that breach which being followed in every part of the Roman Empire with inundations of Vandals Huns Lombards Franks Saxons have overwhelmed ancient Languages Learning Prudence Manners Cities changing the Names of Rivers Countries Seas Mountains and Men Camillus Caesar and Pompey being come to Edmund Richard and Geoffrey To open the ground-work or ballance of these new Polititians Feudum saith Calvine the Lawyer is a Gothick word of divers significations for it is taken either for War or for a possession of conquered Lands distributed by the Victor unto such of his Captains and Souldiers as had merited in his Wars upon condition to acknowledge him to be their perpetuall Lord and themselves to be his Subjects Of these there were three kinds or orders The first of Nobility distinguished by the Titles of Dukes Marquesses Earls and these being gratify'd with Cities Castles and Villages of the Conquered Italians their Feuds participated of Royall dignity and were called Regalia by which they had right to coyn Mony create Magistrates take Tole Customs Confiscations and the like Feuds of the second order were such as with the consent of the King were bestowed by these Feudatory Princes upon men of inferiour Quality called their Barons on condition that next unto the King they should defend the Dignities and Fortunes of their Lords in Arms. The lowest order of Feuds were such as being confer'd by those of the second Order upon private men whether Noble or not Noble obliged them in the like duty unto their Superiors these were called Vauosors And this is the Gothick Ballance by which all the Kingdoms this day in Christendome were at first erected for which cause if I had time I should open in this place the Empire of Germany and the Kingdomes of France Spain and Poland but so much as hath been said being sufficient for the discovery of the principles of Modern Prudence in general I shall divide the remainder of my Discourse which is more particular into three parts The first shewing the Constitution of the late Monarchy of Oceana The second the Dissolution of the same And the third the Generation of the present Common-wealth The Constitution of the late Monarchy of Oceana is to be considered in relation unto the different Nations by whom it hath been successively subdu'd and govern'd The first of these were the Romans the second the Teutons the third the Scandians and the fourth the Neustrians The Government of the Romans who held it as a Province I shall omit because I am to speak of their Provincial Government in another place onely it is to be remembred in this that if we have given over running up and down naked and with dappled hides learn't to write and read to be instructed with good Arts for all these we are beholding to the Romans either immediately or mediately the Teutons for that the Teutons had the Arts from no other hand is plain enough by their language which hath yet no word to signifie either writing or reading but what is derived from the Latine Furthermore by the help of these arts so learn't we have been capable of that Religion which we have long since received wherefore it seemeth unto me that we ought not to detract from the Memory of the Romans by whose means we are as it were of Beasts become Men and by whose means we might yet of obscure and Ignorant men if we thought not too well of our selves become a wise and a great People The Romans having govern'd Oceana Provincially the Teutons were the first that introduced the form of the late Monarchy to these succeeded the Scandians of whom because their Raign was short as also because they made little alteration in the Government as to the Form I shall take no notice But the Teutons going to work upon the Gothick Ballance divided the whole Nation into three sorts of Feuds that of Ealdorman that of Kings-Thane and that of Middle-Thane When the Kingdom was first divided into Precincts will be as hard to shew as when it began first to be governed it being impossible that there should be any Government without some Division The Division that was in use with the Teutons was by Counties and every County had either his Ealdorman or high Reeve The title of Ealdorman came in time to Eorl or Erle and that of high Reeve to high Sheriff Earl of the Shire or County denoted the Kings Thane or Tenant by Grand Serjeantry or Knights Service in chief or in Capite his possessions were sometimes the whole Territory from whence he had his Denomination that is the whole County sometimes more then one County and sometimes lesse the remaining part being in the Crown He had also sometimes a third or some other Customary part of the profits of certain Cities Boroughs or other places within his Earldom For an Example of the possessions of Earls in ancient times Ethelred had unto him and his Heirs the whole Kingdom of Mercia containing three or four Counties and there were others that had little lesse Kings Thane was also an honorary Title unto which he was qualify'd that had five Hides of Land held immediately of the King by service of personal attendance insomuch that if a Churle or Country Man had thriven unto this proportion having a Church a Kitchin a Bell-house that is an Hall with a Bell in it to call his Family to Dinner a Borough-gate with a seat that is a Porch of his own and any distinct office in the Kings Court then was he the Kings Thane But the proportion of an Hide-Land otherwise called Caruca or a Plough-land is difficult to be understood because it was not certain neverthelesse it is generally conceived to be so much as may be managed with one Plough and would yield the Maintenance of the same with the appurtenances in all kinds The Middle-Thane was feudall but not honorary he was also call'd a Vavosor and his Lands a Vavosory which held of some Mesne Lord and not immediately of the King Possessions and their tenures being of this Nature shew the Ballance of the Teuton Monarchy wherein the riches of Earles was so vast that to arise from the Ballance of their Dominion unto their power they were not onely called Reguli or little Kings but were such indeed their jurisdiction being of two sorts either that which was exercised by them in the Court of their Counties or in the high Court of the Kingdom In the Territory denominating an Earl if it were all his own the Courts held and the profits of that Jurisdiction were to his own use and benefit But if he had but some part of his County then his Jurisdiction and Courts saving perhaps in those possessions that were his own were held by him to the Kings use and benefit that is he commnoly supply'd the Office which the Sheriffs regularly executed in Counties that had no Earls and whence they came to be
called Vice-comites The Court of the County that had an Earl was held by the Earl and the Bishop of the Diocesse after the manner of the Sheriffs Turns unto this Day by which means both the Ecclesiasticall and Temporal Lawes were given in charge together unto the Country the causes of Vavosors or Vavosories appertained to the Cognizance of this Court where Wills were proved Judgment and Execution given cases criminall and civill determined The Kings Thanes had like jurisdiction in their Thain-Lands as Lords in their Manours where they also kept Courts Besides these in particular both the Earls and Kings-Thanes together with the Bishops Abbots and Vavosors or Middle-Thanes had in the High Court or Parliament of the Kingdome a more publick jurisdiction consisting first of Deliberative power for advising upon and assenting unto new Lawes Secondly of giving Counsel in matters of State and thirdly of Judicature upon Suits and Complaints I shall not omit to enlighten the obscurity of these times in which there is little to be found of a Methodical constitution of this High Court by the addition of an Argument which I conceive to bear a strong testimony unto it self though taken out of a late Writing that conceals the Authour It is well known saith he that in every quarter of the Realm a great many Boroughs do yet send Burgesses unto the Parliament which neverthelesse be so anciently and so long since decayed and gone to naught that they cannot be shew'd to have been of any reputation since the Conquest much lesse to have obtained any such priviledge by the grant of any succeeding King wherefore these must have had this right by more ancient usuage and before the Conquest they being unable now to shew whence they derived it This Argument though there be more I shall pitch upon as sufficient to prove First that the lower sort of the people had right unto Session in Parliament during the time of the Teutons Secondly that they were qualify'd unto the same by election in their Boroughs and if Knights of the Shire as no doubt they are be as ancient in the Countries Thirdly if it be a good Argument to say that the Commons during the raign of the Teutons were elected into Parliament because they are so now and no man can shew when this custom began I see not which way it should be an ill one to say that the Commons during the reign of the Teutons constituted also a distinct house because they do so now unlesse any man can shew that they did ever sit in the same House with the Lords Wherefore to conclude this part I conceive for these and other reasons to be mentioned hereafter that the Parliament of the Teutons consisted of the King the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons of the Nation notwithstanding the style of divers Acts of Parliament which runs as that of Magna Charta in the Kings name only seeing the same was neverthelesse enacted by the King Peers and Commons of the Land as is testified in those words by a subsequent Act. The Monarchy of the Teutons had stood in this posture about two hundred and twenty years when Turbo Duke of Neustria making his claim to the Crown of one of their Kings that dyed Childlesse followed it with successeful Arms and being possessed of the Kingdom used it as conquered distributing the Earldomes Thane Lands Bishopricks and Prelacies of the whole Realm amongst his Neustrians From this time the Earl came to be called Comes Consul Dux though Consul Dux grew afterward out of use The Kings Thanes came to be called Barons and their Lands Baronies the Middle-Thane holding still of a mean Lord retained the name of Vavosor The Earl or Comes continued to have the third part of the pleas of the County paid unto him by the Sheriff or Vice-comes now a distinct Officer in every County depending upon the King saving that such Earls as had their Counties to their own use were now Counts-Palatine and had under the King Regal Jurisdiction insomuch that they constituted their own Sheriffs granted Pardons and issued Writs in their own names nor did Kings Writ of ordinary Justice run in their Dominions till a late Statute whereby much of this priviledge was taken away For Barons they came from henceforth to be in different times of three kinds Barons by their estates and Tenures Barons by writ and Barons created by Letters Pattents From Turbo the first to Adoxus the seventh King from the Conquest Barons had their Denomination from their Possessions and Tenures and these were either Spiritual or Temporal for not onely the Thane Lands but the possessions of Bishops as also of some twenty six Abbots and two Priors were now erected into Baronies whence the Lords Spiritual that had Suffrage in the Teuton Parliament as Spiritual Lords came to have it in the Neustrian Parliament as Barons and were made subject which they had not formerly been unto Knights service in chief Barony comming henceforth to signifie all honorary possessions as well of Earls as Barons and Baronage to denote all kinds of Lords as well Spiritual as Temporal having right to sit in Parliament the Baronies in this sense were sometimes more and sometimes fewer but commonly about 200 or 250 containing in them a matter of sixty thousand feuda militum or Knights fees whereof some twenty eight thousand were in the Clergy It is ill luck that no man can tell what the land of a Knights fee reckoned in some Writs at 40 l. a year and in others at 10. was certainly worth for by such an help we might have exactly demonstrated the Ballance of this Government But sayes Cook it contained twelve plough lands and that was thought to be the most certain account but this again is extreamly uncertain for one Plough out of some Land that was fruitfull might work more than ten out of some other that was barren Neverthelesse seeing it appeareth by Bracton that of Earldoms and Baronies it was wont to be said that the whole Kingdome was composed as also that these consisting of 60000 Knights fees furnisht 60000 men for the Kings service being the whole Militia of this Monarchy it cannot be imagined that the Vavosories or Freeholds in the people amounted to any considerable proportion Wherefore the Ballance and Foundation of this Government was in the 60000 Knights fees and these being possest by the 250 Lords it was a Government of the Few or of the Nobility wherein the people might also assemble but could have no more than a meer name And the Clergy holding a third to the whole Nation as is plaine by the Parliament Rolle it is an absurdity seeing the Clergy of France came first through their riches to be a state of that Kingdome to acknowledge the people to have beene a state of this Realme and not to allow it unto the Clergy who were so much more weighty in
appear Where he grants the great prosperity of ancient Common-wealths which is to give up the controversie For such an effect must have some adequate cause which to evade he insinuates that it was nothing else but the emulation of particular men as if so great an emulation could have been generated without as great virtue so great virtue without the best education the best education without the best Lawes or the best Lawes any otherwise then by the excellency of their policy But if some of these Common-Wealths as being lesse perfect in their policy then others have been more seditious it is not more an argument of the infirmity of this or that Common-wealth in particular then of the excellency of that kind of Policy in generall which if they that have not altogether reached have neverthelesse had greater prosperity what would befall them that should reach In answer to which question let me invite Leviathan who of all other Governments giveth the advantage unto Monarchy for perfection to a better disquisition of it by these three assertions The first That the perfection of Government lyeth upon such a libration in the frame of it that no man or men in or under it can have the interest or having the interest can have the power to disturb it with sedition The second That Monarchy reaching the perfection of the kind reacheth not unto the perfection of Government but must have some dangerous flaw in it The third That Popular Government reaching the perfection of the kind reacheth the perfection of Government and hath no flaw in it The first assertion requireth no proof For the proof of the second Monarchy as hath been shewn is of two kinds the one by Arms the other by a Nobility and there is no other kind in art or nature for if there have been anciently some Governments called Kingdoms as one of the Gothes in Spain and another of the Vandals in Africa where the King ruled without a Nobility and by a Council of the people only it is expresly said by the Authors that mention them that the Kings were but the Captains and that the people not onely gave them Lawes but deposed them as often as they pleased nor is it possible in reason that it should be otherwise in like cases wherefore these were either no Monarchies or had greater flawes in them then any other But for a Monarchy by Arms as that of the Turk which of all models that ever were cometh up unto the perfection of the kind it is not in the wit or power of man to cure it of this dangerous flaw That the Janizaries have frequent interest and perpetual power to raise sedition and to tear the Magistrate even the Prince himself in pieces Therefore the Monarchy of Turky is no perfect Government And for a Monarchy by a Nobility as of late in Oceana which of all other models before the declination of it came up to the perfection in that kind it was not in the power or wit of man to cure it of that dangerous flaw That the Nobility had frequent interest and perpetuall power by their retainers and tenants to raise sedition and whereas the Janizaries occasion this kind of calamity no sooner then they make an end of it to levy a lasting War unto the vast effusion of blood and that even upon occasions wherein the people but for their dependance upon their Lords had no concernment as in the Fewd of the Red and White The like hath been frequent in Spain France Germany and other Monarchies of this kind wherefore Monarchy by a Nobility is no perfect Government For the proof of the third Assertion Leviathan yieldeth it unto me that there is no other Common-wealth but Monarchical or Popular wherefore if no Monarchy be a perfect Government then either there is no perfect Government or it must be popular for which kind of constitution I have something more to say then Leviathan hath said or ever will be able to say for Monarchy as 1. That it is the Government that was never conquered by any Monarch from the beginning of the World unto this day for if the Common-wealth of Greece came under the yoke of the Kings of Macedon they were first broken by themselves 2. That it is the Government that hath frequently led mighty Monarchs in Triumph 3. That it is the Government which if it have been Seditious it hath not been from any imperfection in the kind but in the particular constitution which where ever the like hath happened must have been unequall 4. That it is the Government which if it have been any thing near equall was never seditious or let him shew me what sedition hath happened in Lacedemon or Venice 5. That it is the Government which attaining unto perfect equality hath such a libration in the frame of it that no man living can shew which way any man or men in or under it can contract any such interest or power as should be able to disturb the Common-wealth with sedition wherefore an equal Common-wealth is that onely which is without flaw and containeth in it the full perfection of Government But to return By what hath been shewn in reason and experience it may appear that though Common-Wealths in generall be Governments of the Senate proposing the people resolving and the Magistracy executing yet some are not so good at these orders as others through some impediment or defect in the frame ballance or capacity of them according unto which they are of divers kinds The first division of them is into such as are single as Israel Athens Laecedemon c. and such as are by leagues as those of the Achaeans Aetolians Lyceans Switz and Hollanders The second being Machiavil's is into such as are for preservation as Lacedemon and Venice and such as are for encrease as Athens and Rome in which I can see no more then that the former taketh in no more Citizens then are necessary for defence and the latter so many as are capable of encrease The third division unseen hitherto is into equall and unequall and this is the main point especially as to domestick peace and tranquillity for to make a Common-wealth unequall is to divide it into parties which setteth them at perpetuall variance the one party endeavouring to preserve their eminence and inequality and the other to attain unto equality whence the people of Rome derived their perpetuall strife with the Nobility or Senate but in an equal Common-wealth there can be no more strife then there can be over-ballance in equall weights wherefore the Common-wealth of Venice being that which of all others is the most equal in the constitution is that wherein there never happen'd any strife between the Senate and the people An equall Common-wealth is such an one as is equall both in the ballance and foundation and in the superstructions that is to say in her Agrarian Law and in her Rotation An equal Agrarian is a
friends and in cool blood might be taken Your Army must be planted in one of the wayes mentioned To plant it in the way of absolute Monarchy that is upon feuds for life such as the Timars a Country as large and fruitfull as that of Greece would afford you but sixteen thousand Timariots for that is the most the Turk being the best husband that ever was of this kind that makes of it at this day and if Oceana which is lesse in fruitfulnesse by one half and in extent by three parts should have no greater a force whoever breaketh her in one battle may be sure she shall never rise for such as was noted by Machiavill is the Nature of the Turkish Monarchy if you break her in two battles you have destroyed her whole Militia and the rest being all slaves you hold her without any further resistance Wherefore the erection of an absolute Monarchy in Oceana or in any other Country that is no larger without making it a certain prey unto the first invader is altogether impossible To plant by halves as the Roman Emperours did their Beneficiaries or military Colonies it must be either for life and this an Army of Oceaners in their own Country especially having states of inheritance will never bear because such an Army so planted is as well confiscated as the people nor had the Mamalines been contented with such usage in Aegypt but that they were Forraigners and daring nor to mix with the Natives it was of absolute necessity to their Being Or planting them upon inheritance whether Aristocratically as the Neustrians or Democratically as the Israelites they grow up by certaine consequence into the Nationall interest and this if they be planted popularly comes unto a Common-wealth if by way of Nobility unto a mixed Monarchy which of all other will be found to be the only kind of Monarchy whereof this Nation or any other that is of no greater extent hath beene or can be capable for if the Israelites through their Democraticall Ballance being fixed by their Agrarian stood firme be yet found to have elected Kings it was because their Territory lying open they were perpetually invaded and being perpetually invaded turned themselves to any thing which through the want of experience they thought might be a remedy whence their mistake in election of their Kings under whom they gain'd nothing but to the contrary lost all they had acquired by their Common-wealth both Estates and Liberties is not only apparent but without parallell And if there have beene as was shewne a Kingdom of the Goths in Spain and of the Vandalls in Asia consisting of a single person and a Parliament taking a Parliament to be a Councill of the people only without a Nobility it is expressely said of those Councills that they deposed their Kings as often as them pleased nor can there be other consequence of such a Government seeing where there is a Councill of the people they do never receive Lawes but give them and a Councill giving Lawes unto a single person he hath no meanes in the World whereby to be any more than a subordinate Magistrate but force in which case he is not a single person and a Parliament but a single person and an Army which Army again must be planted as hath been shewn or can be of no long Continuance It is true that the Provincial Ballance being in Nature quite contrary unto the National you are no wayes to plant a Provinciall Army upon Dominion But then you must have a native Territory in strength Situation or Government able to overballance the forreign or you can never hold it That an Army should in any other case be long supported by a meer Tax is a meer Phansie as void of all reason and Experience as if a man should think to maintain such an one by robbing of Orchards for a meer Tax is but pulling of Plumbtrees the roots whereof are in other mens grounds who suffering perpetuall violence come to hate the Author of it And it is a Maxime that no Prince that is hated by his people can be safe Arms planted upon Dominion extirpate enemies and make friends but maintained by a meer Tax have enemies that have roots and friends that have none To conclude Oceana or any other Nation of no greater extent must have a competent Nobility or is altogether incapable of Monarchy for where there is equality of estates there must be equality of power and where there is equality of power there can be no Monarchy To come then to the generation of the Common-wealth it hath been shewn how through the wayes and means used by Panurgus to abase the Nobility and so to mend that flaw which we have asserted to be incurable in this kind of Constitution he suffered the Ballance to fall into the power of the people and so broke the Government but the Ballance being in the people the Common-wealth though they do not see it is already in the Nature of them Cornua nota prius Vitulo quà m frontibus extant there wanteth nothing else but time which is slow and dangerous or art which would be more quick and secure for the bringing those native Arms wherewithall they are found already to resist they know not how every thing that opposeth them unto such maturity as may fix them upon their own strength and Bottom But whereas this Art is Prudence and that part of Prudence which regards the present work is nothing else but the skill of raising such Superstructures of Government as are natural to the known Foundations they never mind the Foundation but through certain animosities wherewith by striving one against another they are infected or through freaks by which not regarding the course of things nor how they conduce unto their purpose they are given to building in the Air come to be divided and subdivided into endlesse parties and factions both Civill and Ecclesiastical which briefly to open I shall first speak of the people in generall and then of their divisions A people saith Machiavill that is corrupt is not capable of a Common-wealth but in shewing what a corrupt people is he hath either involved himself or me nor can I otherwise come out of the Labyrinth than by saying that the Ballance altering a people as to the foregoing Government must of necessity be corrupt but corruption in this sense signifieth no more then that the corruption of one Government as in natural bodies is the generation of another wherefore if the Ballance alter from Monarchy the corruption of the people in this case is that which maketh them capable of a Common-wealth But whereas I am not ignorant that the corruption which he meaneth is in Manners this also is from the Ballance For the Ballance swaying from Monarchical into Popular abateth the Luxury of the Nobility and inriching the people bringeth the Government from a more private unto a more publick interest which coming nearer as hath been shewn unto
the word for holding up of hands in the Text is also the very same which signified the Suffrage of the people in Athens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the Suffrage of the Athenians was given per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith Emmius The Council of the Bean as was shewn by my Lord Navarchus de Paralo in his full discourse being the proposing Senate of Athens for that of the Areopagites was a Judicatory consisted of four some say five hundred Senators elected annually all at once and by a meer lot without suffrage wherefore albeit the Senate to correct the temerity of the lot had power to cast out-such as they should judge unworthy of that honour this related to manners only and was not sufficient to repair the Common-wealth which by such means became impotent and for as much as her Senate consisted not of the natural Aristocracy which in a Common-wealth is the onely spur and rein of the people was cast headlong by the rashnesse of her Demagogs or Grandees into ruine while her Senate like the Roman Tribunes qui ferè semper regebantur à multitudine magis quam regebant proposed not unto the Result only but unto the Debate also of the people who were therefore called unto the Pulpits where some vomited and others drunk poison The Senate of Lacedemon most truly discover'd by my Lord Laco de Scytale consisted but of 30 for life whereof the two Kings having but single votes were hereditary the rest elective by the free Suffrage of the people but out of such as were sixty years of age these had the whole debate of the Common-wealth in themselves and proposed unto the result only of the people and now the riddle which I have heretofore found troublesome to unfold is out that is to say why Athens and Lacedemon consisting each of the Senate and the People the one should be held a Democracy and the other an Aristocracy or laudable Oligarchy as it is termed by Isocrates for that word is not where ever you meet it to be branded seeing it is used also by Aristotle Plutarch and others sometimes in a good sense The main difference was that the people in this had the result only and in that the debate and result too But for my part where the people have the election of the Senate not bound unto a distinct order and the result which is the Soveraign power I hold them to have that share in the Government the Senate being not for life whereof with the safety of the Common-wealth they are capable in nature and such a Government for that cause to be Democracy though I do not deny but in Lacedemon the paucity of the Senators considered it might be called Oligarchy in comparison of Athens or â—f we look upon their continuance for life though they had been more Aristocracy The Senate of Rome whose fame hath been heard to thunder in the Eloquence of my Lord Stolo de Enyo consisting of 300 was in regard of the number lesse Oligarchicall then that of Lacedemon but more in regard of the Patrician who having an hereditary capacity of the same were not elected unto that honour by the people but being Conscribed by the Censors enjoy'd it for life wherefore these if they had had their wills would have resolv'd as well as debated which set the people at such variance with them as dissolv'd the Common-wealth whereas if the people had enjoy'd the result as well that about the Agrarian as all other strife must of necessity have ceased The Senates of Switzs and Holland as I have learnt of my Lords Alpester and Glaucus being bound up like the sheaf of Arrowes which this gives by leagues lie like those in their quivers But Arrowes when they come to be drawn fly some this way and some that and I am contented that these concern us not That of Venice by the faithful testimony of my most excellent Lord Linceus de Stella hath obliged a world sufficiently punisht by its own blindnesse or ingratitude to repent and be wiser for whereas a Common-wealth in which there is no Senate or where the Senate is corrupt cannot stand the Great Council of Venice like the Statua of Nilus leans upon an Urn or Water-pot which poureth forth the Senate in so pure and perpetual a stream as being unable to instagnate is for ever uncapable of corruption The fuller description of this Senate is contained in that of Oceana and that of Oceana in the foregoing Orders Unto every one of which because something hath been already said I shall not speak in particular But in general your Senate and the other Assembly or the Prerogative as I shall shew in due place are perpetuall not as Lakes or Puddles but as the Rivers of Eden and are beds made as you have seen to receive the whole people by a due and faithful Vicissitude into their current They are not as in the later way alternate Alternate life in Government is the alternate death of it Ut fratrem Pollux alternâ morte redemit This was the Gothick Work whereby the former Government was not only a ship but a gust too could never open her sailes but in danger to overset her self neither make any Voyage nor lye safe in her own Harbour The Wars of later Ages saith Verulamius seem to be made in the dark in respect of the glory and honour which reflected upon men from the Wars in ancient times Their shipping of this sort was for Voyages ours dare not launch nor lye they safe at home Your Gothick Polititians seem unto me rather to have invented some new ammunition or Gunpowder in their King and Parliament duo fulmina belli then Government For what is become of the Princes a kind of people in Germany blown up Where are the Estates or the Power of the people in France blown up Where is that of the people in Aragon and the rest of the Spanish Kingdoms blown up On the other side where is the King of Spain's power in Holland blown up Where is that of the Austrian Princes in Switz blown up This perpetual peevishnesse and jealousie under the alternate Empire of the Prince and of the People is obnoxious unto every Spark Nor shall any man shew a reason that will be holding in prudence why the people of Oceana have blown up their King but that their Kings did not first blow up them The rest is discourse for Ladies Wherefore your Parliaments are not henceforth to come out of the bag of Aeolus but by the Gallaxy's to be the perpetual food of the fire of Vesta Your Gallaxy's which divide the House into so many Regions are three one of which constituting the third region is annually chosen but for the term of three years which causeth the house having blooms fruit half ripe and others droping off in full maturity to resemble an Orange-Tree such as is at the same time an education or spring and an harvest too for the