qualifications as would only render his power feared and redoubted An Assembly at Paris to redress disorders of State THe setlement of Trade was sufficient to bring great profit to the Kingdom but it was likewise necessary to use divers other means for the raising of it to it's height and greatness The King had long before concluded on it but finding himself unfurnished of a Minister to put it in execution the affairs had still continued in some lameness until at last seeing himself assisted by the Cardinal he resolved to assemble the Chief Officers of his Kingdom especially those who had acquired most experience and shewed best conduct in affairs And for the better resolving upon the means he appointed them to attend him a Paris where being met together his Majesty himself opened the reasons of their Assembling upon the second of Deceâ—ber in the Thuillâ—ries He was pleased to tell them That he had called them together to provide some remedies against the disorders of the State and that the Lord Chancellor should farther acquaint them with the rest of his desires and the Lord Chancellor beginning his speech represented to them the great disorders that had crept into the Kingdom whilst the King was imployed abroad to repel his enemies and the great expences he was at for the keeping up of his Armies and then told them that his Majesty was resolved for the establishing of the Kingdom in its ancient splendour to employ powerful redresses and so to regulate his Treasuries that there might alwayes be a sufficient foundation to supply the occasions of the State without being forced to overcharge the people as of late He gave them to understand that the King was contriving to lessen the expences of his house and even those which he was at for the paying of several Garrisons in places of no importance which he was resolved to dismantle To settle Trade with â—ll possible advantages for the enriching of his subjects So to govern his Souldiers both in garrison and the field that his subjects might be no more oppressed upon which it chiefly was that his Majesty had desired their advices When he had concluded the Cadinal made a most excellent speech in which his eloquence was no lesse to be admired at then his prudence He laid before that Illustrious Assembly how visibly God had made use of his Majesty to atchieve that in a little time for the publique good which many thought impossible to have been effected in an age He gave them to understand that as there had been great charges and expences so the King and Queen had received very great advantages by it in relation to that Honour and Glory which is due to them and that if any good successe had at any time happened it was only the dawning of those resolutions which his Majesty had taken for the easing of his people and restating the Kingdom in its former Splendor That as only God can make something out of nothing so it was necessary to lay a good foundation in the Treasury and to that end to cut off from the extravagant expenses and add to the receipts or indeed to do both at once He shewed them how that every one regarding the advancement of his own private Interest it might possibly provoke some to anger if their expences were moderated but he added withal that no one could justly complain at it since nothing was to be preferred before the Publique good and that the King and Queen Mother were both resolved to give a good example by contracting the expences of their families He told them that if in great tempests there was sometimes a necessary to part with the goods to ease the vessel and defend her from shipwrack prudence did direct the like thing in a State Which ought not to be cast away for the preservation of any ones particular good and that they themselves were bound in reason to conform themselves to the resolution thereof for that it is impossible private and particular mens plenty and Riches should long last when the State is poor and needy in fine he told them that setling a good government in the Affairs and Treasuries they would in a very few years find both the King and Kingdom raised to a greater pitch of glory then ever it had formerly been but he added it would not be so necessary to order such things unlesse they were really put in execution That the glory of setling the Nation being reserved for his Majesty they who were deputies ought to esteem it a great Honour done them in that he gave them part of it and that for his own particular he should esteem himself most happy to dye in the prosecution of so glorious a design After this first overture the King sent divers proposals to the Assembly by his Solicitor General upon all which such courses were resolved as were thought most necessary for the setlement of the State But it was first of all concluded what order should be observed in the levying of men as also for the maintaining of them in such order that the Country man might not be injured by them It was thought fit to keep two Armies in readiness of between eighteen and twenty thousand foot and two thousand Horse as well to secure the Publique Peace as to support the Kings Authority and also to keep Forreigners in a due respect It is true there were sufficient means found out to prevent the peoples damage but it was to be doubted that the Souldiers would not so readily observe those commands which his Majesty had been so careful to order Next of all it was considered what unnecessary expences of the State should be cut off as well to pay off two and fifty Millions of Livers which the Exchequer was indebt as also to acquit the charges of the Nation without increasing the taxes In order to which it was thought fit to contract the expences of the King and Queens Families according to the resolution taken before the late Kings death Not to exceed the sum of two Millions in Pensions which was the sum appointed by the late King Henry the Great for that business and lastly the Assembly proposed to his Majesty the dismantelling of a great number of strong places which being in the heart of the Kingdom or at least remote from the Frontiers did only serve to countenance Rebellions and consume a vast sum of mony for payment of the Garrison Souldiers and building unnecessary Fortifications There was also care taken with reference to his Majesties good pleasure for the relief of divers poor Gentlemen Captains and Souldiers wounded in his Majesties service And at last the Assembly made earnest request to his Majesty that he would for the future prevent those revolts of the Grandees which were commonly made every year to the great trouble of the State and that he would punish some for example sake who had the Boldnesse to take up Arms against his Authority or to divide
the people in their duty Monsieur the Cardinal spake to his Majesty and perswaded him to send the Sieur de Leon Councellour of State to Bourdeaux to indeavour their reconcilement and such a correspondency as might befit his Majesties affairs The ground of their difference was this the Duke of Espernon had caused the Edict of Peace granted by the King to the Hugonots to be proclaimed by the Jurats of the City before it had been registred in the Parliament Whereupon the Parliament had turned one Minuelle out of his Office of chief Jurat fining him 1500 Liures and ordered the rest to appear in Court and suffer such punishments as should be imposed upon them The Duke of Espernon would not put up the businesse but pulished an Ordinance to prohibit the execution of the Parliaments Arrest and confirmed Minuelle in his Office grounding himself upon certain pretensions in publication of Treaties of Peace The Parliament hereupon condemned the said Ordinance as an attempt contrary to the Kings Authority intrusted with him but the Duke of Espernon being not of an humour easily to submit to any others will then that of the Kings persisted to prohibit by another Ordinance the execution of the second Arrest The Parliament made a third so did he too to hinder Minuelle's displacing and that the Jurats should not assist at the publication of the Peace which was then made by the Parliaments Authority In sine an extream feud rise between them and the Parliament came to that point that they ceased to perform their Offices in the adjudging private causes yet not without taking care for all that concerned the Kings service This quarrel made a great noise in Guienne and had it continued untill the Hugonots next revolt they had doubtlesse taken advantage of it it being certain that every one lives as himself pleaseth when Magistrates are together by the ears in their particular quarrel The King finding of what consequence it might prove dispatched the Sieur de Leon to Bourdeaux to dispose the Duke to give the Parliament satisfaction and to continue the correspondence which they ought to hold together for the publick good The Sieur de Leon came thither and finding the Parliament resolute that the Duke should give them satisfaction for his fault could gain nothing more of the Duke then onely this that he would go to the Parliament and pay them some complements of honour and respect The Parliament was not contented with it so their accommodation was deferred till at last the news being come that the English Fleet was at Sea every one addressed himself to serve the King and to hinder their landing in Guienne And then the Cardinal de Sourdis Arch Bishop of Bourdeaux interposing between them perswaded the Parliament to be satisfied with those respects of honour and complements which the Duke of Espernon would pay unto them At last unto the Parliament he came and having complemented them with great civility they answered him in the like without the least mention of any thing past and thus this great storm was allayed Politique Observation JT is not dangerous sometimes for his Majesties service to permit Parliaments and Governours to fall out amongst themselves for they discovering one anothers defects by their division give occasion to redress them and withall each one feareth to offend that he may not give advantage to the other to impeach him It keepeth affairs in an equal ballance and produceth the same effects as a weight equally divided in two Scales which hindreth the over-ballancing of either part If they alwaies should continue in a strict intelligence each of them would do that without contradiction which best pleased himself and their Soveraign never the wiser Thus said Cato to them who thought the quarrel between Pompey and Caesar had ruined the Common-wealth It is true it did not a little contribute to that disorder which was then on foot but the friendship which had formerly been between them was the first and chief cause Their good intelligence gave Caesar means to grow the greater who afterwards finding it begin to break by the deceases of Pompey and Crassus their wives which served to preserve it there fell out great broyls between them concerning the Government Caesar being unwilling that Pompey should have more authority then himself and Pompey that Caeser should be his equall The Senate finding that divers Magistrates of Rome neglected their duties and that every thing went to decay chose Pompey sole Consul giving him an extraordinary Authority to ballance the power of the Magistrates and to redress those Delinquencies which they might or had committed Seneca with great reason compared this division among chief Magistrates to the Stones in a Vault which do so much conduce to the strengthening of it that the more weight is laid on it the stronger it bears it up whereas it would easily be broken if made of one stone alone In fine this little emulation is much conducing to the discovery of abuses to the looking more strictly into things and the keeping every one in his duty It is to be wished that Parliaments and Governours were firmly united toward his Majesties service and that there were no way but this for the well governing of a Province but it is not possible long to preserve that temperative in their authority no more then in the four humours of mans body and it is more expedient to search for means of advantage from their disorder then to study waies to settle them in an immutable intelligence One of the chief is when a Parliament pretends to assume too great an Authority to oppose the power of a Governour and if a Governor abuse his power to prevent him by the Authority of a Parliament And thus was it according to Tacitus that the Roman common people ballancing the Nobilities power did along while prefer their liberty Yet above all it would be necessary to hinder such dissentions from too much clashing and that the Parliament and Governours be not left alone to flie out into extremities from whence strange accidents might follow If heat or any other quality of mans body super-abound either death follows or at least great sicknesse and doubtlesse such contests hapning among Governours either in Kingdomes or Common wealths are sufficient to destroy them or at least breed great disorders amongst them The divisions which so often grew hot between the Roman people and the Senate caused great evils and when the quarrels of Marius and Sylla Pompey and Caesar did break out every one siding with some party took up Arms from whence followed strange murthers and Tragedies and the Peoples Liberty became inslaved to the Emperours Will. The King going from Paris towards Rochel falls sick at Villeroy after the first day of his setting out VVHilest these different affairs happened within the Kingdome the King was not ignorant of those great preparations made by the English to invade France The happy addresse wherewith Heaven had blessed
Monsieur the Cardinal enabling him to discover the most secret of Forraign Affairs gave him to understand all the particulars of their designs his Majesty thus informed of their resolution suddenly hoised Sail and resolved to go from Paris to Rochel that he might incourage his Souldiers to whom nothing is invincible when he is in presence But God who over-ruleth the designs of all men did not permit the effecting of it so soon as his Majesty desired It pleased his Providence to visit him with sicknesse from the first day of his departure from Paris which encreasing forced him to stay at Villeroy His fits were so violent that his recovery was questioned The Physitians imagining that the sense of Affairs did increase his Feaver beseeched his Majesty to dis-burthen his thoughts of it and experience having told him that it was but reasonable he committed all to the Queen Mothers and the Cardinals management But the Queen Mother was so troubled at this accident that her sadnesse would not give her leave to think on any thing The whole burthen then lay upon the Cardinal Not but that grief too had made a great impression upon his Soul as well as upon the Queen Mothers but as great spirits quit not the helm at the violence of the storm so he behaved himself in the giving such Orders as were necessary and conducing to prevent the English Fleets attempt together with the Rebellion of the Rochelois that it seemed Heaven had preserved all his sences to him to increase his glory It cannot be denied but that this was one of the most considerable affairs that had a long time happened to the Kingdome It was a parting blow upon which depended the settlement of the publick quiet and which particularly concerned the glory of his Master So he gave himself up to imploy his utmost industry in it and his prudence effected such things which cannot passe but for miracles Indeed it was so much the easier for him so to do since the King had commanded him to ease himself as much as possible he could for his health sake which did not well agree with the continual cares of this Grand Minister He had induced his Majesty to think good that he should take for his share the care of what related to his Majesties glory or the conduct of his State This moderation of his was to be admired at and such as few are indued with In that he represented to his Majesty that having intrusted the Seals with Marillac who was a person Active Lively and full of Understanding he might absolutely depend upon him for the Justice and on the Marquesse de Effiat in matters of the Treasuries of which he had made him super-intendent which being thus he could apply all his care to the government of the State and give a happy dispatch to all his Majesties commands And lastly that he did not think it either proper or profitable for France or any other State that one man alone should have the over-seeing of all manner of affairs for that imploying one part of his mind on those of Justice and the Treasury hee must have so much the lesse ability to look after the rest of the Kingdome which in France too would take up one mans whole care and time His Majesty did not a little esteem both his judgement and modesty far different from the Ambition of divers other Ministers who are never satisfied untill they rule all so he was pleased to admit of his request which he did the more readily grant in regard hee thought it might much conduce to his health which could not long subsist under the care of all things though he knew he had a Soul able to govern the whole world From that time forward he medled onely in matters of State and left all the rest to the other Ministers Politique Observation A Prudent Minister who knows the work of well-governing a Kingdome never burthens himself with the care of all manner of Affairs He who pretends to a super-intendency of all businesses is a rash inconsiderate man and he will find nothing but confusion in his Government and hatred upon his person The Soul of man of what quality soever he be is like a River whose course runs but weakly and slowly when exhausted into several little Brooks and true it is who so divideth the strength of his Genius in the management of all affairs can act but feebly in those of great weight and by consequence to the detriment of the publick good It is with Souls as with Appetites they who suffer themselves to bee drawn along by sawces and delicate meats over-charge themselves and convert the greatest part of their nourishment into ill humours thus those minds which would govern all leave all in disorder Plutarch speaking of the Government of a Kingdome saith that the Prince ought to be like a hand which should imploy several Ministers under his Authority the hand hath divers fingers to work There need no other proof of this truth then that knowledge and prudence which is required in the Conduct of a State besides the administration of Justice and the superintendency of the Treasuries A chief Minister ought to have his eye not onely upon all things affairs and persons of concernment in the Kingdome but likewise upon all the bordering Princes and Allies yes and upon their Ministers too to discover if possible their designs and either by policy or force to break such as may be any way prejudicial to his Master He ought to have his Engines on work to dive into the Counsels of the Pope the Emperour the Spaniard and all other neighbour Princes He ought from time to time to acquaint himself with their humours their inclinations passion exercises and all that may conduce to the Government In case any of them attempt a design which may make them too potent he is bound to oppose it If his Allies be set upon he must be as careful to defend protect them as the out-guards of his Kingdome As for that which is considerable at home the King his Master will take up a great deal of his time either in his applications to preserve his favour or to dissipate such jealousies as his enemies may have infused into him or to propose to his Majesty such expedients and counsels as may be proper and profitable together The Princes of the blood too will find him some work to keep them in such a condition as they may not trouble the publick Peace but that they may however live in some kind of satisfaction it being true that either the good or bad Fortune of a Kingdome doth most commonly depend upon them He ought also to have an eye upon the Clergy and Prelates to keep them in such decorum that they clash not by any mis-understandings to the bringing of Religion into contempt That they do not so greedily swallow down the respects which are paid unto them as to abuse that power of Souls
Prince Union in Religion is the strongest Bulwark of a State whereas diversity is the certain foundation of Revolts of which there cannot be any doubt raised for that God hath said in the holy Scripture A Kingdome divided within it self cannot avoid destruction Cabals against the Cardinal AT the same time that his Majesty began his journey towards Paris the Cardinal mounted on horse-back for the reducing of Montauban but I cannot behold him thus blindly sacrificing his own interests to the good of France whilest sundry great ones were contriving his ruine and destruction and not answer that malicious pen which being unable to asperse him with any truth takes the liberty and boldnesse to find fault with and condemn those actions of his begun carried on and finished with so much judgement zeal and good successe for his Majesties glory This Calumniator searching for pretences whereby he might incense the Queen Mother against him and instigate her to complain unto his Majesty and whereby she might be provoked to do her utmost for his destruction amongst other forgeries writeth That she could no longer indure to see him expose his Majesties person unto so eminent dangers as passing over the Alps in the dead of the Winter and commanding of an Army infected with the Plague and thorough a Country full of sicknesse in the very heat of all the Summer But how sencelesly hath he alledged it how without truth or judgement Surely nothing but passion and heat the two enemies of reason and truth could thus guide his Pen whose onely quarrel is the meannesse and disorder of his Fortune which he thinks must all be attributed to the Cardinal without considering that it is the effect of his own misdemeanours and ill behaviour Is there any man living so sencelesse besides himself as to beleeve that the Cardinal should hazard his Majesties life and person when as all his Fortune and hopes depend onely upon him Was he not at that time well acquainted how mortally the Queen Mother hated him that Monsieur had no affection for him and that by consequence if his Majesty should miscarry his disgrace and ruine were unavoidable The Queen Mother could not possibly be of his opinion seeing her complaint was that the Cardinal was too much tied to his Majesties Interests which one consideration alone were enough to have kept him off from hazarding his Majesties health upon a slight occasion if his Loyalty had been capable of so great an Infidelity But what would not the detaining of his Majesty have been to ravish from him one of the greatest Subjects of glory that had been presented to him since his Reign had he stayed at Paris he had been hindred from his journey to Suze from the raising the siege at Cazal he had never forced the Alps in despight of the Duke of Savoy though seconded with the forces of Spain he had not returned by Languedoc and there brought all the rebellious Hugonots under his obedience who had had the boldnesse to take up Arms against him The Kings Generosity was such that should the Cardinal have disswaded him from the expedition withall his Art yet I am confident he would never have been perswaded to let any one else go and gather the Harvest of that glorious expedition Besides the Cardinal had much forgot himself should he have attempted to divert the King from this design seeing there could not be any apparent hazard of his health doth not every one know that his Majesty was used from his Infancy to endure the ayr and that he could not suffer much more in this Journey then he commonly did in his huntings I shall only add this one consideration more Hiâ— being there was an absolute necessity for the incouraging of his Forces which wee newly come off from the troublesome siege of Rochel and just then to begin a new voyage no lesse laborious and painful The presence of a Prince is the soul of his Army and without it the Souldiers are never so courageous The Duke of Savoy the Spaniard and the Hugonots were to be overcome they were no small encounters and it was to be doubted whether his Majesties Army could have gone through with them without his presence to whâ—se sight they were formerly wont to ascribe all their victories Without all peradventure some trouble and labour he must needs endure and who knoweth not that never any great Prince did yet refuse it for the obtaining of an honorable victory Politique Observation THE way which leadeth to victory is Thorny to think of arriving to it without labour is a vanity That Prince who cannot compose himself to endure labour and travail shall never attain to any great matters Crowns are only proper for their wearing who win them by fight and our Caesar and Alexander had never been so much commended had they not exposed themselves to all kind of Labour Hazard and Danger A generous courage never apprehendeth any pain and he who feareth it is not worth a thought To Labour was the first lesson which the Romans taught in their military Art and cannot sufficiently commend that Invention of theirs whereby they designed to traduce it to posterity They built the Temples of Honour and Victory in such a manner that there was no comming to that of Honour but through that of victory whâ—re there was nothing to be seen but Swords Javelins Darts Helmets Bucklers and the like to teach all people that there was no Glory without Labour and that there was no comming to victory but through the industrious painful exercise of Arms. I have oftentimes much admired that devise of the Emperour Severus who gave this for his word Let us labour and that of the Emperour â—ertinax Let us fight Both which seem to teach alâ— Princes whether in Peace or War that nothing is more proper for them then to be in Action and Labour The same thing too we may gather from Adrian the Emperour to whom Florus one day writ three short Verses telling him he would not for his part â—e Emperour if he might seeing he was bound to go into England and anon into Sâ—iâ—â—thia to humour those troublesome Broylers But Adrian returned him Answer that he would not exchange with Florus seeing he spent most of his time in Taverns and good fellowship which was as much as if he had said nothing is so becomming a Prince as to endure Labour and Travail The Sieur de Guron sent to Montauban THE Cardinal having at last perswaded his Majesty to commit the Army to his Government for the reducing of Montauban he thought good to send the Sieur de Guron some few dayes before he advanced unto the Inhabitants of the Town to let them know his Majesties pleasure and to incline them to peace by all fair wayes He had express order to assure them in his Majesties behalf of the free excercise or their Religion the enjoyment of all their goods and Estates and a full pardon for what was passed
It is a great good fortune for a Minister never to be put upon such a rock and therefore it is that he will indeavour to work upon them by good offices which are the most powerfull means to oblige men and tie them very strictly the chains wherewith they are fettered being so pleasant and agreeable to them Interest is that which doth most efficaciously more them And indeed it is in a manner impossible to gain them by other means then by making provision for their advancement There is no design which they will not approve of alwaies provided that they have but satisfaction in their own particulars They perswade their Masters to rest contented if they themselves are once satisfied The most part of affairs of the world are like those Pictures wherein you shall behold different Figures and shapes according to the divers positions and scituations of them who look upon them They never represent any thing to their Masters but on that side which they best like and thus they can as easily retain him in quiet There ought to be care had that all which is intended for them be not done at once Ambition still increaseth and those benefits which are done to a favourite do but whet his appetite for the receiving of others Therefore it is that one should alwaies reserve something to keep them in breath by the expectations of greater benefits to come The Queen Mothers Resolution to win Monsieur THe Declaration which Monsieur made to the King of his resentment strook a great astonishment into the Queen-Mother she having before-hand placed all her confidence in him as also chosen him for the chief instrument of her designs They had perswaded her that could she but ingage him in her interests she might soon find men enough to uphold them and such as would put themselves into the field in Arms to carry on her designs to their very utmost and yet her natural goodnesse was so great to oblige her to preserve Monsieur constant and faithfull to the Kings interests But this factious seditious Cabal which inverted her strongest inclinations made her mislike those procedures and carried her on even to reproach him for that after she had so particularly cherished him he should take so little care for her concerns It is true it was heretofore verily beleeved in the first yeers of her Regency though I think without just grounds that she was more affectionate and tender towards Monsieur then towards the King and that she might well cast her eyes upon him as many others of her quality have done to make use of him for the upholding of such designs as she might have to which the King might not be so favourable But it must be confessed that she governed her self so prudently by those sage Councels which were given to her after her first going off from the Court that no one could discover any thing in her behaviour but real intentions to preserve her children in a good intelligence with one another and never to attempt any thing which was not conformable to the Kings Will insomuch that this prudent Conduct of hers gained her a great esteem with the people who being desirous of nothing more then peace they regarded her Majesty with extraordinary affections as her who was the greatest advancement of publick tranquillity by her preserving the bond of union between her children Though now she gave them just cause to change their good opinions of her by her frequent entertainments of Monsieur and his chiefest Officers in that design which all men knew she had to gain him to her party whatever it cost that he might become instrumental for her in the resolution which she had taken to destroy the Cardinal Politique Observation JT is very usual with Mothers to love their youngest better then their eldest children and to rely upon them to be maintained in the greater authority It should seem it is with Children as with fruits the newest are still most agreeable so it frequently comes to passe that the youngest are pleasures and diversions to their Parents when as they who are older shake off the yoke of obedience and follow the inclinations of unbridled youth but most especially so it is when as mothers are become Widdows and have lost that protection of their husbands which kept their children within their bounds that they do cast themselves upon the interest of the younger ones whom they look on as the supporters of their old age and as those who must uphold their Authority against the eldest whom they look upon very often as men do upon Creditors who come to take away their goods from them withall they are dependent upon them in several respects because by the deaths of their Fathers they are become the heads of their Families and this dependency upon them is insupportable If this be ordinary in private Families how much more is it in those of Kings History is pregnant with relations of such Queens as have advanced their youngest children to the Government in prejudice of their brother Ptolomeus Phiseus gave at his wifes perswasions the Crown of Egypt to his youngest son and to go no further then France it self Lewis the Debonnair did not he prefer at his Wifes entreaty Charls the Bauld before Lothair who was the eldest Did not Constance wife of Robert seeing her husband intended after the death of his eldest son to Crown Henry her second son King oppose it in her earnest desires that he would prefer Robert her third son whom she loved most intirely And when she saw she could not arrive to the end of her design did she not embroyl all things even whilest the King yet lived but much more after his death by fomenting the divisions between her children that she her self might have the more Authority This occasioned a most sad Civil War to the great damage of the Kingdom and that good King both in the declining of his age and Kingdom when as he expected repose and tranquility in his family especially after he had suffered upon his first coming to the Crown so great afflictions by reason of the misfortunes of his first marriages their dissolutions which afterwards hapned for the remedying whereof the godly Abbot of Fleury Abby was employed Not to seek for examples far from us is not that of Katharine de Medicis very certain it being yet fresh in the memory of man for she was ever know to favour some of her children against other some Was she not likewise suspected to have hastned the death of her eldest that she might make way to raise the Duke of Anjou to the Crown And was she not seen after he was attained to the Government to enter into the Combination against him because he did not relie enough upon her for the the Government of affairs It is so frequent in history that we shall need no other proofs for it it may safely be said that it hath alwaies been a very dangerous
the force and strength of the Kingdom but the King smelling their designe commanded them to return and tell their Master he could not be just who would invade a Country not belonging to him Cambyses receiving this answer became so enflamed with anger that he presently advanced his Army towards Aethiopia without making provisions necessary for so long and great an expedition insomuch that before he had marched one quarter of his way his Army was forced to eat Horses and not long after his Souldiers eat one another himself being forced to return into his own Country after a great loss of his Souldiers and to his perpetual dishonour by reason of his rashness The King goeth to Orleans With the true Motives of his journey THe King well acquainted with all these contrivances thought fit to go in his own person that he might dissipate the storm he well knew that the presence of a King is like that of the Sun which soon dispelleth all those thick clouds which attempt to obscure his light About the beginning of March he set forward towards Estampes and thence to Orlean as Monsieur had resolved His Majesty did verily believe that coming to discourse with him it wouâ—d be no hard matter to efface those evil impressions which his creatures had infused into him that however the expected levies would not dare to come near Orleans whilest he was there and that peradventure he might ingage him in the match which had been proposed by laying down before him the many advantages which might from thence arise These were the true motives of his Majesties journey which they who were about Monsieur endeavoured to obstruct by sending the Sieur de Chaudâ—bonne unto him with a Letter which they had perswaded Monsieur to write in which he made protestations of obedience and beseeched his Majesty not to give credit unto such reports as were spread abroad to his disadvantage But however the King who knew that no time ought to be lost in matters of revolt did not forbear to prosecute his journey He was no sooner come unto Estampes but he received intelligence that Monsieur was departed from Orleans towards Bourgogne His attendants had perswaded him to ground his departure upon pretence of his Majesties comming and gave out that he only came thither to make sure of Monsieurs person A report without foundation for his Majestly had been acquainted at the least fifteen dayes before that time by the Sieur de Bellegarâ—e how that Monsieur had told him he would shortly go into Bourgogne and that before his Majesty had designed his journey unto Orleans It cannot be expressed how sensibly the King was troubled at Monsieurs departure But it had been effeminate only to bewail amidst their present misfortunes and take no care for the future the King advanc'd with all diligence unto the same Province that he might keep the Towns in obedience and pursued him so closely that he had not the time to make himself Master of any place which doubtlesse he would have done had he not been followed at hand by some or other who might prevent his designs Before the end of March the King came to Dijon and having secured the Town and Castle gave order to the Sieur de la Grange Mestre de Camp to march with his Regiment into Bellegarde which place Monsieur had left behind him he sent the Regiment de Piedmont into Auxerre and St. Jean de Lone he left three hundred horse in garrison on the Frontiers in such places as were most requisite to secure Bourgogne from any incursions and the Sieur de Hauterine to command them as Marshal de Camp Monsieur's Ministers did every where give out that he had not forsaken the Kingdom but only to secure himself from them who pursued him but it was without truth His Agents indeed having designed under his name to fortifie themselves in that frontier of the Kingdom his Majesty was obliged to follow them at hand to prevent their effecting what they had contrived it being of great consequence not to lose any time in such occasions his longer delay could but have given them leave to second their own with forraign forces which as was well known they had negotiated But if he would not have left the Kingdom why did he not condiscend to those fair proposals made to him both at Orleans and Auxerre The King was ready to imbrace him and to give him fresh testimonies of that affection which he had alwaies born to him but his not assenting to them forced his Majesty to pursue him that he might divert the storm which seemed to threaten not only Bourgogne but France it self Politique Observation IT is a great misfortune to a Kingdom when a Faction is once fomented within its bosome but that once being so it were a great imprudence in the King of that Country go give time and opportunity to the heads of the Conspirators to draw their forces together wherewith they might carry on a War against him He ought to be before hand with them and not to stay until revolted Princes are in a condition to put their designs in execution He must not indeed be too credulous in beleeving all reports nor take the field upon the first news of a Revolt but being once well informed and assured he ought no longer to delay Thus Alexander the Great made not the least stop that he might prevent the rising of his enemies in Greece and he came so suddenly upon them with his Army that himself brought the first news of his comming It was his usual saying that a quick dispatch in preventing an enemy is the thing which obtains great advantages against him for this reason it was that Apelles painted him with lightning in his hand which hath a motion so swift that how little soever it be yet it reduceth every thing to ashes Grandees when once revolted want neither courage nor power provided they have but time to raise their Forces They have for the most part persons of knowledge and valour neer them who are capable of setling their affairs in a good equipage if they have but leisure to effect it For this cause is a King obliged to go in person and encounter them whereby he may break the neck of their Rebellion A small matter will sometimes suffice to set all right again the Kings presence is a terrour to Rebels and takes away their courages who are not yet come up that they have but little will to ingage themselves and in case they return not to their obedience by fair means he is then in a capacity to compel them by force seeing they cannot be in a condition to defend themselves Henry the third committed a great oversight by withdrawing himself from Paris at the mutiny of the Barricadoes for a Kings obedience diminisheth the respect due to him imboldneth the Ring-leaders of a faction and animateth the fury of the people Bajazet the second did not thus in the rebellion of
any alone be able to defend themselves from their enemies it cannot be without danger and somtimes loss to their Countries whereas if they unite themselves with others that are powerful no one will think of invading them Though the Head be the noblest Members of the Body yet it standeth in need of those others and God who hath crowned the greatest Monarchs hath so established them that they have all occasion to make use of one another This may be said in general of the advantage of Defensive Alliances but it is more particularly advantagious to have recourse unto them when a Neighbour Prince is so successeful in Arms that he begins to be terrible On such occasions it is great prudence to contract alliances with those which may joyn their Forces as is usual amongst such Princes whose Powers are indifferent to follow the Fortune of the Conquerors because contracting an Alliance with such they not only augment their own Power but weaken that of their enemy and make him incapable of further mischief It is great prudence in him who hath one enemy to take a care that he hath not two for their power being united will be more terrible Thus the Comte de Chaâ—olois son to Philip Duke de Burgogne was very sollicitous to contract an Alliance with Charls Duke of Normandy only brother to Lewis 11. knowing that by this means the King will be weakned one third and the less able to hurt him His Majesty sendeth Ambassadors to the King of Morocco THe Cardinal was not satisfied with the bare contributing to render his Majesty the most renowned Prince in Europe by land but endeavoured to make him likewise the most powerful by Sea by causing divers Ships to be rig'd out and taking care to furnish them with able Seamen In order hereunto the Sieurs de Moleres de Razilly and de Chaalar were sent to the King of Morocco that an Alliance might be contracted with him and a safe Commerce obtained upon the Coasts of Barbary He had before by under-hand Treaties so disposed of affairs that they were well received The Commander de Razilly was Admiral of the Squadron and the Sieur de Chaalar Vice-Admiral At â—heir landing they were receiv'd by two Alcaides and two Companies of Souldiers The King gave them present audience and with as much honour as they could wish so venerable was his Majesties Name amongst Strangers Their first demand was in the behalf of an hundred and fourscore French slaves who were in his Dominions whose liberty was presently granted the King of Morocco not taking any thing for their ransom to testifie how much he esteemed his Majesty It is true indeed he accepted a Present of Stuffs worth an hundred thousand Livres which the King sent to him â—et his Proveydor would not receive them but on condition that his Majesty would accept of such Horses as the King his Master would send unto him to testifie the desire he had to hold a good Correspondency with him The next thing under consideration was the articles of alliance for securing the French upon their Coasts and safe passage into his Countries which was presently accorded the substance of it was thus that all French which should enter into his Ports with his Most Christian Majesties Pass should not in future be made slaves nor be compelled to pay above the Tavaly or tenth of their goods according to their usual custome that for the better continuing their correspondence Ambassadors should be interchangeably sent and that all Religious persons might live in the King of Morocco's States but on condition not to exercise their Functions unless only to the French The Treaty was signed and the Sieur de Razilly presently established three Consuls at Morocco Male and Saphy In fine The French had full Liberty to Trade in any Commodities of that Country Politique Observation IF Commerce in general brings riches to a Kingdom without doubt that of the Sea is more considerable the gains being greater and more just That of the Land how advantagious soever seldom yeilds above 15. or 20. per Cent. and many times is forced to such things as savour of Usury whereas the Sea doth oftentimes yeild Cent per Cent and somtimes more and that without giving the least cause of complaint Commerce at Sea is that which hath made small States very considerable and great States vastly rich and abounding with all sorts of commodities There is another reason which rendreth it the more important and that is Princes being bound to make themselves powerful as well by Sea as by Land which double Power is the highest pitch of their greatness for it renders them the more redoubted It is in vain to drive a commerce by Sea unless a provision of Ships be made to secure them otherwise their riches will be exposed as a prey to Pirats and is Prince who maketh himself powerful on this Element is the more feared by his Neighbours in regard he may make his attempts upon them both by Sea and Land in case they should presume to offend him Cosmo de Medicis first Duke of Tuscany and the ablest Politician of his time said That a Soveraign can never gain an high repute unless he joyn both those Powers together which are to a State as the Arms to the Body This Sea Power is that which makes England considerable were they but deprived of it they would soon grow weak and poor but maintaining that Power as they do in a good equipage by a long tract of time they want nothing but are capable of undertaking great expeditions Hath not this enabled the Hollanders though their Common-wealth may be reduced to a small number of men to sustain the whole power of Spain What makes Gâ—noa so rich but this power by Sea And what but this makes the great Duke of Tuscany one of the richest Princes in Italy Thus we see all our Neighbours have been sollicitous to establish commerce by Sea in their Territories and we know that our late King Henry le grand whose Prudence was no less advantagious to this Kingdom then his Courage was extreamly desirous to settle it in France after he allayed those storms of Civil War to which end he gave order unto the President Janin when he was treating with the Hollanders to learn of them what was necessary in that particular The Establishment of a Chamber of Justice in Paris AFter those great difficulties which the Parliament of Paris had raised against the proclaiming of his Majesties Declaration against such as had carried Monsieur out of the Kingdom his Majesty finding it necessary to proceed in the Instruction of their Processe and to chastise those who were found guilty was not willing to let it fall into their cognizance He well knew that Kings ought not to expose their authority to be dis-respected as his would have been if the Parliament instead of punishing offenders should neglect to prosecute them as was much to be feared they would Those
make himselt Master of them but that so doing he followeth the most ancient Law of the world which gives leave to the strong to take whatever they lay hold of This indeed is not tolerable by the Law of Christianity which hath ordained Justice to bound in the covetous Ambition of Princes although birth and succession in States at this present are bars enough to defend them Usurpation was pardonable in Caesar who lived in Paganism but he who professeth himself a Christian ought to regulate his designs by the Law of Jesus Christ It is true indeed Ambition of all the passions of the Soul is most incurable because never to be totally eradicated and a Pince is the more obliged to suppresse such motions which perswade him to make himself Master of that which belongeth nothing to him in regard the vivacity of his spirit may raise a War in his own Country and the heat of his covetousnesse may without reason shed the blood and destroy the lives of his people It were to be wished that Princes were as solicitous to preserve the bloud of their subiects as Pericles the prime man of Greece in his time who being to die thought himself very happy that no Athenian had ever wore mourning through his occasion they would then be lovers of peace and the preservation of their subject would be powerfull enough to extinguish the heat of their Ambition it being most certain that the usurper of anothers right pulleth his Arms against his own State and indangereth his Subjects to undergo a thousand mis-fortunes ANNO 1632. EVery one esteems the work of those poor men as unprofitable who that they may inlarge their habitations do build and make incroachments upon the Banks of large Rivers whose Waters upon the first great rain break out of their Channels and by a thousand re-inforced Waves carry away whatever opposeth their violence it being certain they will not spare the weak indeavours of their hands Who will not in like manner conclude the attempts of a petty Prince to be equally vain who that he may gain some repute and make himself considerable offereth violence to the glory of a great Monarch whose victorious Arms are soon able to reduce the forgetfull to their duties and to over-run whatever resisteth his power Just thus ought we to consider the D. of Lorrain's rashness in taking of Vic in the Emperors name and fortifying it against France when as his Majesties Forces if bent against him could not but chastize his proceedings break his designs and render all his endeavours uselesse His Majesties recovery of it quickly shewed the whole world how vain his attempts were Neither did his Majesties Forces rest there for the Marshals de la Force and de Schomberg forthwith besieged Moyenvic which rendred upon composition and also invested Marsal a place of importance belonging to the Duke and one of those which his Predecessors had usurped from the Bishoprick of Mets. Now the Duke though mastered by ambition and filled with hatred against France was not however so sencelesse but that finding with what celerity Vic was reduced in despite of his Fortifications wherewith he had encompassed it he began to suspect lest all the rest of his Country might shortly run the same chance in case he had not the sooner recourse unto the Kings mercy rather then his own forces or power Hereupon he resolved to send unto his Majesty propositions of peace but in effect he was unwilling totally to relinquish his unjust designs which he would be sure to re-inforce whenever any favourable opportunity or an exâ—raordinary succour from the Emperour or Spaniard should afford him the means such deep root had the hatred which is almost natural to that Family against this Kingdom taken in him It is also true that finding himself straitned in point of time and knowing that the least delay would give the Kings Forces opportunity to take other places he at last resolved to go in person and meet the King at Mets that he might appease his Majesty by his feigned submissions and hinder the progresse of his Armies by a pretended Treaty of peace Had this resolution been frank and sincere the visit had been commendable but such was his malice against his Majesty that those things were the least of his thoughts Not but that he was particularly and I may say strictly obliged unto the King who was very carefull of his education during his youth which he spent in this Court who had patiently expected for eight years together the homage of Barr whereas be might justly have seized upon it within one year after the late Duke's death for non-performance thereof who had passed by the several troubles and intreagues raised by him and his against this State and Kingdom But all these things wrought not upon him and he continued insensible of them He sent word unto his Majesty that he was comming to wait on him and to give him al satisfaction accordingly he came to Mets upon the 26 of December with his face composed of sorrow and sadnesse for his late misbehaviour The King being informed of his approach neer Mets sent the Prince de Joinville with his own and the Queen Coaches who met him half a league from the City and conducted him to his lodging where his Majesty had given order to his Officers to defray his and his Retinues expences The Duke after a short repose went to see his Majesty and shewed himself very submissive protesting that he would flie unto no other refuge but his Majesties goodnesse in order to which alone it was that he had been so desirous of the honour to see him The King received him with all the demonstrations of kindnesse which an offended Majesty may be permitted to use and shortly after being entred into discourse freely told him that he would say before him an infallible sign of his ill-behaviour the Duke indeavoured to justifie himself but he could not alledge any other reason then only his being discontented with the Sieur de Bret Conseiller d' Estaâ— for having used too much rigour in the Borders of his Country in his Inquest concerning the Rights of the Crown of France and his having been assured from the Marshal de Marillac that his Majesty had resolved to invade and ruine him Unto this the King replied every one might justly enquire after â—is own Rights so that what rigours the Sieur de Bret had used were only the effects of Justice and as for matter of invading him with hostility there needed no other proof to assure him of thâ— contrary then that he would not at that time imploy his power any more against him in case he returned to his devoir whereas he then might easily ruine him it being impossible for those persons who had ingaged him in those imbroils to afford him any succour or relief whereas his Majesty would assuredly protect him from the victorious Arms of the Swedish King who was upon the point of
Marshal de Marillac IT was near about this time that the Marshal de Marillac was condemned having been imprisoned at Saint Menehoust in the year 1630. as hath formerly been declared The Cardinal knew that the punishing of great persons ought not to be precipitated left that which is indeed the effect of Justice be thought the hand of Revenge whereupon he was of opinion to delay the prosecution of his Indictment for some certain time and only to follow the usual course though the further way about for the more ample information and instruction of his Judges Besides he was not ignorant that as the highest stars are slowest in their motions so Kings whom God hath raised above the orninary pitch of men ought to be lesse active in the works of Justice then other men I insert this criminal in the Catalogue of great men not in regard of his birth or the services he hath done the State but in consideration of the imployment wherewith his Majesty was pleas'd to honour him which was more to avoid the Queen-Mothers importunities then for any reward of his deserts which could hardly have invited his Majesty to raise him unto so eminent a degree Indeed the whole Court was astouish'd to see the King advance him to that dignity openly saying that the extortions he had used in his imploiments were his most remarkable actions they accused his courage nor could they dissemble their opinions that such honours were not used to be conlerr'd on persons of his temper The late King Hâ—nry le Grand did ever slight him nor did he ever appear at Court but under the Queen-Mothers Regency who had given him a Wife of one of the Daughters of a branch of the House of Medicia before the Crown of Florence had been setlet on that family and who besides the honour of his name had nothing which could intitle him to any great actions Running at the Ring war then much in fashion where his diligence got him more credit then any fight he had ever seen The first command he had was under Monsieur de Angoulesm were he was Commissary of the Victuals which he discharged so untowardly that the King had then punished him upon divers complaints made against him but that the Cardinal interposed in his behalf The building of the Cittadel of Verdun was the next thing intrusted to his care but he presently fell to make such exactions upon poor mens labours that some particulars thereof already proved besides what is yet in dispute are prodigious The Garrison being once established he robb'd the Souldiers as much as the Builders and being Lievtenant of the Country he went on to that height that he exacted from the Villages whatever was necessary to be spent in his house divers Towns payed him yearly compositions raised by compact that they might prevent the quartering of his Souldiers others agreed to provide necessaries for his house which however for the most part were delivered but once in kind and then altered into sums of ready mony If any Town made the least resistance or grumbling the inhabitants were sure to be ruin'd and plundered by his Souldiers who knew they should not be called to account for it but rather that they should be countenanced for it by him who set them on work This trade did he drive and that so publickly over all the extent of his power as if the King himself had approved thereof neither was there want of any proof to make evident at his Tryal In the year 1627. he was imployed at Rochel where the credit he got was so little to his advantage that the Commander de Valance who calleth every thing by its right name talking one day unto the King of a man without courage openly said that he was no more a coward then Marillac About that very time was it that he indeavoured by his Letters and the designs of those of his Cabal to sow the Seeds of discontent between the Queen-Mother and the Cardinal which have proved so unhappy to the whole Kingdom and he continued to foment that fire with such care and addresse that the sparks of it are not yet quite extinguished During the Kings abode in Italy the Cardinal to please the Queen-Mother procured the command of the Army in Campagne to be conferred upon him where he robb'd the Souldiers of their very bread with such boldnesse that he sometimes exacted a third frequently a quarter but never miss'd a fifth and when he was commanded with his Forces into Italy he delayed the time with excuses either that he might crosse the Kings designs which they of his Cabal much desired or because he would not divide that command with another on t'other side the Mountains which himself injoyed alone in Campagne insomuch that his Majesties affairs had fallen into extream disorder had it not been for the Prudent Conduct of the Cardinal and Generals who commanded the Army in Italy Succeeding Ages will hardly believe that such excesses were put up so long together especially if they compare it with preceding times where the Marshal de Gie descended from one of the best houses of the Kingdom and a person intrusted with great imployments under three several Kings where the Admiral Chabot one of the most valiant of those times and one who governed the State with Anne de Montmorency where the Marshal de Biez the Chancellour Poiet Jean de Montaign Grand Maistre de France Peter des Essartâ— Semblance were severally punished for the same and yet much lesse crime of purloining the Treasure But these things were all connived at inconsideration of the Queen-Mothers whom the Cardinal would not provoke and therefore kept those Passages from the Kings ears But at last his seditious inâ—reagâ—es together with his Brothers and their Faction at Court for to destroy the Cardinal and to exasperate the Queen-Mother to that height which they did as appeared in the Battel at Dupes did so provoke the King both in regard of his base ingratitude towards the Cardinal by whose only means it was that he injoyed all his Honours and Benefits from his Majesty and also because they indeavoured to compel his Majesty to destroy the Cardinal by whose prudent conduct the State had received such signal advantages as are not to be equalized since the memory of man that he was at last forced to leave him in the hands of Justice to receive the punishment of the law for the oppressions he had committed upon the people Politique Observation THe Oppression of the poor is a crime which reacheth high as heaven and crieth for revenge unto God The Poor have this advantage over the Rich in exchange of the goods of fortune that God owneth them for so many particular Members of his Body and will not suffer them who injure them to be unpunished in regard he taketh it as acted against himself He giveth great men power enough to defend themselves which having denied unto the poor himself becometh
of every thing which seemed necessary for the establishing a secure Peace in France every one supposed that the wings of those who favoured Monsieur's Revolt had been so clipp'd that it would be a long time ere they could flie into such disorders All good Frenchmen were touched with such joy as they who having been long weather-beaten by a Tempest at Sea do at length safely arrive unto their wished Haven But those joys were short lived the Sea being quickly covered with Fleets scouring up and down which threatned France with a furious storm The Sieur de Puy-Laurens and some others who carried any sway in Monsieur's Councels had only perswaded him to reconcile himself unto the King with design to ingage him in some new Revolt as occasion should present and in hopes to make a more advantagious use of it towards the obtaining of their pretensions then they had done in Languedoc they were not long without a pretence to palliate their intentions Monsieur de Montmorency's death should be the ground of his leaving the Kingdom They suggested to him that his intreaties having been so ineffectual and unconsidered in the saving his life who was a person of such neer concernment to him he could not think himself over secure of his own freedom in case there should be any suspicion upon him that however it was a strange affront put upon him in the sight of all Europe seeing he had not credit enough to save a Gentleman who had adventured his life and fortunes for his interests At the same time they gave out that his life had been promised unto Monsieur upon his accommodation whereas on the contrary the Sieur de Bullion and the Marquesse de Fossez did never give him any such assurance that having failed in a particular so much concerning his honour his Highnesse could not make any longer abode in France Now although all of that Cabal did jointly conclude to carry him out of the Kingdome yet they could not agree upon the place whither to carry him The Sieur de Puy-Laurens who was passionately in love with the Princesse de Phalsbourg proposed Lorrain the place where his heart was and advised him to retire thither it being a thing due to the Princesse Marguerite and there being no such powerfull invitations to carry him into any other place The rest found but little safety in Lorrain by reason of the Dukes weaknesse unable to secure their retreat or stay there but were of opinion that Monsieur should retire into Cazal where they assured themselves the Marshal de Toiras would receive his Highnesse and where he might live secure from all fear The little assurance of safety which Monsieur foresaw in Lorrain did somewhat touch him but the Sieur de Puy-Laurens insinuating to him how easily he might retire from Nancy to Bruxelles in case his Majesty should seem to incline towards any expedition against Lorrain in consideration of him and how that he would alwaies be received there his birth rendring him considerable swayed his former resolutions and made him incline to that side so powerfull was his credit with him although the rest represented to him that he would find lesse security by casting himself into the hands of the Spaniards then in any other place whatever that they might perchance entertain him with honour but that it was to be feared he would not long continue Master of his own liberty or that he might have the freedom to get off when he should most desire it The resolution of departing being concluded Monsieur went into Lorrain in November and for the more specious pretext of their relapse they presumed to write unto the King persisting to abuse his name and pen how that the preservation of Monsieur to Montmorency's life and the procuring of his liberty having induc'd him to submit to whatever his Majesty was pleas'd to impose the taking off of his head being a person so dear to him was so publique an affront and slight that he could no longer indure it and withall that it was impossible he should longer continue in France without giving cause to suspect he had made his own accommodation with other intentions then of obtaining that favour of which he was still fed with great hopes Besides that he could expect little satisfaction for his own person seeing his requests and intreaties had been so little considerable in the executing of him whose life was equally dear to him with his own and whose death he could not digest without great dishonor This was the substance of the Letter whereunto there need no other answer but that the Duke of Montmorency having been condemned by one of the most famous Parliaments of the Kingdom for a Crime which could not be let passe without punishment unlesse to the very great detriment of the State especially after himself had sent seven Couriers to assure his Majesty of his fidelity after he had conspired with Forraigners to destroy the Kingdom after he had almost totally raised one of the chiefest Provinces after he had been taken in the head of an Army with his sword died with blood in his hand actually fighting against his Majesties service after he had somented divisions in his Majesties family and committed several other enormities as hath been declared there was little reason to expect his pardon and as to the other part that it was improbable his Highnesse should consent to the Treaty made at Beziers only in order to obtain Monsieur de Montmorency's pardon when as he was absolutely forced by necessity to submit thereunto having not forces enough to defend himself Such was the reply which the King sent unto him wherein he testified to the whole World how he never offered any just cause to those of his royal blood to separate themselves from him or to be deficient in paying those respects unto which nature and his Majesties affection did not a little oblige them Politique Observation VVHatever refusal a Prince receiveth from his King yet he rendreth himself inexcusable if his Passion transport him beyond his duty He ought to recollect unto his memory how that no one in a well-govern'd State can impose the Law on his Soveraign but that every one ought to submit his own private to his Princes Will. There are in a State as in the Soul superiour and inferiour powers and as the law of Nature hath ordained the weaker faculties give way unto the stronger and more able so the Grandees of a Kingdom are obliged to stoop under the Laws of their Supream Prince and to comply with his Will without any the least contradiction What but Death can be expected from that body whose particular Members refuse to execute those Offices which are injoyned them by the Head And what can be looked for from a State where the Nobles flie out and deny obedience to the Soveraigns Decrees This were repugnant to the Order of Justice nothing but misfortunes could attend it It matters not whether they alwaies
THE HISTORY OF THE Government of France UNDER THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE Great Armand Du Plessis Cardinall and Duke of Richlieu and chief Minister of State in that Kingdome Wherein occur many Important Negotiations relating to most part of Christendome in his time With Politique Observations upon the CHAPTERS Translated out of French by J. D. Esq LONDON Printed by J. Macock for Joshua Kirton and are to be sold at the Kings Arms in St Pauls Church-yard 1657. EMINENTISSIMVS ARMANDVS IOANNES DV PLESSIS CARDINALIS RICHELEVS etc. G Faithorne excud TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE John Thurloe Esq SECRETARIE OF STATE SIR THe Illustrious Cardinall truely Eminent for his sublime qualities presenteth Himself unto You in ful assurance of a most ample Protection both to his Memory and Fame Generous and active Souls have a naturall and therefore inseparable inclination to the mutuall Honour and Defence of each other It were injustice that that Pilot who in his life time knew so well to sail with security amidst the many turbulent and frequent storms of Fortune should be toss'd and molested in his Urn the Harbour where common humanity allows a quiet Station to all Be pleased therefore Noble Sir to undertake the Patronage of this Great Person in whose History you will encounter nothing but what relisheth of an high Grandeur and an extraordinary Genius Indeed the cleer and happy Justice of those affairs whereon you are engag'd will not finde much here for your imitation yet questionless many things there are which upon another account may challenge your admiration and applause The Symmetrie of your Administrations doth oblige you to accept of this Dedication from him who devoteth himself to your commands in the quality of SIR Your Honours most humble Servant JOHN DODINGTON To the Reader I Desire thee to excuse the many Errata's which doubtless thou wilt here meet in regard the Printer in some places hath fail'd in point of Orthographie give him the allowance as in such cases are common and the scales will be turn'd for other faults I must also Apologize in regard of my own affaires which would not permit me to review my own Coppy or Correct the Press If thou dost then demand why I undertook it I shall deal ingeniously with thee and tell thee I was ingaged upon it by the importunate surprisall of a friend who extorted a promise of it from me ere I well knew what I had promised I beseech thee therefore to connive at what cannot now by either of us be amended Thus much more I thought good to let thee know that if this finde thee merciful I may perchance present thee with the sequell of the Cardinals Administration until his Death the manner of his Death his last Will his Birth and Youthfull Studies with diverse of his Letters and many quaint Observations upon his Life and Death which I hope may better deserve thy approval I. D. These Books are lately Printed and are sold at the Kings Armes in Pauls Church-yard A Collection out of the best approved Authors containing several Histories of Visions Apparitions Prophesies Spirits Divinations and other wonderful Illusions of the Divel wrought by Magick or otherwise Also of divers Astrological predictions shewing the vanity of them and folly of trusting to them By G. I. A Restitution of decayed intelligence in Antiquities concerning the most Noble and Renowned English Nation by the Study and Travel of Richard Vestegan The History and Character of the Bishops in the Reigns of Queen Elizabeth and King James Written by Sir John Harrington for the private use of Prince Henry The Magistrates Authority in matters of Religion asserted Or the Right of the State in the Church A Discourse written by the Learned Hugo Grotius Of Government and Obedience as they stand directed and determined by Scripture and Reason Four Books by John Hall of Richmond Two Plays of Mr James Shirley's The Constant Maid A Comedy and St Patrick for Ireland That excellent Tragedy of Bussy D' Ambois Written by George Chapman These now in the Press The Man in the Moon Or a Discourse of a Voyage into the Moon By Domingo Gonzales Also Nuncius Inanimatus or the Mysterious Messenger both written by D. F. G. a man of great parts and Eminency in his time The Indian History of Anaxandre and Orazia Written in French by Monsieur de Bois-Robert Translated into English by a Person of Honour some years since THE HISTORY OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE Cardinal de Richelieu Anno 1624. GOD who is able onely by the strength of his Arms to over-rule Kingdomes according to his own pleasure hath given some part of their Government to Soveraigns whom he hath established as Vicegerents of his Power The Love which he bears to men hath inclined him to admit them unto the pertaking of his Authority And if he hath ordained intelligences in the Heavens to over-see their motions he hath also decreed certain men upon the earth who should have the charge of reigning over Kingdomes But though he hath invested all Kings with an absolute Authority yet he hath not indued them all with one and the same Genius His Prudence which guides all things by Weight Number and Measure hath affected that as in Painting there are Raphaels and Titians whose pieces serve other Painters to learn the perfection of their Art so there should likewise be in Regality Caesars Constantines and Charlemains whose Actions might be recorded as examples for all others As it is said in Philosophy Perfectum in suo genere est mensura Caeterorum The worthiest subject in every kind serves for a measure to all within its compasse And who can refuse to rank in this number the present King under whose Scepter the Kingdome hath the happiness to be now governed To speak truth his Actions have fixed the Kingdome in the highest point of glory that many ages have seen his Prudence Valour and Justice do shine with so much splendour that without doubt they are sufficient to teach the Laws of Government to all other Princes He never affected any Title but that of Just because he made choice of Justice for the rule of all his Actions knowing that it was the most illustrious perfection in all Kings that it was it which rendered their Majesty most venerable That it was it which gave a good successe to all their enterprizes and lastly that this was it which was the strongest Prop of Peace But we should offend against that very Justice if we should deny hâ—m the Title of Great which his Scepter gives to him The Title of Invincible which his Valour hath merited the Title of August which his vertue hath acquired the Title of Conquerour which Fortune her self hath bestowed upon him His dignity maketh him the greatest of Kings his Power the strongest his Conduct the wisest his Treasuries the Richest and his Vertue the most just We have seen some Clouds arise which have seemed to obscure his light but they have onely
more inviolable than the word of a Prince it were an offence to doubt of his fidelity or to desire his ratification by Oath The Genius of a Prince was heretofore held in such veneration that another swore for him now to desire that he himself should swear were to decline that respect which is due unto him However the Infidelity of some hath made it a custom that all should confirm their Treaties by Oath when they are of any great importance which Oath is the strictest tye which they can be bound in The Laws look upon it for so venerable that they never permit it to be broken what ever advantage happen by it Perjury is condemned as a double sin because it not onely violateth that Religion which is due to God who is invoked as a witness but also Faith which is the most sacred Bond of humane society Which Laws too do oblige Princes much more then other men to keep their Oaths because if they once forfeit their reputation of being faithfull they have not any thing left them which is considerable Christians ought to be most precise in this point if they would not be put to the blush at the many examples of Pagans and Infidels It is much to be lamented that most men make no difference between deceit and dissimulation that they make no bones of infringing their Oaths if they may but get any thing by it they do much rather incline to follow the opinion of Marius though discommended by all the Sages of Antiquity who thought the Art of well-lying a great piece of vertue and that it was an Index of a good Wit then that of the Common-wealth of Rome which was so religiously faithfull for their words that Ptolomey King of Egypt left his young son their tuition and protection without the least apprehension of suspition Neither was he deceived in his confidence for after they had administred his government with integrity as soon as he came of age they delivered up the Kingdome into his own hands The Renewing of the Alliance between his Majesty and the States of Holland AT the same time that the English Embassadours arrived at Compeign the Sieurs de Nortwijck de Paw d' Esten extraordinary Embassadours from the States of Hollaâ—d came likewise thither to desire his Majesties Assistance and the renewing of the ancient Alliance The League being ended and the enemies of their Liberties beginning to execute the designs which they had hatch'd for their ruine The King who hath never lesse inclination to assist his Allies then to keep his own People in obedience received them with all kind of favour and forthwith gave them great hopes of obtaining their desires His Majesty knew that their Protection was Honourable that there is nothing more glorious for a Soveraign then to shelter under his Power those who are oppressed that what Assistances he gives them are most assured signs of his greatnesse and generosity and withall that it was full of Justice The History of Holland had taught him that the Princes of Austria by their altering the Fundamental Laws and oppressing the publick Liberty of those Countries had thrown themselves out of that Power which they once had over them that the Hollander had reason sufficient for their Authority to shake off the yoke of their obedience by those Laws which are as ancient as the quality of the Earl of Holland An ancient saith that Power is full of equity which is imployed in defence of the weak and feeble and there is not any thing more just then to conserve to ones Allies those Liberties which belong to them time out of mind and by the Fundamental Laws of their Country This in particular was so much the more assuredly just for Princes who possesse a Country by Treaty with the People and upon Conditions cannot infringe them and not lose their Authority and especially if they break Covenants which doth absolutely discharge such Subjects from their obedience The Hollanders were acknowledged for Free and Soveraign People in the Treaty of the League made Anno 1609. by the Kings of Spain and Arch-Dukes of Flanders And in the same quality have the Kings of England Deâ—mark and Sweden the most part of the Hans Towns the Common-wealth of Venice and many Princes of Germany ever treated with them whence it appears a work of Justice to aid them in main taining their Franchises A work of Justice so much the more certain for that liberty hath been ever esteemed a just cause for a War every one concluding it more glorious to die then to live in servitude from which his Birth and the Priviledges of his country have exempted him Besides these important reasons the King was no lesse informed of the especial advantages which France might make by defending of them that it is above threeseore years together that they have obliged not onely this State but the most part of Europe to assist them to ballance the Power of Spain and so to find his Armies imployment in that Country that his designs elsewhere might be frustrated besides that it was now much more necessary in regard the Garisons were to be established in the Valtoline and it would concern the State to make him some diversions that might entertain his Armies elsewhere withall he found that if he did assist Holland with these succours it would ingage them to do as much for him when occasion should require it which was no inconsiderable thing as Henry the Great found by experience when he was by them assisted against those unjust oppositions which were formed by the League to thwart and cross him He himself too might fall into the same necessities seeing the prosperity of Kingdomes is like a Calm at Sea which as it is often over-blown with storms so that too is no less subject to interruption by civil or forraign Wars These reasons were indeed too too weighty to reject that people demands And his Majesty whose greatest pleasure consists in doing such things as might testifie both his Justice and Courage gave all sorts of Assurances to their Embassadours of a strong succour and thought good to make a Treaty for the renuing of the ancient Alliance His Majesty gave the Cardinal power to conclude on the Conditions with them and this great Minister who had not a little fortified his Majesty in that resolution having determined them concluded it in the moneth of June at Compeign by which he bound himself to deliver them by way of Loan three Millions and two hundred thousand Livers in three years On condition that they should re-imburse them three years after the War was ended That they should neither make Peace or League with any one what ever without his advice and interposition That if he had any occasion of Ships of War they should furnish him either for sale or hire at a reasonable Price That in case he himself were ingaged in any Wars they should repay him one half of the said
which from the beginning gave the greatest admiration of all to his conduct was that imitating that manner of operating used by the Divinity which is invisible as his Essence There were every day wondrous effects of his Prudence brought to light before any resolutions were heard of or before any Orders taken were perceived whereas before there was not any thing concluded on which did not make more noise then the effects We shall proceed to consider the particular in the Processe of this History and I shall satisfie my self with laying down this positive ground That the King having given him the Honour of all his Trust after he had known the eminency of his Genius the wisedom of his Counsels his fidelity not to be shaken the dexteriousness of his Conduct which hath nothing parallel with it he likewise totally gave himself up to his Majesty Politique Observation A Minister is obliged in the same manner to make his Masters greatnesse and that of the State his principal aim and end he ought to remember that Kings are the lively Image of the Divinity That then Ministers are the Suns which their Kings glory doth form for the good of their People As God hath created that Star which over-rules the day to shew us here beneath one Ray of his infinite Splendour and to be the Authour of all those blessings which are communicated to us here below but ought he not to know before he attain the honour of the imployment whereunto he is arrived that private Interest which doth serve to inrich Families is the greatest enemy of State in the Soul of a Minister and that the Administration of a Kingdom ought to be done as the Tutillage of Orphans which is granted not for the profit of the Guardian but of those persons who are intrusted under his Tuition Glory is the onely thing which is permitted him to aspire to and how can he hope to atchieve that without transacting many things which may give a Reputation to his Master and his own Ministration The Cardinal d' Amboyse lost a great part of his glory in Italy by preferring his own before his Masters Interests The Reputation of a Minister cannot be eminent unlesse he be intire to the Prince whom he hath the honour to serve He who is truly generous expects no other recompence for his Actions then the honour and satisfaction to have done them Also he cannot be ignorant that Virtue doth scatter such rays as make her venerable in the sight of all men and in this consists in the height of glory Particular between the King and Cardinal for the good of the STATE MOnsieur le Cardinal knowing there was nothing more pernicious to Kingdomes then the want of Generosity in Ministers who content themselves by living in a lazy Peace in which time they give leave to strangers to increase their powers and instead of cutting off the Causes do onely skin over disorders in the State did not imagine it sufficient to keep things in their former indifferency but brought the King to apprehend great designs towards the procuring that ancient lustre once again to France which it had in the beginning of its Empire It is natural to a man to be more apprehensive of those dangers which are nearest and as it were at hand upon him then those which are further off though they be of a worse consequence and at this passe had things been a long while together Whereas the livelinesse of the Cardinals Soul which penetrates into the Ages to come presently discovered to his Majesty the dangers of this nature and made him apprehend the other the more easily in regard his Majesty was not ingaged in them but onely by the weaknesse of those who had the management of affairs He made it quickly apparent to him that they who shew themselves so over-affectionate of Peace do by little and little weaken and decay the State without being aware of it that they do mollifie the Courages of the people by a sloathfull repose who by such waies are exposed to the violences of strangers who have in the mean while exercised themselves in Arms and acquired force enough to make an attempt upon their neighbours His Prudence imitated that of a discreet Physitian who that he may perswade his Patient to take such things as may be convenient for his sicknesse discourseth to him the causes of his indisposition and then leaveth in to himself to judge if they be not proper for him Sir said he one day to his Majesty in a particular Counsel though a King who looks after nothing more then quiet hath reason to bestir himself when he finds his Ministers have brought his State into disorder because there do every day arise to him new causes of discontent yet he who seeks Glory ought not to be much troubled at it for that such disorders are the Ground-works upon which he may raise Trophies as marks of his Prudence and Generosity so your Majesty need not be at all troubled for those defects which have happened to your Estate by the faults of those whom your Majesty hath imployed who though they have been very affectionate to your service have not however had Souls high enough to second the Generosity of your intentions You may easily remedy all this according as you have designed there need only wel to know the Causes and to apply such remedies as may be agreeable and the State will soon be in safety Your Majesty may command me any thing for that I dedicate all my cares and all my indeavours to you and I cannot have any greater pleasure then to sacrifice my life to your glory And seeing you do me the honour to hear me discourse what I think to be most considerable in the State of Affairs I shall not imagine my self deceived if I shall tell you that I have observed four things which are the principal Causes of the weaknesse and disability of this State The first is Forraign and is nothing but the unbridled Ambition of the Spaniard which makes him aspire to the Monarchy of Europe and carries him on to attempts upon your neighbouring States which are as the out-skirts of the Kingdom of which too he hopes to be one day Master when he shall once have fortified himself upon the Frontiers and made it destitute of succours from its Allies The other three are Domestick and at home which serve for supports to all Rebellions and Revolts which are like a Lyon bred up in the Kingdom from whence nothing but mis-fortunes can arise The second is the excessive licenciousnesse of the Grandees who do so much detract from your greatnesse by so much as they assume to themselves more then they ought The third is the want of disciplin'd Troops who should ever be on foot to oppose any enterprizes which may be made against your Majesty or your Allies The fourth is the want of considerable Foundations in the Treasury to commence War upon occasions and to
to his own Quarter so that after a great attempt there is but small successe The Hugonots finding their weakness to their own costs have recourse to the Kings Clemency THe signal Victory which his Majesty had obtained by sea before Rochel and the Isle of Ree together with the impossibility whereunto the Duke of Rohan was reduced of attempting any thing in Languedoc so closely was he followed by the Marshal de Themines forced the Hugonots to have recourse to his Majesties Clemency They begged his Majesties pardon by their Deputies whom they sent to him to testifie the sense they had of their fault and to assure him of their future fidelity and obedience His Majesty was well pleased with it and the Deputies comming to him at Fonntain Bleau about the end of August whilest the Legate was there there was no kind of acknowledgements and submissions which they did not make both in behalf of themselves as also of the Duke of Rohan and the Sieur de Soubize who sent to supplicate him by their particular Deputies that he would be pleased to imploy them in the War of Italy that they might testifie by their Passion to serve him that there was not any danger in the Sea or Land to which they would not chearfully expose themselves to contribute to his Glory After they had made their speeches they presented the Paper of their Complaints humbly beseeching his Majesty to have regard to it for that they were grounded upon several Graces which had been conferred on them by the Edict of Nants and several other Grants The King received it and appointed it to be examined Now although the sweetnesse of Peace which charmeth the mind the Poverty of the people and those enterprizes which the Spaniard made upon the Allies of France did generally invite all the French to wish that his Majesty would accord to them the pardon which they desired yet some there were who were divided in opinion what was most fit to be done upon that affair one part conceiving that Rochel having received so great a rebuke and finding themselves without Island without Sea without Souldiers and without Vessels they ought not to let slip such an occasion The reason was that in so doing they should loose a very advantagious opportunity to force the City by a Siege which could not hold out above six moneths to demolish their Forts and reduce them under the Kings obedience which once done the whole party of the Hugonots would be quite ruined their other Towns disabled to make any resistance and that thus the Regal Authority would not onely receive a great accruement of Power but the Church too would receive a very great benefit by it These were the opinions of vulgar thoughts which look on nothing but what is before them and just in their noses but want discretion to look a little further they considered not that it would alwaies be in his Majesties Power to take up Arms against the Heretiques seeing now they behaved themselves otherwise then they used to doe as hath been often seen and that his Majesty might easily keep those advantages which he had upon Rochel by fortifying the Isles of Ree and Oleron and keeping a small Army in Fort St. Lewis and in the Country about Rochel but that it would not alwaies be seasonable and timely to oppose the Ambitious design of the Spaniards upon the Grisons or the Valtoline That the King could not without dishonour leave off those glorious enterprizes which he had already began and that in case he should it would give full Liberty to the Spaniards to make themselves Masters of the Valtoline as well as of the rest of Italy where they had already sent their Armes and had also strongly fortified themselves That this affair was more important then that of the Hugonots for that a more favourable opportunity to gain a happy successe could not be had when one had a mind to it Besides that it was not sufficient to be hurried on by an inconsiderate zeal without any regard had to the Interests of the Kingdom seeing that their Religion made a part of the Estate and that also it very little concerned Religion to defer for some time the ruine of the Hugonots for that War and Violence did never yet conduce to their Conversion Heresie being like Saffron which grows the faster the more it is trodden under foot that when Heretiques have been burned they have lived like Salamanders in the fire when they have been cast into the Water they have increased like Fishes and when their heads have been cut off they have like Trees put out more new branches then were taken off so that there was no talk of ruining Heresie but onely of the Party which was stil free for the King to do considering the frequent grounds they gave for it for that mutiny was naturalized in them but that it was far otherwise in the affairs of Italy and of the Valtoline which might not be abandoned but with extream great shame and without ever hoping for another opportunity to root up the Spaniard if he should be now let alone to grow up and gather new strength These were the important reasons represented by the Cardinal to the King and which induced his Majesty to grant a Peace to the Hugonots that he might carry on his designs in Italy and the Valtoline After the paper of their grievances had been examined his Majesty confirmed to them whatever had been granted by the Edict of Nantes granting them free Liberty for the exercise of their Religion in such Towns where they had Churches and Church-yards and an Act of Oblivion for any thing done in the War but he would not consent to the demolishing of Fort Lewis as being too important for the keeping of Rochel in aw and obedience These favours were accepted by the general Deputies of the Hugonots in the name of all the Hugonot Towns excepting those of Rochel Mountauban Castres and Milhana who having been gained by the Duke of Rohan and Sieur de Soubize and finding that their Leaders had onely obtained a single pardon without any other advantage and without being imployed in Italy according as they desired they intreated his Majesty upon other pretences that he would be pleased to grant some time till their two chief Officers and those four Cities were joyned with them The King granted to them that delay upon condition it were not over long who presently sent away the Heads of those Resolutions which had been taken Politique Observation THough the weakning of a Party in a Kingdom which hath been long breeding so that they may make no more Insurrections be a thing much to be desired yet it will not be peradventure alwaies seasonable to attempt it it is the duty of a wise Minister to take all occasions for the doing of it according to the state of Affairs of the Kingdom Suetonius Paulinus one of the most experimented Captains of his time made it
against them The knowledge he had of her inclination still to conserve that power to her self was a great impediment to his work And the King in whose hands the onely supream power resides was so much the more jealous of it for that it is ordinary with Grandees to be suspitious of their powers and that with so much the more reason for that Justice doth not permit that one should divide the command with them The Cardinal meeting with things in this conjuncture used his utmost industry to overcome the Queen Mothers inclinations being assured that it would be afterwards easie to dissipate those suspitions of the King He insinuated into her soul with all sweetness and address the truth which ought to be the foundation of their good correspondence letting her see that she ought not to think it any strange thing that the King should desire to be Master or that all Affairs were revolved by his order for that by his birth the Laws of the Kingdom did give him that Authority which no one had any right to deprive him of He used indeed his utmost address to impress this truth in her letting her see that she ought not to pretend to any part of it That the King quitting all his suspitions would give her more then she could wish seeing he was so naturally inclined to pay her all manner of respects The Queen Mother who did then much esteem of his counsels did beleeve him and she received such advantages by it that by letting his Majesty see by her conduct that she did no longer think of the Government he restored her into so absolute an Authority that she had all sort of power in the management of Affairs This was a very great advantage procured to her by this grand Minister and which surpassed all those favours which he had at any time received from her Majesty The State too did not receive less profit by it for that this good correspondencie which united the Affections of the King and Queen Mother did put an end to all those Cabals which had formerly divided the whole Nation so that the Forces of it would not now fly out any more into parties but remain entire to oppose the Ambition of Strangers The Cardinal that he might the more confirm this Union and make it the stronger perswaded the King to take Father Suffren for his Confessor who had been so for a long while to the Queen Mother assuring himself that this good person whose soul was so affectionately inclined to Peace replenished with Piety and voyd of Ambition being the Depository of the secrets of their Consciences would not be a little conducing to the dispelling of those little suspitions which might arise between them and that he would have somwhat the more power in regard women are naturally addicted to be perswaded by their Confessors Next to the Queen Mother Monsieur was the most considerable person in affairs as also the most capable to raise Divisions in the Kingdom as many Princes of his Place and Birth had done who not being able to stay for command untill the time prescribed by the Laws both the Nature and the Kingdom run out at the perswasion of those who were near them to seise on the Government The Cardinal therefore was no whit less industrious to tye him too unto the Kings Interests There was no great need of any extraordinary diligence to bring it to pass Justice having infused into him with his birth all those inclinations and dispositions which were proper for him to have towards his Majesty All which the Cardinal very well knew Neither was he ignorant That Princes of his condition are usually carried away from their duties by those who are attending near upon them so that he likewise made himself sure of the Colonel d' Ornano who had the honour to be nearest to his person and upon whose advice Monsieur did more relye then any others Now knowing that this soul naturally ambitious was not to be captivated by other tyes then those of Greatness he perswaded the King to bestow on him a Marshals Staffe of France conceiving that this Qualification would force him to become his Majesties very faithful servant Monsieur the Prince had the honour to be the first of those of the Blood Royal and the Cardinal thought it no lesse expedient to gain him and satisfie his humour by giving him a part in Affairs and the content which he might pretend to in his Interests He had a great conflict with the Queen Mothers spirit but at last with a handsom address he let her see that there could be no certain quiet and repose in the State without a good understanding between the King her son and him and that it was to contribute to his own greatness not to leave the Prince in those discontents whereunto he had been reduced and which might in time carry him on to the making of Cabals and raising of new emotions But whatever reasons he could then alledge she would not be induced to assent to his coming to the Court nevertheless the Cardinal so dealt with the King that his Majesty in some Letters to him gave him extraordinary expressions and testimonies of his Favour sometimes by asking his advice as occasions should present as also by taking a particular care for the expediting of his Affairs which was accordingly effected and the King writing to him assured him of his kindness towards him and desiring his opinion of the Affairs of the Valtoline of the Hugonots and the War of Italy By this he received an entire content and satisfaction so that from thence forward he began to order himself with more affection to his Majesties Inclinations then formerly he had done This strait union which the Cardinal tyed in the Royal Family was an assured foundation of the Nations Peace and cut off all hopes that any troublesome spirits might have to embroyl it Politique Observation THat Minister who would attempt any great designs abroad is bound to settle all at home by a strong uniting of the Royal house The harmony of the prime Qualities is that which preserves our bodies in a convenient health If one should assault the other the Natural Justice is violated and the Union dissolved which once so the whole frame falls to nothing Who knoweth not that the Union of Grandees especially those of the Royal Family is the most sure foundation of Peace and Welfare to a State They may not be disjoyn'd from their King neither may any one of them attempt upon his Crown but Justice will be offended and their Union broken which once so the State is soon exposed to manifold dangers and misfortunes This was the opinion of Misipsa in Salust and Cyrus instructing Cambyses his own Son advised him alwaies to be in friendship with his kindred and to give them such advantages as may content them because it will make him be well beloved by his Subjects who imagine that a Prince who doth not
Majesty of all possible means to communicate it to his Highness and that his Majesty having had advise upon it was counselled to lay hold on peace in regard of the disposition of Affairs both within and without his Kingdome considering the small progresse the Arms of the League had made after two years time in Italy and lastly for that those very things were obtain'd in the Peace for which the League had been contrived all which things were much more considerable then any Formalities and Punctilio's of honour Upon the second point the Sieur de Bullion had expresse charge to tell his Highness that his Majesty had so much the more willingly consented to the Treaty of Peace that he might be capable of ending his differences with the Common-wealth of Genoa by arbitration in respect his Arms had so little contributed to advance his interests as yet and that if his Highness would be pleased to make known his pretentions The King would embrace them very affectionately and as his own and would also concur with him for the procuring him all possible satisfaction and content either by disputing the business by reason and if need were by Arms. Upon the third point which had no relation to any thing of the League and yet was no inconsiderable thing neither for that it was designed only to allay and take off from the Dukes anger and passion that his Majesty well knowing the courage and magnanimity of this Prince and that it was his high mind which made him esteem glory above all things as also that eminent Titles of honour have a great influence on the Souls of those who are touched with greatness and that it doth bring them to that point which is pretended commanded the Sieur de Bullion to humour this inclinations and to let him know that his Majesty had by the Sieur de Bethune proposed to the Pope to cause him be Crowned King of Cyprus as wel in regard of the pretensions which the house of Savoy hath upon that Kingdom as also in regard of his particular valour which was risen to so high an admiration and credit in the whole World that this Title could not with Justice be denied him and that there was not any King in Christendom which would not be wel satisfied with the admission of a Prince of his Birth and recommendation into that degree and quality The Dispatch of the Sieur du Chasteauneuf to the Common-wealth of Venice for the Affairs before-mentioned THE Sieur de Bulloin made use of his Reason with so much Judgement and Prudence that he obtained all he could desire The Cessation of Arms was consented to and accordingly proclaimed in Milan Genoa and Piedmont The referring of the businesse to Arbitration was well approved of and his Highnesse delivered a breviate of his pretensions to the Crown of Cyprus to the Sieur at Bullion who assured he would recommend that businesse particularly to his Majesty and told him that most assuredly his Majesty would be very careful of it On the other side the Sieur de Chasteauneuf was at the same time sent to the Common-wealth of Venice to induce them to accord to the Treaty and accommodation of Mouson and from thence for the same purpose to the Grisons the Valtolines and the Swisses Those first Reasons which were given in charge to the Sieur de Bullion to represent to the Duke of 〈◊〉 were also included in his Instructions and he had likewise particular order to adâ—… to the Common-wealth of Venice That they had great reason to be well satisfied with the Peace seeing it freed them from a chargeable War subject to many accidents and in which well they might lose much but gain little And because the Venetian Embassador declared that he did imagine the assurance of the Treaty to consist in the keeping up of those Forts in the Valtoline the said Sieur de Chasteauneuf had Order to let them know that such a pretension as that was would most assuredly have broken off the Treaty of accommodation and that all that was to be wished was sometimes impossible to be effected Besides that the keeping up of the Fort would be a great charge either in relation to the necessary expences for the giving of a full satisfaction or else for the maintaining of a strong Garison and who at last cast too might not peradventure be able to keep out the Spaniard if at any time hee should have a mind to enter upon them with an Army He was also charged to let them perceive that the natural inclination of the Valtolines was not to indure any Rule or Government and that they would never have indured any long time together that those Forts should remain in the power of a stranger and that the Spaniards knowing their natures to be such would alwaies be inciting and assisting them underhand to retake them so that the keeping up of the Forts would instead of securing the Treaty onely become an absolute ground of troubles to the Common-wealth as they who are nearest seated to the Valtoline who are in perpetual fears and jealousies and forced still to be upon their Guard against the Spaniards attempts which would put them to vast charges and force them too at last to yeeld to reason And he was commanded by his Majesty that he might humour the Commonwealth in its Interests to tell them that the King would willingly grant them the Passages of the Valtoline and Grisons for ten years he knowing how passionately they desired it and moreover that his Majesty would in case they should request it enter into a defensive League with them The Sieur de Chasteauneuf prosecuted these Instructions so luckily that the Common-wealth was sensible of the honour the King had done them in sending to them an extraordinary Embassadour upon their Affairs and left it to his Majesty to consider whether all those advantages which were to be wished for were comprised in the Treaty and that for their particulars they thought themselves much obliged for his proffer of a defensive League assuring the said Sieur de Chasteauneuf that they should be ever ready to continue those testimonies of affection and observance which they had alwaies had towards the Crown of France which was as much as could be desired from them Then the Sieur de Chasteauneuf went towards the Grisons and the Valtoline in prosecution of his Embassiy The Instructions which he received from his Majesty concerning those parts was to joyn himself with the Marquesse de Coeuvres and to swear those people to a solemn observaon of the Treaty The Valtolines made not any difficulty at all at it but accepted of the Treaty as also to pay every year unto the Grisons five and twenty thousand Crowns which had been imposed on them But as for the Grisons there were many meetings and Assemblies held amongst them without any resolution but onely in general terms they thanked his Majesty for his assistance and acknowledged themselves
which is intrusted with them in prejudice of the Kings royal authority What care ought he to have to maintain the chief Officers of the Crown the Governours of Provinces and Towns and generally all the Grandees of the Kingdome in their duties doth it not concern him to know what ever considerable thing is done amongst them their designs Cabals Interests Abilities and their very inclinations that he may take order with them according to their dispositions and the common good and to divert such Mutinies as they may in time raise ought not his duty lead him to look into the Commerce and Trade that it be preserved in it's greatness as the Fountain of the Kingdomes wealth The Common Rabble will call upon his thoughts sometimes to be resetled in the duties they owe their King and Country But what proportion of his time then will the affairs of war take up when there is a necessity of raising Forces Will it not behoove him to give all necessary dispatches either for quarterings or marching of Regiments or to lead them on to fight with courage either for amunition or the exact observation of militarie discipline It would need a long discours particularly so set down the great duties of a principal Minister but the Briefness which I have proposed to follow gives me not leave to describe them These are enough to guesse that he will have somewhat to do to go through with them and that upon these considerations a Chief Minister ought to be satisfied and totally to acquiet himself of the Burthens which accompany both the Justice and Treasuries The English Fleets arrival before Ree DUring his Majesties sickness about six in the morning upon the 28 of July the English Fleet appeared about Olonne between 18 and 20 Ships At first it was supposed they were Dunkerkers who might have perchance some design upon the Dutch Fleet then in the Road. But when they were perceived to draw neer the I le of Ree that their number encreased and the Hollanders not affraid of them it was easily concluded that they were the English Fleet of which there was quickly a greater assurance when they saw all their Ships at anchor at the mouth of Breton neer the Cape d' Ars. The rest drew neer one of the Forts in the I le of Ree called La Pree against which they shot very much all day long and the next day too until night in so much that the Ships encompassed the Point of Sablanceau within half musket shot of the Land and some of them adventured within Pistol shot Which made the Sieur de Thoyras then Governour of the Cittadel St. Martin in the I le of Ree Judg that they intended to there abouts so he drew out as many of his men as he could well spare to prevent their designs and carried them as neer as possibly he could to that place that he might fall on them in their disbarking But their Landing being favoured by above two thousand peeces which shot continually They had the oportunity to set on shoar about ten thousand men The Sieur de Thoyras had not with him above two hundred Horse and eight hundred foot yet it being for his Majesties Honour to welcome them at their first footing he resolved to assault them notwithstanding the incredible violence of the Cannon which beat down every thing that did but appear upon the shore He hoped for a good successe from the Justness of his cause and that his Souldiers would force Fortune to be favourable unto them He divided his Horse into seven parties five of which were commanded to give the Charge and break the English ranks and the foot had order to follow on the two other parties were to keep off for a reserve upon the first signal of the Fight The first went on in good order but were forced to Gallop off again for that the English Cannon put them in such confusion that the most part of them were routed before ever they came to engage some killed some wounded and others unhorsed but their courage who were in a condition to march on stood firm so they advanced up to the English Battalions and there did what ever could be expected from high resolutions The English astonished to see the French come thundring in that manner upon them thorough the midst of the Flames and Cannon shot were put into such disorder that many of them swam to their Ships The French now finding they were not pursued and seeing that they were not in condition to fight they rallied together and charged them once more before ever the foot came up but at last they came and fell in doing more then could be expected but the violence of the Cannon was such that it was fit to sound the retreat and to expect a more favourable occasion to fight with them Rostaincler the Sieur de Thoyras his Brother the Baron of Chautail Navailles and divers other Gentlemen and light Horse and about one hundred and fifty Souldiers were slain in the excounter most part of the Officers being wounded neither had the English a lesse loss Fifteen Officers of their Army were killed besides divers Livetenants and Ensigns They likewise lost one of their Collours and upon a vew taken they found between five and six hundred killed and wounded So they had but little stomack for that present to advance any farther into the Ilaud but in 3 dages time they fortefied themselves on the shore side keeping under shelter of their Ships neither would they stir one foot till they were informed that the French intended to defend the Cittadel of St. Martin and not meet them any more in the field Politique Observation I Think it impossible to prevent a strong Fleet from landing in an Iland where they may come on shore in sundry places unfortefied The night alone is enough to favour their landing and admitting there were Forces enough to meet them in all places yet the Canon would make such havock that at last there would be a necessity of giving them leave to come on shore Thus hath Machiavel and the wisest Politions observed That it seldome happened that ever any Fleet especially if accompanied with a good Army was hindered from opening any passage if undefended by a good Castle When Francis the first undertook the war in Italy The Spaniards being on t'other side the River Beuchamby with very great Forces to hinder his passage were forced to make way for him when they saw Monsieur de Guise with his Sword in his hand followed by all the Troops to take water that they might come fight with them In the like manner Philip de Valois having commanded Godemar du Fay to keep the Passage of the River Somme at Blanchetacque with a thousand men at Armes besides the Bowman of Genoa and six thousand foot did quickly notwithstanding all this see the English Army force the passe and in lesse then six howers to be all over whilst the Sea
Prudent States-man ought to make his resolutions and to regulate his Conduct according to circumstances and the advantage of the time present the former would be much found fault with if he should lose the Wind when it is fair and the latter would commit a deplorable over-sight if he should neglect those advantages and opportunities which should present themselves unto him Opportunity is oftentimes of greater advantage then several Troops and Experience hath dayly evidenced to the World that the advantages of time is the onely thing which if laid hold on carrieth great actions to a prosperous issue Nature observeth her time to put forth her works we never see her bedight with Flowers but when the Sun smiles gently upon her just thus is it with a Prudent man he must strike when the Iron is hot and not strike untill it be hot For this reason it was that the Pythagoreans held opportunity to be the first cause of all things and it is but truth that opportunity is that which giveth them all their perfections and causeth them to terminate in a happy successe Antiquity did much esteem of Pittacus his advice which was comprehended in two words onely know thy time that is lose not thy opportunity but make sure of it it being certainly true that the least smile which she bestoweth is the ground-work of great successes above all an enemy ought to be assaulted at his weakest before he be fortified and that his other Troops come to joyn with him The valiant Scipio would no longer defer his fighting with the Carthaginians when he foresaw that if he gave them time Asdrubal would come up and joyn with them which would augment the difficulties to overcome them Marius in the 25 Book of T. Livy resolved to prosecute the enemy because his Prudence fore-told him that in case he deferred it their whole force would in a small time joyn themselves together and then instead of one Captain and one Army he must incounter with three Generals and three Armies Caesar as himself observeth in his first Book of the War with the Gauls having learnt that there were certain forces comming from the Swedes which were to passe the Rhine presently advanced to fight with Anovistus as doubting least if those forces should come up to him he might be too weak to encounter them The King having resolved upon his Italian Expedition commits the Government of the State to the Queen his Mother THe King before he departed from Paris would as reason was settle the affairs of his Kingdome and State in the hand of a person of whom he was well assured He knew that Kings being out of the way gives opportunity to seditious minds to act and stir who in their presence durst not think a thought that way tending Whereupon he concluded it necessary to intrust the management of all things with some one person upon whose Credit Fidelity and Ability he might rely The Cardinal who was never deficient in procuring all kind of honour to the Queen Mother advised his Majesty to fix upon her as he had done at the siege of Rochel though indeed he was but ill requited for his pains it being at that time that she conceived the first seeds of her hatred against him and suffered her self to be deceived by the false Impostures of her and his enemies That which did most of all clash with the Cardinals thoughts in perswading the King to devolve his power upon her was that she still was guided by those very persons who laboured nothing more then the increasing her Majesties hatred against him and who would act to that purpose with so much the more insolency when they found themselves supported by her authority But as he ever preferred his Majesties before his own Interests he did not long stick at it but finding it most fit for the Government of the State he advised his Majesty to resolve upon it For first the Government of the State could not have been left with any other but it would have raised great broils in the State and secondly he had much rather have been thought improvident in fore-seeing that might hurt him then ingratefull in not procuring to her all possible honour lying in his power and lastly he had some reason to hope that the absolute power which his Majesty left with her during his absence might open her eyes to discern with what zeal and fidelity he had served her In fine his Majesty give the Queen his Mother full and absolute power and caused the Commission which he had made for that purpose to bee read in the Parliament Politique Observation NOthing doth so much allay the hatred of a woman as to procure some honour to her for as they are naturally passionate of ruling so there is not any thing doth more please them then power It should seem that nature having created them to obey they become so much the more ambitious of governing both in private families and in States too for either of which they are very improper Hence it is that they arm themselves with fire and anger against all who oppose them unlesse they are mollified and appeased by love next to which nothing doth so much please and satisfie them as the procurement of some extraordinary power and honour unto them It is a long while since a Philosopher said no water doth so readily extinguish the fire of anger as good deeds which as they make a greater impression on the mind by how much they come nearer to their inclination so there is nothing which doth more please or delight them and hence it is that they are the fittest and most dexterous ways to recall and reclaim their unjust and groundlesse anger and displeasure The King chargeth the Lord Keeper Marillac to chuse out the best rules which had been esteemed proper for the good of the Kingdom by the States met at Paris Anno 1614. and to propose them to the Councel to be drawn up into Ordinances AT the same time the King who cherished Justice as the best Flower in his Crown resolved to publish divers Ordinances relating to his peoples good such as he had chosen out of the best rules which had been thought most proper by the States General at Paris in the year one thousand six hundred and fourteen and by the Assembly at Rouen in the year 1617. and at Paris in the year one thousand six hundred twenty six His Majesty knew that God who had put the Scepter into his hands had not more commanded him any one thing than to administer Justice indifferently to all whereupon he gave order to the Lord Keeper to pick out from those rules such choice ones as might be thought most advantagious for his peoples good to propose them to the Counsel that they might be made Ordinances after mature deliberation had upon them all which was done accordingly and thence sent to the Parliament of Paris whether his Majesty went to hear them read in
Provinces were like so many petty Kings The Kings family was maintained by two or three years advance of the Treasury before hand exhausted to inrich those who were factiously inclined and without any honour to the King The Allies of the Crown were left to the mercie of their enemies of whom the Kingdome stood in fear The case was now altered the Heretick faction was brought upon their knees the Princes of the blond were forced to live in obedience the Governours of Provinces durst do nothing but what was just the Treasuries were well regulated and employed for the Kings Honour and State In short the whole body of France heretofore sick and languishing began to recover strength with assurance of perfect health when as its Forraign and Domestick enemies did not at all divert the Cardinals designs All these things were so apparent that the Cimmerian darknesse could not hinder the sight of them but who knows not that the strongest reasons cannot touch them who are over-mastered with Passion as we have reason to beleeve they could not those about Monsieur seeing they were so blind in perswading him to a course so directly contrary to that which the Cardinal had projected for the establishment of the Kingdom They should have learned that as the Planets do not immit their influences here beneath without causing of great alterations in the world so neither do the Princes of the Blood ever separate themselves from their King and Country but they cause great troubles and disorders and in case there were any others in the State this were to remedy it by a worse a thing contrary to the Laws of Prudence but a thing not much by them regarded so they could but overcome their Masters spirit that they might afterwards lead him to whatever they desired Politique Observation IF Divine Providence doth not appear with more splendour in any one thing then the Government of the Universe then true it is that humane wisedom is never more admirable then in the Conduct of Kingdomes especially when they are fallen from their first height and that there is a necessity to re-establish them This re-establishment doth undeniably depend upon that particular Minister who governeth affairs next under the Authority of his Prince for he is in the State as the Sun in the World as the eye to the Body and as the Primum mobile among the Heavens Yet however two truths cannot be gain-said the first is that a State being a society of free men who not exactly following the motions which their chief minister gives them it cannot be avoided but that some disorder must follow unlesse divers others besides himself be assistant The principal causes share indeed the chief glory in producing their effects but not of being the onely producers of them and the Sun himself could not enamel the earth with the Flowers of the Spring unlesse other causes did co-operate and as no Labourer how vigilant soever can hinder the fields from producing Weeds so it is likewise impossible that a chief Minister how prudent soever should so settle a State that no disorder should appear in it seeing it is no lesse natural for people to he unruly then for the earth to bring forth weeds The second that it is a work of time to re-establish a State once fallen into confusion Nature works slowly produceth the seed out of the grain the sien from the seed the tree from the sien the flower from the tree and at last the fruit Thus likewise a Minister of State how excellent soever he be cannot reduce confusion into order but by little and little and by setting his Engines on work one after another There must needs be some time spent in inquiring into the true causes of these evils it being impossible to apply convenient remedies without discovering the original defect He had need be instructed with Prudence and experience to consider those things which have heretofore conduced to make that State flourish which he would now restore and also that which hath been glorious for other States He ought to imitate good Physitians who having observed those ill humours which cause the sicknesse use their art first to purge them out and then to bring their Patient to a good temper The principal causes of the ruine of a State are civil Wars disrespect of authority the too great Power of Princes of the Blood Strangers and Governours Factions negligence in Judges to punish publick disorders want of good Discipline among Souldiers and the oppressures of the people now what a deal of time must there be to redresse all these and establish one quite contrary It cannot be done but by time and labour nay impossible if the Kingdom be either in civil or forraign War Lastly the Minister hath need of some time to reduce the neighbour Countries into such a condition that they may not indanger his Physitians are carefull for the restoring of their Patient to perfect health that neither the ayr nor any thing about him may be offensive to him and a Prudent Minister is no lesse obliged to be carefull not onely that his neighbours may not injure him but that they may be serviceable to him He must keep a strict intelligence with his Allies not injuring them but assisting them in all occasions as the Romans did who sent their Embassadours from Town to Town to make a friendship with them and to divert them from the Carthaginians He ought to indeavour the breaking off all Leagues between forraign Princes whose strength by their uniting might become suspected whence it follows that he ought not to be over-hasty in extinguishing any Wars between them nay some he is bound to foment as Lewis the Eleventh did to divert those storms which else would have fallen upon France These are the chief means which can contribute to the establishment of a State but who seeth not that amongst a thousand different causes it is impossible totally to effect it unlesse after a long time and with extream care and diligence The Marshal de Marillac is send by the King to Monsieur THey of the Queen Mothers faction would by no means let slip Monsieur's retreat without making advantage of it They despaired of ever overcoming his Majesty considering how great an esteem be professed to have of the Cardinals services They very well knew that the Queen Mother could not countenance any one against him so powerfully as Monsieur whereupon they did their utmost to breed a good understanding between them and when his Majesty had sent divers to Monsieur they did at last work the Queen Mother to procure Marillac to be sent to him a person whom they knew to be fit for their design The Cardinal gave him his instructions as to what he should say from his Majesty which tended to remember him how really his Majesty did affect him heretofore to assure him he was not at all altered at that present That his Majesty did not complain of him for his departure
worth made him very undeserving Politique Observation I Have formerly said It were requisite that the Favourites of Princes should be nearly tyed to the Kings Interests that they might be carried to whatever his Majestie should desire of them and now I shall add that it is not less then necessary to prevent their troubling of the State for that the most part of such Civil wars have hapned by their means But there are great obstructions and difficulties in the encompassing it seeing that it is not somtimes in the power of the greatest Ministers to retain them in their duties what-ever advantages are prepared for them And as eating doth but excite the hungers of starved stomacks so those Riches which are given to them do but make them more ambitious of other and greater It is the humour which doth possess most Princes Favourites and is the cause which doth often engage their Masters in great Broyls The most violent storms which turn all things up-side-down are formed only out of Clouds drawn up by the Planets into the highest Region of the Ayr and the greatest Revolts which have troubled the quiet of the people and ruined whole Kingdoms have proceeded from those suggestions which Princes Favourites the Stars of the State have raised in their minds from whence they often get nothing but mud and dirt Hath not the last age made it evident here in France in the time of Henry the third when as the Duke d' Alençon had not gone out of the Court but by the perswasions of Bâ—ssi and Semier and some others his Favourites who were troubled to see the government of Affairs in the hands of some who would not give them leave to do what they pleased And if we look back a little more shall we not find that Lewis the eleventh whilest he was Daulphine had not withdrawn himself the first time from Charles the seventh his Brother but by the advices of Chaumont and Boucicaut and their Partisans who could not enoure to see that his Neece the fair Agnes and Villiquier should have so absolute a Power Our own times have furnished us with examples enough to prove this truth which are so well known to all men that I need not trouble them or my self to relate them I shall only add this that as Goldsmiths have a certain strong water to separate Gold from Silver though incorporated by the Fire that they seem to be the same Body So the Favourites of Princes have certain Arts which the malice of the Court teacheth them the power of which is so great that when they please they will divide a Mother from her children a Brother from a Brother and generally all whom Nature or Friendship had joyned together in so strict a league that one would have reasonably imagined nothing could have been able to have made a separation Monsieur 's resolution to leave the Court. VVHen Coignenx had once perswaded Monsieur by his subtle devices to leave the Court he gave him no respite until he had put it in execution That his departure might be with the more noise which might serve for a Beacon to put the whole Kingdom in an uprore he found a trick to perswade him that it would be an act of courage in him to go quarrel with the Cardinal in his own house before he went off and to declare to him that he would be no more his friend but that he would take the Queen-Mothers part against him Accordingly Monsieur went to him and told him so But the Cardinal who knew such things could not proceed from his goodness which rendred him not only the least evil-doer but indeed the most obliging Prince of the world answered him with nothing but respects and civilities Assoon as Monsieur went from him he got into his â—oach and went directly to Orleans without taking leave of the King The Queen-Mother seeming to be surpriz'd at it presently sent notice of it to the King then at hunting who was much troubled at it though he could expect little good from the base dispositions of Monsieur's servants of all whom his Majesty had been fully informed though he could not imagine they would have carried things to such extremities considering the great gratifications he had bestowed on them and those several protestations of inviolable fidelity which they had but so lately made unto him When his Majesty return'd from hunting he alighted at the Cardinal 's and gave him such singular testimonies of his favour that they were able to obliterate any apprehensions of Monsieur's proceedings His Majesty promised he would protect him with and against all and commanded him to be the more confident of it in regard he was bound in honour to preserve him from whom he had received such signal services That if any did him an injury it was his Majesty whom they did offend and he would so take it as done to himself From thence the King went to find out the Queen-Mother to whom he could not dissemble how much Monsieur 's departure did displease him and the just ground he had to suspect that she had a hand in the counselling him to it of which for the present she endeavoured to clear her self though shortly after it was found to be but too true by that strict intelligence which was between them and by those letters which they writ to the King having one and the same sense and expression As also by Monsieur's own discourses to the Ladies at Orleans when they asked of him the reasons of his so sudden return not that the Queen-Mother was ever satisfied with Monsieur or he with her but that there was a means found out to perswade them that if they would but closely unite themselves they would be the better able to drive on their own Designs and induce the King to ruine the Cardinal the only thing which they desired Politique Observation THough the Ring-leaders in a State be of different humors and inclinations and though they be much divided by the emulation which they bear to one another yet they do easily re-unite that they may if possible increase their own Powers by destroying that of their King Experience sheweth us that fire can naturally incorporate most different mettals as Gold and Iron The fire of Ambition is no less able to unite the minds of Grandees when it is once proposed to trouble the Kingdom One hath not obtained the Pension or Boon which he desired another could not get his kinsman into a Benefice as he attempted and another thinks he deserveth to have a greater hand then he hath in the government of affairs or could not procure the Office which he aspired to and these are those several discontents which they have received in the diversity of their designes and which run them up to that pass that they become unsatisfied with the King or his principal Minister not at all considering that there are several other concerns besides theirs in particular which oblige by necessity that
those things be granted to others which they would so fain procure to themselves This general discontent is enough to unite them together and to engage them in that one designe of a revolt They know there are two waies to attain to greatness Prudence and Power when they once perceive that all the devices of their Will or to speak more properly all their Deceipts are not able to raise their greatness to that pass which they desire they presently fly to the latter imagining in themselves they might get more by it then by the former They cannot be ignorant how that many of their Predecessors have bee shipwrack'd on the very same score by which they pretend to raise great advantages to themselves and as the minds of most men abound rather with hopes then fears so they fancy to themselves that Fortune will be more favourable to them then others and upon this account it is that they do often associate themselves together not with intent of putting State affairs into a better posture as they pretend but to advance what in them lies their own private Families and Interests at the cost and charges of the Publike I shall liken them to the first qualities which not holding themselves in a good correspondency for the preservation of the subject whereof they are compos'd do unanimously conspire and contrive the ruine of it for in the same manner do they instead of keeping up and maintaining the State by their Prudence and Authority of which it is their honour to be chief supporters they employ them to divide and ruine the people forcing the Prince to contribute to the means which are necessary to oppose their violences The Queen-Mother rejoyceth at Monsieur's Departure AFter Monsieur's departure the Queen-mother became more resolute in her eagerness against the Cardinal and believed that his going away would be very advantagious to her They who flattered her and blew the Coals of her Passion perswaded her that half the Kingdom would quickly be up in Arms and proffer their assistances to Monsieur in what-ever he would employ them That several Towns would revolt That Monsieur 's discontent alone if once known abroad would raise a war on every side and that amidst this confusion the King would think himself very happy could he but prevent the ruine of his Kingdom by submitting to that of the Cardinal She withdrew her self from being at any counsels to which she had but lately before used to go and seemed less solicitous in dissembling her discontents What pity was it to see a Kingdom exposed to so imminent a danger of being totally subverted by Civil wars and all to destroy him who for eight yeers together employed his whole time both day and night to settle it in its former glory What Injustice was it to repay the Cardinal's services with such Ingratitude What a confusion was it to see a Mother and a Brother revolt against their King and all to satisfie the Hatred and Ambition of their Ministers The King endured it with the greater displeasure because he understood that Forreigners had sowed these Tares under hopes of kindling a fire which should constrain him to withdraw his Forces from Italy abandon â—he assisting of his Allies or at least to submit to shameful conditions of Peace for which purpose they were just upon meeting in Piedmont His Majesty was not to seek in the knowledge that Queens are not exempted from punishment when they contrive troubles in the State that is if the quality of Mother did exact the respects of a Son from him that of a King did oblige her not to prefer any consideration before that of the good of his State and in conclusion that he ought to use all diâ—igent means to break off the intelligence which she held with Monsieur and those who nourished his mind with discontents There was no more certain way then to assign her some Town to live in a little distant from the Court to disperse here and there those who abusing her goodness did foment the fire of dissention in her soul and to place near her some one endued with Discretion and Power that she might not in future attempt any thing against the good of the State The Respect wherewith the King did alwaies honour her was such that he could never resolve to use any violent remedies but at the very last cast after he had tryed all others to which end he resolved rather to leave her then that she should leave him and accordingly he removed to Compeigne imagining that the sharpness of the season would invite her to continue at Paris after his departure and that in this small separation she could not any longer divide the Court into Parties as then she had done There were likewise other devices found to draw off some of the most factious from about her that their absense might afford some opportunities of calming her spirit It were to have been wished that she had rather according to his Majesties pleasure resolved to have lived in quiet at her Palace of Luxenburgh whilest his Majesty was out of Paris then to have followed the Court where her presence countenanced the Faction which she had there contrived Indeed the King verily imagined she would the sooner resolve so to do because she had declared she would intermeddle no more in any affairs neither appear at any Counsels so much did the Cardinal's presence afflict her whereas she instead of comporting her self to this fair and sweet way was guided by the perswasions of those who ruled her spirit and who induced her to resolve to carry on her anger to the utmost extremity and to follow the King every where assuring her that at last the people would all rise and that from thence she might undoubtedly find some expedient to perswade his Majesty to consent to the Cardinal's Banishment or Ruine This procedure of hers did absolutely intrench upon his authority as if he could not have commanded her to quit the Court and it served only to provoke the Kings anger and to force him to deal more rigorously with her then otherwise he desired to have done Politique Observation HOpe is that Root which doth long nourish the Thought of Revenge and without which the most generous persons lose their Courages and fall into despair instead of prosecuting their designs No one hath so well described the qualities of that which is without reason as the Ancient who said it is the dream of those who are awake and whose minds are mastered with this Passion To speak truly just as Dreams fill the mind with Chimera's which have no other being then in our Fancies so an ill-grounded hope fills our Courages with illusions and imaginary contentments by representing such things which are absolutely beyond our reach as if they were subject to our wills and desires it flatters our thoughts with a vain belief that there is not any impediment possibly to be met with in our enterprises which we
their progresse The Interests of Grandees have ever been prejudicial to the publick and if a King would establish any Law to be observed in his Kingdom he ought however still to prefer the good of Subjects in it One Prince of the Blood will perchance demand Peace at a time when War is more proper and if to satisfie him in particular he shall lay down his Arms he doth an action unbeseemâ—ng a Royal Prudence Another will desire that he would discountenance such a Minister whose Councels are however of great advantage to him and doubtlesse if he do it to satisfie his humour he should commit an injustice against his own State And what reason I pray can there be alledged why a King should upon the Capricchio of any Grandee whatever either make a dishonourable Peace which may render him dis-esteemed amongst strangers or remove from him any Minister who like a good and Propitious Planet doth by his influences cause his state to flourish establish a good Order amongst his people and render his Power considerable amongst his Neighbours Who can think it any strange thing if he prefer the good of his Kingdom before their private humours seeing his very own interests ought not to stand in competition with it No King doth ever merit the title of Just if he doth not tread under foot all his own pleasures and delights for the good and glory of his Crown He ought to remember that his Kingdom is not so much established for him as he is for his Kingdom and consequently that the good of his people ought to be dearer to him then any other consideration whatever Now if he thus ought to prefer the publike before his own private good who can blame him if he do the like in relation to the particular satisfaction of any of his own Family The very contenting of a Father ought not to be considered in this case and who so doth any thing in detriment of the Publike good to shew his Duty unto his Father rendereth himself culpable of a great injustice The Authority of Parents extendeth no farther then the house and in case they attempt to enlarge their bounds he is not bound to observe them Are not Kings the lively Images of God If so what more reasonable Rule can they propose to follow in their Government then his Conduct Now as God doth every day permit a thousand particular subjects to suffer and perish nay not exempting Kings themselves though of never so great use to their States and all this for the preservation of the world in good order So cannot any one think it unjust that they should prefer the good of their State before all other considerations what-ever And who is so ignorant as not to know that Publike good is the subject of all universal Causes The Sun Moon and Stars are perpetually sending down their lights and influences here beneath amongst us because they are necessary and conducing to the universal good notwithstanding some particular and private Subjects may suffer and be endamaged by it Now Kings are in the number of Universal Causes whence it followeth that they are obliged by the Laws of Justice still to regard the Common good which if they do not they will inevitably find great inconveniences fall upon them The King after he had given Order to Arrest the Queen-Mother returneth to Paris THat course which the King took in this particular was of all others the most moderate Not that he was ignorant of those Tyes which obliged him to deal more severely with the Qeen-Mother but his own goodness and the sweetness of the Cardinal's Counsels would not permit him to treat her after any other manner Indeed if the course he took were so moderate the execution of it was no less respectful and civil insomuch that the Queen Mother had not any just reason to complain of it The King was at that time at Compâ—igne and gave out that he would on the morrow go to hunt and accordingly commanded every thing to be put in order very betimes He sent for the Mareschal d' Estree and privately told him that he should keep neer to him to serve him as occasion should require as also to command such Forces as he left in Compeigne purposely to prevent any uproar which the Qeen-Mothers Officers might chance to raise and likewise to hinder any concourse of Souldiers in the Countries near adjoyning and to keep that Town in its obedience The King made himself ready for the Hunting and before he went forth called the Sieur dâ— la Ville-aux Cleres and commanded him to go tell the Queen-Mother that he went without taking his leave of her because the respect and tenderderness which he had for her did hinder him from making a request unto her by word of mouth which she could not receive but with some displeasure though it were much conducing to the good of his State which was this That she would go to the Castle of Moulins a place which she her self had made choise of for her aboad after the late King's decease and there spend some time companyed with all those of her Houshold with all sort of Liberty enjoying all their goods and Revenues at any time granted to them and with all Honour due unto her Majesty To which effect he gave her the Government de Bourâ—onnois And then he called for the Father Suffren and gave him likewise order to acquaint the Qeen-Mother assoon as she did awake that it was not without regret that he went away without bidding her Adieu but that she should not be troubled at it his Majesty having left the Sieur de la Ville-Aux Cleres to inform her of his intentions This was the Order which was observed and after the King was gone forth of Compeigne Father Suffren was the first that carried her the news of it a person who had been an eye-witness of those many endeavours and cares the King had used to allay her spirit and who might thereupon relate those things unto her which had been intrusted with him that she might not have any just cause to complain against his Majesty Not long after the Mareschal d' Estree sent unto her to know if she would be pleased to see him which she thought fit and presently told him she did now perceive that she must be this second time a Prisoner But he having assured her that he was not left there to restrain her of her liberty but rather on the contrary to serve her and to receive the honour of her commands she became a little more appeased and about evening the Sieur de la Ville-Aux-Cleres came to request her that she would go pass away some time at her Castle of Moulins with such conditions as he was commanded to relate unto her and in the mean time the King having ended his sport went to lie at Verbrie Politique Observation QUeens are not at all exempted from those Laws which oblige the punishing of such as
the necessity of withdrawing her from those Factions which would ingage the Kingdom in Revolts and all this to compel him to deliver up this grand Minister in case they could not effect it by the dayly instances which they perswaded her to make unto his Majesty This indeed is the true reason which forced his Majesty to part with her as himself testifieth in his Letter to the Governours of the Provinces where true it is mention is made of her refusal to love the Cardinal but it is likewise said that the hatred which she bare to him transported her to attempt things contrary to the good of his State and the publick quiet insomuch that he could no longer permit her stay at Court But who can impute her removal to the Cardinal when it is well known how carefull and solicitous he was to appease that anger which she express'd against him which he did so effectually as to renounce his own interest and Fortune and to sue for his own discharge from the Court with that earnestness that his stay there may justly be said to be only in order to his Majesties Will and satisfaction who expresly commanded it and to acquit himself of the Obligation which he had to acknowledge by the continuation of his services of the honour which he did him the King still protesting as great a resolution to preserve him as the Queen-Mother did eagerness to destroy him But lastly who can deny that a designe tending to ruine what-ever it cost one of the chiefest pillars of the State and him whom the King himself had often professed to be the principal Author of his good is not a crime Laesae Majestatis Were it not such in any one to attempt the destruction of any the strongest places on the Frontites or rather to invade any the fairest Towns of France Had not experience then made it evident that the Cardinal was of greater use and concern for the good of France then many Citadels and divers of the best Towns in the Kingdom He would easily have retrived them all if so be any Invasion of our Enemies should have forc'd them from us but it was not to be hoped ever to find a Minister qualified as he was who was a greater Protection to France then all the Citadels put together and who by his Industry had made the King master of a great number of Towns and Cities Politique Observation JT was not without reason that Theodosius the younger and Justinian inserted in their Books as likewise Leon the first and Constantine in their Politicis and Basilicis that Law made by the Emperour Arcadius whereby they who had engaged themselves in any Faction tending to ruine the chief Ministers of a Soveraigne were guilty Laesae Majestatis And for this very reason If any one in England be convicted of having contrived though but in his thoughts the downfal of any Counsellor of State though he had not executed it yet such is the Law there that he lose his life as guilty de laesae Majestatis against the King as it was in the case of Somerset Uncle to Edward the sixth and Protector of the Kingdom for only having designed in his thoughts to put the Duke of Northumberland to death who likewise governed the Kingdom of England under the same young King The Laws of Swedeland are so respectful of them that it is death only to speak ill of them Salvian de Marseille saith That the enormity of Injuries ought to be weighed by the quality of them on whom they reflect whence it followeth saith he that those injuries done to a chief Minister of State who representeth the Person of his Prince are to be reputed as done against the Prince himself Thou hast commitied an offence saith Quintilian but because it is against the Magistrate thou art therefore guilty of Treason Whence it was that Verterius as Plutarch observeth was condemned to die he having been defective in his respects to a Tribune whose place is much inferiour to that of a chief Minister This was the sense which Antiquity had of those offences committed against publike persons and thus were they punished who so offended And who can deny these their Laws and Customs to be very reasonable and just seeing chief Ministers are like the noblest parts of the Soveraigne as is declared in the Law of Arcadius And if the Prince be the head of his State they are then the Members and Instruments by which he governeth And thus hath another said Our Saviour is the Head of the Church the Church are his Body and the Prelats are his chief members They are Stars clothed by their Princes with part of their own splendour that they may the better guide the people by their Influences they are the lively Images in which they cause the foot-steps of their Authority to shine forth Whence it is that if a man be guilty de Laesae Majestatis for only offending by any dis-respect his Princes Image or Picture made only of Brass Stone or the like surely he is much more guilty who disâ—respecteth his living Image in whom the most lively stamps of his Royal Authority are engraved who is the Organ by which he delivereth his Will unto the People and indeed the principal Instrument of his Glory And if it be needful to re-inforce this with any stronger reason That is the crime de Laesae Majestatis which offendeth the Soveraign or which interfereth with the greatness of his State And what Is not this to attempt upon the greatness of his State when a Cabal shall be contrived and fomented for the ruine of a Minister who by the conduct of his Masters Arms and his own Prudence hath extended his limits hath rendered him terrible to all other Nations hath vanquished all his Kings enemies and reduced them to an impossibility of attempting any new thing against his Masters authority who hath extinguished all those Factions which troubled the publike quiet who daylie augmenteth the Revenue of the Exchequer hath established Peace in the Kingdom and in a word next unto his Majesty is the greatest prop and supporter of its greatness Cicero saith That he who raiseth a Sedition against the Publike Peace doth diminish the Majesty of the Empire There are three sorts of High Treasons The first is absolutely against the Princes person The second against the Respect due to him And the third against the Grandeur and Safety of his State and Kingdom Now it were to be purposely blind not to rank under this third degree all those Factions which contrive the ruine of any Ministers of State they being so much contrary to the good of the State neither were it unreasonable to range them under the first as in England seeing Ministers carry their Masters Image instamped on their Foreheads Prosecution of the Subject THe Mareschal d' Estree whose Discretion hath been often experimented in the many affairs in which he had been imployed used his utmost endeavours to
therefore had his Majesty to justifie and vindicate him unto Strangers in regard the major part of affairs which are transacted in his Government are only known to himself and his Ministers every one else seeing nothing but things in their effects And true it is his Majesty omitted not any occasion of publishing his Fidelity and Services but did it in expressions and demonstrations of an extraordinary esteem and affection Politique Observation KIngs are in some sort oblig'd to defend their Ministers from the assaults of slanders They owe this protection unto them in remembrance of their Fidelity and that they may be the more affectionately engaged in their services for that they seldome attract the hatred of the Grandees upon themselves but only by their resisting of attempts made against their Master's Honour and Authority It is impossible for a Minister to serve his Prince as he ought and not to discontent the chief of the State for he is often necessitated to curb their ambition of advancing their own power in detriment to that of the Soveraign and then all the envie falls on him as if the whole Government were in his hands and unto his Counsels are all the denyals which they receive attributed Which being so what Reason or Justice can a King have to abandon unto the mercy of envie a loyalty which if not cherished will soon languish Nothing does so much diminish the zeal which a Minister hath for his Masters service as the discountenancing of him The Prince that forsaketh him who hath done him faithful service is blind in his neerest Interests and besides the blot of Ingratitude wherewith he blemisheth his reputation he exposeth himself unto manifest dangers by permitting his ruine who was the greatest Supporter of his glory which once admitted he becomes like a City whose Fortifications are razed and laid level with the ground For this reason it was that Artaxerxes seeing the Athenians banish Themistocles who came and cast himself into his Arms said he wish'd his enemies no greater evil then that they might continue to be carried away by their envie to deprive themselves of the Prudence and Valour of such like men Now if Prudence and Justice doth oblige Kings not to remove able States men from their service upon the score of Report so ought they likewise to be careful in defending their Reputations seeing they are only malign'd upon their accompts and for their fidelity unto their services Who knoweth not that an ancient Common-wealth would not admit of a good Law if propos'd by a suspitious person unless in had been first of all moved by one of an approved integrity They who were the Contrivers of this Designe were not to know how greatly the credit of a minister doth advance his Masters Interest by causing him to be readily obeyed by his Subjects And experience hath evinced it in a thousand encounters that all things run into disorder where a Minister once loseth his Credit and Repute Prosecution of the Subâ—ect THere hath been so much already said in answer to those aspersions laid in the Cardinals way that to say any more were needless in relation to his glory but it is not so in relation to the end and drift of this History which is for the Instruction of succeeding Kings and States-men how they ought to govern themselves for Soveraigns may here learn how to carry themselves towards their Ministers by the King's behaviour towards the Cardinal wherein there was an appearance of objection though it was an effect of his Majesties Prudence Amongst the many accusations laid to his charge one of the chiefest was that he had obtained from his Majesty the Government of divers strong and important places of the Kingdom and that other some he had procured for his friends Now these so considerable places were reduced unto Sea-Towns Havre and Brouage and that these places were the more to be regarded they being in his keeping at such a time when as there were endeavours used to bring some Forraigners into France which could not be more commodiously effected then by Sea The Contrivers of this charge were not well vers'd in the History of late times wherein they might have learn'd how that the Government of Havre and Diepe had been united and incorporated into the Office of Admiral de France by two several Declarations of Henry the third Neither were they better acquainted with the passages of the present times How that the Government of Brouage had been conferr'd on him in exchange of Diepe it being impossible to intend the necessary affairs of Sea without having some chief Sea-Port Which being so What reason can he alledge to quarrel at his Majesties conferring those Governments upon him As for those which his Majesty entrusted with his Relations I shall only say that they were not comparable with those favours which divers other Ministers have received from their Kings and Masters though they never did the Tythe of those services which he hath Annas de Montmorency was Mareschal and Constable of France Grand Maistre and Grand Chamberlain and Governour of Languedoc whose eldest son was Mareschal of France and Governour of Languedoc his second Colonel of Horse Mareschal of France and Governour of Languedoc by Survivorship and his third son Colonel General of the Swisses One of whose Nephews was a Cardinal another Admiral of France and a third Colonel of Foot and whose four Daughters were match'd into four of the chief Houses of France viz. that of Thurenne de la Trimonille de Candale and de Vautadour and whose power was such that Francis the first commanded Henry the Dauphine afterwards King to obey him in the Armies which he governed I could likewise add that there is not any thing in the Cardinals Family that may hold comparison with that of Amboise who flourished under Louis the eleventh Charles the eighth and Louis the twelveth Charles d' Amboise was Governour of Champagne and afterwards of Burgogne under Louis the eleventh and six other Brothers which he had with many others of this Nephews were all advanced by him By his favour Meri d' Amboise was created Grand Master of Rhodes Jean was made Bishop of Langres Louis was made Bishop d' Alby and Lievtenant for the King in Languedoc and Guyenne Pierre was installed Bishop of Poictiers Jacques was made Bishop of Clermont and Abbot of Cluny Jean was preferred to be Seignieur de Bussi and Governour of Normandy the three sons of his eldest Brother Louis Bishop of Alby Arch-bishop of Rouen and Cardinal Grand Maistre Admiral and Mareschal of France Governour of Milan and Lievetenant of his Majesties Armies in Italy Guy Siegnieur de Revel Captain of two hundred Gentils-hommes d'armes which was then a high preferment Francis de Clermont his Nephew son of his Sister Catharina d' Amboise Cardinal and Râ—nede Prie son of his Aunt Magdaleina d' Amboise Bishop of Bayeâ—x Is there any thing in the Cardinal's Family which may compare with
this But without making of comparisons it shall only suffice to say this complaint was ridiculous seeing the Cardinal had at that time only two places which were of any importance and his Kindred as many whereas some great Houses of France had more Besides what cause of Jealousie could there be seeing he was every week twice or thrice at least with his Majesty and still brought with him a surrender of his Offices it being in his Majesties power not only to dispose of his Charges but of his Person likewise He had indeed over and above the Government of Bretagne But how Was it not at the earnest intreaties of those of the Country who considering themselves to be invironed with Ports concluded that he could most effectually establish their Trade by means of his Superintendency upon the Sea which had been much decayed during the late Governours times because of the frequent differences between them and the Admirals of France each of them pretending to command upon the Sea coast That which made these factious exclaim more loud then all the rest was because his Majesty had discharged some Governours from their places and committed them to him But what Was not his Majesties so doing a piece of great Discretion when he foresaw the ruine of the Kingdom by the little obedience of such Governours who having the possession of Towns and Places in their Families a long time together would hardly be perswaded they were beholding unto his Majesty for continuing them unto them but would presently fly out into Rebellion upon the first noise of any insurrection Hereupon his Majesty resolved to punish them according to their deserts and deprived some of them of their Offices and Governments with intent of bestowing them on such persons of whose fidelity he was well assured as upon those of the Cardinals Family who were never seen to intermeddle in any Cabal against his Majesties service and who knowing the honour of his Majesties favour to be the only support of their Fortunes were careful of not being ingaged in such Designs as might make them unworthy of it The advantage which this alteration brought with it was soon after apparent for how would it have been if one had continued Governour of Brest if another had kept his Government of Brouage and if Calais had not been dispossessed of its Commander would they not have served for so many Citadels and Magazins to countenance all Revolts which they designed And what I pray is become of all those places which were entrusted with the Cardinal or his Allies Have they not continued in their Obedience to his Majesty and those who engaged the Queen-Mother and Monsieur in their differences could not dispose of any of them according to their own desires And that indeed was the only and chief motive of their complaints Politique Observation NOthing gives greater tranquility to a State then the disposal of Governments into the hands of such persons whose affection and fidelity are well known unto their Prince The experience which France hath so often had hath been too sad to be forgotten seeing the most part of Civil wars nay of Forraign too had not been broached but by the defect of Governours more solicitous of their own Interests then of their Masters glory and service Few are the Grandees who are not discontented if they have not Governments conferr'd upon them nay if they have not some kind of assured settlement in their Commands that their Authorities may be greater A King therefore is obliged to be the more inquisitive whether with their Gandeur they have loyalty and zeal for his service otherwise it were only to give them the means of combining one with the other to raise Factions and to diminish the Soveraign by advancing their own private power Admit they be discontented 't is without cause for no one hath any right to prescribe a Law to his Prince how he shall chuse such persons as he is pleased to employ in his service It is prudence not to regard such discontents they are inconsiderable when the publike Peace is in question A King cannot distribute his Governments with more discretion then by intrusting them with such persons whose loyalty is impregnable and who he is assured will never interest themselves with any party but his own if any Division should arise Now of whom can he better be assured then of such a Minister of whose fidelity he receives daily testimonies and who when he sees him brings with his Person all the Governments and Charges which have been conferred upon him As for those related to him seeing they absolutely depend upon him and that their Power is as his own dependant upon his Majesties good favour they are equally obliged to be faithful For this reason it is that the greatest Princes have not only not been backward to bestow the chief Governments upon them but have looked upon it as a thing very necessary for their service Touching the distribution of Governments I add That a King is obliged what he may to displace those persons who have enjoyed their Offices any long time unless he be very well assured of their fidelity they are so used to hold them when long continued that the fear of losing them doth oftentimes engage them in some Faction which gives them hopes of a longer continuance Besides when not received by his Majesty but his Predecessors they are the sooner ingaged in a Faction because they think not themselves beholden to him for them Withal in processe of time they get so absolute a Power that somtimes it exceeds their Masters it being usual that long command is accompanyed with pride and insolence Hence it is that in the most politique States their Governments were never but temporary Rome lost her Liberty by continuing her Magistrates too long in their Power and Caesar could never have mastered his own Country but by acquiring too great a Power over the souldiers by his long command The Cardinals Riches not to be envied NExt of all these factious spirits would have the Cardinal 's possessing of his Majesties favours to pass for a great crime although his free humor acquits him to every one from the guilt of covetousness and concludes him to be so naturally generous that he values not all the goods of the world but only in order to the well disposing of them The place which he holds under his Majesty in the State necessitateth him to great expences and without them sure it is that both he and all those who are in the same employment would fall into dis-esteem and that inevitably unless they be accompanied with some splendour and extraordinary magnificence else how should they cause his Majesty to be obeyed Those charges once defrayed the rest he doth employ in good uses to the poor oâ— some actions becoming his virtue and bounty Ought his moderate estate to be envied who hath done so great services for France We have in our times beheld a
from Rome unsatisfied They might easily have obtained as heretofore thundring Excommunications against France and have exposed the Kingdom to ruine had Gregory the Fourteenth been yet alive but we do not now live in those times The Masque of Religion wherewith the House of Austria use to cover their designs is now taken off and the Cardinal who knoweth of what concernment it is for States to hold Rome in friendship was not backward both for the good of the Church and this Kingdom to inform his Holinesse of the design contrived by the House of Austria for the over-running of Italy and bringing the Holy Sea into such subjection that themselves might overaw the Censures Decrees and Excommunications of the Church so the Pope convinced of the truth hereof was not possibly to be surprized but blamed the German Princes for exposing their States to such miseries in behalf of the ambitious design of the House of Austria and on the contrary commended his Majesty for his readinesse and willingnesse to protect the Church and those very Princes in case they would recede from their wicked designs That Catholick Princes ought to hold good correspondence with Rome IT was not without great reason what Antonio Peres once told the late Henry the Great viz. that the French being unmatchable for courage would undoubtedly conquer the whole earth if to their natural valour the favour of Rome the mastery of the Sea and a fix'd Council of able Statesmen were adjoyned These three things make a Prince truly great And the course of affairs now leadeth me to discourse of one of them viz of the necessity of holding a fair correspondence with the Roman Sea which I may well say is necessary partly for the avoiding of those evils which may happen by want thereof and partly for the inducing the people by its approbation to admit of the many and several undertakings in a State The Empire of Souls is both great and tickleth if it were only in relation of those Anathemas which may be darted out against Princes One of the most conspicuous church-lights said and that with great judgement that the Thunders of the Church are to be feared how unjust soever and indeed so they are because the execrations of Christ Jesus Vicar are of great efficacy before God who holdeth the Government of Kingdomes in his hands and also because of the terrours they strike into the people who concluding a Prince reproved by God as soon as by the Holy Sea do not only lose their respect due to such rulers but even run into disobedience and insurrection Did not those Thunders in the times of the late League kindle the flames which did long consume this Kingdom what was it which brought Navar into the Spaniards hands but the imbroils between Lewis the Twelfth and Julius the Second Now if a good intelligence with the Sea of Rome is security from such like misfortunes it is no lesse an advantage to a State in regard of its approbation of a Soveraigns enterprizes This is it which holdeth the people in quiet which maketh them think the yoak of obedience to be easie which preserveth the love of their Prince in their minds and which rendreth contributions imposed by necessity the more supportable and in general it may be said that there is not any thing how bad soever which they will distast if approved by the Holy Sea so great a respect doth Religion produce in the minds of men King Numa had no better invention to make his actions received by the people of Rome then by telling them he did nothing but by the Counsel of the Nymph Egeria who communicated the Will of the Gods unto him No one is ignorant of the repute which the South-sayers had with the people of Rome in perswading them to approve of their Consuls and Emperours designs and undertakings Could then any more likely way be invented both to justifie their undertakings and incourage their Souldiers then by telling them the Gods approved of them Neither can it be doubted but the Pope's approbation is an effectual way to perswade people to like their Princes designs to live in quiet and to be well satisfied with the Government under which they live But how much then are the Popes obliged to be favourable towards France which hath ever been their Refuge their Asylum their Prop and Protection Besides their Interests are the same with ours seeing the French use not such under-hand shuffling as the Spaniards and are far enough from such ambitious designs as the House of Austria who are still contriving to oppress the Liberties of the Church to subjugate the holy See and to over-awe its Decrees whereas the French endeavour only to preserve every one in his own Right and to be contented with a good Pope an honest and stout man who will not suffer himself to be surprized by their Enemies but shew himself a common Father to all without procuring any ditriment to one by the suggestion of another The Cardinal endeth a difference between the Bishops and Friers NOt long after the Kings return from Lorrain the Cardinal undertook to compose a difference between the Bishops and Friers which had made a great noise for sundry ages together The Friers relying upon their priviledges obtained from the holy See pretended to have power both to Preach and Confess without permission from the Bishops and the Bishops unto whom all people within their Diocess are subject by common right did perpetually thwart that pretension They could not down with the Friers Priviledges alledging they ought to be declared void as being oppugnant to the primitive constitutions of the Church which ought to be preserved in the same model for the continuation thereof in its pristine splendour This quarrel had been especially fomented during the last year by reason some Books had been published in the name of the English Catholiques which preferr'd the Monastical life before that of the Prelats and seemed to imply that Friers were more necessary at least more useful to the Church then the ordinary Pastors To say the Truth these Propositions were bold and without offence to any one may safely be termed rash and inconsiderate But that likelyhood was there of composing these differences Was it probable that the whole Society of Friers would relinquish the priviledges they had obtained from the holy See On the other side What reason was there that the Prelats should have so little authority over them in Administration of Sacraments and the Word of God seeing in the Primitive times Friers were only mix'd amongst the Laity and addressed themselves unto the Bishops Congregations to receive the Sacraments from their hands or those who executed their charge No one but the Cardinal could give an end to these differences there being not a man who durst so much as make a a Proposal whereby each party might receive satisfaction neither did he wave the trouble but willingly took it upon himself though he was
of Lorrain was not a little happy in having obtained his Peace from the King's Bounty neither was the Cardinal a little extolled for having setled Peace between the Churchmen of the Kingdom But the sky cannot long continue without clouds neither can a Peace be so established as that no troubles should at any time arise which now fell out accordingly For Monsieur having resolv'd to go unto Bruxels began to prepare himself for his journey that he might make sure of those Forces which the Spaniards had promised unto the Sieur de Puy-Lauzens towards the invading of France and there to conclude with them that course it were best to steer Monsieur at his departure from Nancy made a small days journey unto Remiremont where the Princess Marguerite then was that he might satisfie the passion which is incident upon new Marriages From thence he went unto Besançon whence after a short repose he went towards Bruxels by Luxembourg Passing by Thionville he left Coigneux and Monsigot behind him having taken his Seals from the former and delivered his Pen unto Guillemi◠in place of the second I may not omit to observe that the discredit of these two persons was but the effect of Puy-Laurens displeasure conceiv'd against them for their boldess in informing Monsieur with reasons to divert him from the marriage whereunto he had alwaies inclined him for from that time he put an hundred several tricks upon them and such was his Love and Ambition that he could not endure the sight of any one in the House who durst contradict his Will and Pleasure The Infanta hearing that Monsieur was drawing near unto Bruxelles gave order for his reception according to his Quality At his coming he was entertained not only with great honour by her Highness but from the Spaniards too who finding him inclined to interest himself in their designs endeavoured to give all imaginable content Monsieur made his entrance on the 28. of January attended with two hundred Horse The Marabel received him in the King of Spain's name The Marquis de Sainte Croix with all the Officers and Nobility of Flanders met him a league from Bruxels with a Troop of Gentlemen before them armed from head to foot All the Companies of the City came to salute him Briefly they did him all the same Honours as had been shewed to the Queen his Mother He dismounted at the Infantas Palace before he visited the Queen She received him with those Civilities and Favours which are inherent in her and those so obligingly that they were extraordinary great in persons of her age She came to meet him at the first Hall where she intended him his audience and presently told him she was very sorry there should be any quarrel between them at their first interview because he had come to visit her before the Queen his Mother Whereunto Monsieur replyed very handsomly that he should more easily give her satisfaction as to that Quarrel then for the great obligations which he owed unto her After some other Civilities she lead him into a Hall where were the Grandees of Spain together with the Knights of the Golden Fleece who saluted him being all bare himself being likewise uncovered some little time After which Monsieur and her Highness seated themselves in chairs provided for that purpose th' Infanta in that on the left hand and Monsieur on the right where after half an hours entertainment Monsieur desired leave to kiss the Ladies who were all placed as if it had been at a Ball This complement pass'd over he went to visit the Queen his Mother who considering him as the person who should vindicate her quarrel force his Majesty to banish the Cardinal from the Court and establish her in her former power in France received him with all the testimonies of joy and gladness though she forbore to discover all her thoughts the better to hide the intelligence and agreement between them The Infanta defrayed all his expences until the 17. of May when he departed from Bruxels and took great care that he might pass away his time with all sorts of diversions both within door and abroad which recreations were somtimes interrupted by the jealousies and quarrels hapning between those of her Court and the Queen-Mothers The danger of Drawing Strangers into a Kingdom IT is very dangerous to call strangers into a State in hopes to support a revolt by their means No doubt they will be ready to foment any discontent and to incourage any attempt but it is wisdom to mistrust them Is it not a madness to hope for men and miracles from a Prince who hath enough to do to defend himself If there be any Libertines uncapable of civil society any disorderly irreligious persons any Plunderers such as take all they meet these are the men with whom they shall be furnished Now were it not I pray a folly to build hopes and designs upon men so qualified To say the truth such men as they cannot affectionately ingage themselves so will they not readily endanger themselves but behave themselves most couragiously in rifling and robbing naked and poor people until they come to fight and then nothing is so pittiful and backward Now if it be weakness to trust in strange Souldiers it is more folly to confide in their Commanders who if persons of no courage what reasonable expectations can be hoped from them And if they be persons well qualified and fit to command there is then more cause to fear then trust them for doubtless they will hardly forsake any Hold they once take in a Country but will do their utmost to surprize some place of Importance which if it be not suddenly to be effected yet certainly they will designe it and bring it to pass when opportunity inviteth them The Carthaginians according as Polybius relateth saw their affairs run from bad to worse when their Army became full of Strangers Gauls Spaniards Greeks and Fugitives and Tacitus tells us the true cause why Armies compos'd of Strangers subsist no longer then Fortune smileth upon them but disband upon the least blow or loss because they want affection Th' Emperour of Constantinople having called ten thousand Turks unto his assistance soon perceived his own folly because they finding themselves the strongest party would not return back again but laid the foundation of those miseries under which they now hold that Empire But that we go no further then France it self which hath more indangered it then the calling in of the English and Spaniards and doth not every one know that when Civil Wars have opened the Gates of a Kingdom unto Strangers they soon fortifie themselves so strongly that they are hardly to be removed but after long and sad Wars It is great prudence in a Prince not to engage in any revolt but if he be so ill advised as to take up Arms against his Soveraign let him beware of calling in strangers to his assistance Monsieur resolveth to joyn himself with
their Protector and he strictly requireth all Kings the lively Images of his power to do justice unto them Upon this just ground are the Ordinances of France founded which severely punish like the Roman Laws all such Governours and Commanders as oppresse the poor to satisfie their own covetousnesse and our Kings have made the greatest persons of the Kingdom the Objects of their Justice whever they have been convicted of Tyrannical violence What reason is there that poor men who have enough to do to satisfie the necessities of life who undergo great inconveniences in quartering of Souldiers and in effect bear the greatest but then of War should be forced to satiate the unbounded Avarice of a Governour or General Were not that to bury them alive or to force them to despairs Despairs the more dangerous because they are a soil in which great men usually sow the Seeds of their discontents to raise divisons and beget civil dissentions Is not the King more injured therein then any other whatever Is he not truly the head of his Subjects the heart of their lives and fountain of their souls Which being so is it possible to exhaust their blood and substance without weakning and destroying him Besides in case any sudden necessity befall where shall he look for assistance And in case of an invasion will they not be easily ingaged to a Revolt upon hopes of more gentle usage The Marshal de Marillac's Death THe Marshal de Marillac's Indictment was finished with all due formality he was first conducted to St. Menehoust thence to Vâ—rdun the Theater of his Crimes and where the proof of them would most easity appear from thence he was carried to the Castle of Ruel where the King commanded judgement to be given by the Lord Keeper and 22 Judges elected by his Majesty for their integrities and known abilities His kindred solicited for him as often as many and with what liberty they pleased They used their utmost indeavours to ingage the Judges to save his life nay they threatned them partly by recommendations partly by menaces sent from persons abroad the most potent that could be interessed in his protection The discussing of the Informations Interrogatories and Pleas by him used to save his life too up two moneths times in the Court All the Commissaries were perfectly instructed of every proceeding it being permitted them to deliver the full and ample extract of all his charge and defence unto those who solicited in his behalf He was so favourably dealt withall that one of the Commissaries who had drawn up the information was not received as Judge nor divers others against whom he excepted at which the King was not a little offended It was permitted that one of the Judges who pleaded unto his fellow Brethren nothing but reasons of lenity and all arguments which might induce them to acquit him was admitted to sit as Judge though by the strictnesse of law he might have been excluded The King himself proceeded with so much Clemency that there was not any one appeared on his behalf to solicite his condemnation but on the contrary his Majesty called all the Judges before him and that he might give them free liberty to act told them he expected no other Justice from them but such as they would willingly shew unto his meanest subject To be short before they proceeded to judgement he was twice demanded after the longest Interrogatories that ever were heard it having lasted three whole days if he had any thing to say for himself unto which he answered no. Here was as much favour and lenity shewed as possibly could have been desired towards a person designed to be saved But what likelihood was there to defend him from the penalty of the Ordinance in 46. ratified in Parliament which declareth that whoever purloineth the Treasure shall be punished by confiscation of Body and Goods Upon what accompt could he be exempted from the penalty of the Ordinance de Blois which commandeth that all the Heads and Members of Companies found to have exacted monies to avoid quartering in Houses or Villages shall be punished with death without hopes of pardon with this additional clause that though his Majesty should by his favour or the importunity of others be induced to pardon it yet the Lord Keeper is prohibited to Seal it and the Judges required not to regard it Could the Judges possibly have eluded that Law which tieth up the Kings very Mercy Moreover what could they find in the Prisones or his Crimes which could invite them to favour him who had not made himself considerable in any his imploiment wherewith the King had honour'd him but by the extortions he had imposed on the people Are not all Magistrates bound to imploy their utmost care in defence of the poor who have no relief but Justice Whereas his Robberies accompanied with such endlesse impositions made him worthy of death and did they not likewise oblige his Judges to be the more severe towards him The State could not receive any losse by his death who had never done any remarkable service for his King or Country but who on the contrary was the chief instrument to perswade Monsieur to come into the Kingdom with his Sword in his hand Could it with reason have been expected that the Cardinal whose services are indeed considerable enough to obtain his Majesties pardon for any offendor should use his power with the King to beg his pardon who had consented and peradventure proposed to destroy him at least promised his assisting hand in so execrable an action Can it be denied but that after such strong and weighty reasons it had been injustice to afford him any favour Whereupon twelve of his Judges conforming their opinions to the rigours of the Law adjudged him worthy of death declaring him attained and convicted of purloining the Treasure or publick extortion exactions falsities counterfeits cheats over-charging and oppressing the Kings Subjects Two days after viz. upon the 8th of May he was beheaded at la Greve wither he was carried from Ruel Politique Observation HAppy is that State where the Laws are strictly observed was the saying of an Antient and it â—ay truly be called Happy indeed because the Laws inhibit any thing repugnant to the Publike good cherish what-ever is conducing to the advantage thereof for that the true happiness of a State consisteth in the privation of those evils which may afflict it and in the enjoyment of those things which contribute to its advantage When the Laws are despised then are the people oppressed then the Usurpation of another's Right Disobediences Revolts Violences and all the crimes which are the plague and ruine of a State are in agitation whereas as Justice on the other side consisting only in the due observation of Law cutteth off these enormities and secureth every one in th' enjoyment of those goods which Fortune hath bestowed upon him Th' Emperour Justinian writ very fully and well unto the Pretor of
Interests in any thing That Town is of no small consideration it having formerly given the English when and as often as they desired an uncontrouled entrance into the Kingdom and with them Monsieur held but too strict an intelligence at this very time This was a disease not to be suffered to grow any older yet the cure of it had been almost desperate to any other but the King for Calais as it is far removed from Paris so is it likewise more distant from Lorrain But his Majesty whose vigilance doth oftentimes give him great Victories did easily endure the troubles of the Journey He knew from his cradle it was not without great reason that an Emperour designing to represent upon the Reverse of a Medail the means which the Roman Republique had used in conquering the Universe contrived a Rome with wings upon its feet and hands intimating that Vigilance had made her Mistress of the world In order whereunto he never apprehended any embroyl elther within or without the Kingdom which he did not readily encounter in his own person upon the least assurance that he might take them unproprovided who had contrived any thing against his State or person and thereby overcome them with less trouble and more ease The King departed then from Saint Germain about the beginning of May and not long after came to Calais where being arrived he placed six Companies of the Regiment of Navarre in the Cittadel commanded the Sieur de Vaâ—ance to retire himself to one of his Houses left the Sieur de Râ—mbures to command it until his Majesty should otherwise dispose of it and having stay'd two days he departed towards Lorrain that he might let the Duke know his proceedings had made him guilty both of Injustice and Rashness which two things he was come to chastise by the force of his Arms. Politique Observation GOd having constituted Kings as the Images of his Power doth no less require them to punish any injuries committed against their Majesty then the crimes of their Subjects To what other end is it that they have the sword of Justice intrusted with them unless it be as an assured testimony of the power they have to Right themselves for any injuries He who hath so little courage as to pass them by will soon become the object of his Neighbours scorn every one will trample on him and God himself being offended at his little care in preserving those stamps of his Majesty which he hath imprinted on his Forehead will justly permit him to be despoyled of that honour which he had bestowed upon him God hath unto private men given no other means to repel the injuries offered unto them then the Justice of their Soveraigns whom he hath commanded to right them but otherwise it is with Kings unto them he hath given power to punish those who offend them be they of what quality soever There is not a man above them who can arbitrate their differences themselves are the only Judges of their own Rights and they may lawfully take up Arms both when and as often as their Prudence and Justice shall think fit The Primum Mobile hath no dependence on any other Orb in point of his motion and Kings those primary causes of a State have no superiour authority over them to direct them in point of War It is sufficient that they against whom they take up Arms have given them cause so to do Hence it is that one of the eminent'st lights of the Church calleth that War just which is undertaken to revenge injuries And Archidamus in Thucydides saith Every War is just which is made to revenge any groundless injury Now amongst all the things which may provoke a Prince to take up Arms that of raising Forces to invade his Kingdom of violating Treaties and recommencing old Quarrels are most justifiable The Rules of Politique Justice do not only permit a War as lawful against them who come and besiege Towns and commit disorders in another State no they are not bound to sit still in expectation of that storm but it sufficeth to have only known discovered their designs and malicious intentions for otherwise it were a very great imprudence the ablest Commanders having ever concluded it better to carry a war into his Country who designeth to invade then to expect him in our own In fine The Breach of Treaties and Promises hath alwaies been accounted highly injurious unto Princes Gentlemen have their throats cut for breach of word and Princes may not put it up if it be of never so little concernment without making war upon it With the Spaniards indeed it is proverbial Wind carries Words and Feathers The wisest Politicians do tell us That to promise in a Treaty what is not intended to be performed is to scorn a Prince and Homer saith He who promiseth one thing and intendeth another ought to be reputed for an Enemy Mounsieur entreth Lorrain in Arms. THe King being at Laon was inform'd by a Courier from the Mareschal de la Force that Monsieur had pass'd by Malatour a little Village between Verdun and Mets and that his Forces were joyned with the Duke's and by another near the same time that Monsieur no sooner arrived but he began the war having cut off a Troop of Carabines sent by the Mareschal d' Effiat in peace the Duke being obliged to give his Ma Majesties Troops free passage and in fine that he was entred the Kingdom in Arms. Hereupon the King advanced in â—ast towards the Army which was numerous and strong the Mareschal d' Effiat being arrived from Germany and commanded the Duke de Chaune and Mareschal d' Effiat to draw together the Nobility which came to attend him upon the Frontiers To make short he came to Saint Monehoust the 15. of June ready to fall with his Army upon the Duke of Lorrain in case he offered to stir a foot or send and Forces with Monsieur into France but he was better advised as it fell out then so to do The Mareschal d' Effiat without more loss of time presented his Army before Pont-a Mousson which so terrified the Inhabitants that they opened their Garet without resistance The Duke of Lorrain was no less astonished and now beginning to foresee his ruine desired a meeting with the Mareschal d' Effiat where he accused Monsieur's arrival at Nancy protesting it was not by his procurement and telling him he would give his Majesty any satisfaction or assurance of his fidelity The Mareschal acquainted his Majesty therewith who thought it not best to pardon him a second time without some kind of revenge especially seeing there was no trust to be given to his promises after so manifest a discovery of his malice and designs against France whereupon he drew up to Vaubecourt to enter upon Lorrain In the mean time having Intelligence brought that a Regiment of the Duke's Horse commanded by the Sieur de Lenoncourt was not far from Rouuray that he might teach him
By this his Highnesse was reduced to such extremity that he knew not well where to make any sure retreat his forces being many of them disbanded and those of Beziers it self now in his Majesties obedience and who after his departure from them had made fresh protestations of fidelity to him refused to receive him and in conclusion had not admitted him at all but by order from his Majesty who commanded them to receive him but with his Train onely and to render him all the honour due to his quality The King approved of the overture and seeing Monsieur was at Beziers sent unto him the Sieur de Bullion Superintendent of the Treasury and the Marquesse de Fossez Governour of Montpellier but without any other conditions then those proposed by the Sieur de Aiguebonne At their first arrival Monsieur declared that he could not resolve to abandon the D of Montmorency who had not ingaged himself in that War but for his sake no more than the rest of his adherents that for any thing else he was unalterably fixt to render all obedience and service to his Majesty They replied that indeed such sentiments could not but be commendable neither could they proceed from any thing beside the goodnesse of his nature and beseeched his Highnesse to consider that if he had any interest in their concerns the King had incomparably much more reason not to capitulate at all with him or to grant by way of compulsion any grace to such Rebellious Subjects who had deferved the most rigorous chastizements of his Justice They represented to him that capitulations ought not to be made but between Soveraigns and that Princes though of his quality had no other way to obtain grace but by submission and acknowledgement of their faults that he might reasonably expect any favour from his Majesties goodnesse seeing his Majesty had of his own meer motion and that before any overtures made by him unto him to obtain his favour sent to invite him that after all this to mistrust his Clemency would be injurious that for their parts they could not ensure him of any favour for the D. de Montmorency or any other his Domesticks having no order but the former but that they might safely tell him that in case it should stand with his Majesties service to extend his favour towards all those whom his Highnesse desired his own innate Clemency would invite him thereunto that in fine his Majesty was doubtlesse obliged to inflict some exemplary punishment upon the chief Authors of that Revolt as a thing necessary to secure the tranquility of the State to maintain his Majesties authority to deter others and to chastize this Rebellion which of it self compelled his Majesty to execute some justice unlesse he would render himself culpable against his own estate These reasons were urged with such addresse moderation and prudence that Monsieur was from that time almost absolutely resolved to submit himself unto his Majesties Will yet some time he desired to consider of it which was in effect that he might the better confer with the Sieur de Puy-Laurens who finding no other way left then that of accommodation whereby to secure himself from the danger he was in induced Monsieur to resolve to treat he alledged to him that he ought to make the lesse difficulty of it in regard he might afterwards take his own advantage and put himself in a condition to obtain more advantagious terms and in fine he acquainted the Sieur de Bullion and the Marquesse de Fossez with Monsieurs resolution they took his word and the Articles of accommodation were concluded by which Monsieur acknowledging his fault beseeched his Majesty First That he would forget and forgive him He promised his Majesty to relapse no more that he would relinquish all intelligences with Forreigners and with the Queen-Mother during her abode out of the Kingdom contrary to his Majesties Will. That he would dwell in such place as his Majesty would prescribe and live like a true Brother and Subject Moreover Monsieur obliged himself not to take any part in their Interest who were ingaged with him nor complain if at any time the King should bring them to condigne punishment To receive such persons as his Majesty should nominate into the Offices which should at any time become vacant in his family and to remove such as should be disagreeable to his Majesty Briefly It was agreed that the Sieur de Puy-Laurens having been the chief Agent of those evil Councels which had ingaged Monsieur in the War should be obliged sincerely to inform his Majesty of what ever had been negotiated for the time past by which the State might receive any prejudice and that under penalty of being reputed Criminal and to have incurred his Majesties displeasure These were the chief Articles whereunto Monsieur consented an assured testimony they were of his natural inclination to live quietly and submissely They were signed by him for his Majesties greater assurance and thereupon the Sieurs de Bullion and Fossex promised him in his Majesty behalf that his Majesty should receive him into his favor establish him in al his goods and pensions give him liberty to live peaceably in such of his houses as should be thought fit and that a pardon should be granted to Monsieur de Elboeuf and all others then residing neer his person without ingaging any thing for the rest His Majesty received these Articles by the Marquesse de Fossez and accordingly ratified them and thus was this desired agreement concluded which every one considered as one of the most certain foundations of France its happinesse Nothing was discoursed of but Peace the King permitted the strangers six days time to march out of France by Roussillon who scattering themselves abroad from one Coast to another received the same entertainment from the Country people as they had before offered unto them Monsieur retired to his house of Champigzy near Tours seemed to be satisfied in his very soul and withall writ several Letters to the Cardinal full of affectionate expressions disowning those aspersions published against him under his name assuring him that he had never consented to them in a though and that in his greatest Passion he had ever much esteem for him not only in regard of his loyalty towards the King but also for his eminent vertues and the great services he had done the State And thus every one saw an agreeable calm succeed that storm wherewith France had been so much agitated Politique Observation AS Kings are obliged to chastize some of the chief Authors of a revolt as shall hereafter be declared so ought they readily to pardon the rest Caesar was more esteemed for his easie condiscension to be reconciled to his enemies that Hannibal for his harsh courage It was his usual saying that nothing was lesse proper for those who aspired unto great things than willfully to persist in enmities which oftentimes cause those forces which were design'd for
ought to beware that their disobedience do not cause the Flower de luces to fade and that they do not instead of cultivating them with care to render them more beautifull to the French and more respected by strangers indanger them by their ill examples and render themselves unworthy to sit upon them Know they not that their obedience and the integrity of their judgements is the foundation of the peoples submissions The Rebellion of such men ought not to be connived at in regard it may not be tolerated without putting all things into disorder The People are like clay without form in themselves but easily wrought by the Potters In fine they behold most affairs with the eyes of their Magistrates and suffer themselves easily to be directed by their motions they dislike what the other reject and if they should rise against their Soveraign they would make no difficulty to follow them In affairs of this nature Kings are obliged to conform themselves to the example of the Sun who finding the Moon to oppose her light to his and indeavouring to eclipse his light presently depriveth her of all her light and turneth her Christaline into a dark body King ought to re-assume to themselves their Justice which formerly they had intrusted with them and to punish their Rebellions with severity They who are the most mild are forc'd by such crimes to draw their Swords of Justice to prevent the eclipsing of their power to take the Thunder-bolts of severity into their hands and dart them against them to reduce them to nothing Divers Changes of Governours in sundry Provinces made this year THose were not the only Changes which happened this year there were divers others in the governments of Provinces some that they might be intrusted with persons incapable of ingaging in any divisions which were suspected by reason of Monsieur's absence and others for a recompence of several persons of quality which have deserved them and which I cannot passe by unobserved The Marshal de Thoyras Governour of Cazal had given some cause of jealousie though indeed his fidelity was invincible as hath since been seen however that place is of such importance that nothing ought to be hazarded for the preservation of it The King sent the Marquesse de Tavannes in his place and gave the Marshal permission to slay in Italy upon some difficulties which he made upon comming to Court Le Sieur de Malissi Captain of the Regiment des Gardes was at the same time made Governour of Pignerol the Duke de Vantadour was gratified with the Government of Limosin and having surrendred into the Kings hands the Lieutenancy of Languedoc his Majesty divided it amongst four and bestowed it upon the Comte de Tournon the Vice Comte d' Arpajon the Marquesse d' Ambres and the Vice Comte de Polignac Le Comte de Joncac was made Governour and Lievtenant General of Xaintong Angoulmois Aunis and the City of Rochel the Baron de Pont Chasteau Lievtenant General of Low Brittain Le Comte de Palisse Sieur do St. Geran was made Governour of Bourbonnois le Comte de Cheravet of Stenay le Sieur de la Serre first Captain of the Regiment of Picardy of Jamets le Duc de la Valette of the Bishoprick of Mets the Duc de Chaune of Picardy le Duc d'Alvin of Languedoc and the Cittadel of Montpellier le Marquesse de Seneçay of Bourgogne au Bailliage de Masconnois insomuch that there are few years which produce so great changes of government That it is necessary to commit the Government of Provinces and Places into the hands of trusty Persons in times of danger IT is very important when there is any suspicion of civil dissentions to intrust the Government of Provinces and places with persons of fidelity I do much approve of the King of Spain's rule who often changeth his Governours A man must be altogether ignorant of History if he knoweth not the great services which Gonzalvus did the King of Aragon his Master in the Kingdom of Naples However that wise prudent King would not alwaies intrust the Government of that place with him for fear lest in processe of time he might keep it to himself The continuation of the Government of France granted unto Julius Caesar incouraged him to attempt upon the Roman liberty whereupon remembring that nothing had made him so ambitious of commanding as that continuation upon his return to Rome after the Affrick War he ordained that to Praetor should injoy his Office above one year nor no Consul above two The Governour who hath long resided in a Province may make creatures contract frienships an so play his game that he may act the little King and will be apt to ingage himself to some Revolt if Ambition which great men seldom want should once inflame him This made the Dictator Mamercus say the short continuation of Governours is the surest preservative of the publick besides the liberty of changing of Govenours after some few years and substituting others in their places is of great advantage for that a Soveraign may thereby render more persons capable of great affairs then if he should alwaies continue them in the same places The memory of new benefits disposeth men to be gratefull and doubtlesse maketh Kings to be served with more affection Great men long accustomed do so habituate themselves that they look upon their Governments as their Demesne without any sense of obligation to him who permitteth him whereas he who is but lately possessed of them having the favour fresh in his memory indeavoureth to deserve it with more industry and affection This maxime I know wil not very much agree with the sense of most great men but surely their dislike relisheth more of Ambition then reason I may likewise adde that it is little considerable to their Fortunes seeing if they acquit themselves as they ought of a place their merit will be a sufficient recommendation to attain them others It were to be wished that such men in their own concerns were of Quintus Fabius Maximus his humour who having been five times Consul and considering with himself that his grand-father and great grand-father had often been charged with the same Office and how it was very dangerous to continue great Offices in a family was very earnest with the people of Rome to divert them from conferring that honour on his son The Creation of Knights of the Holy Ghost THe King had for many years receiv'd so many proofs of the valour of his Nobility that he could not refuse them the honour of being Knights of his Orders and his Majesty who hath a particular inclination to recompence valour resolved to grant them this honourable reward He was confirm'd in this resolution by Monsieur the Cardinal who represented to him that the French Nobility could not be tied to his service by any stricter Banes then those of honour and that this would not a little augment that courage and fidelity which they had
one of the greatest marks of their Authority God entrusting them to dispence Justice hath not only appointed them to chastise the people but likewise to make Laws and Statutes which may serve for a Rule of their Government Hence the Lawyers say That Princes Will is Law Democracy ascribeth this power to the People but Monarchy restraineth it to Kings only and acknowledgeth no Laws but what are signed by their Majesties Now as the power of making Laws is in them so is that of changing and adding according as they shall think fit if they had not this power we should have no other Laws then those of Nature imprinted in the heart of man by the meer instinct of reason or such as were made by the first Father of Mankind All the Volumns of Theodosius and Justinian might be burnt and those of our Kings too as so many attempts against the liberty of the people because they have been but of late Creation there being none so ancient but what did once savour of Novelty Were not this to put the people into an extream licentiousnesse and to shut our eyes against reason which teacheth us that the Kings of this age have no lesse power then those of old who in their Laws have included what-ever they thought necessary and which could not tye up their Successors hands from following their examples left unto them It is a vulgar error to imagine that to alter Laws must needs be dangerous Without just consideration indeed it ought not to be done but when there happens any such to be the alteration of them cannot but be advantagious it being impossible that the first Law-makers should foresee all inconveniences which being so their Successors have power to change or abrogate them as occasion shall require Absolutely to reject Laws because they are new is but a Cynical humour seeing the antiquity of them cannot be a just denyal to the use of several others which have since been ordained neither can novelty be a sufficient reason to impower those which are at present in use Vlpian saith Kings may change any Laws into better and Cicero pleading against Verres very boldly saith That the ancient ought to be left and the new received when there is a probability of advantage by it All France hath commended Hugh Capet for changing that law which called all the male children to the succession of the Crown and stiâ—l will approâ—e of those changes which tend to preserve the Royal Authority in its luster The Cardinal is created Duke and Peer of France THe King having established all things so firmly in France that none of the factious Caballists could trouble the Peace and restored the Princes and People of Italy to their Liberties by the Treaty of Queraâ—que it was but just that the Cardinals services should be rewarded with some new Titles of Honour in regard those important affairs had been managed by his discreet counsels No one can doubt but that the Quality of Duke and Peer was his just due seeing he had so gloriously acted the part of a Duke and Peer which as the French History relates is either to govern the Affairs of State or some particular Province by his Majesty's Order or else to command his Armies Was it not in these two employments that his prudence and courage so eminently appeared that all Strangers were no lesse terrified then the true Frenchmen rejoyced His Majesty who admires more then any one the eminence of his Genius having made the greatest experiments of him was not defective to confer this honour upon him His Majesty dispatched his letters unto him which carried in them an extraordinary recommendation it being seldome conferred on persons of his worth and after so many glorious actions They were confirmed by the Court not only without any difficulty but with high eulogiums and a particular acknowledgement of the good offices he had done in France In fine he went to take his Oath at the Palace on Sept 15. accompanied with Monsieur le Prince the Dukes of Montmorancy Chevreuse Rets Crequi Vantadour and Montbazon the Marâ—schal d' Estree Vitry and d' Effiat and many other Lords who desired to follow him to testifie by their presence how great an esteem they had of his services which rendred him worthy of so eminent a quality The Chambres were all assembled and coming into the great one he took his Oath to serve his King well and faithfully in his highest greatest and most important affairs to do Justice impartially both to poor and rich and to behave himself in all things like a most vertuous most generous and most magnanimous Duke and Peer of France and then he took his place beneath all the rest of the Dukes Amongst these great honours I cannot omit one remarkable passage that as the greatest Genius are the most modest and scorn inferiour men who esteem of nothing but an extraordinary honour so he would not pass by the great Gate of the Palace where many thousands attended him but by a private door where he might not be seen because he desired not to be publikely commended as the custome alwaies was on such occasions and indeed the most eloquent of the Barreau would have found themselves gravelled to have done it his Actions and Qualities being above expression Politique Observation A King ought never to forget the rewarding of extraordinary services with marks of honour for glory is the Nurse of Vertue and reward ought to follow all Actions accompanyed with Courage and Valour so that it is unjust not to reward those advantages which a grand Minister procureth to the Crown It is likewise true that honourable Qualities cannot more justly be conferred on any then those that do honourable actions seeing the most significant names are given to Subjects only in consideration of their ordinary Actions Now the name of Duke most properly belongeth to him who leads an Army in War and manageth affairs of State in peace under the King's Authority In this sence the primitive Gauls took it and it is most conformable to the Etymologie of the word Those are the Offices which Justâ—nian ascribeth in his Institutes to a person of this Quality Ancient Authors do not observe that this was taken for any constant Honour until Diocâ—esian and Constantine in whose time the Governours of Provinces and Frontiers and Generals of Armies were called Dukes and Masters of War as may be seen in Amienus Marcellinus Tacitus indeed who lived under Trajane called Generals of Armies Dukes but it was only a temporary Quality which lasted no longer then their Commands It was under the later Emperours and our first Kings that this qualification was annexed to any particular person and made permanent as may be seen in Gregory de Tours the most ancient of our Historians where it is observed how Kingâ— â—â—ntram gave the Dukeship and Government of the whole Kingdom for five years unto Eudistus At that rime indeed this quality was not so fixed but
that it might somtimes be recalled from those on whom it had been bestowed seeing it was conferred on him but for a certain time and the same Historian mentioneth some Lords of those times who were deprived of the Ducal Dignity yet commonly it was given for life As for the Dignity of Peer that is not so ancient but very eminent for that the Peers take place before all other Honours of the Kingdom as may be seen in the example of Philip the first Duke of Burgogne who went before Lewis Duke of Anjou his elder Brother at the Creation of Charls the sixth their Nephew by reason he was a Peer which his brother was not The most common opinion attributeth the first Institution to Charâ—emâ—gne but without other proof then this that History maketh no mention of it before his time and it is believed that they were created to be Judges of State Affairs which were decided by the Parliament in the King's presence That great Prince establishing this Order in the Kingdom to secure it from those misfortunes whereunto the late Merouingiens had exposed it by refusing to take any other care then that of their pleasuâ—es Tâ—ere are some ancient Titles found which make appear That the Comter de Champagne had seven Lords in their Comte who were Peers and did astist them in great Ceremonies and the Decision of chief Affairs In Germany there are some who are chief Ministers of their Princes Justice but although they partake of the Name yet are they but Images and those very imperfect in regard of the greatnesse of those of France who are thought to have been instituted to assist the King to serve him and receive his Oath at his Consecration and by their Office are impowered to advise him in the Government of the State A Synod of the pretended Reformed Religion at Charenton THose of the pretended reformed Religion had obtained permission by the Kings Breviate about the beginning of this year to make a National Assembly of their Ministers of France for the maintaining of their Order and Belief The Cardinal was of opinion that his Majesty should require them to meet at Charenton because being within his view they would have the lesse Freedom to renew such Cabal as they had formerly made in their Assemblies of Guyenne and Languedoc This Order was followed and the Sieur de Galland Councellor to his Majesty was sent to be President in the King's behalf his Loyalty was not to be suspected and they were obliged to accept of him in regard of divers authentique testimonies which made appear that this Order was conformable to that of Councels assembled in the Primitive times which they professed to honour The King especially commanded him to be careful that no Proposition were made which did not concern their Faith or Discipline to silence them in his Majesty's name in case they should discourse of any other affairs and to establish such rules as the Cardinal had proposed necessary to keep that Sect in submission To this end he used his utmost Prudence and Loyalty he perswaded them to enact that there should not any more National Assemblies be made but in the presence of a Commissary from the King who might by testifying their obedience be a means of continuing them in quiet besides he induced them to resolve upon the absolute excluding of all stranger Ministers this being intended of all that were not natural French and to inhibit their Ministers from leaving the Kingdom without his Majesty's licence by this means to prevent all intelligences associations and correspondencies with the enemies of the State according to the Laws of the Kingdom and his Majesty's particular prohibitions in fine he used so much prudence that they required their Ministers not to intermeddle in any affairs Politique or Military and condemned a Book of Berraut Minister of Montauban as erroneous because he maintained that Ministers had a particular Call from God to bear Arms. I shall not relate those other Ordinances there made for the subsistence of their Sect it not being the Designe of my History It sufficeth me to have observed those fore-going which were necessary for the peace of the Kingdom and were so many effects of the Cardinal's prudence who by this means disabled them from making Cabals prejudicial to the King's service broke their correspondency with strangers and left them no arms but the Kings goodness for their defence Politique Observation REligion is the strictest band to assemble people in any designe to conspire unanimously to the Publike good neither is there any thing which doth more disunite them then the diversity of Belief it is a flaming torch which sets the fire of Division among States and aqua fortis which separateth the most moderate minds hence it was that the Kings of Aegypt did heretofore entertain divisions among their subjects that they might render their own Powers over them more absolute by preventing them from uniting themselves in the same designs of revolt and this they did by engaging them in several different Worships Some of them adored a Crocodile others an Eagle this a Dog that some other thing as himself fancied thus they were never able to agree together how to shake off the yoke of their Tyrannie But besides that this maxime is impious and directly repugnant to the Laws of Jesus Christ it is thought to be very dangerous for the most part in the judgement of the wisest Politicians because the diversity of Belief being reduced to two or three parties is most able to carry a people into a revolt agaist their Prince France for these last sixty years hath had but too much trial of it and if our Kings had not been necessitated to permit this diversity as the wise Pilots who in a Storm let their Sails go they well knowing their resistance might endanger their Shipwrack they might have had secured the Estate from many misfortunes could they have prevented it in the beginning Now what better advice can be taken then to deprive Heretiques of the means to Revolt which are their holding Intelligences with Strangers their being headed by Leaders who are Turbulent and Factious their being able to make Assemblies at their pleasures and there to deliberate what they think fit without informing their Prince of any thing He who depriveth them of these Liberties striketh a great stroak in setling the Publike Peace and after despoiling them of their Arms which never ought to be allowed them he cutteth off their power of being ever able to recover it Besides it is necessary to repress their insolency the inseparable companion of Heresie They have a certain insatiable fiercenesse which makes them alwaies discontented and the only way to tame them is absolutely to refuse them all things which are not absolutely necessary for the exercise of their Religion That resistance which they meet in the soul of a generous and vigorous Prince hindreth them whereas if they find him weak and â—asie to be