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A56250 A political essay, or, Summary review of the kings and government of England since the Norman Conquest by W. P---y, Esq. Pudsey, William.; Petty, William, Sir, 1623-1687. 1698 (1698) Wing P4172; ESTC R19673 81,441 212

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giving the Pope a Lifting-hand and rais'd his drooping Head here so early after the Reformation and when at the same time the Protestants in Germany France and the Low-Countries were groaning under a Persecution Which made Du Plessis complain Que Sa Majestie D'Angleterre trop arreste à quelques petits dissensions entre les Siens n'evoit pas assez de soin de la guerison de plus profondes playes qui sont en l'Eglise and which made the House of Commons Petition and Remonstrate in the Force of Fourteen Reasons and Ten Remedies in the XIXth Year of his Reign which had only this Effect to make him fly to his old Refuge of Prerogative with a Huff And that the Mariage of his Children Peace and War c. were Matters of State and Government above their Considerations And Speeching it backwards and forwards which he took great Delight in till his Son-in-Law was despoiled of his Ancient Patrimony which he at last ingenuously confess'd was through his Default Here 's the Effect of Prerogative These Proceedings I suppose put Sir Robert Cotton upon Enquiry what the Kings of England had done in the like Cases And after great pains in the search of Records he informs us That the Kings of this Nation ever since the Conquest so soon as they were cool enough for Councels have usually consulted with their Peers in the great Council and Commons in Parliament of Mariage Peace and War He might have said before the Conquest also for Harold who had promised William Duke of Normandy to take one of his Daughters to Wife Answers That he should be very injurious to his own Nobility if he should without their Consent and Advice take a Stranger to Wife If we look into our Neighbour Kingdoms Mezeray will tell us That the French during the two first Races and part of the third had a Right to intermeddle and controul the Mariages of their Kings and neither could the King make War without the Lords In earnest I know not whether Kings in Reason ought to be permitted to Converse with Ambassadors on t'other side of Forms upon their own Heads without a Quorum of their Councils For Nations generally send the sharpest Men on such Errands and sometimes Kings are not a Match in Politicks for them as it plainly appeared by this Story this King was not for Gondomar who outwitted him who pretended to be the wisest But King James came over to us Tinctur'd with his Scotch Notions of Monarchical and Sovereign Absolute Power without vouchsafing ever after to consider the English Constitution and he lets us see what Opinion he had of Parliaments in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wherein he Advises his Son to hold no Parliaments but for Necessity of new Laws which would be but seldom Not it seems for the State Matters of War Mariage c. No not for raising Money neither so long as he could get it by Privy-Seals and Benevolences Besides after all he did not come hither without some Prejudices to the English People though he had none to the Crown of England Thus there may seem to be some inconveniences in a Learn'd Crown'd Head This King thought himself too Wise and too Knowing He was above Advice or Instruction because as he thought he was capable of giving it He was too wise in himself to be taught by others and yet not wise enough always to follow those Rules of Wisdom which he had given As is evident by the Observation of his Theory and Practice and by his inconsistent Directions to his Sons Henry and Charles He was a little too much addicted to the Pedantry of a Scholar and affected with Polemical Controversies in Words which he dreaded in Action Was more for determining Quarrels by the Pen than the Sword And perhaps might have made a better Bishop than a King a better Father of a Family than Country as being better seen in the Oeconomicks than Political Government of a Nation CHARLES I. MOntaign whom I confess I delight to bring in as often as I can though I know the Philosophers are angry with him for I do not pretend to be a better Politician or any thing else than he was The Grave have Gravity in them but I know not what besides says That about a Month since he read over two Scotch Authors of which he who stands for the People makes Kings to be in a worse condition than a Carter and he who writes for Monarchy places him some Degrees above God Almighty in Power and Sovereignty I 'm sorry there is no Medium and I know no Necessity for Either Who those two Scotch Authors were ev'ry one knows King James complain'd of one of them and advanc'd t'other as it always happens to them who stretch for Kings Such have been the Notions of Government in both Extremes and both were unhappily experimented in this Reign This King flush'd I doubt with such Authors as the last and perhaps withal observing what was done in France under Lewis the XIth who boasted that he had mis le Royaum hors du Page as he calls it and who as Mezeray observes had even Government without Council and most commonly without Justice and Reason Who thought it the finest Policy to go out of that great and beaten Road of his Predecessors to change ev'ry thing were it from better to worse that he might be fear'd His Judgment which was very clear but too subtle and refin'd as was that of King James was the greatest Enemy to his own and his Kingdom 's quiet having as it seems taken pleasure in putting things into disorder and throwing the most Obedient into Rebellion Who rather lov'd to follow the bent of his own irregular fancies than the wise Laws of the Land and made his Grandeur consist in the Oppression of his People c. And also in the Reign of Henry the IVth who gave the last stroke to Parliamentary Formalities and Huff'd the People into a new Law that from thenceforth the King's Edicts should be ratified on sight without those formal triflings of Dispute by Virtue of Living and Ruling always with his Sword in his Hand might conceive some such great Hopes These Reflections might perhaps inspire King Charles with the French Ayre of Grandeur but a People is sometimes quick-sighted too And hence on a sudden grew an impertinent as it then seem'd Jealousy between King and People One pretending to too much after one Author and t'other yielding too little by the other Whilst the former might be Nibbling at Arbitrary Power in an Extended Prerogative and the latter enlarging their Liberties somewhat beyond a modest bound and there were Courtiers in those Days also such as Philip de Comines observ'd in Court Language to Complement a King call'd it Rebellion to mention a Parliament and Lewis also was a superstitious Friend to the Church whilst he was assaulting and oppress'd the State In these and such like Circumstances of Notional
't in Lewis the Son of Philip the French King the People in general not living like Men nor dying like Christians nor having Chrstian Burial the whole Nation one dismal Scene of Horrid Misfortunes Behold the Effect of Violated Faith and Arbitrary Oppression But it is no great Credit to Prerogative That this King who had no very good Title unless it were Election was the first Vindicator of it in a violent manner And asserted the Right to Absolute Power with the same Justice as he did That to the Crown in the time of Arthur his Nephew who was the Undoubted Heir By these means he brought himself and People into Troubles which never ended but with his Life HENRY III. HERE we may perceive as also in another Reign or two hereafter how the Irregularities of a Father or Predecessor involve the Son and Successor in a Remainder of Troubles and the Nation also in their intail'd Misfortunes For although those Lords as Sir Richard Baker tells us who had been constant to the Father notwithstanding his Faults were also more tender of the Son who was Innocent and so stuck to him That by the Interest chiefly of William Marshal Earl of Pembroke who married his Aunt they prevail'd so that Young Henry was Crown'd King yet he could not come to the Crown upon the square but was forc'd to do Homage to Pope Innocent for his Kingdom of England and Ireland when he took his Coronation-Oath and to take an Oath to pay the Church of Rome the Thousand Marks which his Father had granted And though after his Coronation most of the Lords maintain'd him in his Throne preferring their Natural Allegiance to Henry before their Artificial Obligations to Lewis and Beat or Compounded the latter out of the Kingdom yet this King Henry so soon as he was got out of Protection and came to Administer the Government himself immediately in gratitude Cancels and Annuls the Charters which he had granted on pretence forsooth of Minority altho' he had taken an Oath as well as the Legate Guallo and the Protector to restore unto the Barons of the Realm and other his Subjects All their Rights and Privileges for which the Discord began between the Late King and his People These Rights and Privileges were several times enquired into and ascertain'd by the Returns of the Knights who were charged to examine them were what were enjoy'd in the time of the Saxon Kings and especially under Edward the Confessor and what the Charters of King John and his own express'd For 't is ridiculous to imagine That William II. Henry I. Stephen and King John should pretend to an Arbitrary Power virtually who all came in by the Consent if not Election of the People We may see how a Favourite can Absolve a King in Law and Conscience too And what a pretty Creature a King is when Prerogative and Humour are Synonimous and he Acts by Advice of a single Person or Party counter to that of his Parliament Hence as the Historians say grew Storms and Tumults no quietness to the Subject or to himself nothing but Grievances all the long time of his Reign He displaceth his English Officers to make room for Foreiners and all the Chief Councellors Bishops Earls and Barons of the Kingdom are removed as distrusted that is for giving him Good Counsel and only Strangers preferred to their Places and Honors and Castles the King's House and Treasury committed to their Care and Government These Indignities put upon the Lords put them also upon Confederating to reduce the King to the sense of his former Obligations but to their Petitions he returns Dilatory and Frivolous Answers and to requite their Favours sends for whole Legions of Poictavins to Enslave the Nation and to crown the matter marries himself without Advice to a Daughter of the Earl of Provence by which he brought nothing but Poverty into this Kingdom Afterwards in the Long Story of this King we hear of nothing but Grievance upon Grievance Confederacy upon Confederacy Parliament upon Parliament and Christmas upon Christmas were kept here now there in as many Places as he call'd his Parliaments and to as much purpose Bickerings upon Bickerings and Battle upon Battle till it grew to that height That the Lords threaten'd to Expel him and his New Councels out of the Land and to create a New King and the Bishops threaten'd him with Excommunication whilst through a various Scene of Confusion and Hurly-Burly sometimes one Party being too peremptory sometimes t'other with an Interchangeable undecent Shuffling on the King's Side and a Rude Jealousy on the Lords and various Turns of Arbitrary Fraud and Obstinate Disputes for above Forty Years wherein Prerogative and Liberty grew Extravagant and Mad by turns till the Nation was brought to the last Gasp at length the King in the Fifty second Year of his Reign in most solemn manner confirms the Charters That Magna Charta which was granted in the Ninth Year and pretended to be avoided by reason of Infancy and the Statute of Marlebridge which he had granted upon his Second Coronation in the Twentieth Year Wherein Magna Charta and Charta de Foresta were confirm'd with this Clause Quod contravenientes graviter puniantur Upon which as is said Peace and Tranquillity ensued And these Charters have never since been Impugn'd or Question'd but Confirm'd Establish'd and commanded to be put in Execution by Thirty two several Acts of Parliament And from the Authority whereof no Man ought to be permitted to recede even in his Writing to flatter any King whatever and Sir Robert Filmer Dr. Brady and Mr. Bohun c. perhaps deserv'd as severe a Correction as Collonel Sidney for writing Books and Papers only for I do not think he deserv'd Hanging if not greater for their's were dispers'd by an ill-tim'd-publication whereas t'others lay still only in his Study We date our Non Obstantes from this King which Matthew Paris calls an Odious and Detestable Clause and Roger de Thursby with a sigh said it was a Stream deriv'd from the Sulphurious Fountain of the Clergy EDWARD I. I Know not whether this King may come up to the Character which some of our Historians give of him in all Respects yet without doubt he stands an Instance and Example of Princely Qualities and Virtues fit to be imitated and at least as he is stiled the Second Ornament of Great Britain And as a Wise Just and Fortunate because Wise and Just Prince who in regard of his Noble Accomplishments and Heroical and Generous Mind deserves to be ranged amongst the Principal and Best Kings that ever were as Walsingham and Cambden Polyd. Virgil and Others relate Baker divides his Acts into five Parts 1. His Acts with his Temporal Lords 2. His Acts with his Clergy 3. With Wales 4. With Scotland And lastly With France And First He gave his Lords good Contentment in the beginning of his Reign by granting them Easier Laws and particularly in the
Affairs of the Church were so prudently managed in her time with relation to Puritans as well as Papists that she left it in a Condition to stand upon its own Legs and maintain it self without Danger from Opposition had it been preserv'd with the same continuance of Zeal and unshaken Fidelity by her Successors As to her Civil Administration the Heathen and Mahumetans the Persians and Idolaters the Ethiopians and Muscovites name her with Reverence And Bossac in one of his Letters to Cecil saith He that Excommunicated her spoke of her with Honour She chose her self a Wise Councel and shewed her own Wisdom in being Advised by them She had a hard Game to play with Philip of Spain as well as her own Popish Subjects yet she managed both softly and by degrees and at last by Parliament fix'd and secured the general Alteration in Religion which she could never have done by her self First-Fruits and Tenths were Restored to the Crown and the Supremacy Confirmed to the Queen She avoided Matrimony whether upon any Consideration besides Prudence I shall not enquire by doing so she preserv'd her self Head of the Church and State and Mistress of her self as well as her Subjects and Oblig'd and Silenc'd the Parliament by soft Answers of denial when they Remonstrated to her for that purpose and put an unanswerable Compliment upon them by telling them She had placed her Affections upon her People in General But in matters of Religion she was no Courtier after she had once declared her self a Protestant though some pretend she Dissembled in her Sister's Days she did not look back towards the Pope did not shuffle in her Religion but refused all Communication with him and also generously declined all the Overtures of Advantage made by Pius the IVth She equally despised his Threats and Temptations Afterwards she readily and sincerely Assisted the Distressed Protestants her Neighbours on all Occasions She provided every thing for the Strength and Honour of the English Nation and saw it maintain'd in its True Glory both at Home and Abroad Would not be wheadled nor huff'd to betray it but carry'd its Reputation farther Abroad than any of her Predecessors had or Successors hitherto have done She shew'd it the way to overcome even the Invincible Armada of Spain which the Spaniards with all their Force and Fraud had provided to Invade us and basely to Attack us by Surprize when they were at the same time in a Treacherous Treaty of a Peace And all this she did without oppressing her Subjects well knowing as she her self declared when she remitted a Fourth Subsidy that the Money was as sure in her Subjects Coffers as her Own 'T is said of her Never Prince ruled with more Justice and with her Justice mingled more of Mercy She was term'd St. Elizabeth by some at Venice for her Merciful returning home certain Italians which were taken Prisoners in the Invasion of 1588. And 't is said some told the Lord Carleton being then Ambassador That though they were Papists yet they would never pray to any other Saint a Compliment at that distance may be laid hold of at home for an acknowledgment of a just Character But her Truest Character we may take from her own Behaviour and from her own Mouth because it seems to have nothing of Vanity in it In her Speech to her last Parliament 1601. she thus expresseth her self To be a King and to wear a Crown is a thing more Glorious to them that see it than it is Pleasant to them who bear it Though you may have had and may have many Mightier and Wiser Princes sitting in this Seat yet you never had nor shall have Any that will love you better Du Serres says of the Reign of Henry the Fourth of France her Contemporary It is a Sign of a Happy Reign when the Subject rejoyceth to see their Prince 'T is probable he might mean it as well of Queen Elizabeth Or we may apply it for him as it was verified of her For it was observ'd in her short Progresses that People of all sorts would flock to see her And not only that for I have known other Kings attended through Curiosity but also what hearty Acclamations did they utter As God save Queen Elizabeth c. and she would Reply God bless you my People all Few Princes miscarry who have the Affections of the better part of their People 'T was for this Reason I suppose that the Mother of the Duke of Guise her professed Enemy said Elizabeth of England was the most Glorious and Happy Woman that ever swayed Scepter And Henry the Fourth of France in a Letter to Monsieur de Rosny commends her with an implicit sort of Emulation She had such a Character even with the Turks for Morality and Natural Honour That at her Instance he countenanced the English Trading there and thence came as is said our Turky Company and every one knows the Benefit of it to England Also the Duke of Russia for her sake as is said who yet is so jealous of Strangers gave Civil Reception to the English In short That Kingdom which she found in Troubles and unsetled she left Establish'd in True Religion Peace and Plenty at Home and Reputation Abroad JAMES I. I Dare not Encounter this King so rudely as some have done 't is said upon good Experience Nor would I be thought to offer Undecent Reflections at a King who came Ushered into our Throne with such a Reputation for Wisdom of his own and such Advantages of a Councel left him fam'd for it Yet in my own Opinion and poor Observation I can't for my Soul pay that mighty Veneration to his Character and Memory which the World would seem to demand He seems to me to have stumbled at the Threshold in our Kingdom and to have done a thing not very Honourable or Prudent Who after he had so poorly quitted the Resentments of his Mother's Death before by a sort of Reflex Malice yet in pious Memory of her Sufferings and to revive the Reasons of them here and as it were to Countenance and Abet the Norfolk Family upon the same Foundations forthwith calls the Lord Thomas and Henry Howard two Papists to the Council thereby intimating as it were hopes to the Papists c. which they were apt enough no doubt to conceive Nor will his Pretended Apprehension of the Pope's Briefs to the Catholicks excuse him Tho Sir Richard Baker who was bribed by a Knighthood at his first coming over represents him in the front to have done it only upon Prudential Motives that is Fear Thus he at first dash disobliged all Parties And who knows but this first Cast of Favour to them and to the Earl of Southampton whose Father 't is true was a great Friend to Mary Queen of Scots but a greater to Popery and his partial aukward Behaviour towards other Gentlemen might be the Foundation of that complicated Treason by the Lord Cobham Sir Walter