna perpetuaque in ommbus rebus Lex est â—t ad summum perducta rursus ad infimum velocius quidem quam ascenâ—erunt relabantur Seneca Alexander was twelve years in raising his Kingdom which decay'd in a very small time being rent and divided at first into four and afterwards into more Principalities The Causes of the Rise and Fall of States are many those who attribute them to Motion or the power of the Stars or the number of Plato or Climacterick years deny Providence the care of Sublunary things He who has design'd to make the World will not disdain to govern it Nay to create and not take care of the World would be disapproving his own work If God vouchsafed himself to paint the Peacocks Tail and the Butterflies Wings shall we think he will commit to Chance the management of Empires and Monarchies upon which depend the Happiness or Ruin of Mankind for whom all things were created 'T would be impious to believe it and to attribute the Success of things to our own Counsels the highest Arrogance By him Kings Reign and with his own Hands he disposes of Scepters and though in their Preservation he give their free Course to those natural Inclinations which were either born with us or imprinted in us by some other influence without giving any check or restraint to Free-Will yet does God himself order and dispose them 〈◊〉 that no Government was ever ruin'd without the intervâ—ning of some humane Folly and Bindness 6 Ego ita comperi omma Regna Civitâ—tes Nationesque usque eo prospâ—â— imperium habuâ—sse dum apud eos vera consilia valuerunt ubicunque Grâ—â— Timor Voluptas â—a corruptâ—re post paulo immâ—nutâ— opes deinde 〈◊〉 in perium postremè servitus imposita est Sallust I cannot forâ—bear thinking that Empires would be pepetual if Princeâ— would accommodate their Will to their Powâ—â— their Power to their Reason and their Reason to Accidents Since then Prudence and humane Counsel have their 〈◊〉 in the falls of Empires we may easily find the Causes therâ— of which are either general or particular general which comprehend all Kingdoms whether acquir'd by Successioâ— Election or Conquest and are many but may be reduâ—â— to four Principal ones from whence proceed the rest 〈◊〉 in the Horizon of the World from the four Cardiâ—â— Winds proceed many collateral ones These Causes are Râ—â—ligion Honour Life and Estate for the Conservation 〈◊〉 which Civil Society was first instituted and the People â—â—â—came subject to the Government of one a few or many and whenever they find themselves oppres'd in any one 〈◊〉 these four they rebel and change the Form of the Governâ—ment We will therefore touch upon these with as muâ—â— brevity as the Subject will admit Though Religion as we said before be the strongâ— Bond of Governments yet is it that which disunites thâ—â— most and reduces them into many Forms when it is 〈◊〉 universal for those who are of different Opinions 〈◊〉 God never live in Unity among themselves If they â—â—â—gree and quarrel about trivial Customs and Manners 〈◊〉 much more will they about their Affection and Loyaâ— due to the Creator of all things and furious Zeal of â—â—â—derstanding things of such importance Liberty of Câ—â—â—science is the ruin of any State Those who disagree matters of Religion are to one another as the Holy Sâ—â—rit says Pricks in their Eyes and Thorns in their Sides 7 Numb 33. 5. The Duty
that Art Errour does not always proceed from Imprudence time and other accidents are often the occasion of it For that which was at first convenient is afterwards prejudicial The greatest Prudence can't give Counsel which will be proper at all times which makes it necessary to alter Resolutions and repeal Laws and Statutes especially when there is an apparent Advantage 7 Non dâ—bet reprehensibile judicari si secundam varietatem temporum Statuâ—a qundoque varientur humana pâ—sâ—â—tâ—m cam urgâ—ns Nâ—â—â—ssitas vel evidens utilitas id exposuit Cap. non deber de Cons. Aâ—â— or Danger or when the Prince finds himself mis-inform'd of Matters upon which such Resolutions were grounded This was the Reason King Ahâ—suerus gave for recalling the Sentence which he had pronounced against the People of God upon the unjust Accusation of Haman 8 Hest. 16. 9. In these and the like Cases 't is not levity of Mind but Prudence to alter Counsels and Resolutions nor can it be called Inconstancy but a firm Zeal to be guided by Reason in all things as the Weather-Cock is by the Wind and the Needle by the North Pole The Physician varies his Medicines according to the Accidents having Respect to nothing but the recovery of his Patient The different Diseases which States labour under require different methods of Cure Let a Prince then think it a Credit to review and correct his Decrees and his Errours too without being asham'd of 'em to commit 'em might be Inadvertency but to amend is Prudence Obstinacy is ever a certain Sign of Folly Yet 't will be Prudence to make this Alteration with such Address and Dexterity that the People may not perceive it for they ignorant and foolish as they are call Mistake want of Prudence and Amendment Levity But tho' I advise a Prince to correct his Errours yet I would not be understood of all in general for some are so small and insignificant that the Danger of being censur'd for Levity in the amendment of them is more than the Damage they can do by continuing So that where they will by Degrees cease of themselves without drawing on greater 't will be better to let 'em remain There are some of that Nature that 't is better to follow 'em nay and vigorously to persist in them there being perhaps more danger in retracting and these frequently happen in War there are some Affairs in which that you may succeed 't is requisite to use indirect means tho' you incur some small Inconveniencies as the way to straiten a crooked Stick is to bend it the contrary way in these Cases small Errours are not to be valu'd nor their Causes nor Means provided they be not wholly opposite to Honour and Justice and when the Advantage to be reap'd from 'em is considerable For so they are allowable and ought rather to be call'd Disposition to Success than Errours Others are so interwoven in great Attempts that like Roses there is no approaching them without pricking ones hand And this in those Counsels which concern the general Good of a Nation which are always prejudicial to some private Persons The Bodies of States are compos'd of different and opposite Parts as to their Qualities and Humours and a Remedy which is apply'd to the whole Body is usually disagreeable to some Part A Prince therefore has need of great Prudence to weigh and compare Advantages with Damages and of a great Courage to execute without hazarding the loss of those for fear of these EMBLEM LXVI RENOVATION perpetuates the most fading things in Nature each individual Eternizes it self in another and by that means preserves its Species 'T is for this the Husbandman carefully preserves young Plants to substitute in the room of those Trees which die He does not leave this to Chance because perhaps they will either not spring at all or not such as he desires or else not in proper places nor will they of themselves grow strait and handsome without his Care in setting them while they are young for when once grown up no Force can straiten them The same Care ought to be taken in the Education of Youth ' especially in those Countreys where the Constitution of the Climate is apt to produce great and noble Spirits which are like fertile Fields soon over-run with Wood and Brambles unless their Fertility be corrected by the Art and Industry of the Husbandman The greater the Spirit is the more dangerous it is to the State unless timely moderated by Education A high aspiring Spirit cannot contain it self it shakes off the Curb of the Laws and is eager for Liberty and should therefore be restrain'd by Art and Instruction and afterwards by being busied in some honourable Exercise but when a little more advanc'd in years the Cure for its Levity is to employ it in Affairs of State I take this to be the Reason why some States admitted young Persons into their Senates But the best way is that which Gardiners use to transplant their young Trees into another Ground that the superfluous Roots may be prun'd and the Tree grow strait and tall Youth seldom thrives well in its own Countrey For their Friends and Relations by too much Indulgence make them Extravagant In other Countries 't is otherwise for their Necessity obliges them to regulate their Actions and to endeavour to gain People's Esteem At home we generally expect a little more Liberty and are apt to promise our selves Pardon but abroad when we are not known we are afraid of the Rigour of the Laws besides Travel polishes our Behaviour and corrects the Roughness of our Nature and that foolish Vanity which attends our home-bred Gentlemen There Languages and Men are learn't and their Manners and Customs observed the Knowledge of which qualifies a Man for Affairs as well of Peace as War 'T was Travel made Plato Lycurgus Solon and Pythagoras such prudent Lawgivers and Philosophers At home Men are born and die with the same Fortune but abroad they raise it No Planet is exalted in its own House but in anothers though not without Detriment and Inconveniency to it self Travel is the great Mistress of Prudence if made for Information as well as Direction In this the Northern People are very much to be commended who with great Curiosity and Attention travel the World over to learn Languages Arts and Sciences The Spaniards who have greater Conveniency for travelling than any other Nation because of the great Extent of their Kingdom have the least inclination to it lazily spending all their time at home unless sometimes they are call'd out by War when nevertheless 't is absolutely necessary for Princes who have often occasion to bring their Armies into several Countries to have a perfect Knowledge of them The two chief Reasons which detain our Spanish Nobility at home are first because Spain being almost wholly surrounded by the Sea 't is more inconvenient Sailing than Travelling by Land the other is a vain
King is his People when they are well defended according to a saying of the Emperor Iustinian that the Kingdom was always rich and the Exchequer full when the Subjects were wealthy and the Land plentiful * Lib. 15. tit 5. p. 2. When therefore a Prince raises Taxes with this Moderation the Subjects ought chearfully to pay them nor can they without a sort of Rebellion refuse them for Sovereignty has no other Portion nor publick necessity any other Assistance there is no Peace without Soldiers no Soldier without Pay no Pay without Taxes 6 Neque quies gentium sine armis neque arma sine stipendiis neque stipendia sine tributis haberi queunt Tac. 4. Hist. For this Reason when Nero would have remitted the Taxes the Roman Senate oppos'd him saying that without them the Empire would be ruin'd 7 Dissâ—lutionâ—m Imperii docendo si fructus quibus Resp. sustinetur 〈◊〉 Tac. 13. ann Taxes are the Prince of Peace but if they are too heavy and the People not well satisfied of their necessity they soon rebel against their Prince 'T was for no other Reason that King Alphonso Sirnamed the Great grew so odious to the People that after many Troubles and Vexations he was oblig'd to quit his Crown for the same also Garcios King of Galicia lost both his Kingdom and Life too †Mar. Hist. Hisp. lib. 9. cap. 8. K. Henry III. consider'd this Danger when being advised by some to raise new Taxes to defray the Expence of War he answer'd I fear the Discontent of my People more than my Enemies Money collected from unjust Taxes is mingled with the Subjects Blood as was seen to drop from that piece which St. Francis of Padua broke in the Presence of Ferdinand King of Naples and this ever crys for Vengeance against the Prince Great Taxes therefore ought not to be rais'd till the People be well convinced of the Necessity oâ— them for when they are satisfied of that and of the Justice of the Cause they patiently bear the heaviest Impositions as we see in those which were rais'd by K. Ferdinand IVth and in the Grant which the Parliament of Toledo made of a Million in the times of Henry III. permitting him also to raise more of his own accord to carry on the Wars against the Moors For though 't is not for private Persons to examine into the Justice of Taxes though they cannot often apprehend the Causes of Expences nor can they be communicated to them without evident Danger 8 Tibi summum rerum judicium dii dedere nobis obsâ—quii glâ—â—ia relictâ— est Tac. 6. ann yet are there some general Reasons which they may without Damage be inform'd of and though Natural and Divine Reason do allow the Power of levying Impositions to the Prince without the Subjects Consent when they are just and necessary as King Alphonso us'd to say yet will a prudent Prince so manage the matter and dispose the Minds of his Subjects that it may seem to be done with their Approbation Taxes are according to the Scripture the Bridle of the People 9 2 Sam. 8. 1. Vide. they keep them in Obedience and uphold the Prince's Authority Those who are free from all Taxes are ungovernable yet this Bridle should be so easie as not to gall them too much as King Flavius Herwegiâ—s prudently consider'd in the Thirteenth Council of Toledo saying That that Government was best which neither oppress'd the People with too great Taxes nor made them remiss and negligent by too little * Ut nec incauta exactio populos gravet nec indiscreta râ—missio statum gentis fociat deperire Concil Tol xiii The Command which Princes have over the Lives of their Subjects is executed without Danger it being done by Law which punishes some as Examples to the rest but not so that Command which they have over their Goods and Estates for that comprehendâ— all in general and People are more sensible in what concerns their Estates than their Bodies especially when they are got by Sweat and Blood and are to be imployed to supply the Prince's Luxury In which that remarkable Action of K. David ought to be consider'd when he refus'd to drink the water which his three Soldiers brought him from amidst the Enemies Camp least he should seem to drink the Blood of those Men 10 2 Sam. 23. 17. 'T is no good Policy to impoverish the People by Taxes the better to keep them in Obedience for though Poverty whether Original or Accidental debases our Spirits which always rise and fall with our Condition yet does Oppression provoke our Minds and urge us to Rebellion 11 Ferocissimo quoque adsumpto aut quibus ob egestatem ac metum ex Flagitiis maxima peccandi necessitudo Tac. 3. ann All the Israelites that were in Distress and every one that was in Debt and every one that was discontented joyn'd David against Saul 12 1 Sam. 22. 2. The People are always most obedient when they are richest The plenty of Egypt made the People of God though very severely us'd forget their Liberty but afterwards when they came to want in the Wilderness they complain'd heavily of their Slavery and Bondage When a Kingdom is given upon Condition that no Taxes shall be levy'd without its Consent or if this be afterwards provided by some general Decree as was in the Parliament of Madrid in the time of King Alphonso XIth or when it has acquired this Privilege by long Prescription as in Spain and France in such Cases the Prince must wait the Consent of the Parliament least he should expose himself to the same Danger as Charles VIIth of France did formerly when he went to raise a certain Tax without communicating it to his Council 'T is also of great advantage to a Prince to be so well esâ—eem'd of his People that from their Opinion of his Zeal for their Good they may think whatever Taxes he imposes upon them are just and reasonable and blindly agree to whatever he proposes committing themselves wholly to his Prudence and Management as the Egyptians did to Ioseph's when he exacted the fifth part of their Estates 13 Gen. 47. 25. When the People have once this Confidence in the Prince he ought diligently to take Care not to burthen them without sufficient Cause and mature Deliberation But if necessity does require it let him at least take Care that the Taxes be well expended for the People take nothing more hainously than to see no advantage from their Oppressions and to see their Estates squander'd away to no purpose They are also very uneasie to see Taxes continued when the Occasion for which they were rais'd is over As 't was in Vespasian's time when the Taxes rais'd for the necessity of War were continued in time of Peace 14 Necissitate armâ—rum excusorta etiam in pace mauâ—erâ— Tac. 2. ann For afterwards Subjects dread them and grudge to pay
as St. Augustine explains it * St. August lib. 5. de Civ Dei cap. 12. stray'd from their first Institution in which private Persons were Poor but the Publick Rich. Of which Horace complains †Lib. 2. Ode 15. Non it a Romuli Praescriptum intonsi Catonis Auspiciis c. Great Princes relying too much upon their own Power lay aside all Care of laying up Treasure or of preserving what they already have not considering that if the Necessity of their Affairs should require Money they must be oblig'd to oppress their Subjects with Taxes to the great hazard of their Fidelity and the greater the Kingdom is there will be need of greater Expence and Charge Princes are Briareus's who what they receive with fifty Hands spend with a hundred nor is any Kingdom rich enough to supply the Extravagance of one Clouds in one Hour spend all the Vapours which they have been many Days in collecting Those Riches which Nature had for many Ages hoarded up in the close Treasury of the Earth were not sufficient for the extravagant Prodigality of some of the Roman Emperors And this Extravagance is usual to Successors who find the Treasury filled to their Hands For they spend that carelesly and lavishly which they never knew the trouble of acquiring they soon pull down the Banks of the Treasury and drown their State in Pleasure and Luxury In less than three Years time Caligula squander'd away Sixty Six Millions of Gold though then One Crown was as much as Two now Power is self-will'd and foolish and should therefore be corrected by Prudence for without that Empires would soon fall to Ruine that of Rome seem'd to decline from the Time that the Emperors began to squander away its Treasures The World is wholly ruled by Arms and Riches Which is represented in the present Emblem by a Sword and Golden Bough which a Hand holds over a Globe to intimate that by both these the World is govern'd alluding to Virgil's Story of Aeneas who by the help of both these conquer'd even Hell it self and subdued its Monsters and Furies The Sword wounds most whose edge is Gold and Valour without Conduct and Magazines without Treasuries are insignificant A Prince ought therefore to consider before he declares War whether he is sufficiently furnish'd with these Means to prosecute it For which Reason 't will be convenient that the President of the Treasury should be one of the Council that he may give an Account of the State of the Revenue and what Grounds they have to proceed upon Power ought to be cautious and circumspect and diligently consider of what it undertakes Prudence does the same in the Mind as the Eyes do in the Head without that Kingdoms and States would be blind And Polyphemus who having once lost his Eye by the Cunning of Vlysses in vain threw Stones about and storm'd for Revenge so will they vainly squander and throw away their Treasure and Riches What prodigious Summs have we seen spent in our Times upon some vain Fear in countermining Enemies Designs in raising Armies and making War which might have been avoided by a Friendly Composition or by Dissimulation How much in Subsidies and Taxes ill apply'd and in other Necessary Expences by which Princes thinking to make themselves Powerful have found the contrary The Ostentations and Menaces of Gold extravagantly and unseasonably squander'd away render themselves ineffectual and the second are less than the first for one weakens the other Strength lost is soon recruited but Riches once spent are hard to be recover'd They ought not to be us'd but upon absolute Necessity Aeneas did not first shew the Golden Bough but offer'd to force his Passage with his Sword The Chief unsheath'd his shinning Steel prepar'd Though seiz'd with sudden Fear to force the Guard But when he found that neither Force nor Fair Means could oblige Charon to waft him over the Golden Bough was produc'd which had been hitherto conceal'd 8 Prov. 21. 14. At the sight of which the angry God was pacified * Dryden ' s Virgil. If neither Piety nor Heaven's Command Can gain his Passage to the Stygian Strand This fatal Present shall prevail at least Then shew'd the Golden Bough conceal'd within her Vest. No more was needful for the Gloomy God Stood mute with Awe to see the Golden Rod c. Let Princes therefore take Care to keep those Eyes of Prudence upon their Scepters clear and quick-sighted not disdaining Oeconomy which is the Safety and Preservation thereof Princes being as 't were the Fathers of their People The Great Augustus condescended as we have said before for the Good of the Publick to take the Accompts of the Empire with his own Hand Spain had had long since the Universal Empire of the World if it had been less Extravagant in War and more Regular and Methodical in Peace but through a certain Negligence the usual Effect of Grandeur it has suffer'd those Riches which should have render'd it Invincible to be made use of by other Nations We purchase them of the simple Indians for Toys and Baubles and afterwards we our selves as silly as they permit other Nations to Export them leaving us Brass Lead or some such worthless Commodities in their stead 'T was the Kingdom of Castile which by its Valour and Prowess erected our Monarchy yet others triumph and that suffers not knowing how to make good Use of the vast Treasures which are brought to them So Divine Providence in a manner levels and equals States giving to the Great Ones Strength without Industry and to the Little Industry to acquire Strength But lest I should seem only to discover Wounds and not heal them I will prescribe some Remedies not drawn from the Quintessence and Nicety of Speculation which are approv'd at first when new but afterwards rejected by Experience but such as Natural Reason shall suggest and such as Ignorance slights as vulgar The chief Wealth and Riches of Nations are the Fruits of the Earth no Mines in the World being richer than Agriculture This the Aegyptians knew who made the lower End of their Scepters like a Plow-share to intimate that its Power and Grandeur was founded upon that The fertile Sides of Vesuviâ—s are richer than Potosus with all its Gold 'T is not by Chance that Nature has so liberally imparted the Fruits of the Earth to All and hid Gold and Silver in the very Bowels of the Earth It made those common and expos'd them upon the Superficies of the Earth on purpose for Man's Nourishment 9 Maxima pars hominum è terra vivit fructibus Aristor Polit. lib. 1. c. 5. and hid these in the Bowels thereof that they might not easily be dug out and refined knowing they would prove the Bane and Ruine of Mankind Spain was in former times so rich almost only from the Fruits of the Earth that Lewis King of France coming to Toledo in the time of
King Alphonso the Emperor was surpriz'd at the Splendour and Magnificence of that Court affirming That he had not seen the like in all that Part of Asia or Europe which he had travell'd through in his Voyage to the Holy Land Such was then â—he Grandeur of one King of Castile though distracted with Civil Wars and the greatest part of his Kingdom possess'd by the Moors There are some Authors affirm That there was in this Kingdom in the time of the Holy War against the Heathens a Rendezvouz of a Hundred Thousand Foot Ten Thousand Horse and Sixty Thousand Waggons and that King Alphonso III. daily paid both the Soldiers Captains and Generals according to their Office and Quality These vast Expences and Provisions which at present seem incredible the single Kingdom of Castile could afford nay and at the same time maintain'd a greater Number of Enemies without the Assistance of Foreign Riches until a certain Biscayner roving upon the Sea by fortune got a sight of this New World either unknown to or forgotten by the Ancients and preserv'd for the Honour of Columbus who after the Death of this Spaniard diligently considering the Observations that he the first Discoverer had made undertook to demonstrate the Discovery of the Provinces which Nature seem'd designedly to separate from us by Mountainous Waves He communicated this his Project to several Princes hoping by their Assistance to facilitate his great and difficult Enterprize But all slighted it as vain and notionary Which if they had done through Prudence and Caution and not Distrust and Misbelief they had merited the same Praise which Carthage gain'd of old which when some Sailors were boasting in the Senate of the Discovery of a wonderful Rich and Delicious Island supposed to be Hispaniola caus'd 'em immediately to be put to Death thinking the Discovery of such an Island would be of more Detriment than Advantage to the Commonwealth Columbus at last applies himself to Their Catholick Majesties Ferdinand and Isabella whose Generous Spirits capable of many Worlds could not be content with one alone So that having received necessary Assistance he put to Sea and after a tedious and hazardous Voyage in which he encounter'd as great Danger from the Diffidence of his Companions as from the Sea it self he at last return'd to Spain laden with Gold and Silver The People flock'd to the Shore of Guadalquivir to admire these precious Products of the Earth brought to light by the Indians and thither by the Valour and Industry of their Countrymen But this great Plenty of them soon perverted all Things the Husbandman soon leaves Plough gets into his Embroider'd Silks and begins to be more curious of his Tawny Sun-burnt Hands the Merchant steps from his Counter into his Sedan and lolls it lazily about the Streets Workmen disdain their Tools and all forsooth must now turn Gentlemen No Money is current now but Silver and Gold and our Coin being wholly unmix'd and pure is coveted and desired by all Nations Gold and Silver now growing common all Things raise their Price In fine It befel our Kings as it did the Emperor Nero whom a certain African put a Trick upon telling him in his Grounds he had found a vast Treasure which he believ'd Queen Dido had buried there either lest too much Riches should enervate the Minds of her Subjects or lest they should invite others to Invade her Kingdom Which the Emperor giving credit to and thinking himself already sure of the Treasure squander'd away the Old Stock upon the Hope of these New-found Riches The Expectation of Riches being the cause of the Publick Want 10 Et divitiarum expectatio inter causas paupertatis publicae erat Tac. 16. Annal. Cheated by the same Hopes we were persuaded that we had no more need of fix'd and standing Treasuries but think our Ships sufficient not considering that all our Power depends upon the Uncertainty of the Winds and Seas as Tiberius said the Lives of the Romans did because their Provisions were all brought them from Foreign Provinces 11 At hercule nemo refert quod Italia externâ—e opis indiget quòd vita populi Romani per incerta maris tempestatum quotidie vivitur Tac. 3. Annal. Which Hazard Aleto consider'd when dissuading Godfredo from going to the Holy Wars he said * Tasso Shall then your Life upon the Winds depend And as Mens Hopes are generally above their Estates 12 Sâ—epe enim de facultatibus suis amplius quam in his est sperant homines Justin. Instit. quibus ex causis man § in fraudem State and Pomp encreases the Salaries Wages and other Charges of the Crown are enlarged out of Confidence and Expectations of these Foreign Riches which being afterwards ill and negligently managed were not sufficient to defray such Expences and this made way for Debts and those for Usury and Interest Necessity daily encreas'd and occasion'd new Expences But nothing was so prejudicial to the Publick as the Alteration of the Coin which though not consider'd should be preserv'd in as much Purity as Religion it self the Kings Alphonso the Wise Alphonso XI and Henry II. who did offer to alter it endanger'd both themselves and Kingdoms and their Misfortunes ought to have been a Warning to us But when Ills are fatal neither Experience nor Example can move us King Philip II. deaf to all these Cautions doubled the Value of Copper Coin which was before convenient for common Use and answerable to bigger Money Foreigners coming to understand the Value that the Royal Stamp gave to this paultry Metal began to Traffick with nothing else bringing us in vast quantities of Copper ready Coin'd in Exchange for our Gold Silver and other Merchandise Which did us more Damage than if all the Monsters and venomous Serpents of Africa had been brought among us And the Spaniards who us'd to ridicule the Rhodians for their Copper Money became themselves the Jest and Laughing-stock of the whole World Trade was ruin'd by this troublesome scoundrel Metal all things grew dearer and by degrees scarcer as in the time of Alphonso the Wise. Buying and Selling ceas'd and at the same time the Revenues of the Crown were diminish'd so that new Impositions and Taxes were unavoidable whence for want of Commerce the Wealth of Castile was spent and the same Inconveniencies renew'd proceeding one from another in a pernicious Circle which will at last prove our Ruine unless a Remedy be timely apply'd by reducing that king of Money to its former and intrinsick Value Who would not think that this World must be subdu'd by the Riches and Wealth of the other And yet we see there were greater Exploits perform'd formerly by pure Valour than since by all these Riches as Tacitus observ'd in the time of Vitellius 13 Vires luxu corrumpebantur contra veterem disciplinam instituta majorum apud quos virtute quam pecunia res Rom. melius stetit Tac. 2. Hist.
prudently Enacted by the Kingdom of Arragon That all their Kings thenceforward should take an Oath not to alter any thing about the Coin This is the Duty of a Prince as Pope Innocent III. wrote to the same King Peter when his Subjects began to rebell against him Of which this seems to be the Reason That the Prince is subject to the Law of Nations and as Publick Trustee ought to take care that there be no Alteration in the Nature of the Coin which consists in Matter Form and Quantity nor can any Kingdom be constituted where that is not pure But not to be wholly silent in a Matter so Important to Government I 'll mention Two things First That Money is then Just and Convenient when the Coin or Stamp adds nothing to the Intrinsick Value of it and when the Gold and Silver have the common Alloy of other Nations for this will prevent its being Exported The other is That it should be of the same Weight and Value with that of other Nations permitting also the Currency of Foreign Coin Nor will it at all derogate from the Prince's Authority since the Coin serves only to shew the Weight and Value of it And this seems most commodious iâ— those Kingdoms which hold Correspondence and Trade with many Nations EMBLEM LXX EMPIRE admits of no Companion nor can Majesty be divided For it is impossible that each should Command and Obey at the same time especially since Power and Accidents cannot be so nicely shar'd between them both nor Ambition so equally balanced but that one will desire to be above the other or that Envy and Emulation will disturb their Agreement * Lucan Rivals in Empire still mistrustful are Nor can Authority a Part'ner bear It seems next to an Impossibility that the Orders and Commands of two Governors should not thwart one another Moses and Aaron were Brothers and yet when God made them Part'ners he thought it necessary to be in the Mouth of one and in the Mouth of the other and to teach them what to do lest any Dissention should arise between them 1 Exod. 4. 15. A Republick has but one Body and should therefore be guided but by one Soul 2 Vnum esse Reip. Corpus atque unius animo regendum Tac. 3. Annal. A King will hardly entertain even a depos'd Prince within his Kingdom This was the King of Portugal's Excuse for not admitting King Peter when depos'd by his Brother Henry Nothing but Matrimony which unites Bodies and Souls and the singular Prudence of King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella could have prevented the Inconveniencies of their Joint-Reign in the Kingdom of Castile For Power and Concord are very rarely found together 3 Quanquam arduum sit eodem loci potentiâ—â—â— concordiam esse Tac. 4. Annal. And though there was some Consent and Union in the Joint-Empire of Dioclesian and Maximinian yet was not that without its Troubles and Inconveniencies for which Reason the Roman Consuls used to Command by Turns But if there be occasion for more Princes than One 't is better to have Three for the Authority of One will check the Ambition of the other Two There can be no Faction where there is no Equality which was the Reason why the Triumvirates of Caesar Crassus and Pompey and of Anthony Lepidus and Augustus continued for sometime The Kingdom was well govern'd during the Minority of King Henry III. by his Three Guardians * Mar. Hist. Hisp. l. 15. c. 12. Upon which Consideration King Alphonso the Wise propos'd That during the Nonage of Kings the Administration of Affairs should be committed to One Three Five or Seven Which not being observ'd in the Minority of Alphonso XI the Kingdom of Castile felt great Commotions from the Government of the two Infants Iohn and Peter which at last oblig'd the Royal Council to take upon 'em the Administration Though Empires are always violent and of short continuance which are divided and depend not upon one as it happen'd to Alexander's which vast as it was ended with his Life for that after him 't was divided among many That which the Moors had founded in Spain had lasted longer had it not been divided into many Kingdoms This is represented in this present Emblem by a Crown'd Tree which signifies a Kingdom To intimate that if two Hands tho' of the same Body should pull this Tree two different ways they would rend burst and ruine the Crown For Humane Ambition sometimes forgets the Bonds of Nature When States are divided among Brothers the Crown can never remain entire and in Union for every one is for himself and grasps at the whole Sceptre as his Father held it So it befell King Sancho the Elder Divine Providence united all the Kingdoms of Spain to his Empire that by their Joint-Force they might expell the Moors and free themselves from their Tyrannick Slavery But he through Fatherly Affection rather than prudent Policy divided his Kingdoms among his Children thinking that so they would be stronger and more ready to unite against the Common Enemy * Mat. Hist. Hisp. l. 9. c. 1. But instead of that each of the Brothers set up for King himself So that the Crown being thus rent in pieces lost its Strength and Splendour And as Domestick Feuds and Grudges are more inveterate than other they soon grew to Civil Wars each endeavouring to depose his Brother to the utmost Detriment of the Publick This Example might one would have thought have been a Warning to all Princes for the future yet we find King Ferdinand the Great the Emperor Alphonso and Iames I. King of Arragon guilty of the same fault dividing the Command of their Kingdoms among their Children †Mar. Hist. Hisp. l. 9. c. 8. I know not whether this be the Effect of Self-Conceit or Humane Nature ever greedy of Novelty and fond of old rejected Opinions thinking that best which was done by their Ancestors if 't is not that we seek for Examples to excuse our own Resolutions Iames II. King of Arragon was more prudent upon this score when he firmly Enacted That the Kingdoms of Arragon and Valence and the Province of Catalonia should never be separated * Mar. Hist. Hisp. l. 15. c. 19. Nor can these Errors be excused either by the Law of the Twelve Tables or the Common Law which shares the Father's Estate equally among the Children or by Natural Reason which seems to urge that as the Children receiv'd their being in common from their Father they should also be Sharers of his Estate For a King is a Publick Person and ought to act as King and not as a Father and ought rather to attend the Good of his Subjects than his Children Besides a Kingdom is a kind of Publick Chattel and so belongs to no one in particular it not being in the King's Power to dispose of that as of his own private Goods For the Subjects in submitting themselves to
Dance and Revel if he would keep them in Obedience 8 Impera ut liberos citâ—aram pulsare psallere cauponari doceant 〈◊〉 comperies O Rex viros in mulieres degenerasse nihilque metuendum 〈◊〉 rebelles â— te unquam desciscant Herod lib. 40 These Diversions keep the People as firm in their Obedience as did that Method of Pharaoh in employing the People of Israel in making Bricks For the same reason Agricola granted the Britains many of these Diversions and they looked upon that as a Favour which was part of their Slavery 9 Idque apud 〈◊〉 ritos humanitas vocabatur cum pars servitutis esset Tac. in Vit. Agr. This the Embassadors of the Tencteri knew when being sent to Cologn they propos'd the â—estitution of their Ancient Native Customs and the Abolition of those Pleasures which the Romans had introduced by which they subdu'd more than by Force of Arms 10 Instituta cultumque patrium resumite abruptis voluptatibus quiâ—â— Romani plus adversus subjectos quam armis valent Tac. 4. Hist. States being more observant of this Policy than Princes permit every one to live according to his Pleasure conniving at Vices that the People may less apprehend the Tyranny of the Magistracy and be more in love with that way of Government taking this Licence for Liberty they being ever more prone to a Dissolute than a Regular way of living 11 Item vivere ut quisque velit permissio quoniam sic magna erit tali Reip. faventium multitudo â—â—am vulgo dissoluta gratior est quam temperata vita Arist. 6. Pol. 4. But this Policy is none of the safest For when People have once laid aside Respect for Vertue and the Laws they begin to despise the Authority of the Magistracy nay almost all Mischiefs in States proceed from Libertinism it being sufficient to keep the People in Peace and Tranquility and to allow them some honest and agreeable Recreations To live conformable to Government is not Slavery but Liberty But since in all things the Publick Good ought to be the only aim 't is conducive to convert all these Diversions into such Pastimes as exercise the Strength prohibiting all such as depend upon Luck as pernicious both to the Government and Subject To these because they give themselves so much to them that they neglect their Business to that because by such Games the People squander away their Livelyhood and so through Want are necessitated to Plunder and Rebel EMBLEM LXXIII THE Diseases of States are hidden Nor can any one judge of them by their present Disposition for when they seem in full Health and Vigour they are taken ill of a sudden the Distemper breaking out when least thought of like the Vapours of the Earth which are not visible till gathered into Clouds Wherefore a Prince ought carefully to remedy the first Symptoms nor are they to be slighted as seeming frivolous and distant as neither the first Rumors of Ills though to appearance never so unreasonable Who can penetrate the unsetled Designs of the frantick Mobb Upon the least Occasion the least Shadow of Slavery or Male-Administration it rises and takes Arms against the Prince Seditions arise from small Causes and afterwards proceed to greater 1 Ex parvis orta seditione de rebus magnis dissidetur Arist. l. 5. Pol. cap. 4 If they are neglected at first they will be at last incurable they spring like Rivers from small Fountains and afterwards flow into large Streams Their Beginnings always create too much Fear or too much Confidence 2 Primis eventibus metum ac fiduciam gigni Tac. l. 12. Annal. These Considerations kept Tiberius in suspence when he had notice that a certain Slave pretended to be Agrippa and began to raise Commotions in the Empire For he was in doubt whether he should punish him out of hand or let Time discover the Cheat sometimes considering that nothing should be slighted then again that he ought not to be frighted at every thing being dubious between Shame and Fear but at last he resolved upon a Remedy 3 Vi ne militum servum suum coërceret an inanem credulitatem tempore ipso vanescere sinereâ— modò nihil spernendum modò omnia metuendâ— ambiguus pudoris aâ— metus reputabat Tac. 2. Annal. Certain it is that sometimes the Torrent of the Mutinous Mobb is so rapid that unless Care be taken it leaves its own Channel dry or falls into Civil Wars the Consequences of which are always terrible but are if taken in time moderated by Accidents and Chance and wholly quash'd by Care and Prudence 4 Initia bellorum civilium fortunae permittenda victoriam consiliis ratione perfici Tac. â— Hist. Experience shews many ways to appease the Commotions and Seditions of Kingdoms sometimes Chance offers them and sometimes the Inclination of the Seditious As it happened to Drusus who seeing the Legions repent of their having Mutiny'd because of an Eclipse of the Moon which happened at that time and which they took for an ill Omen made use of that Inclination to appease 'em 5 Vtendum inclinatione eâ— Caesar quae casus obtulerat in sapientiam vertenda ratus Tac. 1. Annal. The same also Herman Cortez did upon another Occasion Nor are these Means to be slighted as frivolous for the Mobb is often quieted with the same Ease it is rais'd Neither of which Motions are guided by Reason A blind Hurry puts them in motion and an empty Shadow stops ' em All the Art lies in knowing how to humour their Rage while that works they are uncontrollable they always either fear or are fear'd 6 Nihil in vulgo modicum terrere ni paveant ubi pertimuerint impunè contemni Tac. 1. Annal. If any one should endeavour by a set premeditated Speech to appease and quiet them he would lose his Time and Pains A sharp Sentence or severe Check has more Force than all the Rhetorick in the World Iulius Caesar with one Word quash'd a Mutiny among the Soldiers * Lucan Begone ye Roman Drones And leave our Ensigns to be born by Men. But the most effectual Means to pacifie a Sedition is Division by drawing the Heads thereof into divers Factions and Parties This Way we use with Bees whene'er that Wing'd People begin to Mutiny for even that Republick has its Intestine Broils and leaving their waxen Houses begin to gather in the Air by throwing a little Dust among them they are soon separated †Virg. in Georg. Throw but a little Sand they settle straight Whence the Figure and Motto of this present Emblem is taken But though this Division be always good 't is more Prudence thereby to prevent Ills e're they happen than to remedy them afterwards King Ferdinand IV. understanding the Commotions of some of the Nobility of Galicia sent for them and giving them Commissions sent them to the Wars The Romans us'd to send
purpose to the Lion she has given Claws to the Eagle Talons to the Elephant a Trunk to the Bull Horns to the Bear Fangs to the Porcupine sharp Quills she has made Adders and Vipers formidable by their Poison for their Defence consists in our Danger and their Security in our Fear For which Reason she has cloathed almost all Beasts with a thick Skin for their Defence the Crocadile with a Breast-Plate Serpents with a Coat of Mail Scorpions with Scales She has given all an Aspect terrible and a Voice horrible and dreadful Let therefore Savage War be for them not for Man in whom Reason is predominate over Rage Nature has hid Iron Steel Gold and Silver in the Bowels of the Earth lest Men should make ill Use of them but Revenge or Injustice has found them even there some for the Instruments and some for the Price of Murther 5 Video serrum ex iisdem tenebris esse prolatum quibus Aâ—rum Argentum ne aut instrumentum in caedes mutuas deesset aut Pretium Senec. Great Abuse of Mankind to employ Gold and Silver to the Destruction of Life which was given for its Preservation But because many Men as we have said more Savage than the very Beasts themselves are more sway'd by Lust and Ambition than Reason and so unjustly covet to oppress and govern others War became necessary for Natural Defence for there being two Methods of deciding Matters one by Justice the other by Force which is common to all Animals when the one can't be us'd the other must 6 Nam cum duo sint genera disceptandi unum per disceptationem alterâ—â— per vim cumque illud proprium sit hominis hoc belluarum confugiendum eâ—â— ad posterius si â—ti non licet superiori Cicero provided the Cause and Intention be just and the Authority of the Prince be lawful in which also nothing should be resolv'd on without due Deliberation So the Athenians us'd to consult their Orators and Philosophers about the Legality of their Wars for 't is in our Power to begin but not to end them he who undertakes them in haste will repent at leisure War says King Alphonso ought to be well weigh'd e're 't is begun that it may be agreeable to Reason and Iustice for from hence proceed three great Advantages The first is That God favours those who do so The second is That they themselves are more encourag'd upon Confidence of their Iustice The third is That those who know it if they are Friends join more chearfully if Enemies they have the less hopes of Success * L. 2. tt 23. p. 2. War ought not to be undertaken for slight and frivolous Matters such as were those which mov'd Xerxes to bring War upon the Greeks and the Lumbards to make an Irruption into Italy That Prince is a Tyrant who wages War for another State but he Just and Commendable who does it for the Defence of his own or the Recovery of unjust Usurpations in such case especially where Justice cannot be obtained otherwise or where it is more securely decided by the Sword than the Book so subject to Deceit and Cavil 7 Castrensis jurisdictio secura obtusior plura manu agens calliditatem fori non exerceat Tac. in Vit. Agric. The Success of War is a Just Judge giving the Right of Victory to him to whom it belongs King Philip II. was so desirous to clear his Right to the Crown of Portugal upon the Death of King Sebastian that after having had the Opinions of many Divines and Lawyers and his Army being then upon the Frontiers he stopp'd to conferr with them further about it A Prince who desires gradually to raise his Fortune may do it by War provided he has just Occasion But he who is already in quiet Possession of a competent Greatness ought diligently to consider how he engages himself in War and to endeavour as much as possible to avoid it by honourable Means without loss of Authority and Reputation for if he loses them the Refusal will rather kindle it The Emperor Rodolphus I. us'd to say That 't was more commendable to Govern a State well than to Enlarge it 'T is not less Glorious for a Prince to preserve Peace with his Sword than to Conquer in War Happy is that Kingdom in which the Reputation of Arms maintains Plenty and where Lances support the Vines and Olive-Trees where Ceres is protected by Bellona's Head-piece The greater the Courage is the more averse 't is to War as knowing to what it must be obliged Many times Cowards advise and promote it and the Brave act it 8 Sumi Bellum etiam ab ignavis tenuâ—ssimi cujusque Periculum geri Tac. 4. Annal. If War is commenc'd for the sake of Peace what need of that when we may enjoy this The Choice of it ought not to proceed from the Will but from Force or Necessity 9 Paâ—em habere debet Voluntas Bellâ—m Necessiâ—â—s De August Epist. 207. Tom. 2. The Ancients feign'd that Pallas was born out of the Head of Iupiter to intimate that War ought to proceed from Prudence not from the Perverseness of the Mind Sebastian King of Portugal who carried it into Africk more by the impulse of his Courage than Counsel with his Blood imprinted on those Sands the Truth of this Precept The Bees don't chuse an armed King that he mayn't be given to War and neglect the Government of his own State for foreign Conquests If Francis King of France and Gustavus King of Sweden had duly consider'd this the first had not been taken at Pavia nor the last kill'd at Lutzen Ambition of Rule is that which begins the Ruine of many States This Hanibal knew at last when he told Scipio That ' t would have been better had the Gods given Men more modest Thoughts that the Romans might be content with Italy and the Carthaginians with Africk Great Princes ought to carry on War with their utmost Power and Vigour that they may the sooner end it as the Romans did for the Protraction of it is both chargeable and dangerous The Enemy is also thereby disciplin'd and forewarn'd and encouraged Power without Vigour loses its Esteem For these Reasons two Wars ought not to be commenc'd at the same time for the Forces being divided they can't be ended so soon nor is any Power sufficient to maintain 'em long nor Subjects capable to Command them The Romans ever endeavoured as do the Turks at this day not to be engaged in two Wars at a time Upon this were grounded the Threats of Corbulo to the Parthians telling them That all the Empire enjoy'd a firm Peace and that they had only that War 10 Tac. 15. Annal. EMBLEM LXXV MEDEA to facilitate the Conquest of the Golden Fleece sowed Serpents Teeth in Colâ—hos whence immediately sprang Troops of armed Men who falling together by the ears destroyed one another So some
Princes and States the pernicious Medea's of the World sow Discord among Princes and reap Wars and Confusion the Fruit thereof in their own States 1 For they have sown the Wind and reap'd the Whirlwind Hâ—sea 8. 7. They think to enjoy themselves that Repose which they molest in others and the Event proves contrary Cosmographers say about the Aequilibrium of the World that it is so Equidistant from the Center that the least Weight moves the Earth 'T is the same in War there is none so distant but it changes the Center of Rest of other Kingdoms War is a raging Fire which kindled in one Place runs on to others and very often to its own Home according as the Wind drives it The prudent Farmer dreads the Storm he sees gathering upon the Mountain's top though at never so great a distance Much greater need has he to fear who raises it by supplying it with Vapours Those who foment the Dutch Power and Grandeur may in time repent it when subject to the Yoke of their Slavery as it befell those who favour'd the Rise of the Roman Grandeur The Venetians jealous of the Portuguese for that by their Voyages they depriv'd 'em of the Traffick of the Persian Sea and the East-Indies sent an Embassador against them to Cairo and Engineers and Carpenters to arm the King of Calâ—cut against them persuading the Dutch to oppose their Passage by the Cape of Good Hope But they having comply'd with their Desires and establish'd their own Factories and Commerce quite disappointed the Republick who had better have left the Portuguese Trade free since so they might have made use of their Ships to Import the Eastern Commodities which when they had brought to their Ports the Inhabitants might with more Industry and Profit disperse over Europe Thus we see the Means which humane Prudence makes use of for its own Safety turn to the Ruine of the Author The Dukes of Savoy and Parma thought to maintain the War in the State of Milan and the one utterly ruin'd his own and the other made his the Seat of War Ill Advice impos'd upon the Goodness of the French King made him fearful of himself diffident of his Mother and Brother and of the whole Kingdom being persuaded that without War he could not subsist and that his Preservation depended upon the Ruine of the House of Austria and for that end he rais'd with the Blood of the Nobility of that Kingdom engag'd in Civil Broils Clouds which created a general Tempest against all Christendom the Rhine Moselle Danube and Elbe being summoned to his Assistance He foments the Clouds in England Holland and Denmark He breaks the Ice of Sweden that he might pass the Baltick Sea by those Northern Streights to the Ruine of Empire 3 Isai. 23. 11. He thaws the Snows of the Switzers and Grisons and scatters them through Germany and Italy He turns the River Po upon the State of Milan summoning the Tyber and Adriatick to his Assistance 4 Ezek. 32. 2. He raises the Fogs of Africk Persia Turkey Tartary and Moscovia that they might in Clouds of Arrows and Lightning invade Europe He forces through the secret Crannies of the Earth Earthquakes which shook Brazil and the East-Indies He sends through all Parts furious Hurricanes which made one continual Tempest and he disturbed the Heavens with such Diligence and Art that it darted Fire hail'd Shot and rain'd Blood upon the Earth 5 Ier. 4. 13. He reaches from Pole to Pole with the Shot of his Artillery 6 Ier. 8. 16. and with his Dragoons more swift by the Negligence or Malice of some than the Imperial Eagles 7 4. 13. Their Neighings are heard in all Parts and Mars triumphs in Blood and Dust 8 Ier. 8. 16. The Author of so many Wars verifying what Isaiah said of Lucifer That he disturbs the Earth ruines Kingdoms dispeoples the World and destroys its Cities 9 Isai. 14. 16. For when God makes use of one as a Scourge to the rest he gives him his Power by which he succeeds in whatever he undertakes while his Divine Anger continues 10 Isai. 10. 5. He told Moses That he had made him God over Pharaoh 11 Exod. 7. 1. and so as God he wrought Miracles to punish him and his Kingdom 12 Data est Moysi authoritas potestâ—◠〈◊〉 velâ—t Deus Pharaontem â—erreret puniret Hil. l. 7. de Trin. But I am not so bold to say that in Pharaoh's Person and his Kingdom is represented that of France and the Punishment that Divine Sun of Justice threatens it and that we must hope for other miraculous Actions for the Preservation and Grandeur of the House of Austria 13 2 Mac. 15. 8. That his Displeasure being appeased will by little and little dispell the Clouds which obscure its Pinnacles discovering thereupon the Triumphant Imperial Eagle which having sharpned its Talons and its Beak and refresh'd its Feathers in the Waters of its Trouble shall join that Divine Lightning which shall be Light to it and Fire to France causing to fall upon them the whole Tempest which they had raised against other Kingdoms The Spirit of so many Tempests shall waste it self their Counsels being rash and violent 14 Isai. 19. 3. French shall War with French Friend with Friend Brother with Brother City with City and the Kingdom with the Kingdom 15 Ibid. by which it shall become the Bloody Scene of that War which it has so industriously procured other Nations 16 Ezek. 29. 10. Such Counsels are like Spiders Webs drawn from their own Bowels their due Punishment is to fall into the same Nets which they have spread for others 17 Proâ— 26. 27. Perillus invented a Brazen Bull for the Exercise of his Tyranny and was himself the first that made it Bellow No Possession is secure which is founded upon the Destruction of others A certain French Embassador advised the League of Cambray against the Republick of Venice insinuating That she should sow Dissentions among the Princes and build her own Fortune upon their Ruine And several of them uniting disarmed her and took from her all the Lands she possess'd upon the Continent It may be that those Times required such Artifices or that the Prudent Noblemen of which that Illustrious Senate always consists knew those Inconveniencies but could not prevent 'em either through the furious Torrent of the Multitude or through fear of rendring themselves suspected by Opposition This is the Misfortune of Republicks that Malice Tyranny fomenting Hatred and Self-Interest without respect to Justice pass for Zeal and Love to their Country hindring Persons of Integrity from appearing That the Prudent endeavour to procure the Peace of the State while giddy Fellows who have no Prospect of the Time to come molest it by their vain and dangerous Enterprizes 18 Sapientibus quietis Reip. curae levissimus quisque futuri
to Dissemble or Punish with Rigour The prudentest Counsel certainly in the World For the Common People can never keep a Medium between two Extremes but always exceed in the one or the other 5 Alâ—i fortioribus remediis agendum nihil in vulgo modicum terrere ni paveam ubi pertimuerint impunè contemni Tac. 1. Annal. If the Matter require Expedition it is certain Ruine not to venture enough or not to use sufficient Precaution as it happened to Valens who wavering between the Counsels that were given him could not come to any determinate Resolution 6 Mox utrumque consilium aspernatur quod inter ancipitia deterrimum est dum media se quitur nec ausus est satis nec providit Id. l. 3. Hist. In Affairs of War Fear would sometimes appear prudent and to that end suggests Moderate Resolutions which serve but to encourage the Enemy and give him Time to look about him As King Iohn I. found who pretending the Crown of Portugal was devolved on him by the Death of Ferdinand his Father-in-Law resolved to enter that Kingdom alone and to have his Army follow whence the Portuguese gained Time to take up Arms in the interim which had never been done had he immediately fell upon them but he to avoid War left his Right to the Decision of Justice Threats signifie little if the Hand lifted up have no Weapon in it and do not sometimes punish Disobedience in earnest The Hastiness of the French makes them regard neither the past nor present Time and through the Heat of their Minds they are too adventurous and too precipitous in their Resolutions However this very thing oftentimes gives Success to them for by this means they avoid Luke-warmness and dispatch every thing in a trice The Spaniards on the other side are Dilatory that they may by long and much Consideration proceed with more Caution and out of an Affectation of Prudence use to Hesitate nay while they take Time to Consult lose the Opportunity of Execution The Italians know better how to make their Advantage both of the one and the other using the Opportunities as they present themselves Not like the Germans who are slow in Resolving lazy in Executing and consult only the present Time without any regard to the past or future Their Minds change with Events which is the reason they have so little advanced their Fortune it being otherwise a Nation which considering its innate Courage might extend its Dominions far and near To the same Cause may be ascribed the long Continuance of the Civil Wars the Empire is harrass'd with at this day which undoubtedly by resolute Counsel and Expedition might have been laid asleep long ago whereas by slow Counsels which yet pass'd for Prudent we have seen vast Armies upon the Rhine which might have made way even into France and forced it to an Universal Peace a thing has done them more prejudice than if they had lost several Battels For there can be no greater Overthrow than for an Army insensibly to waste and perish within it self It is this has made Havock of their own Country and the Places adjacent through which War ought to be carried when now its Seat is in the very Heart of Germany In all other Affairs of Civil Government Middle-Counsels may have place because of the Danger of Extremes and because it is of great Importance ever to take away from which you may afterwards in case of Necessity come to any one of the two with the less inconvenience Between these two Extremes the Ancients placed Prudence represented by the flight of Daedalus who came neither too near the Sun nor too near the Sea lest the excessive Heat of the one should melt or the Moisture of the other wet his Wings Iâ— Countries whose Inhabitants are not of a Servile Nature but of a Polite Genius and Generous Spirit the Reins of the People ought to be govern'd with so much Caution and Address that neither too much Indulgence shall breed Arrogance nor too much Rigour Aversion It is equally dangerous to curb them with Bits and Barnacles and turn them loose without a Bridle for they can neither endure all Liberty nor all Slavery as Galba told Piso of the 7 Neque enim hic aut in caeteris gentibus quae regnantur certa Dominorum Domus caeteri servi sed imâ—eraturus es hominibus qui neâ—â—otam servitutem pati possunt nec totam libertatem Tac. l. 1. Hist. Romans Always to execute Power is to wear out the Chain of Servitude 'T is a kind of Tyranny to go about to reduce Subjects to the model of an absolute Perfect State in that the Condition of Humane Nature admits not of it It is not necessary for a Government to be such as it ought to be but as it is capable of being for all things that are expedient are not possible to Humane Infirmity It is an Absurdity to wish there may be no Defect at all in a Common-wealth There will be Vices as long as there be Men. Excess of Zeal is the Spring of many Mistakes in Governors in not knowing how to conform to Prudence The same is Ambition when Princes affect to pass for Severe and imagining their Reputation consists in Ruling their Subjects so that they shall never in the least degree swerve from Reason and the Laws 'T is a dangerous Strictness which consults not the ordinary Passions of the Vulgar Open Address prevails more than Power Example and Complacency than Inhuman Severity Let the Prince therefore rather make believe he finds his Subjects good than value himself upon making them so which Tacitus commends Agricola for in his Government of Britain 8 Maluit videri invenisse bonos quam fecisse Tacit. in Vit. Agric. Let him not suffer himself to be deceived in the past Times so as to wish he could see those Good Manners he fancies were in those Days For Malice was ever the same in all Times but 't is a fault of our corrupt Nature always to like the Past better than the Present 9 Laudamus veteres praesentes carpimus annos Besides granting that Severity and Obedience were greater formerly yet this Age will not bear it if those Ancient Manners are alter'd in it This Mistake cost Galba both his Life and Empire 10 Nocuit antiquâ—s rigor nimia severitas cui pares non sumus Tac. l. 1. Hist. EMBLEM LXXXVI MAN's Mind has not been satisfy'd with the Speculation of Terrestrial Things but impatient that the Knowledge of the Heavens should be deferred so long as till after Death has broke the Prison of the Body and soar'd above the very Elements to find out by Reasoning what it could not by Touching Sight and Hearing and to this end hath form'd in Imagination an Idea of that most Beautiful Fabrick contriving a Sphere with such various Circles Equations and Epicycles as aptly represent the several Motions of the Planets
time unprofitably exhausting their Treasuries without considering that if they should once be attack'd by those of this House it would be much better to have still by them for their own Defence what they had laid out upon the Diversion of their Forces And this whole Doctrine has place without any scruple in Policy in an open War where the Reason of Self-Preservation is more cogent than other Considerations less solid and the same Cause that makes the War lawful justifies also this Discord But when the case is nothing but an invidious Emulation of Grandeur these Artifices are not warrantable for he who stirs up the Subjects of another Prince to Rebellion at the same time teaches his own to be Traitors The Emulation should be between the Persons not the Offices Dignity is of the same kind in all its parts that which wounds one wounds all Passions and Hatreds are transient but Bad Examples remain for ever It is the Interest and Concern of every Prince not to suffer the Dignity of another to be injured by Contempt or Disobedience or his Person by Treason 'T is an Action unworthy of a Prince to conquer by Poison not by the Sword It was ever accounted base among the Romans 8 Non fraude neque occultis sed palam armatum populum Romanum bostes suos ulcisci Tac. Hist. l. 2. and is to this day with the Spaniards who have been so far from making use of such secret Practices against their Enemies that they have often been assisting to them A remarkable Example of which our Catholick King left your Highness when he sent an Army to aid the French King against the English who had possess'd themselves of the Isle of Rhea not regarding the Duke of Roan's Advice which was to divide the Kingdom into several Governments And another time when His Majesty offered by Monsieur de Maximi the Pope's Nuncio to assist the same King in Person to subdue the Hugonots of Montauban and drive them out of his Country Which Signal and Heroick Kindness had no other Return but Ingratitude leaving a Lesson to Reason not to let it self be too easily touch'd with Compassion towards a Foreign State From what hath been said it is obvious to deduce how much the Agreement of Subjects Minds and the Union of States contribute to their Common Defence If I say every particular Person did look on the Danger of his Neighbour as his own be it at never so remote a distance and accordingly endeavour all ways both with Men and Money to relieve him that the whole Body may be preserved But not a few are deceived in this Point they who are far off flattering themselves with the Thoughts that the Danger will never reach them or that they are no way obliged to anticipate such Expences and that it is greater Prudence to keep their Forces entire till the Enemy come nigher But alas then all the Difficulties being surmounted and those States taken which served them for Out-works the rest will never be able to hold out This was the Fate of the Britains of whom thus Tacitus Heretofore they were under Kings now are by petty Princes distracted into Factions nor does any thing further our Designs against the strongest Nations than their not consulting the Common Good Seldom above two or three Cities associate to repell the Common Danger Thus while every one fights single all are overcome 9 Olim Regibus parebant nunc per Principes factionibus studiis trabantur nec aliud adversus validissâ—mas gentes pro nobis â—â—ilius quam quod in commune non consulunt Rarus duabus tribusve civitatibus ad propulsandum commune periculuâ— conventus ita dum singuli puâ—nant universi vincuntur Tac. in Viâ— Agric. The Kingdoms of Spain and Provinces of Italy Burgundy and Flanders are sensible of this Danger with a greater Prudence a more eminent and exemplary Piety Zeal and Affection towards their Lawful Lord in that with a generous Emulation they voluntarily offer His Majesty their Lives and Fortunes to protect them from their Enemies who with joint-Forces conspire the Overthrow of the Catholick Religion and that Monarchy Let Your Highness ingrave these Services on your tender Breast and let the Gratitude and Esteem due to Subjects so Loyal encrease with your Glorious Years Then you will judge which is most excellent To Rule the World or such a Government * Cam. Lus. EMBLEM XCI FRiendship seems to restrain a Government more and to have been more considered by Law-Givers than Iustice. For if all Men were Friends there would be no need of Justice but though all were Just yet would they want the Protection of Friendship 1 Videtur amicitia magis continere majore quam justitia in studio fuisse Legislatoribus Nam si amicitia inter omnes esset niâ—il esset quod justitiam desiderarent at si justi essent tamen amicitiae praesidium requirerent Arist. Ethic. l. 1. Friendship is the greatest good Mankind enjoys a sure Sword always by one's side both in Peace and War a faithful Companion in both Fortunes With this Prosperity is crown'd and Adversity becomes more easie For it neither is diminished by one or encreased by the other In one it is guided by Modesty in the other by Constancy in the one and the other always at hand as if by both it were like to gain Consanguinity may be without Kindness and Affection Friendship cannot This comes from our own Choice that from Chance That may be without the Bond of Communication and Mutual Assistance this cannot forasmuch as there are three things which as constituent parts of its Being unite it Nature by the means of Resemblance the Will by that of Good Humour and Reason by that of Honour Hereunto certainly King Alphonsus the Wise alludes when he accuseth a certain Person of Cruelty and Injustice for carrying away Prisoner one of two Persons who were endeared to each other by Consanguinity and Friendship 2 L. 19. Tit. 2. p. 2. The more tried therefore and sincere the Friendship has been so much the less valuable will it be when once violated A Crystal crackt is good for nothing The Diamond loses all its Worth when divided into Pieces A Sword once broken can never be solder'd again Whoever trusts to reconciled Friendship will find himself deceived for upon the first Blow of Adversity or Prospect of Advantage it will presently relapse again Neither David's Mercy in sparing Saul's Life nor the Acknowledgments and fair Protestations of Saul confirmed by Oath were sufficient to make the first think himself e'er the safer for this Reconcilement or the last to cease Plotting against him 3 And Saul went home but David and his men gat them up unto the hold 1 Sam. 24. 22. Esau with Embraces and Tears in his Eyes tried to regain the Favour of his Brother Iacob and though there passed great Signs and Expressions of Friendship on both
the World nor would it be possible for firm Truces or Peace to be ever concluded But though there pass no Oath yet the Treaties should nevertheless be observed For from the Truth Fidelity and Justice whereby they are maintained there arises in them a mutual Obligation and a Duty common to all Nations and as it is not allowable to kill or hate a Man of a different Communion so neither is it to cheat or break a Promise to him Hence Ioshua kept his Oath with the Gibeonites 9 We have sworn unto them by the Lord God of Israel now therefore we may not touch them Iâ—sh 9. 19. A thing which was so pleasing to God Almighty that he vouchsafed in his savour to interrupt the Natural Order of the Orbs of Heaven obeying the Voice of Ioshua and stopping the Sun in the midst of its Course to give him Time to prosecute the slaughter of his Enemies and acquit himself of his Obligation 10 So the sun stood still in the midst of heaven and hasted not to go down about a wâ—ole day And there was no day like that before it or after it that the Lord hearkened unto the voice of man for the Lord sought for Iâ—rael Iosh. 10. 13 14. As on the contrary he punished David with a Three Years Famine for Saul's breaking this very Treaty Three hundred Years after 11 Then there was a famine in the days of David three years year afâ—er year and David enquired of the Lord. And the Lord answered It is for Saul and for his bloody house because he slew the Giâ—eonites 2 Sam. 21. 1. EMBLEM XCIV THE Sun when in Libra distributes his Rays with so much Justice that he makes the Days and Nights equal not however without having a more particular regard to the Zones that are nearest and most subject to his Empire to which he imparts a greater Force of Light always preferring those Climates and Paâ—allels that are least remote and if any Country suffers the Intemperatures of Heat under the Torrid Zone the fault is in its ill Situation not in the Sun's Rays since they are at the same Time benign to other Parts of the same Zone Now what the Sun does in the Equinoctial-Line a Part of Heaven so considerable that if the immense Being of God could be confined to any limited Place it could be no other than that the same Effect I say is produced here below by that Pontifical Triple-Crown which from Rome as a Fixed Equinox with its Divine Rays illuminates all the Parts of the World This is the Sun of these inferior Orbs in which was substituted the Power of the Light of that Eternal Sun of Righteousness that all Things Sacred might receive from it their true Form so as never to be called in question by the shadows of impious Opinions There is no Country so near the Poles but the Brightness of its Rays in spite of the Frosts and Mists of Ignorance has reached it This Tiara or Triple-Crown is the Touch-stone on which other Crowns are tried and the Caracts of their Gold and Silver proved in that as in a Crucible they are separated from other base Metals and it is by the Tau they are stampt with that they are assured of their real Value Hence Ramius King of Arragon and many others voluntarily offered to become Feudataries to the Church looking on it as an Honour and Happiness for their Crowns to pay it Tribute Those that refuse the Touch of this Apostolical Stone are of Lead and Tin and so soon wear out and consume rarely passing to the Fifth Generation as we see by frequent Experience It was with the Respect and Obedience of Princes that their Temporal Grandeur and Dignity foretold by the Prophet Isaiah 1 Then thou shalt see and flow together and thine heart shall fear and be enlarged because the abundance of the sea shall be converted unto thee the forces of the Gentiles shall come unto thee Isai. 6â— 5. was encreased who afterwards armed the Spiritual Sword so as to render it capable of being the Balance of the Kingdoms of Christendom And by the same means the Popes still endeavour to support their Power procuring the Favour of Potentates by their Paternal Affection Their Empire over Minds is a Voluntary one imposed by Reason not Force and if at any time this latter has been too immoderate it has had quite contrary Effects for Passion is blind and easily runs headlong The Papacy even unarmed is stronger than the best appointed Armies The Presence of Pope Leo in his Pontifical Robes struck such a Terrour into Attila that it made him retreat and lay aside his Thoughts of Sacking of Rome which had he attempted by Arms he had never quelled the haughty Spirit of that Barbarian The bare Whistle of the Shepherd or a kind Menace of the Crook or Sling do more than the hardest Stones It is a Rebellious Sheep that must be led by Rigour For if the Piety of the Faithful has given Force to the Papal Dignity that was rather for the Security of its Grandeur than done with a design to let them use it except when the Maintenance of Religion and the Universal Benefit of the Church so required When contrary to this one Consideration the Mitre is turned into a Helmet no more Reverence or Obedience is due to it than if it were merely Temporal * The Italian is â—ere guilty of parâ—ial Omissions and Additions And if it will depend on Reasons of State it will be looked upon only as a Politick Prince's Crown not as the Diadem of a Pope whose Empire is supported by a Spiritual Authority His Pastoral Office is of Peace only not War his Crosier crooked to guide not pointed to wound The Sovereign Priest is the Sovereign Man and therefore should not as other Men be guilty of Envy Hatred or Partiality which are always Incentives of War 2 Summum Pontificem etiam summum hâ—minem esse non amulationi◠〈◊〉 odio aut privatis affectioâ—iâ—us 〈◊〉 Tac. Annal. liâ— 3. This even the very Pagans required in their Chief-Priest The Splendour of his Vertues strike the Mind more than the Sword does the Body which is much less prevalent in composing the Differences of Princes than Love and Respect for when Princes once see that his good Offices proceed from a true Paternal Love free from Passions Affections and Politick Artifices they willingly lay their Rights and Arms at his Feet This several Popes have had Experience of who avoiding Neutrality have shewn themselves the Common Fathers of the whole World He who adheres to one alone denies himself to all besides and he that is neither on this Side nor that Side takes the Part of none Whereas the High-Priests should be for All as their Garments in the Old Law gave us to understand whose exquisite Make represented the Globe of the Earth 3 For in the long garment was the whole world Wisd.
Peace Now Caesar 's Grandeur Caesar 's Glories reign His Conqu'ring Arm sheathing his Sword again * Propert. Nothing in the World is more an Enemy to Possession than War It is a wicked as well as foolish Doctrine which teaches that Seeds of Hatred should be nourished that Matter for War may be furnished whenever it shall be thought fit 12 Semina odiorum jacienda omne scelus externum habendum cum laetitia Tac. Annal. l. 12. He always lives in War who has it always in his Thoughts The Advice of the Holy Spirit is much more wholsom Seek Peace and pursue it 13 Psal. 34. 14. When a Peace is once Concluded the Laws of God and Man oblige to a faithful Observance of it even although transacted with one's Predecessors without any Distinction between the Government of One and Many both the Kingdom and Commonwealth for the Benefit and upon the Faith of which the Contract was made being always the same and never dying Time and Common Consent have Passed what was once Agreed upon into a Law Nor is Force or Necessity a sufficient Excuse for making War For if the Publick Faith might be violated for these things there would be no Capitulation no Treaty of Peace but might be broken under the same colour Francis I. was blamed for declaring War against Charles V. contrary to the Agreement made during his Imprisonment under pretence of Constraint By such Artifices and Equivocal Negotiations it comes to pass that none at all are firm so that to establish them it is necessary to demand Hostages or detain some considerable Place things which embarrass a Peace and fatigue the World with perpetual Wars The Prince then being free from the Toils and Dangers of War should apply himself wholly to the Arts of Peace according to Tasso Learning and Arts promote throughout your Realm Divert your Subjects Minds with Plays and Balls With equal Iustice punish and reward And out of Danger stand upon your Guard Yet not without reflecting how soon War may possibly disturb his Rest. Let not his Eye quit the Arms his Hand has laid down nor those old Medals influence him upon the Reverse of which Peace was described burning Shields with a Torch This was far from being a prudent Emblem for there is nothing so necessary after War as the preserving of Arms to keep Violence from making any attempt against Peace None but God alone could when he gave it to his People break the Bow as the Psalmist expresseth it cut the Spear in sunder and 〈◊〉 the Chariots in the fire 14 Psal. 46. 9. forasmuch as he being the Arbiter of War needs not Arms to maintain Peace withal But among Men there can be no Peace where Ambition is not restrained by Fear or Force This gave Occasion to the Invention of Arms which Defence found out before Offence The Plough marked out the Walls before the Streets were disposed and almost at the same time Tents were pitched and Houses built The Publick Repose would never be secure did not Care armed guard its Sleep A State unprovided with Arms awakens the Enemy and invites War Never had the Alps heard the Echo's of so many Trumpets had the Cities of the Milanese been better fortify'd This State is as it were an Outwork to all the Kingdoms of the Spanish Monarchy and each ought for its own Security to contribute to its Strength which joined with the Power of the Sea would render the Monarchy firm and unshaken Mens Hearts were they of Adamant could not supply the Defect of Walls King Witiza by demolishing these made the Moors so bold as to invade Spain when those Banks were gone which till then had stopt their Inundations 15 Mar. Hist. Hisp. Augustus was not guilty of this Negligence in that long Peace he enjoyed but appointed a Publick Treasury as a Provision against a War Except Forces be Exercised in Time of Peace and the Mind disciplin'd in the Arts of War it will not easily be done when Danger of Invasion shall have put all Men in a Consternation and they be more intent on flying and saving what they have than on their Defence There is no greater Stratagem than to leave a Kingdom to its own Idleness When Military Exercise fails Valour does the same Nature produces in all Parts great Souls which either Occasion discovers or want of Business burieth Past Ages have not furnish'd braver Men in Greece and Rome than are at this day born but they then appeared so Heroical because Desire of Rule made them use themselves to Arms. Let not a Prince be discouraged at the Sluggishness of his Subjects Discipline will fit them either to preserve Peace or to maintain War Let him keep them always employed in the Exercise of Arms for he that desires Peace must prevent War EMBLEM C. IT is a short breathing between the Cradle and the Tomb short I say yet 〈◊〉 of occasioning considerable Evils if ill employed Often does a Commonwealth lament whole Ages the Errour of one Moment On this Point turns the Fall or Rise of Empires One bad Counsel in a Minute throws down what has cost Valour and Prudence many Years to build 1 〈…〉 Taâ— Annal. l. 5. And therefore it is not enough in this Amphitheater of Life to have run well if the Course be not equal to the End He only receives the Crown who has lawfully touch'd the last Goal of Death The Foundation of Houses consists in the first Stones that of Renown in the last except they be Glorious it soon falls and is buried in Oblivion The Cradle does not flourish until the Tomb has first and then even the Briars of past Vices turn to Flowers for Fame is the last Spirit of our Actions which thence receive their Beauty and Lustre a thing never seen in an infamous Old Age that rather effacing the Glory of Youth as it happened to 2 Cesserunt que primâ— postremis boâ—aâ— juventae senectus flagitiosâ—â—â—â—teravit Tac. Annal. 1. 6. Vitellius The most perfect Stroaks of the Pencil or Chizel are not esteemed if the whole Work remain imperfect And if ever Fragments were regarded it was for being the Reliques of a once perfect Statue Envy or Flattery while Life lasts give different Forms to Actions but Fame unbyass'd by those Passions pronounces after Death true and just Sentences which the Tribunal of Posterity confirms 3 Sâ—â—m â—uique decus posteritas rependit Tac. Annal. 1. 4. Some Princes are sensible enough of how great Consequence it is to Crown their Life with Vertues but they are mistaken in thinking to supply that by leaving them described in Epitaphs and represented in Statues not considering that they blush to accompany him in Death whom they had not accompanied while alive and that the Marbles are as it were in Indignation to see the Counterfeit-Glory of a Tyrant inscribed on them but seem to soften to facilitate the engraving of that
aetatem â—â—gisque fama qâ—aâ— vâ— stare res 〈◊〉 Tac. Annal. l. 6. Besides we pass over a great many Slips in Old Age which would be unpardonable in Youth as Drusus 16 Sane gravaretur aspectum civium senex imperator fessamque â—â—atem actos labores praetenderâ—t Druso quod nisi ex arrogantâ—a impedimentum Tac. Annal. l. 3. observed The more boisterous the Storms are with the more Resolution the Prince had need be armed to bear up against them and the closer he ought to keep to the Helm of Government lest by entrusting it in the Hands of others both himself and the Commonwealth should fall a Prey to the Sea While the Prince's Vigour lasts he should live and die in Action Government is like the Spheres which never stand still it admits no Poles but those of the Prince In the Arms of the State not those of Sloth the Prince must find Refreshment in the Toils of his Old Age 17 Se tamen fortiora solatia è complexu Reip. petivisse Tac. Annal. l. 4. And if through the Infirmities of his Age he wants Strength to bear them and has need of other Shoulders yet let him not wholly refuse the Assistance of his own were it only for Shew since that is the same thing in the Eyes of the ignorant Mobb as Reality and as we observed elsewhere is a Restraint to Ministers and Support to Reputation In this Case it is safer to form a Privy-Council of Three as Philip II. did than to leave all to the Management of One single Person because the People look not on them as Favourites but as Councellors Let the Prince beware of Covetousness a Vice universally detested and peculiar to Old Age which it never forsakes though it has bid adieu to all others Undoubtedly Galba might have ingratiated himself with the People had he been in the least Generous 18 Constat poâ—uisse conâ—iliari animos quantulacuâ—que parci senis liberalitate Tac. Hist. lib. 1. Let him conform to the Mode and present Customs and forget those more harsh and rigid ones of former Times a fault Old Men are too apt to fall into whether it proceed from the prejudice of their Education from Vain-glory or the difficulty they find in taking up those new Customs whence they incurr the hate of all Men. They give way to that melancholy Humour which ariseth from the Coldness of their Age and exclaim against all Pastimes and Divertisements not remembring how much Time they have formerly spent in them themselves Let him not discover any Jealousy of his Successor as Ferdinand the Catholick did when Philip I. was to succeed him in the Kingdom of Castile That is the time when most adore the Rising Sun and if any one appears reserved in this particular it is a Trick to make himself pass for a Loyal Constant Man in the Opinion of the Successor and to gain his Esteem as was observed of several at the Death of Augustus 19 Patres Eqâ—es 〈◊〉 quis illustrior â—â—nto magis falsi a◠〈◊〉 â—â—ltuque composito ne laeti excessu Pâ—incipis neu tristiores priâ—ordio lachrymas gaudiâ—â— quaestus adulationes miscebâ—nt Tac. Annal. libâ— 1. Let him strive to endear himself to All by Courtesy Equality of Justice by Clemency and Plenty being assured that if he have governed well and got the Love and good Opinion of his Subjects he will maintain them without much difficulty begetting in their Minds a fear of losing and a desire of keeping him All these Methods will be yet of more force if the Successor be such as he may be in a manner born again and immortalized by for although Adoption be only a Fiction of the Law yet the Person Adopting seems to renew his Youth in him as Galba 20 Et audita adoptione defiâ—am videri senex qâ—iod nuâ—◠〈…〉 objicitur Tac. Hist. l. 1. said to Piso. Succession ought not to be the least Care of Princes it being not so frivolous a thing as Solomon imagined 21 Yâ—a I hated all my labour which I had taken under the sun because I should leave it unto the man that shall be after me Eccles. 2. 18. Sons are the Anchors and Props of a State the Joy and Comfort of a Government and Court Augustus well knew this when having none he Adapted his Nearest Relations to be as it were Pillars to support the Empire 22 Quo pluriâ—us munimentis insisâ—eret Tac. Annal. l. 1. Neither Fleets nor Armies are greater Securities to a Prince than a numerous Off-spring 23 Non legiones non classer perinde firma imperii munimenta quà m numerâ—â— liberorum Tac. Hist. l. 4. There are no greater Friends than They no more zealous Opposers of Tyranny Domestick and Foreign All bear a part in the Happiness of Princes their Children only are Sharers in their Misfortunes 24 Quorum prosperis alii fruantur adversa ad justissimos pertiâ—eant Tac. Hist. l. 4. Friends change and fall off with Adversity but never our own Blood which though transfused into another still corresponds with us by a secret and Natural Inclination 25 Nam aâ—icos tempore fortuna cupiainibus aliquando aut erroribus imminui transferâ—i desinere suum cuique sanguinem indisâ—retum Tac. Hist. lib. 4. The Safety of the Prince includes that of his Relations and his Faults reflect upon them and therefore they endeavour to mend them being most concerned to observe and most free and bold to reprove them Thus Drusus made it his business to discover what was disliked at Rome in his Father that he might correct it 26 Vtrumque in laudem Drusi trabebatuâ— ab eo in urbe inter coetus sermones bominum obversante secreta patris mitigari Tac. Annal. l 3. And these Reasons may serve to excuse that Authority which some Popes have allowed their Nephews in the Management of Affairs The Subject has in the Heir one to reward his Services and on the other side he is afraid to offend the Father who leaves a Son to inherit his Power and Quarrels 27 He leaveth behind him an avenger against his enemies and one that should shew favour unto his friends Ecclus. 30. 6. On this Marcellus grounded his Advice to Priscus not to pretend to prescribe to Vespasian a Man grown old in Triumphs and the Father of many young Children 28 Suadere 〈◊〉 Prisco ne supra Principem scanderet ne Vespasianum senem triuâ— â—haâ—em juvenum liberorum Patrem praeâ—eptis â—oërâ—eret Tac. Hist. l. 4. The Hopes of the Rising Sun makes the cold and gloomy Evenings of the Setting much more tolerable Ambition is confounded and Tyranny trembles Liberty dare not break the Chain of Servitude when she sees the Links continued in a Long Train of Successors The Publick Repose is not disturbed by Factions and Differences about the Succession 29 Intemperaâ—tia civitatis donec â—us eligatur â—ultos destiâ—andi Tac. Hist.
One have requir'd a Right to be preserv'd defended and maintain'd by him which is inconsistent with the Division of the Empire And since this Right is Common and Universal it ought surely to be preferr'd to private Love and Paternal Affection or to Desire of making Peace among his Children by the Ruine of the Publick Besides instead of making them agree it arms 'em with Power to quarrel with one another about the Dividends which cannot be made so equal as to satisfie all Brothers would live much more quietly if their Maintenance should depend upon him who Commands in Chief for so each would receive a Revenue sufficient to support the Grandeur of his Birth Thus Iehosaphat did 4 2 Chron. 21. 3. There being no Occasion for that barbarous Custom of the Turks or that Impious Policy of some who think no Government firm and secure unless its Foundation be mix'd with the Blood of all such who have but the least Pretensions to it as if that like Cement or Mortar fasten'd the Stones of the Building For the said Reason almost all Nations preferr Succession to Election well knowing that an Interregnum is liable to Dissentions and Civil Wars and that 't is safer to accept a Prince than to seek one 5 Minori discrimine sumi principem quà m quaeri Tac. 1. Hist. Wherefore since Succession is best 't is most agreeable to follow the Course of Nature preferring him whom she first sent into the World so that neither Minority nor any other Natural Defect is a sufficient Objection to this Right especially when there are greater Inconveniencies attend the admittance of another of which the Scriptures afford us very many Examples There is the same Reason and Right for the Succession of Women to the Crown in default of Heirs Male for otherwise the Crown would be subject to Divisions by Collateral Pretensions And though the Salique Law under the Pretence of the Frailty and Imbecility of that Sex if it mayn't rather be call'd the Envy and Ambition of Men does contrary to the many glorious Examples of the Valour and Conduct of the Female Sex urge many Inconveniencies which may seem to exclude them from the Administration yet is there none so weighty as to balance the Advantage of preventing an Interregnum Nay there are strong Reasons why they ought to be admitted it preventing Pretensions and Civil Wars about the Succession And besides matching the Heiress to some Great Prince there acceeds a considerable Addition to the Crown as it happen'd to the Kingdom of Castile and the House of Austria If the above-mention'd Inconveniencies are ever of weight 't is in small Principalities where the Heiress marrying with other Princes the Family may become extinct and one State be confounded with the other EMBLEM LXXI WHAT does not Labour overcome It subdues Iron softens Brass draws out Gold into the finest Wire and cuts the hardest Diamonds A soft Rope does by continual Motion wear the Marble Edge of the Well By this Consideration St. Isidore when he apply'd himself to Study overcame the Dulness of his Genius What Fort was ever so strong as that Assiduity could not conquer it The continued Force of that Engine which the Ancients call'd a Ram would make a Breach in the thickest and strongest Walls And we see now a-days that Castles though defended by Artillery Walls Ramparts and Ditches are at last forced to yield to the Spade and Mattock No Difficulty retards or checks a Constant Spirit The Temple of Glory is not situated in a delightful Valley nor in a delicious Plain but upon a rugged Mountain's Top not to be arriv'd at but by rough uncouth Paths over-run with Thorns and Brambles The Temples of Minerva Mars and Hercules Deities glorious for their Vertue were not built of Corinthian or Carv'd Work finely imbellish'd with curious Engravings as were those of Flora and Venus but after the Dorick Fashion rough and unpolish'd Nor did the Cornices and Chapiters of the Pillars shew any thing but that they were built by Labour and Industry not by Luxury and Ease 'T was not the Ship Argos's lying at Anchor in Port that preferr'd it to the Skies but it s daring the Wind and Sea and resolutely exposing it self to all Dangers and Difficulties Never did any Prince Enlarge his Territories by Effeminacy Luxury and Ease Labour Traffick and Industry are necessary to all but to none more than to a Prince for others are born only for themselves but a Prince for All. A Kingdom is not an Office of Repose and Rest. Certain Courtiers once were discoursing before Alphonso King of Arragon and Naples against the necessity of a Prince taking Pains Do you think then says he that Nature gave Princes Hands to do nothing That wise Prince had doubtless considered the admirable Composure of them their Joins their Readiness to open and their Strength to hold and also their mutual Aptness to do whatever the Mind proposes being as it were the Instruments of all Arts Whence he concluded that this exquisite Structure was not accidental or merely for no Use but for Pains and Toil Labour and Industry The Prince whose Hands are careless and unclinched will soon drop his Sceptre and give his Courtiers opportunity of catching at it As it befell King Iohn II. who so wholly gave himself up to the Diversions of Poetry and Musick that he could not endure the Weight of Affairs and either carelesly transacted them himself or left 'em totally to the Management of his Ministers rather chusing this sottish Ease than the glorious Labour of Government not at all regarding the Examples of his Heroick Predecessors So we often find that the Vertue and ardent Courage of Ancestors is wholly extinguish'd in their Posterity by the Luxury and Voluptuousness of Empire and so the Race of great Princes becomes degenerate as we see in Horses when they are remov'd from a dry and lean Pasture into one too fat and fertile This Consideration mov'd Frederick King of Naples upon his Death-bed to write to his Son the Duke of Calabria to inure his Body to Military Exercise and not suffer himself to be debauch'd by Pleasures nor vanquish'd by Difficulties and Dangers * Mar. Hist. Hisp. l. 28. 11. Labour and Employment is as it were the Anchor of the Mind without which it would be toss'd about with the Waves of Passion and dash'd to pieces upon the Rocks of Vice God enjoyn'd Labour to Man as a Punishment yet so as it might be at the same time the Means of his Quiet and Prosperity 1 Gen. 3. 19. Those Foundations and noble Superstructures of the Monarchies of the Medes Assyrians Greeks and Romans were not founded by Sloth and Laziness but by Toil and Labour It was that which so long supported their Grandeur 't is this which still preserves Oeconomies in Kingdoms For since it partly depends upon the mutual Assistance of Peoples Labours when they flag all those Conveniencies at the
same time cease which oblig'd Men to Society and Order of Government Divine Wisdom proposes the Example of the Ant to instruct Men in their Duty for that with great Care and Prudence lays up a Store in the Summer to supply its Necessity in Winter 2 Prov. 6. 6. Let Princes learn from this little prudent Animal timely to provide their Cities Forts and Garrisons with Necessaries and to make Preparations in the Winter to meet the Enemy in the Spring Nor is the Commonwealth of Bees less assiduous than these you shall never find them idle but continually employ'd both within and without their little Cells the Diligence of each causes the Prosperity of all And if the Labour of these little Animals can enrich the whole World with Honey and Wax What would a Kingdom do in which all the People should be equally Industrious For this Reason in China tho' it be so Populous that it reckons Seventy Millions of Inhabitants they all live in the greatest Affluence and Plenty there being none among them but exercises some Trade The Scarcity of things in Spain proceeds from the want of this not from the Infertility of the Soil for in the Countries of Muroia and Carthagena Wheat returns a hundred Corns for one and might thereby sustain a War for many Ages But this Misfortune arrives from the neglect of Husbandry Trades Business and Commerce the People even the meanest of them being so excessive proud that they can't be content with what Lot Nature has given them but aspire to something greater loathing those Employments which are not agreeable to their affected Grandeur The Reason of which seems to be that the Bounds between the Nobility and the Commonalty are not so well distinguish'd with us as in Germany But as Noble and Well-employ'd Labour is Advantageous that which is Nice and Superfluous is Prejudicial For Mens Minds are not less effeminated by soft and easie Employments than by Idleness Wherefore the Prince ought to take particular care to employ his Subjects in such Arts as tend to the Defence and Preservation of the State not to Luxury and Debauchery How many Hands are vainly wearied in adorning one Finger and how few in the Necessities of the Body How many are employed in making Conveniencies for Pleasure and Recreation and how few in making necessary Works for the Defence of Cities How many in Gardening and forming curious Figures in Box or Myrtle and how few in Agriculture Whence we see Kingdoms abound so much in superfluous Trifles and want those things which are most necessary Since therefore Labour is so conducive to the Preservation of a State the Prince ought to take care that it be continual and not be hindred by too great a number of Holy-Days such as the People through a kind of Pious Levity dedicate to Divine Worship For Experience shews us that such are more employ'd in profane Games and Sports than Religious Exercise But if Labourers would spend those Days as we read St. Isidore of Madrid did 't were to be hop'd that the Time would not be lost and that Angels would descend and hold the Plough But Experience has taught us the contrary One Holy-day in which all Arts and Trade ceases is more considerable than any Tax and as St. Chrysostom says Saints take no delight in being worshipp'd at the Expence of the Poor 3 Non gaudent Martyres quando exillis pecuniis honorantur in quibus pauperes plorant St. Chrysoft sup Matth. So that Holy-Days and Working-Days should be so divided as that those might not hinder the other 4 Oportere dividi sacros negotiosos dies quibus diviâ—a colerentur humana non impedirent Tac. 13. Annal. And it was argued in the Council of Mentz in the time of Pope Leo III. whether 't was not better either to reduce them to a less Number or else to transferr some of them to the next Sundays Though generally the End of all Actions is Rest yet 't is otherwise in those which belong to Government For 't is not sufficient for Princes and States to labour but their Labour must also be continual One Hour's Negligence in a Garrison frustrates the Care and Vigilance of many Months The Roman Empire which had been supported by the Labour and Valour of Six Ages was ruin'd by the Negligence of a few Months Spain would scarce repair the Loss in Eight Year which it sustain'd in Eight Months There should be no Interposition of Idleness between the Acquisition and Preservation of Empires The Husbandman has no sooner got his Harvest into the Barn but he immediately goes to Plough again his Labours never end but continually renew If he should rely upon his Grainery and leave his Lands untill'd he would soon find one empty and the other over-run with Weeds and Bryers But there is this difference between the Husbandman and the Prince That he has his Set-times of Sowing and Reaping but the Prince has not For in Government all Months are Septembers to Sow and Augusts to Reap in Let not a Prince believe that the Pains and Labours of his Ancestors excuse him for this Motion must be continual And as declining things surely fall unless supported by some new Force so do Empires unless sustain'd by the Strength of the Successor This is the Cause as we have observ'd of the Ruines of all Kingdoms When any Monarchy shall be once instituted and founded it should ne'er be idle but should imitate Heaven whose Orbs continue their Motion from their first Creation and if they should once stop the Generation and Production of all Things would cease The Exercise of States should be always continual and vigorous and not be corrupted by Idleness or Intermission as we see the Sea if not agitated by the Winds is kept in Motion by its Tides Citizens who carelesly give themselves up to Pleasure and Luxury without ever moving their Hands to Work or Labour are their own greatest Enemies Such Idleness plots against the Laws and Government and is nourish'd by Vice from whence proceeds all the Internal and External Misfortunes of States That Repose only is commendable and beneficial which is the Gift of Peace and which is employ'd in Trade and Employments and Exercises Military and Civil by which all enjoy a serene peaceable and secure Tranquility EMBLEM LXXII THE Steel would lost its Spring and the String its Force if a Bow were always bent Labour is necessary and beneficial but cannot continue without some intermission The Yoke does not always hang upon the Oxe's Neck The Force and Vigour of Things consists in Vicissitude From Motion comes Rest and from thence Motion again 1 Nostram omnem vitam in remissionem atque studium esse divisâ—â— Plat. de lib. Educat Nothing says the wise Alphonso can continue long which takes no Respite Even Land must be Fallowed that it may afterwards brings better Crops Vertue is refresh'd and strengthned by Rest