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A49599 An historical account of the late troubles during the wars of Paris Containing the material transactions, and private intrigues practised by the rebels and traytors, for obtaining the regency and government. Shewing the endeavours used by them to maintain a confederacy disadvantageous to the Kings authority. With the manner of their imprisoning the court, the nobility, and the people. And an account of the Parliaments proceedings, in declaring them enemies to the King and government. La Rochefoucauld, François, duc de, 1613-1680. 1686 (1686) Wing L451AA; ESTC R216651 174,394 475

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condition of the Court till events breakin gs this Union so necessary to the State brought upon it most fatal mischiefs Before I relate them I must take notice of the Prince of Condy's death happening just before these troubles which was so much the more considerable because it was the common opinion that if he had liv'd he had prevented them by his Prudence and Authority which gave a check to the Ministers and was revered by the Parliament The Union of these Powers was so solid a Pledge of the Tranquillity of the Kingdom that it gave the Ministers too much confidence and encouraged Emery Superintendent over the Kings Revenue to levy great Taxes Now because this Conduct although colored with a Foreign War and the Defence of the State was introduced in the time of Cardinal Richlieu's Ministry and was but a consequence of that it will not be impertinent to speak thereof This Minister whose absolute Polity had violated the antient Laws of the Kingdom to establish the immoderate Authority of his Master which he was the dispenser of look'd upon all the Rules of this State as forced Concessions and bounds imposed on the power of Kings rather than a solid Foundation of governing well and because his very long Administration was authorized with great success during the life of of the late King he quite chang'd all the forms of Justice and the Kings Revenues and introduced the Royal Will for the Sovereign Tribunal of the Lives and Estates of Men. This so violent method of Governing continued till his death and the King surviving him but a few months left to the Queen with the Regency the establishment of his Orders for the Taxes which seemed necessary to maintain the charges of the War Her Majesty being in the beginning of her Regency constrained to be expensively Liberal drain'd her Exchequer whereupon Emery was obliged to put in practice all the Expedients his Wit could invent without being restrained either by Justice or pity or the despair into which he might drive the People To this end after having consumed the Peoples Estates by new Subsidies he extends his Arts as far as the Cities Taxes Rich and Poor Creates new Offices Seizes the Publick Rents forc'd them to give him Credit prepares more new Edicts and by this rigorous imposition upon Estates in every kind drove the Companies Commonalties and Corporations into a secret Revolt In fine all Springs being drain'd dry he would have seiz'd the Revenues of the Chambers of the Courts of Aids and the great Council who complained to the Parliament which thereupon made the famous Arrest d'Vnion This Act was a signal to all the disconted the Renters the Treasurers of France the Kings Secretaries the Assessors the Officers of the Taxes and of the * Impost of Salt in France Gabelle In fine people of all conditions repaired thither exposing their Griefs to the Parliament demanding reparation The Names of the Farmers and of Emery fell under a publick Curse every one cry'd out against the violent exaction of the Customers the unbounded Power of the Intendants the Cruelty of the Soldiers the rigorous force used to the poor people by the selling of their Goods and the imprisonment of their Persons and the heavy weighty Taxes in a word against this oppression as great to the last degree destructive of the Lives Liberties and Estates of all the Kings Subjects The Parliament appearing sensible of the publick miseries received the Petions of the afflicted People offered to do them Justice and by professing that they bore a part in their sufferings gained their affections to that degree that they looked upon them as their Revenging and Redeeming Gods I don't pretend to give a recital of the Assemblies of the Chambers of the matters they treated of there of the Counsels and Results of their Conferences and of the Remonstrances of the Company carried to their Majesties by the chief President Moles there are Memoirs enough filled therewith it suffices to say that there were three Parties in the Parliament The First was that of the Frondeurs a Name given in Raillery to those that were against the Court. These People being Zealous to stop the course of the present Calamities had the same Object though from a different Motive that those had who were Interested by their Fortune or particular Hatred against the Principal Minister The Second Party were the Mazarins who were perswaded that they ow'd a Blind Obedience to the Court some out of Conscience to maintain the Peace of the State others out of Respect to the Obligations they had to the Ministers or Interest with the Men in Business And the Last were such as Condemn'd the Violence of the First yet approved not the Coldness of the Second but kept themselves betwixt both to act upon occasion either according to their Interest or their Duty Thus the Parliament was divided the greatest part whereof who at the first had no love for Innovations yet for want of Experience in the Affairs of the World were very glad to be Commissioners for Regulating the Abuses that were Crept into the Government of the State and to see themselves Mediators betwixt the Court and the People It was insinuated into them that this Imployment gave consideration and lustre to their Persons that Charity oblig'd them to succor the Distressed in their Pressing Necessities and that the Duty of their Charges which were instituted to Moderate the Extreame Power of Kings and Oppose their Irregularities prompted them to it That they ought to know that the Ministers of France were of late years perswaded that it was to Reign Precariously if their Power extended only to permitted things That the Laws are stifled by Fear and Justice by Force That to our Misery our late Kings left the Management of the State so much to them that they became themselves a Prey to their Passions That the time is come when they must revive their Antient Orders and that Harmonious Relation which ought to be betwixt a Lawful Command and a Reasonable Obedience That for this end the People Invoked their Justice as the only Refuge to prevent their extreme Oppression That so Holy a Commission approved by Heaven and followed with Publick Acclamations would Skreen them from all fear or if there should be danger that it is the property of Eminent Vertue to signalise it self in a Tempest rather than in a Calm and that Death which is common to all Men is distinguish'd only by Oblivion or by Glory These Venmous Discourses made so much the greater Impressions on their Minds because Men have a Natural Inclination to believe whatever flatters their Greatness so that they suffer'd themselves to be charm'd with the fine words of Tutelar Gods of their Countrey and the Restorers of Publick Liberty He that infus'd this Poyson into them with most Artifice was Longueil Counsellor in the Great Chamber who being push'd on with a Spirit of Ambition to advance his Fortune in
such a stin about a simple Counsellor when the Parliament said not a word against the Imprisonment of the late Prince The Chief President and the President of Mesmes Replied That in the Posture things were now there was no time to deliberate and that there was an absolute necessity of submitting to the Peoples will who would not hearken to the Magistrate had lost all Respect and Obedience and in fine were the Masters The Queen Answer'd That she would remit nothing of her Severity that hahaving in her hand the Sacred Depositune of the King her Sons Authority she would never consent to its Violation by yielding to the Passions of the Multitude that the Parliament should Remonstrate to the Seditious their Duty that those who had rais'd the Mutiny should endevor to lay it and that one day the King would know how to make a difference betwixt the Loyal and the Enemies of his Crown These Gentlemen were still urgent but in vain Her Majesty always continuing in an absolute Denyal so that they return'd to the Palais to consider upon the Refusal When they came to the first Barricade the Rabble Askt them If they had obtain'd Broussel's Liberty and seeing by their Countenances that they had not in a Rage sent them back to the Palais Royal Threatning that if it was not Granted them in two hours they would go in Armes to Beg it of the Queen and would exterminate the Ministers who were Authors of the Sedition These Gentlemen return'd to Represent what they had seen and heard and added That since they could not overcome their Disobedience neither by Reason nor Force She must submit unless she would hazard the Crown Upon this they call'd a Council wherein the Duke of Orleans and the Cardinal Advis'd contrary to the Queens Opinion That Liberty should be granted to the Prisoners which they immediately declared to the Parliament and the Parliament to the People who notwithstanding all the Assurances could be given them were so jealous that they would not faithfully perform what was promised that they remained still in Armes expecting the Arrival of Broussel who no sooner appeared but was Saluted by all the Musqueteers and Accompanied with Publick Shouts to the place where he and Blanmenil received the Compliments of the Company and from thence was conducted by the People to his Lodging with demonstrations of a Joy so great as if every one in the Liberty of Brussel had that day gain'd a Glorious Victory This is the Famous Day of the Barricades which was caused not so much out of an Affection the Publick had to Broussel as out of an Inveterate Hatred which they for some years entertained against the Government a hatred so great that they only wanted an opportunity to shew it It is not easie to determine whether this Counsel of detaining the Prisoners was safe according to the Rules of Policy for on one side if we consider the Rudeness not to say Violence of the People so great that an Attempt upon Royal Majesty was to be feared it will seem that Prudence could not advise any other Method but Mildness since they wanted Power to reduce them On the other side to Acquiesce to their Fury would give a Mortal Wound to the Princes Authority and as it were prepared a Triumph for the People over Soveraign Dignity Upon this some said That it would have been much better to have carried the King to St. Germains there to expect all sorts of events rather then to Prostitute Royal Dignity to the Capriciousness of a Multitude But the Duke of Orleans and the Cardinal naturally Friends to Moderate Councils thought of nothing but delivering themselves from present danger However it be it is evident the Parliament from this day got ground of the Court and a great many People of Quality either out of Interest or a desire of Innovation solemnly engaged for the ruine of the Chief Minister Now seeing he was during all the Troubles the Object of Publick Invectives and both Pens and Tongues took the greatest Liberty to defame him it will not be amiss to report the best founded Accusations against him and also his just defences 'T was objected against Cardinal Mazarin That it was a strange and shameful thing to France that a Stranger and one who by Birth was a Subject of Spain should be its Principal Minister even with a Power so absolute that he was the Arbiter of War and Peace that of his own head he distributed Honors Offices Benefices in fine all sorts of Favors not with respect to Merit or Services or Quality but to the devotion they paid his Person which was the true qualification to obtain them That for his Ambition he had carried the Armes of France into Tuscany at an extreme charge and to no advantage and that he would not have assisted the Duke of Guise in the Revolt of Naples but for his own Interests He would not accept the Treaty of Peace concluded on at Munster and eluded it by the Ministry of Servien his Secretary That by his Jealousie he would have destroyed the Marshal Gassion when he dyed and also Monsieur le Prince in Catalonia because his Birth and Reputation overclouded him That by his Edicts he had drained France of its Money to send it into Italy That after the death of the Duke of Breze he assum'd the same Power at Sea that he did at Land That he was only knowing in Forraign Affairs moreover that he had lost us the Reputation of Fidelity amongst our Allies That Cardinal Richlieu had set him up during his Ministry and as to his Parts he was a Man of no Judgment of which the confusion whereinto they were fallen was an evident Proof since of a Peaceable State it was become divided and full of Revolts That he would Govern the Kingdom according to Forreign Maxims no wayes proper to our Nation and the Court by Addresses so openly observed that they turn'd him into contempt in sum that he was not capable of so great a Burthen and that he had lost his credit in the Minds of the People To these Accusations it was Answered That it is no new thing for strangers to have a share in the Government of the State witness the Cardinals of Lorrain and Birague the Duke of Nevers and the Marshal of Rets That Cardinal Mazarin was chosen Cardinal by the Interest of France after he had done it considerable Services that Cardinal Richlieu who knew his Parts destin'd him his Successor in the Ministry foreseeing the Advantages would accrew to the State thereby That the late King who was a competent Judge of Men after the Cardinal's Death made him President of the Council That the Queen coming to the Regency meerly out of Necessity and in conformity to the late Kings Will continued him so That this choice was approved by all the Wise Men in the Kingdom and also the Allies of the Crown that having answered by his Services the Queens
manner that he took off all the Envy that his extraordinaay Reputation might create in him by particular Honors and Respects in leaving to him the outward marks of Command Add that the Abbot de la Riviere to whom he promis'd that the Prince de Conty should not traverse his Nomination was a certain Security for his Masters Affection Monsieur le Prince left Compeigne with this good understanding betwixt them to go to his Government The Cardinal took his leave of him very well attended as if he was afraid to trust his Life with him who had ventur'd his for his preservation so frail are the tyes and friendships of the Court and the least Accidents expose them to the greatest Changes At parting he desired the Commander of Souvré le Tellier and others of the Cardinals Confidents and charged Marbille his own Servant to tell him That he could not be his Friend if he thought of this Marriage The Cardinal being vexed at the heart to see himself constrained to publish to the World a dependance so submissive as if the Will of Monsieur le Prince was the only Rule to which he must conform his Interests defended himself from it with vehemence enough alledging That having imparted this Allyance approved by the Queen and his Royal Highness to Rome and all the Princes of Italy he could not desist from it without shame and dishonor So that being ballanc'd betwixt the Reputation of the World and the fear of Monsieur le Prince he could not resolve either to break off or to conclude this Marriage but following the Genius of his own Nation which was very Ascendant in him he waited the benefit of Time In the mean while we were obliged to send out an Army into the Field to deface the Infamy of our Civil Wars and raise the Reputation of our Affairs A strong Army was set out made up of the Troops of Germany with which a Peace was just before concluded whereof Comte d'Harcourt was the General who had orders to lay Siege to Cambray This Success besides the Publick Interest was of advantage to the Cardinal who intended to re-establish himself in his ancient Lustre by a glorious Conquest with the thoughts whereof he was the more pleased because Monsieur le Prince had no hand either in the Design or the Execution also to make the Honor of it more entirely his own he went himself from Amiens where the King was to the Siege rather out of Ostentation than for any good effect that it had contenting himself to distribute some Presents of little value which served only to discredit him in the Army and expose him to their publick Railleries But his Fortune look'd upon him with an evil Eye this year Cambray was relieved and this Enterprise turned to his dishonor This Event raised the Party of Paris and revived their Violence though they were always actuated with the same Animosity against the Cardinal For he having made no endeavors to gain the Coadjutor the Duke de Beaufort Longueil and the most in credit with them they kept up notwithstanding the Peace the Peoples and the Parliaments hatred against him as quick and active as in the time of the War that hereby they might render themselves necessary at the Kings return to Paris and make their Conditions better even the Prince de Conty by the advice of Prince de Marcillac though that which was agreed upon in his favor at the Peace was fully performed forbore not to head this Party and to shew himself the Cardinals enemy that he might by this render himself more considerable Besides He being intirely devoted to the Will and Pleasure of Monsieur le Prince who by his power procured for him Danvilliers and brought him into the Council it was for their mutual Interest that he should keep up his credit at Paris during all the Storms at Court So that at this time the Kings Authority was as little respected as before the War because its only support is Fear or Admiration both which were lost and the Publick were no less violent against the Chief Minister expecting that he should become sensible of the little Power he had since he broke with Monsieur le Prince Notwithstanding as he wanted not such who by false Flatteries suggested to him that the Party of paris was baffled even in Paris it self and that his prevailed there he made a tryal thereof by Jarzè who received an affront from Monsieur de Beaufort at the Jardin de Renard wherein the Duke de Candalle Boutellier and other Persons of Quality were concerned hereupon some Challenges followed which went no further than the disarming of Monsieur de Beaufort A Rencounter which stirred up all the Fronde into an almost universal Insurrection against the Cardinal and his Partisans The the Cardinal being undeceived of all the Errors they had perswaded him into and foreseeing that how averse soever he was to it he could not prolong the Kings return to Paris who was pressed to go by the Princes and the necessity of Affairs wholly employed his Thoughts upon what might contribute to his safety with respect to the Prince de Conty and Monsieur de Longueil he engaged his Word to Prince de Marcillac to procure him the Honors of the Louvre which the greatest Families in the Kingdom enjoy He forgot no promises to the Dutchess de Monthason who had an entire and absolute Authority over the Duke de Beaufort He at this time promised the Superintendency to the President de Maisons Brother to Longueil and as to the Coadjutor he being in League with the Marquess de Noirmoustier de Laigues and the Dutchess de Chevereuse who in the Troubles returned from her Exile in Flanders to Paris the Cardinal enter'd into a Conference with her upon his account so that the Upholders of this party being cool'd by his Treaties with them were glad enough to cover the weakness of their credit which would have appeared if they had attempted to oppose the concurrence of so great a number as desired the Kings presence at Paris But the Cardinal though he stood in need of the support of Monsieur le Prince for his re-establishment yet either because he believed he could make a shift without him by the means of these new Practices or indeed because he could no longer endure the Yoke of his Obligations which he thought lay too heavy upon him kept only a civil correspondence with him during his absence treating him like a suspected Friend Monsieur le Prince to say the truth now saw the prosperities of the Court for which he was before so blindly passionate not without some regret he was vexed at the Siege of Cambray and was glad when he heard it was raised The troubles of Guyenne and Provence with the difficulties of the Kings return to Paris pleas'd him well enough and the more because he saw into the Cardinals Intentions who thought of nothing but how to surmount the
look upon as the first foundation of the Cardinals hatred to me In the beginning of the year 1643. those two parties seeing the Kings indisposition growing daily worse and worse leaving him but little hopes of a much longer life every one of them judg'd it now time to think of getting a support and as they were of different opinions in other things they were no less in this Monsieur de Chavigny believed that his Place and assiduous waiting upon Monsieur and the Services that he pretended to have done him since the Treaty with Spain would belook'd upon as very meritorious by his Royal Highness and on the contrary the Queen would always hate him as the having been the Principal Minister of her Enemy he inclin'd Cardinal Mazarin to Monsieur's Side and both endeavour'd to perswade the King to recall him to Court There is one thing particularly to be mentioned in that which at first perhaps does not appear of great importance but which prov'd of so fatal a Consequence to me that I may say it was the beginning of my Ruine After the taking of Monsieur le Grand the Treaty with Spain being discover'd there was a Talk that it was by the means of the Count de Bethune Monsieur seem'd to strengthen that Falshood by tacitly confessing it excited by la Riviere who believ'd he could be no way better reveng'd of Monsieur de Montresor during his absence nor better cut off all ways of his returning again to his Master than by making him Author or at least Approver of so black a Calumny against one of his best Friends That Detraction was but short-lived and the deceas'd Cardinal tho not much a Friend to the Count de Bethune disabus'd all those who spoke to him about it The world may judge how much a Man of Honour ought to be sensible of such an Offence but the Cardinal's Authority which protected la Riviere exempted him from satisfying the just Resentments that are due to such an Injury He maintain'd this Report during the Cardinal's Life without suspicion but his Death changing the Face of things and la Riviere not knowing if his Master would be able or kind enough to support him against so considerable a Family and seeing no other Prop he fell into a mortal Fear and some days after being sent for to come to Paris by Monsieur de Chavigny to Treat about his Master's Return he could not be perswaded to take the Journey before he was secure that the Count de Bethune was appeas'd and Monsieur de Chaviguy who had need of him employed Monfieur de Liancour and also spoke himself to the Count de Bethune who being sensible of the highest affront that could be given a Gentleman could not for some time be induc'd to give him his Word till at length he was commanded by a Letter from the King sent by Varrennes one of the Messengers to him which tho it put a stop to his Proceeding did but increase his Hatred which was both right and justly founded Perhaps this Digression may seem a little long but it will appear hereafter that it is to my purpose La Riviere being at length come to Court manag'd with the Assistance of the two Ministers the Interest of his Master so successfully that in a little time he was seen with the King his Brother in a very good Understanding as to all appearance whilst Cardinal Mazarin and Monsieur Chavigny took so much Pains on their Sides Monsieur de Noyers took the other Ship-wrack'd Vessel and by Chaudenier his intimate Friend assur'd the Queen of his service and of an inseparable adherence to her Interest After that first Declaration he had upon the same Subject several Discourses with the Bishop of Beauvais in which he clearly enough manifested the Designs of his Collegues who gave him sufficient Subject for Discourse at that time for seeing the King's Distemper still increased by little and little and his Majesty having several times spoken to them about settling the Affairs of the Kingdom they perswaded Father Sirmond his Confessor to propose to him a Corregency betwixt Monsieur his Brother and the Queen and at the same time sollicited many of the Parliament at Paris to pursue the same Design and made use of the Interposition of the President de Maison for that effect But that Proposition so much displeased the King that after he had sharply rebuked them and also spoke to the Queen something of it he gave ear no more to his Confessour and dismissing him upon some other pretext took Father Dinet into his Place After this first Attempt these Gentlemen seeing themselves utterly excluded from their Hopes follow'd another Bias which agreed better with the King's Inclination who was carried to it enough of himself thinking the Queen incapable of the Management of Affairs which was to propose that same Declaration which appear'd two Months after and which had been publish'd at that very time if Monsieur de Noyers had not disswaded the King from it He gave the Queen notice thereof whom this Advice about the Regency infinitely alarm'd At the same time the King 's having been in a Fever which the Physicians apprehended dangerous those who understood the Particulars of the thing offer'd anew their Services to the Queen and I whom she had forbidden some time before to ask to serve as Mareschal de Camp judging me more useful to her in the Court offer'd my self to her if the King came to the last Extremity to go with my Regiment of Suisses and seise upon the Palais and hinder every body whatsoever from entring till such time as she should be received into it This Proposition appearing full of Love and Boldness did not a little please her and the Answer she made me shew'd that she was satisfied with me and believ'd me intirely hers A little before the Cardinal and Monsieur de Chauvigny had perswaded the King to set at Liberty the Mareschals de Vitry and Bassompierre and the Count de Cramail The Means which they made use of to effect it deserves to be written being not unpleasant for they seeing that the King was not much inclin'd to it attaqu'd him on his weakest Side representing to him That those three Prisoners were an extreme Expence to him in the Bastille and they not being in a condition to make any Party in the State would be even as well at their own Houses where they would cost him nothing This Design succeeded for the King was possess'd with so extraordinary an Avarice that whosoever had pretention to ask him for Money seem'd to hang heavy upon him to such a degree that when Treville Beaupuy and several others that the late Cardinal upon his Death-bed had forced him to relinquish were returned he sought all occasions to find out something to reproach them with thereby to take away all Hopes of Recompence for all that they had suffer'd for him The recalling several from Banishment follow'd after
Cardinal that it was impossible for him to repose any assurance in him not that I believe he ever harbored in his Breast any such Designs as were laid to his charge only his entertainments of the Cardinal were either full of coldness or civility according to the humors of those Ladies Madam de Chevreuse and Madam de Monthazon insomuch that if he gave him occasion to be satisfied with him one day he disoblig'd him as much the next saying That he only came to see him by his Fathers order If in the condition he is in I had a mind to complain of him I should have some reason to do so it being very true that at this time though he did me the honor to dine at my House often and pass the greatest part of the Afternoons with me yet he imparted to me very little of his Conduct And I dare say though I am not the greatest Politician in the Kingdom that if he would have opened himself more freely to me he had never been embarrass'd in that ununluckly and shameful Intrigue of Madam de Longueville's Letters which hapned about this time and into which his Love for Madam de Monthazon hurried him without considering the bottom of the thing and imputing the Malice to those who could not possibly be guilty I can say further That to take this Affair right nothing at all of it is to be believed I never enquir'd into the thing to get more knowledge of it But if Monsieur de Beaufort had spoke to me of it at the beginning I would have advised him without examining the falshood or truth thereof to have given the Letters into Madam de Longueville's hands and I think that this service done to a persson who was once passionately belov'd and who is even yet as much hated is a very sensible reproach and the most honest and glorious Revenge that could be taken But he suffer'd himself to becarried away with anothers Passion and by the breaking out of this cursed Quarrel absolutely threw himself upon a Precipice From that time there was little familiarity betwixt Monsieur d'Anguien and him and besides the remembrance of what pass'd in the Quarrel of the Grand-Maistre and the report that this Prince had ask'd to have his Brother-in-law the Duke de Brezè protected in his charge he gave an answer to a Letter which Monsieur de Beaufort wrote to him upon the Birth of his Son wherein he treated him rudely and in a kind of revenge which his little Pride prompted him to only subscrib'd himself Your most humble and affecttionate Servant But though these little peeks betwixt two such haughty and ambitious Minds were enough to carry them to extreams yet they might have been qualifi'd with some moderation whereas after an Affair which directly wounded their Honor there was no way left for a Reconcilement I confess I speak not upon this subject with a cold heart and that of all that has pass'd since the Kings Death this is the only thing I look back upon with regret and would say with some fort of Repentance if I did not find an infinite number of Reasons that forced me to take that side which I did Those which ought to have disswaded me were first of all Interest almost all my Estate lay in le Berry and under the Government of Monsieur le Prince I saw the Duke de Anguien likely to return to Court within a little while having augmented the glory of his Victory at Rocroy by the taking of Thienville which was judged impregnable and that after such Services it was hard to believe that the Queen would favor any other Party than his The Duke de Longueville had always dealt very obligingly with me and there were few that he spoke to with more confidence In fine it was to be observ'd that I had the honor to be nearly related to Madam la Princess whom I should mortally offend if I offer'd my Service to Madam de Montbazon my relation to whom was further off and less Honorable But also very strong considerations invited me to the other side almost all my Friends were embark'd in it and above all Monsieur de Guise who caress'd me extraordinarily at his return into France and seem'd to choose me for his principal Friend I had the Honor to be nearer him than any of his Quality I had all along dearly loved and very much honor'd him and was the first Author of the strait Union betwixt Monsieur de Beaufort and him which seemed to be one of the principal causes that put him upon this Intrigue I believ'd that the Womens Quarrel would certainly breed one among'st the Men and resolved not to embrace one Party to acquit it again the next day But to speak freely the most essential reason that made me declare was That I knew whatever Caresses the Cardinal made me he had no kindness at all for me and thought that I must of necessity get some other support near the Queen I knew very well if I should hope for one in Monsieur le Prince that he would not displease the first Minister for me if in Monsieur la Riviere the mortal Enemy of my Friends was an invincible Obstacle so that I saw none but Madam de Chevreuse who hiding her Disgrace the best that she could and continuing her ancient familiarity with the Queen seem'd to me to be yet in a condition to protect me Being joyn'd in Interest with her common Friends I had in a little time gain'd a great deal of Freedom and receiv'd from her Assurances to serve me upon all occasions But I had a mind to oblige her to it with something more extraordinary knowing well That she being Vain and Ambitious would be touched therewith and told her That 't was she I had chiefly respect to when I rank'd my self on Madam de Montbazons Party which she receiv'd as well as I could wish and promis'd me all the assistance imaginable I will say nothing of all that afterwards pass'd in this Affair because it was so publick that no body can be ignorant of it only that if the Opinion of Monsieur de Longueville had been followed it had stifled all But Madam la Princess following the heat of her Natural Temper and finding an opportunity of satisfying her old Animosities carried it to the utmost extremity to which I know not whether she was push'd on by the Cardinal who look'd upon our Party as form'd against him and thought it not so much design'd against Monsieur le Prince as against his Authority which increased every day At the Hotel de Madam de Chevreuse there was a meeting of fourteen Princes at which I was not present and would have been sorry to have been so thinking it very useless and impertinent Two days after the Amende Honorable which Madam de Montbazon was to undergo at the Hotel de Conde the Queen being in the Circle call'd me to her and said That she believed I