as the Earl of Harcourt or Marshal of Meilleray might come with the Fleet that so it might be in his choice either to entrust this enterprise to me or put it into their hands if they should seem more agreeable the Neapolitans being in so great a necessity of supplies that provided they might receive them they would very little trouble themselves to consider by whom But whether it were that by report of the Condition of affairs he imagined them too hazardous to expect that any but my self would run their fortune or that he thought me too farre engaged to suffer with patience another to take my place being unwilling lightly to offend a person of my Condition He answered that it would be unreasonable after having gone on so farre with me to change thoughts and enter on a different conduct Tonti came with great hast to court me with this answer and to make appear to me as an eminent service the artifice he had used to discover whether they were real in my concernments After which he desired me when I should write to the Court to recommend the Services of himself and brother in law and procure them Pensions and some considerable summe to reward their Friends and Correspondents that they might by interest allure many more Neapolitans to the service of France acquire Creatures and form a powerful Cabal which in time and place might be disposed of to serve her faithfully and contribute to her advantages For my own part I had no other thoughts than to fit my self for my departure and provide all things necessary that I might embarque as soon as the Kings Fleet should be in a Condition and place convenient to receive and transport me And knowing I could not undertake this voyage without Money I used all endeavours to get it I sent for all the French Merchants to draw from them the greatest summes I could giving them Security and Bills of Exchange payable at Paris My misfortune would so have it that the Duke of Modena having taken upon him the command of the Kings armies in Italy and formed great designs and high enterprises wanted it as well as I in so much as that he might be supplyed at the appointed time the Kings Ministers had given them order not to part with what they had in their hands which obliged me to apply my self to the Cardinal of St Cicilia and Monsieur de Fontenay to get them permission to treat with me who thereupon sent for the Sieur Philip Valenti and told him he would do the King acceptable service and a kindness to Cardinal Mazzarin in furnishing me with 4000 Pistols on Bills of Exchange which I would give him for whose payment they would be Security the Crown undertaking to satisfie in case my Family should delay him He kept this summe readie for me in Gold to deliver it at my departure for fear I should spend part of it before I left Rome and so oblige them to supply me with more it being impossible for me to go without Money and the necessity of affairs being such that they could not pass me by nor retard my voyage without entirely ruining them I cannot here forbear mentioning the generosity of a woman though not very pertinent to the Subject I am speaking of who hearing of the care I took to provide Money for this enterprise now no longer a secret in Rome brought me all that she had in plate and jewels and ten thousand Crowns in Obligations on the Bank which with thanks I refused it being all the wealth she had acquired by the industry and travel of many years I resolved to send to the late Dutchess of Guise my mother a Letter of Attorney for disposal of my whole estate thereby to engage her more powerfully to my assistance desiring her to dispose of all for furnishing me with the greatest summe she possibly could because on such a supply depended my establishment or ruine I was daily in continual Conferences with the French Ministers and Cardinals of that Faction to determine with them of all that was to be done for the service and advantage of the Crown but though I pressed them concerning the conduct I was to follow and demanded what instructions they had for me whether after having gained esteem in Naples on pretence of Establishing their Republique I ought not to endeavour an insensible traversing their inclinations towards the King it being impossible that the Nobility and People as much separated by interest as affection could ever so unite as to form the body of a Common-wealth and govern themselves without being weary at last and choosing a Master this unquiet and turbulent Nation having never been under any other Government than that of a Monarch and their natural jealousie one of another considered could never be at rest but under the command of one alone This was granted but apprehending it dangerous to propound to a violent and seditious people a forein power which they ever apprehended he told me that the choice was to be left to themselves of their form of Government and Master The imagination alone that the King had any thoughts of becoming such would gain their hatred in stead of their friendship and contribute to their Reconciliation with the Spaniards That on the other side the Pope without whose authority no innovation could be made in that Kingdom he being Lord Paramont might enter into alliance with the rest of the Princes of Italy to oppose it fearing lest France having gotten so firm a footing might at last attempt to subdue the whole That it would be a sufficient advantage to the King to cut off from Spain so potent a Kingdom from which it derived its principal forces and that by the loss of it France would be as much raised above her as by a conquest that besides this such persons of that Countrey as sought an innovation to advantage themselves by the honours and imployments of the Kingdom by Governments of Towns and Provinces which they had hitherto with regret seen in the hands of Strangers would apprehend to be nothing the better but rather that they should be impoverished and ruined by the enriching other Countries with the transportation of their wealth And lastly reuniting to the enemy all such as on any other grounds were against it the party would be so much weakned it could not long subsist That for such powerful reasons I was to endeavour to dissipate all I possibly could the suspitions they might have of any such thought giving out that France never acted but on Principles of Generosity altogether dis-interessed to relieve the oppressed and procure the Liberty of those that languished under the tyranny of their enemies That the Spaniards at what price soever were to be driven out of that Kingdom that it was no matter what means were used towards so great a work That the King would assist what resolution soever should be taken That he had formerly consented to the crowning
Town where all passed after the same manner and in a fashion yet more obliging The great round I was fain to make caused me to come very late to the Convent of Saint Lawrence where all deliberations are made that concern the Affaires of the Kingdome I caused the Bell to be immediately Rung to Assemble the Magistrates the Military and City Captains and the Council When they were come together I told them I had sent for them not to seek of them the Authority and absolute Command the People with one Voice had already conferred upon me but to advertise them that having accepted it they should publish it to all men forbidding them on pain of their lives to receive or acknowledge any other Orders then mine That I would like a good Father Protect all such as should comply with their duty and faithfully obey me As on the other side I should not fail to punish all those that for the future failed of the respect they owed me After this I dismissed them and was told that Gennaro made a great Commotion amongst the inferior sort of People perswading them that I took upon me the Command at the arrival of the Fleet on purpose to put the Town into the hands of France and that under pretence of gaining them Liberty I only went about to change their Fetters and impose heavier then the Spaniards had hitherto detained them in Night being too farr advanced to go to appease this Tumult accompanied as usually with insolence and disorder I deferred it till the morning and in the mean time sent to Gennaro to consider well what he did that at Ten a Clock I would go to Mass at the Carmelites and if by that time he resigned not his Authority into my hands I would have his head cut off and set on a Poste in the Market-place and would hang his Body by one foot on the Gallows that is in the middle of it then going to bed I with extraordinary impatience expected day to finish what I had so happily begun In the mean while there was great running to and fro and many Cabals were made which I nevertheless dissipated with much facility I arose very early and many Gentlemen of the most considerable of Naples came to wait on me amongst others Mazillo Caracciolo Marco Antonio Brancaccio and Bartholomeo Griffo whom I intended to make Colonel of my Guards because he was a person of Quality and an old Soldier of great merit and experience and Mazillo Cracciolo Camp-master-General who was very well born and of great ability that had carried Armes all his life with much honor and an irreconcileable enemy of the Spaniards by whom he had been very ill used but the People having a dislike of them this intention had no effect I thinking fit to have some respect for their aversion But I kept still near me old Marco Antonio Brancaccio whose Counsels I followed on all important occasions which ever succeeded well deriving many advantages from my confidence in him About eight a Clock I went to Mass after which I spoke to the People who heard me favourably and by their Answers Cries and Acclamations appeared yet more affected to and more resolved to make me their King then over-night I with the same reasons disswaded them telâ—ing them I was resolved to retire and abandon them if they persisted in that thought I got on horseback to go to St. Austins followed by above twenty thousand People where I heard the Magistrates of the City and the Council were assembled that being the usual place where they are wont to deliberate and making a stand under the windows of the room where they were at Council I sent the Captain of my Guards to enquire what they were doing and let them know that having acquainted them with my intentions it was to very little purpose for them to imagine they had any thing to determine on That all the people had owned me by whose general acclamations they might easily understand their pleasure That if they went about to cast in any difficulty or qualification I had no more to do but loosen the reigns to the people whom I had much ado to restrain from throwing them all out at the Windows They demanded a little patience by which I should be satisfied of their obedience and zeal and immediately after they brought me the result of their Consultations signed by all that were present by which they declared me Duke of their Republick for five years with an absolute and sovereign power which was approved by the consent and applause of all the people After this I went into the Market-place where I found five or six thousand Mutineers in Arms with a strange tumult I rid up to them and demanded what obliged them to such a disorder they answered that Gennaro had told them I undertook the authority to no other end but to resign it to France and that I took possession of the Kingdom in the name of the King intending to land all the troops that were aboard the Fleet to deliver the Town to them to which they would never give their consent being desirous of an entire Liberty and to see their Country without dependance on any other that they would not suffer themselves to become subject to another Nation the chief occasion of their taking Arms having been to drive away the Spaniards that they might be free which could not be by their subjection to the French whose dominion would be equally rough and insupportable that they sought protection and succours but not subjection and when they desired assistance they thought it should have been given them without any other interest then the enfeeblishment and ruine of their enemies I endeavoured to disabuse them and rectifie this mistake which had no foundation telling them that France had no such intention that of this I was sufficiently assured having received Orders to engage the contrary as I had already done and that Commissions were not given to persons of my Quality to be afterwards disavowed by giving the lie to such things as they had been commanded to declare in behalf of a Crown so exact in executing whatsoever it positively promises and so religious in observing its faith That I was a pledge they ought entirely to trust to and that I would never have accepted the title of Protectour of their Liberty to become instrumental to the loss of it Answer was made that they should have no suspition nor distrust of me were I not born a Frenchman but that they had reason to apprehend all fâ—om a person that must preferre the interests of his Country above all other concernments I answered them that what they doubted was not the interest of my Country but however that I embraced none but theirs the Oath I so solemnly made at my acceptance of the command of their Armies having discharged me from all others making me cease to be any longer a Frenchman and become a Neapolitan of
give thanks to his friend in my name and assure him I would never enquire after him The Town the mean while was divided into six factions which obliged me to be extraordinarily scrupulous in my conduct lest whil'st I inclin'd to one the rest might joyn with our enemies which would have infallibly ruined me but I had influence over all those separated interests without discovering my own thoughts and kept so good correspondence with them all that I obliged them to concur to the execution of my enterprise which was not difficult The first of these factions was that of Gennaro and the rabble which ever since their hatred of the Spaniards had been so habituated to the plundering of Houses and all manner of insolencies that they could not now forbear them These people were enraged against me because by my punishing such actions they were forced to observe the prohibitions I made but they hoped for some disorder and revolution little caring from whence it came nor who had the advantage of it provided they might rob and murther with impunity being so accustomed to bloud that they preferred the pleasure of shedding it above all other advantages They continued an irreconcileable hatred against the Nobility and civilized people whom they feared because they had so often and highly affronted them they could expect no pardon I kept this sort of people low and was their capital enemy believing that if I permitted disorders I could not subsist long I yet indulged them by the care I had to supply them with all things necessary to life at easie rates The second was that which desired to submit to France made up for the greatest part of Artificers who hoping to make their fortunes by our Nation and enrich themselves by our expence in Clothes and all such other things with which we are wont to furnish our selves more than other Nations and pretending to no Offices nor Imployments apprehended not subjection to foreign Dominion desiring that rather than any other because by it they expected more profit I humored all that were of it seeming to have no other thought nor to labour to any other purpose but as I desired to continue in their good opinion I was also to be careful to keep secret that pretence that I might not reunite all other parties to joyn with our enemies which must first be driven away after which it would be easie to attain our ends The third was composed of Monks and Priests and others of the devouter sort who desired the reuniting the Crown of Naples to the Papacy this I let them understand was my principal end that I was of a Family highly Catholick very much devoted to the Pope with whom I had taken secret Measures and made so near a Conjunction that he was well satisfied of my intentions That they ought to concur with me to drive away the Spaniards and keep their thoughts very secret lest we might meet obstacles by the confederacy of those which desired the contrary and I promised that as soon as we had overcome our enemies we would submit our selves to the authority of the Church The fourth was more easily managed than the rest for desirous of a King and signifying that they had made choice of my person they were sensible of the necessity of Secrecy and the friendship they had for me securing them of my acknowledgements they were altogether guided by my Directions and acted nothing but by my Orders This Partie consisted of such as aspired to the honours and grandeurs of the Kingdom every one according to his Quality who resolving never to become subject to a forein Dominion desired no money might go out of their Countrey imagining this the only way to enrich themselves and re-establish traffique and that a King whom they had chosen for his own interest and preservation would have no other Countrey but his Kingdom nor any confidence love or inclination but for his Subjects The fifth Faction was of those that desired a Republick of whom the greatest part understood not what they sought mightily taken with the word which they scarce knew how to pronounce imagining they should be subject to no body and that the meanest of the common people should have credit and power equal with the richest and best qualified I perswaded them that such an establishment was my prevailing passion that I looked on such a structure with affection and delight as the workmanship of my hands since I had been the first proposer of it and that the Dignity of Duke to which they had raised me gave me the first place the principal authority and all the Honours of a Sovereign I moved them to consider how much it concerned us to conceal this design that we might not incite against us all that were contrary and that as soon as ever the Spaniards were driven away towards which we must with hazard of our lives use our utmost endeavour This form of Government would in a manner establish it self none being excluded and every man in a possibility of finding advantages and security and making his fortune by it of what quality or profession soever he might be In this manner every one of the five factions took me to be of their partie and changing like a Camelion according as I spoke to one or the other of them concealing my own thoughts I discovered theirs to get light and take unerring measures The last was of such as were addicted to the Spanish interests by reason of those themselves had on the Gabels where lay the best part of their Estates I gave them hopes of preserving them in case of a subversion of the Government and minded them that a greater jealousie being had of them than of others they ought to be more careful of their conduct since the least of their motions would be made criminal These were obliged to me for preserving their fortunes and the honour of every one of their Families whereof I assured them to take a particular care provided they did nothing to deprive me of the means of protecting them I commended their zeal and fidelity and told them I affected and esteemed them more than the rest because they were persons of more honour These were very sollicitous for my safety which they thought necessary to their own and their ruine being infallible on the least revolution being hated by the common people and the Spaniards having no jealousie of them they gave me notice of all conspiracies against me and all other enterprises fearing my fall and their own with me if the success were dubious These were the men that served me to most advantage and which I insensibly united to the fourth faction because they resolved if they must lose their old Master to have no other but me Thus I made advantage of the variety of mens inclinations governing all these Cabals every one in a particular manner and with such address that none of the rest had the least suspition of it
Government was sufficient whilest on the contrarie where faction pride hypocrisie sloth and luxurie predominate even Common-wealths have recourse to the power of a single person as the Romans to Dictators in particular disorders and difficulties and those arriving at greater heights to the continued Government of Emperors which several successions of vicious Princes could not interrupt till the monstrous and unparalelled excesses of Nero not easily put an end to the Family of Caesar the changes that happened afterwards are not to the present purpose mention here being made only of Hereditary Monarchy This was also most remarkable in the Republick of Florence obliged on account of perpetual factions and tumults to give an absolute and arbitrary power to one of its private Citizens by which it obtained that Repose and Settlement it could by no other ways arrive at And that the English are no less than the Neapolitans incapable of an establishment on a popular basis is apparent enough all endeavours having been used towards it and all such forms of Government produced yet it was found by experience that even the tyranny of Oliver notwithstanding the injustice bloud hypocrisie and atheisme on which its foundations were laid was less offensive than any of the other because in the hands of one alone our Nation being so far from a capacity of receiving the other impression that it may be rationally concluded that had we lived in form of a Republick as many ages as we have done under Monarchy the present condition of our affairs and customs would oblige us to cast our selves into the arms and protection of a single person for evil manners produce not only good laws but good forms of Government we ought therefore to suspect all that hang out this bait and assure our selves it is not the Government but Governours they design against since all architects of popular fabricks after acquisition of sufficient credit for it have been easily perswaded to take the Authoritie into their own hands And now let us take a short review of the whole and we shall see a people groaning not under pretended but real oppression endeavour to shake off a yoke heavie indeed but yet their Masters and erect a Babel of their own contrivance and having considered the plunderings devastations and massacres that attended the acting towards it pass through its so many appearances of Establishment and at last when probably so near perfection by the Dukes as firm Settlement in the hearts of that people as so uncertain a foundation was capable of see it by Divine Providence reduced to where it first began and then I doubt not but we shall be so far from seeking pretences of Innovation that we should neglect real occasions were they offered us and rather suffer the extremest violences of a legal power from which yet we are secured not onely by experience of our present Sovereign but confidence in the hereditarie Justice and Moderation of his Family than by attempting alterations expose our selves and Posterities to eternal confusion and disorder in which the best that can be hoped will be to return to where we first set out after having given sufficient cause to have all the burthens creatures formerly of our imaginations laid really on our shoulders I conclude with consideration of the Neapolitans condition after their redaction to the obedience of their Master when heavier Chains were imposed upon them to prevent the like extravagancies whereas we by indulgence of the most gracious Prince of the World are treated with the wonted clemency his Goodness having obliged him to omit making such provisions against the like disorders for the future by firmlier establishing and stronglier guarding his Authority as if we become not shortly wiser will appear to be wanting both to King and People In the mean time let all such as on pretence of freedom incroach upon the Roial Power contain themselves and understand that the Prerogative unlimited by corrupt oâ— pedantick Comments is the true and only maintainer of the Subjects liberty Reader if thou wilt excuse the freedom of this Preface it shall be accepted as a Recompence for my confining my self to the drudgery of a Translator CHARACTER OF THE DUKE OF GUISE By a Person of Quality I Present Posterity the Encomium of a Prince of vertue equal to his Birth and though it may sâ—em superfluous in a Preface to a Book that will it self sufficiently publish his Merit cannot omit this testimony so justly due to his memorie that never any man received greater endowments from Heaven nor better manifested them to the World I will not in it be guided by Maximes of Rhetorick but duty and my Pen shall less express the Conceptions of my Brain than the inclinations of my Heart I have too many things to say in praise of this Prince to say them well And since it is not my business here to display mine own Abilities but to make him appear such as he really was I shall be satisfied in the Picture because very like I will say nothing to the advantage of his name all Historie abounds with the fame of those that have born it and confining my self to his Person acquaint such as do not alreadie know it that Henry of Loraine Duke of Guise was handsome without pride curious without affectation affable without neglect of his qualitie valiant without transport and liberal without profusion His Civilitie was equal to his Courage both which eminently appeared in a Duel where the condition of his adversarie might have given pretence for an excuse had he been capable of seeking one He hurt and was hurt but concluded it with immortal honour All the Nobility of the Kingdom of Naples have with Astonishment seen him in a manner alone resist and with his sword in his hand pierce through whatsoever opposed Historie vaunts the Actions of Caesar and Alexander for ones swimming cross an arm of the Sea though in a manner covered with the darts of his enemies and the others passing the River Granicus and attaquing an Army drawn up in Battalia on the other side Both these seem to me equalized in the passage of the Duke of Guise to Naples He braved the Sea and the Winds and in a Feluque with onely three in his Companie contemned a fleet of enemies to succour his Friends As his Valour was infinite so was his Goodness None ever went dissatisfied from his presence he as well as Titus was the Favorite of Mankind His natural Kindness obliged him to sympathize with others in their misfortunes His modest Mirth inspired it self into all his Companie The diversions where address Gallantrie and Magnificence usually signalize themselves seem all faint and languishing now he appears no more And though we have a Master most eminent in all yet when from his incomparable Person we descend to his Court we quickly miss its principal Ornament None could ever blame him unless for excess in that which to be without is imputed a vice
with which I held my self to be infinitely honored and lastly consulting with them by what means we might get in Provisions and re-establish plenty They told me that of Wine there was so great a quantity that it was sold for a Pistol the Tun That Butchers meat and salted meats were so farr from augmenting in price that they were fallen lower and that in a long while no want could be of them no more than of Poultry and all other sort of Victual which would come in abundantly as soon as the Countrey should have knowledge that I commanded their Forces and that this would oblige all of them to declare That the onely thing that was wanting though indeed the most necessarie was Corn of which some quantity might be had if the Stock designed for buying it had not been wasted I offered them two thousand Pistols for their assistance in so pressing a necessity which I caused to be immediately delivered out of the Money I brought with me till I could supply them with more considerable summes or till I should have forced open a passage whereby to receive Provisions from abroad We concluded that Bread should be sold something dearer than the Corn cost us by that small profit to increase the Stock I gave them and that it was better to forbear lessening the price of it at present than to be afterwards obliged to raise it In the mean time our Felucca's plentifully furnished us with fish and all manner of herbs fruits and roots on which the greatest part of the Inhabitants usually feed The chief of the Army came afterwards to make their Complements and having given them order to bring the next Morning at my rising the names of all Officers and a Roll of such persons as were in arms in the Town of whom I intended to take a review they told me that powder was wanting on all their Posts not having wherewithal to defend them should the Spaniards make any attack that night I instantly ordered some to be delivered and commanded Amello Falco General of the Artillery to cause two thousand weight to be sent to Gennaro for defence of the tower and the rest to be carefully laid up to give me an exact account and deliver none without order under my hand the little remainder obliging me to so cautious a management Having dismissed the Officers I sent for the Counsel and having received and answered their Complements on the same Subject in the same manner we sate down to deliberate on the publique affairs Gennaro took his place next me whose perpetual disquiet obliged him to incessant risings up to receive advice of some plunder was to be made or to lay up such as was brought in He perceived us incommoded by this it being necessary to begin again all discourses that every moment were interrupted and desired me not to mind him his presence being little necessarie and that he complied with whatever we should resolve Our beginning was the limiting his Authority and mine and it was concluded that I should absolutely dispose of all that related to war and that the Officers and Souldiers should have no dependance but on me alone That he should take upon him the civil Government yet not to act any thing without advice of the Council which should be assembled on all manner of occurrences where I should sit President and hold the first place That in case of my absence I should receive Advertisement of all Deliberations which should not be executed without my assent and participation That his power in the Town having never been owned by the rest of the Kingdom should extend no farther And that all Declarations Manifests and Proclamations which should be sent into the Provinces should be made and published in my name onely And lastly it was resolved that all Militarie Officers should take new Commissions from me and the extreme want of Provisions considered that I should be besought to draw out the greatest force could possibly be made both of Horse and Foot to attempt the regaining of the Suburbs of which the greater part were possessed by the Enemies to make my self Master of the Field oblige the Countrey to declare for us and open the Passages which were blocked up so to have Communication with the rest of the Kingdom and principally with those Provinces from which the City had wont to derive its subsistence And when I represented that Levies in order to this could not be made without Money and enquired from whence we might draw such summes as should be necessary Gennaro was moved to furnish us the publike Treasurie being exhausted Upon his refusal I offered to make this expence as farr as the little Stock I had brought with me would extend They told me I should find Arms sufficient in the City causing search to be made amongst the Inhabitants the meanest of whom had wherewithal to arm four or five persons And it being represented that those that kept Guard at the several Posts though with convenience enough because every one was in his own quarter tired with this duty which they thought insupportable because it lasted so long would no more perform it without pay it was resolved to seek all expedients for a remedie and that all such as had any advice to give me in order to it should be heard and that in the mean time I would not be wanting my Self to consider of it that so we might avoid the mischief threatned us by the cooling of the old hatred against the Spaniards now no longer expressed but in words that so every one might do his utmost for defence of his liberty estate life and honour I was also besought to send a Manifest through the whole Kingdom to declare that I came to Naples with no other intent than to procure liberty and drive away the Spaniards by the assurance I brought of the powerful assistance of France which would very suddenly send a potent Fleet with all necessary supplies and which to avoid giving jealousie should land no Forces but such as were demanded the King having no design to invade the Kingdom or make himself its Master but onely to deliver it from oppression it having ever been the custom of France to assist without interest all such as groaning under Tyranny have recourse to her this being of the highest consequence to remove the distrust the Spaniards maliciously infused into the minds as well of the Nobility as People of Naples naturally enemies to all forein dominion and that of this no certainer testimony could be required than my Order to come amongst them and engage my self in their service by so solemn an Oath which discharging me of all other Obligations as nearly concerns me in their interests as if I had been born in their Countrey They told me afterwards that in order to my greater Authority and to open a way for such of the Nobility as were willing to re-unite with them by knowledge of some one to whom they
as certain as full of shame and infamy unseconded by a Fleet abandoned by all but his virtue and courage without any one Man in whom to confide or capable of easing or executing his high Designs having Forces so considerable to oppose him that the apprehension was able to make the most resolute tremble and whose adventures resembled more the actions of some despairing wretch then of a generous and ambitious Prince That he could not think of it without sorrow that he conjured me to make a serious reflexion and without prejudice consider what I had to fear and hope He told me besides That he perceived I flattered my self with a hope of drawing the Nobility to me which I ought not to expect that it was true there was not any of them that had not great esteem respect and kindness for me or that did not hold himself obliged to me for putting an end to the burning and plundering their Houses and protecting them since my arrival from the insolencies and outrages of the Common People or that did not attribute to my care the preservation of what remained of their Estates Relations and the Honour of their Families for which they would never prove ingrateful but that all things considered I had no interest in this Affair having no other share but what my Command of their Forces whom I served gave me of whom I was not Master Gennaro being the head whom persons of quality would never own that he thought me too generous to pretend to advise them to it and that they had too much vanity to submit to Peasants they had till then alwayes trampled on That this were not to acquire liberty but become slaves to the meanest of the multitude whose hands with sorrow and resentment they yet saw reeking with the blood of their Relations the revenge whereof had been as certain as ready if my arrival vigour and conduct had not retarded the execution by the courage and resolution I made appear in supporting so ill a cause That their Births and Honours rendring them the supports of the Crown of Naples obliged them to continue their fidelity to all extremities That I might judge of their zeal by their having formed an Army at their own charge and carryed on the War without fear of exposing their Families and Fortunes to the rage of the Rebels That they gloried in spending to their last peny and shedding to their last drop of bloud to preserve the Crown to their King and Master though to deal freely with me they expected no other recompence than the satisfaction to have complied with their duty it being most generous to sacrifice all after having been so ill used and little considered as they had hitherto been by the Spaniards not expecting so much as thanks for what they did so frankly and with their total ruine but that it was enough for them to let all Europe see that they had consumed their Estates and hazarded their persons to save a Kingdom whose destruction they might have beheld without crime by not opposing the torrent nor applying themselves to more than the defence of their lands and preservation of their fortunes To conclude that they were sorry to see me every hour of the day in danger of my life either by poison assassination or treason That it would prove impossible for me to overcome alone such oppositions as would daily arise That I was not to depend on a people void of courage and honour who as they had done but two dayes before would ever abandon me on all occasions of warre That questionless a false account of the peoples forces had been given me at Rome or I had not come to their service but that he doubted not that having discovered such malicious artifices as were made use of to engage me I had a hundred times repented to have so easily cast my self into the middest of so infamous a rabble That I ought to consider that upon the first ill success for which according to their custome they would make me responsible or at the first sedition incited by some fool or mad man whose credit should cry louder than that of others they would cut off my head and dragge me through the Streets That he very well knew that in two or three rancounters they had already lost their respect to me and though I then found a remedy in resolution and courage I should not perhaps have alwayes the same fortune though the same heart and whensoever she failed me I should infallibly loose both my life and honour That he came expressly to represent all these things to me in the name of the Nobility and to offer me in case I resolved to retire to Rome to accompany me in a body thither that as my Servant he advised me to this resolution since I could not nor ought not to fancy any establishment by the people capable only of tumults and seditions Revolutions of Monarchies and alterations of Governments being effected by the Nobility who could never be favourable to the hopes wherewithal I perhaps flattered my self my obligation to and dependance on the Commonalty preventing their uniting with me who on my part would not think my self beholding to them for my establishment whose first foundations had been layed by the people I began with my thanks for the good Counsels he gave me as well in the Nobilities name as his own which yet I had no inclination to follow neither could I do it with reason and honour I told him also that I hoped he had so good an opinion of me that he did not expect it that I had not attempted so hazardous a passage to loose the glory it acquired me and make that seem an action of imprudence which I had undertaken with so much honour and resolution That I found nothing in Naples that surprized me That I foresaw all the dangers to which I exposed my self and fancied greater difficulties than I had met withal That honor cannot be obtained without danger that my Passion for the service of the Crown to which I was born a subject armed me against all That I had calmely considered all the good and evil successes of fortune and sought all means of advancing the one and remedying the other and that casting into one scale the honour and glory I should acquire and into the other all manner of dangers I was to undergo I found my self so animated and confirmed in my designs that nothing in the world was capable of making me forsake them That I engaged not so lightly as he might imagine That if I had alone in a felucca crossed through the Spanish Fleet and contemned such perils as another might with reason have apprehended it was not that like a fabulous Knight errant I thought to defend a people against such puissant forces by Land and Sea as I was to combat and alone conquer a great Kingdom but having been acquainted that the people of Naples were discouraged I
thought good to enter to animate them and gain time for the arrival of the French Fleet with all succours necessary not onely for preservation of the Town but for driving the Spaniards out of the whole Kingdom which I thought speedily to effect In a word I told him I had provided for all things a potent Fleet was coming and at present under sail to attend my Orders whose arrival the Winds alone were able to retard you will see it said I very suddenly sink and burn that of Spain it is furnished with all things necessary whereas the other is intirely unprovided It convoys me ships laden with Corn Ammunition Artillery and Money it brings a great body of foot that I may land such numbers as I shall think necessary and a great many horsemen whom when I have mounted nothing can prevent my being master of the Field I am willing to give you and the rest of the Nobility notice of this that you may perceive I am not chimerical and that without vanity I may boast to be ready to give the Law and not receive it I am sorry for your blindness that provide not for your selves and fear if you open not your eyes to seek your security least you be irreparably involved in the ruine of the Spaniards Do not fancy that I endeavour to engage you on precipices I love you too well I would have you make reflexions but neither resolve nor execute till you see all that I have told you made good If you continue united to the Spaniard the Forces of France joyning with the people will declare against you the Establishment of a popular Republick may be taken into consideration which will trouble you and being once excluded you will never recover the Rank and Authority you may now reasonably expect You may answer me that the execution of this project is very difficult as long as you oppose it which I shall grant you and more that possibly you may prevent it but this cannot be done without great effusion of bloud the destruction of your families and ruine of your estates with the desolation of the whole Kingdom which you will make a Stage of war perhaps for many ages whereas reuniting both the bodies of the State in the same interest as it is unnatural for them to be divided liberty and enfranchisement from the tyrannous dominion of Spain will be the work but of a few weeks And as you are to receive greater advantages by it then the common people it is but reason that you take your share of the pains and travel neither would it be honourable for you to leave them all the glorie that you might acquire all the profit In such a case none but my self would have any thing to pretend having the command of their Forces in my hand which I will share with you now that I may do the same hereafter by such advantages of fortune as will follow it Do not imagine that I would by this perswade you to cast your selves at their feet I hate the multitude too much and love persons of quality too well to be capable of such a thought If the authority of Gennaro offend you you shall quickly be rid of him for I give you my word that at my return to Naples I will take it from him and you shall understand it to be wholly in my hands I promise you that I will not be there eight days before you shall hear that I am master and no orders but mine spoken of Matters are so well disposed towards this that no man is in a condition to oppose it I have so farre gained the affection of the better sort and am so much feared by the vulgar that I am more absolute than you formerly saw Mazaniello When affairs shall be in this condition if you think good to have recourse to me you shall alwayes find me ready with open arms to receive you with all manner of services and testimonies of esteem and friendship and to remove all unwillingness know that I am an enemy to disorder insolence and tumult that I will cause them to cease and re-establish repose and justice cause to be given to persons of Quality the respect that suits with them and hold the vulgar in such contempt subjection and dependance as belongs to it and in which it was ever held before the revolutions I will punish all Incendiaries and such as are accustomed to plundering houses I will sacrifice to the resentments of their Relations all such as have dipped their hands in the bloud of the Gentry to put a beginning to which I keep in irons Michael de Santis who cruelly massacred Don Pepe Caraffa I will sacrifice him to you and your family and before six dayes are over you shall see his head on a Post at the gate of Aversa and his body hung by one foot on a tree on the High-way side These are the testimonies I will give you of my credit and authority as well as of my affection for the Nobility and the design I have of seeking your good will by rendring you all manner of service hoping withal when you shall see so many things effected more for your interest than mine own you will consider your condition and prevent your being involved in the ruine of the Spaniards and labour as prudence shall require to make your advantages by them Afterwards I told him that I commended his zeal and fidelity for Spain though it would infallibly be rewarded with ingratitude that they might assure themselves all services they did for her would be reputed as crimes because the refined Politicks of her Ministers would oblige her to destroy those she could not recompence according to their merits and whose resentments she must afterwards fear which would reasonably draw on her hatred and ingratitude That it was much easier to cause the ruine of a Kingdom than to preserve and maintain it against the decrees of Heaven and general Revolutions and that the Spaniards would not run a hazard of depending on the humours of the Nobility who might at their pleasure deprive them of the Crown they had with so much Generosity and Courage supported That they knew very well there was not any that had not been stabbed in his bosom and highly outraged by their injurious usage That the Spaniards would not think themselves obliged by their arming nor assen bling so considerable troops for them which had hitherto prevented their being driven away and preserved them all their Garrisons that all this would be attributed to their hatred against the common people and revenge for their insolence in plundering their houses and resentment of the bloud of their Relations so barbarously spilled In a word that the Council of Spain fears all and is obliged by nothing punishes but never rewards looks on all as enemies whose power gives jealousie apprehends Revolutions and studies to destroy all that are capable of making them and out of its natural
People by driving away their common Enemy and afterwards leaving them to the liberty of chusing such a Master as should best please them if it be so that they cannot be without one who should be obliged to depend on him for his support so that their common Interest should alwayes unite their Naval Power which would be in a condition to subdue that of the Spaniards enfeebled by all accessions that had been made to France and to take from the whole Kingdom the distrust they might have of so potent Succors the Fleet should alwayes lie ready to attempt whatsoever I should judge advantageous without landing any thing or any man till I demanded it that this was the Order wherewith I had a particular charge to acquaint them so that himself and all his friends ought to be satisfied and perswaded that if they must change Master it should be for no other then such as themselves made choice of which might be one of their own body if such a one could be found for whom the rest of the Nobility had esteem enough to obey him without repining That if they desired a stranger we had two Princes in France one the Kings Uncle most discreet and prudent who loving repose would be very sollicitous to preserve it to them the other his Brother yet a Child of great hopes who by being bred amongst them and seasoned with the humors and customes of their Country it would be as if they formed a King after their own Model which is no small advantage That if any particular reason thwarted their choice of one of these Princes Italy or at least the rest of Europe might present others and that whomsoever they set on their Throne should be owned approved and assisted by France He told me There was no need of seeking them a Master since they had one already under whom they hoped to continue and to which end they would spare no endeavours but if any of the Nobility should be convinced by my reasons which he acknowledged to be powerful he would not be the first in such a compliance nor till it should be made apparent to all the VVorld that he was compelled to it by inevitable necessity as being out of condition of doing otherwise That if they must resolve to submit themselves to another it could be to none of their own Country since every man would in such a case pretend not as believing himself to merit it but that he might not give place to any of his Companions whose exaltation he would never suffer For the two Princes I had propounded they were no wayes proper for them the first being incommoded with the Gout and of little activity they standing in need of a Prince vigilant and vigorous to defend the liberty he should acquire them for the other besides that he was too young to governe them the King his Brother dying without children or they failing they must become united to the Crown of France the onely thing they feared nothing being capable to make them take Armes contrary to their duty but the hope of freeing their Crown from dependance on any other He told me afterwards That they had no great inclination for the Princes of Italy that they should rather make choice of a meer stranger the gallantry of whose actions had acquired their esteem and affection I answered nothing to this Discourse it being too complaisant and flattering After this he asked me if the Credit I had amongst the People gave me any hopes and whether I thought the Crown of Naples might ever depend on their support favour or election if so that I extreamly mistook because the Nobility would perish in opposal of all their determinations would never have dependance on them nor submit to the Authority of a man that should owe his Fortune to them and might believe himself obliged to them for it I answered him That my ambition was too moderate for so high imaginations that I was not so vain to flatter my self with expectation of a Dignity I was unable to support That I would not so expose my self to fortune whose inconstancy I too much apprehended neither was I desirous to mount to a height a fall from whence might cost my honour and life or where the last of these being preserved to me by an extraordinary effect I must pass the remainder of it in eternal shame and sorrow but if contrary to my expectation I should ever attain any advantage I would receive it from none but the Nobility that I might owe it to them and be by it engaged to use my uttermost endeavour to restore them to their wonted splendor and the Vulgar to that dependance and subjection wherein God and Nature had placed them and reason required they should continue That I would endeavour to revenge them of all outrages had been done them and severely and exemplarily punish the Authors To conclude that I would pretend to nothing high and glorious but by the Duke of Andria to whom only I would be obliged that if I ever came to attain the first place in his Country the second might be his sharing with him and his friends all Honors Charges Profits and Governments of the Kingdom He returned me his thanks but assured me That he neither believed nor wished matters should ever come to such a pass perswading himself I should never get Forces sufficient to drive away the Spaniards and that he doubted not but that the Nobility had enow as well as sufficient courage and fidelity to preserve to the King their Master a Crown he had inherited from his Ancestors and to which Heaven and their Duty had made them Subjects I besought him considering the inclination I had to do them all manner of Services to acquaint me with their resolution in case necessity compelled them to take any and I promised to give him notice of the arrival of the French Fleet and the supplies I expected and when I should have deprived of all Authority Gennaro and the other heads of the People who were so odious to them and taken on my self the management of all Affairs to remove the difficulties that interposed betwixt them and their interests and after a thousand Protestations of friendship and as many embraces we went out of the Church to meet the company where we returned to a Conversation less serious and more gallant I asked him in presence of all those Gentlemen if the brave Cavaleer I remarked in the skirmish two days ago were not the Prince of Torello whose Gallantry gave me a great esteem for him yet against whom I thought I had some cause of complaint because of his refusal to exchange a Bullet with me when I invited him to it as if he thought there had not been honor enough to have been acquired in that rancontre He told me it was the Prince of Minorvine who had besought him to make me his complements and excuses for not accepting a combat that would
great affairs depending much on reputation which ought in such a manner to be husbanded that nothing might be done from which the enemy should derive advantage who would carefully observe all our steps to make use of all our failings which could not be slight our safety or ruine depending on our good or evil conduct That there were several sorts of Republicks and that we ought very seriously to consider before we made our choice which of them would be most advantageous to us and most sutable to the humour and disposition of the Country That popular Government had something pleasing but was not without defects That both Town and Country were certainly most inclined to it but yet the Kingdom of Naples numerous in Nobility generous and haughty and that had hitherto had so great a share in the Government I held it very dangerous to exclude them because despair reconciling them to the Spanish interests we should not without a great deal of difficulty resist their united powers That their number being so great we could neither drive them all out nor destroy them That none of them were without many friends and dependants by whose means they would cause dangerous divisions amongst us and give birth to so many disturbances as entire ages would not be able to overcome That despairing people are to be feared above all other who would leave nothing unattempted for preservation of their honors lives and estates that we were to fight against a renewing Hydra That I could not discern what should oblige us to precipitate our selves into so many perils not onely difficult but impossible to be mastered which would draw on the enmity of Rome which we ought seriously to consider because in a Government where the Pope was the supreme Lord a general subversion could not be made without his participation and consent which we should never obtain by the opposition would be made by the Interest of some of the Nobility nearly allied to several of the most powerful Cardinals and principal Lords of that Court That this manner of Republick would never suit with us it being more reasonable to weaken the Spaniards than fortifie them with those whose valour and consideration made up all their power and who no less weary than our selves of their cruel dominion would have no other thoughts when safely they might then to act conjoyntly with us towards repose and liberty and employ against those that equally oppressed us their lives and fortunes to free themselves from the tyranny they had so many years languished under That therefore I thought we ought to endeavour to regain the Nobility by letting them understand they may find advantage and security with us My reasons were applauded by all and all granted they were not to be excluded from the Government and that a popular Common-wealth by the difficulty of its establishment would hasten our destruction I told them there appeared to me no less inconvenience should it consist of the Nobility onely who would tyrannize the people having too fresh a remembrance of the outrages received seeing its hands yet stained with the bloud of their Relations That they would never forget the plundering their goods burning their houses and laying waste their Lands but would employ the credit and authority should be setled on them in particular revenges That in this manner the Spaniards might indeed be ruined but the people would acquire only Chains in stead of the Liberty pretended to and be treated with greater cruelty than they had ever been by the enemies for whom they had so great horrour and aversion They all cried out with one voice that this would be so farre from giving ease that it would adde to their sufferings and was therefore to be no more mentioned but that they should settle in the choice of a mixt Republick in which the Nobility and People should have equal authority I answered that I saw yet many difficulties because we could not of our selves take a resolution of establishing it without first consulting the Nobility having first separated them from the Spaniards and reunited them with us it being unjust Heaven having bestowed upon them so many advantages above the people that the people should give them the Law and without them form a Government in which they ought to have the best share That therefore before any thing were concluded on we ought to give them notice of what we were about to do that their interests might oblige them to come and give their opinions in an affair in which they were principally concerned They then told me that as Duke of the Republique I should write to summon them to come and deliberate of the Government we were to set up and to consider together the readiest and securest ways for restoring Peace and Liberty to the whole Countrey I am ready said I to do all that you shall order me on this occasion but I fore-see ill consequences upon this resolution which may become troublesome to you and which I hold my self obliged to represent that you may not hereafter reproach me to have brought upon you such inconveniences as I shall have much ado to free you from We shall give the Nobility too great presumption by addressing our selves to them as necessary all of that body will believe we distrust our selves as unable to resist our enemies unless supported by their valour and authority and so supposing we cannot be without them they will hold the Knife at our throat and exact such conditions as we cannot with honour nor ought not to grant them of which the refusals exasperating them against us will more streightly unite them with our enemies whilest they imagine us at the point of destruction My opinion therefore is that a Manifest be published by which I will declare that having been chosen Duke of the Republique I with open Arms attend all such as will have recourse to me that this title as well as that of Protector of their Liberty as streightly engages me to the interests of the Nobility as people That I have a like consideration for them yet with respect to the distinctions of their Births and Qualities and like a good Father though I tenderly love all my Children put a difference between the rest and him that hath the Priviledge of Eldership In this manner I invite all to apply themselves to me resolved to treat them according to their different merits and give to all in the establishment I intend of a Republick the Qualities and Advantages that Descent and Vertue ought to regulate so imposing conditions upon such as present themselves in stead of receiving any from them And as the Nobility are to be looked upon in three several Considerations we on like manner must govern our selves in several manners There are some Gentlemen that have lived well with this City and with their Tenants and that by their discreet Comportment have gained the general esteem and affection we cannot do too much towards
the advantages and good usage of such there are others that have gained the affection of the people of Naples and yet wracked and tyrannised their tenants such must be obliged to change conduct and a good understanding must be made between them and their tenants lest by gaining the former we loose the latter and interposing my authority must engage them to a punctual performance of what shall be promised on either side The third sort alike odious as well in their own Countrey as the City by reason of a continued violent and outrageous Comportment are not nevertheless to be excluded from all hopes of pardon for that would of necessity compel them to an inseparable Conjunction with our enemies it will therefore be better to oblige them to absent themselves for a time leaving to them the injoyment of their estates not recalling them till they have suffered a kind of banishment for expiation of their faults which shall be longer or shorter according to the probability of their amendment Every part of this discourse had its applause and I was besought to act conformably to it as speedily as could be possible I undertook it but represented that it would require some time precipitation rather ruining than advancing affairs of this nature Tonno Basso having as the rest approved my discourse told me there was nothing more just nor reasonable but as the establishment of a Republick must necessarily be a work of timeâ— he thought it necessary to begin immediately to form a Senate I smiled at this and gave him to understand that a Senate being the body of a Republick the establishing the one was no less than the establishing the other That we were first to consider in what manner it ought to be regulated of what number of Senatours it should consist and how many from every Province whether every Town should have one and how many the City of Naples with a thousand other things that could not be determined on a sudden and besides that he knew that to lay the lightest tax upon the Country the Votes of the Peers and Towns were necessary that that of Naples alone consisted of six Chambers of the Nobility and thirty two Ottines of the People without which it was imperfect That to deliberate on an affair of the present importance such a general assembly was much more necessarily to be called which for the present was absolutely impossible to us He could not deny what I had said and therefore propounded to make Vice-Senators for the present I told him it had never been heard of to conferre the exercise of such charges as were not in nature but that I perceived judging me incapable to govern without Council all his discourse tended to no other end than to form me one by which he most sensibly obliged me since I loved not to stand security for successes and was very glad to have others to ease me and capable of giving me good advice That we should therefore consider the number first of this body and who should nominate them and to avoid all dispute about words let them if they pleased make use of that of Vice-Senators but that it was to be feared lest the Kingdom would not submit to the authority of such as should be nominated only by the City and without their participation and that Naples would not loose the prerogative of being the first every Town pretending particularly to make it self an independent Republick and onely confederate with it All which I spoke not without grounds having in my Pocket two Letters which I shewed them the one subscribed the Republick of Saint Severino and the other the Republick of la Cava They all began to murmure and cry out I had very much reason but Tonno Basso growing hot and obstinate in his opinion I once again demanded of him who were these Vice-Senators to be and who was to nominate them He answered me impatiently that they which represented the body of the Council ought to make this nomination I told him I thought it more reasonable to be done by the Magistrates of the Town and the Captains of the Quarters He replied not without transport that the Magistrates of the Town were not to meddle with affairs of such a nature their authority extending no farther than to regulate the price of Provisions and maintain Plenty I admire said I that you dispute the power of those from whom you derive your own you have been nominated to assist and serve Gennaro as a Council because of his incapacitie and his imployment being at an end yours is so in like manner we are now upon a matter of greater importance and our business is to enquire whether the Magistrates will make new nominations or by confirming you design you to the employments in question The dispute grew hot between the Council and the Magistrates of the Town to such a height that had it not been for the interposal of my authority they had doubtlessly come from words to blows They besought me to put an end to their difference and to regulate their pretensions I told them I held my self incapable of determining a matter so important and that I might disoblige none I would have the Magistrates of the Town on one side and such as pretended themselves of the Council on the other side give their Reasons in writing to four of the ablest Lawyers who well versed in the Customs of the Country what was practised before it was a Kingdom or in the instant of some Revolutions as that which happened a hundred years before about the inquisition having well studied the case should give me their opinions which I would afterwards determine since each of them had referred themselves to me to this they agreed and I nominated to this effect John Camillo Caracciolo Antonio Scacciavento Augustino Mollo and Aniello Porcio I then demanded in whose hands the authority should reside in the mean time They all replied in yours Of whom then shall I receive Council said I for I will not govern without it not esteeming my self sufficiently capacitated for it you need it not they replyed for you understand more than all of us I excused my self telling them that having to do with a people diffident and hardly to be satisfied I would not expose my self to their displeasure nor give them jealousie of my authority besides that I could not my self alone support the burthen of so many and great affairs that I came amongst them to serve them without any ambition of commanding longer then I should be acceptable to them or in any other manner than should stand with their good liking and that rather than suffer perpetual disquiet by continual jealousies that had no foundation I would retire and therefore desired my Pass while the Fleet was in a condition for my re-imbarking there were immediately outcries in the Room where we were afterwards in the Halls and then in the Market-place That the people were lost if I
let them enjoy him and loose all the advantages I might obtain by his imprisonment than see him whose merit birth vertue and honour had given me not onely so great esteem but veneration for him exposed to any danger on my account He thanked me for so obliging a discourse and acknowledged he had very lightly exposed himself and plaied the part of a young man but that he would have hazarded much more for the service of his King and that having to deal with a faithless and rebellious people it was necessary to sacrifice himself since there was not a man in the Town capable of giving him assurance besides my self to whom he had no reason to make his overture the principal point of his negotiation being against me as against the most dangerous enemy of Spain on whose misfortune or prosperity depended her good or evil success You see I replyed the particular care heaven takes of my preservation since it so severely punishes designs against my person he told me he found it to his cost but that I was too generous to wish him harm for endeavouring by all means to preserve a Crown on the head of a Master to whose interests his honour duty and inclination so powerfully engaged him That he pitied me for having concerned my self in an enterprise that must needs at last ruine me and that would probably cost me my life and honour That a person of my quality and merit ought indeed to seek occasions of imploying his courage and perform such Gallant actions as I daily did but that should be more just and honourable and in a better cause That he was ashamed to see one that ought to be at the head of Royal Armies the Command whereof could not be wanting to me which side soever I would follow whether France or Spain become the leader of a revolted people that such an imployment unworthy of me would blast all the glory I could ever acquire by actions never so extraordinary and that in the attempts I made I was to fear all and had nothing to hope for That the Spanish Monarchy was so powerfully established and firmly supported that none could ever expect to shake it unpunished that if the Consequences of my good fortune extended so farr as to disturbe her she would send such Forces both by Land and Sea as would soon over-power me That my ambition had already given so great jealousie to France that I was to expect no more assistance from thence that the departure of the Fleet made this apparent enough which refused to land me any supplies and chose rather not to destroy the Spanish Fleet which with ease and without danger it might have done than to gain a Victory would have been useful to my establishment That the designs of France tending onely to possess her self of the Kingdom of Naples she gladly saw the people destitute of all assistance that necessity and despair might oblige them to cast themselves into her arms That I should be considered as her greatest enemy my particular interest obliging me to oppose her advantages and looking upon me as her main obstacle she would by all manner of ways endeavour my ruine as I might have perceived by the Conspiracy carried on against me by one of her Ministers That the people which now obeyed me with joy would forsake me as soon as fortune ceased to be favourable to me That good events being the causes of their affection the contrary would render me not onely odious but criminal that they would make me responsible for the first ill success That the Example of the Prince of Massa must needs give me continual apprehensions that I was daily exposed to poison assassination and sedition and that he better than I understanding their humour to be distrustful inconstant turbulent and cruel assured me that in recompence of all the services I had done them I should not at last avoid being torn in pieces and dragged through the Streets That by such a bloudie sacrifice they would hope to appease the indignation of Spain that there were in the Town persons discerning enough to judge they must one day return to the obedience of their first Master That the civiller and better sort of people were already convinced of this truth and as soon as the eyes of the rest should be opened they would have recourse to their Kings Clemency the effects of whose bounty they might when they pleased enjoy for which he would be responsible and his head the security That the care I took to prevent assassinations and Plunderings would destroy me since the rabble finding no more profit in rebellion would be weary of the toil of it and of bearing arms without reward for their labors and the first to submit as supposing they had nothing to fear being a victime unworthy their masters Justice who having contempt for them would be satisfied with the punishment of some of their Leaders That the Nobility without whose reuniting I could never effect any thing whose honour was equal to their birth would never be enticed from their duty and would have an eternal hatred for me looking on me as their Countries tyrant and an ambitious Prince that would attempt the Sovereignty that prevented their revenging themselves on the common people for plundering their houses massacring their Relations and all other outrages received from them That the long friendship he had formerly for my deceased Father and now for me obliged him to conjure me seriously to take care of my self as being nearer a Scaffold than a Throne that as I had just cause to complain of France for abandoning me so onely Spain could give me satisfaction if I would have recourse to her and that he would be responsible that as she had most powerfully assisted my Predecessors in the time of the League if I had any thoughts of revenge as to speak freely the usage I had received must needs incite me to it I should find conditions of the highest advantage I replied that as I had disposed matters the Spaniards were in greater dangers than my self that I had already deprived them of Correspondence with any part of the Kingdom and consequently cut off their Provisions which I knew they wanted and we in few days should abound with that in a season so contrary to Navigation bad weather would prevent their receiving any by Sea That they had been about to have abandoned all that they were possessed of in the Town and the Castles themselves for want of wherewithal to maintain them that they had been reduced to so great extremity that Provisions remained for no longer than four and twenty hours had not the Galley so fortunately supplied them that such Miracles were not seen every day That though they had a powerful Fleet he knew well it was useless for want of Marriners and Souldiers of whom they had not enow to man their Posts That their Gallies being by his imprisonment destitute of a Commander and
none to be found of Experience sufficient for supplying his place they could do little or no service That the French Fleet would quickly return its Officers with so positive Orders that they would not fail of their duty nor any more as they had done let slip an occasion of destroying the Fleet of Spain which would easily be recovered since at their return they would find it more weak and less provided than before That I had sent a Gentleman into France to give account of all that had passed of which they had but confused notions That I was assured of all manner of supplies that the Fleet went away only to water and joyn with a considerable number of ships that were arming in Provence and that it would suddenly return by the one half stronger than before That it conveyed me many Ships laden with Corn Ammunition and Souldiers to be landed and that before three Weeks were passed I should have a considerable body of French and the best Officers of our Kingdom to land when I should command them and in such part as I should judge convenient That the Court was too well satisfied in my zeal and fidelity for the Crown to distrust me and that I acted not but according to the instructions I received That the King had no thought of invading the Kingdom of Naples but would give its people all manner of assistance without other interest than that of protecting such as apply themselves to him as he had most gloriously made appear in so many parts of Europe that he would satisfie himself in driving the Spaniards out of a Kingdom they had so long a time tyrannised and leave to the choice of those of the Countrey what Government they would erect and what Master submit to if they judged it necessary to have one and would own and support with all his power whomsoever they should raise to their Throne that he would give no jealousie to Italy his designs tending only to its repose and liberty That the suppression of his enemies sufficiently elevated his power and he would gain enough by an alliance with all those Sea and Land Forces they should lose with the Kingdom of Naples which were the most considerable that had opposed the course of his Victories That his Gallies would find little resistance from those of Spain now they had lost so considerable an Admiral as the Duke of Tursi and that for what concerned my self who was more obedient than in former times the Bashaws of Turkie he doubted not of my bringing him my head with the account of my actions at fight of the first Order he should send me That the ill Conduct of the Abbot Baschi was not to be imputed to the Court no more than the Conspiracy he made against my life That our Nation never contrived so horrid designs which its generosity could not put in practice That he much better than my self understood what Genius inspired that Gallant because he was a Pentioner of Spain that this truth should suddenly be made very apparent and I blamed to have let him go unpunished which he should not have done but for my respect to his Character That the power of the Spanish Monarchy was no longer to be apprehended as formerly that it was exhausted both of Men and Money and could onely make a feeble defensive War in Flanders Catalonia and the Dutchie of Milan That he should quickly hear of the Siege of Cremona by the Duke of Modena's declaring for us and that he attacquing them as vigorously there as I did in this Country they would be in no condition to make resistance That I was already Master of the Field through the whole Kingdom and that I would suddenly be so of the City and its Castles That I had so many Forces dispersed in several Quarters that whensoever I pleased to give them a rendezvous I could draw together above twenty five thousand men That the enemies no longer daring to appear were blocked up in their fortifications which must of necessity fall shortly into my hands because unprovided of all things and without men enow to defend them That the people of Naples were no longer cruel nor turbulent that I had brought them to my lure That my care had reduced them to so good order and discipline that in stead of insolencies and tumults nothing appeared but respect and obedience That I was so farr from fearing them that they feared me and the considerable services I had rendered them had so highly recommended me that my power was established upon the universal affection and esteem That my authoritie was questioned by none and that nothing was disputed in Naples neither were there any Contestations amongst the people but who should testifie most respect to my person and greatest submission to my Orders That the rabble had forgot their outrages and plunderings and the better sort acknowledged themselves indebted to me for preservation of their fortunes and the honor of their families and had a greater zeal respect and affection for me than the Lazares themselves and for the Nobility he had not perhaps penetrated to the bottom of their thoughts nor discovered what was in their hearts and that I well perceived he was ignorant of my intrigues secret negotiations and the measures I had taken with them That they could not much longer keep Aversa whose loss would be followed by the disbanding of their Troops and then the greatest part of those Gentlemen would go to their houses which would very much alarm the distrustful humour of the Spaniards After all this I left him to judge by my whole discourse whether I ought to hope or fear That for a Throne I had never aspired to it and for a Scaffold I was secure enough from it and in a condition to make whomsoever I pleased ascend it He seemed much surprised at what I had told him and returning to his first subject asked how I would dispose of him Keep you safe said I and entertain you with all civility imaginable But in what replied he can a man of fourscore years old be useful to you Considering the necessity you are in a ransom would be of more advantage of which if you will treat you shall be punctually paid in Genoua the summ we shall agree on None can be high enough said I to get out of my hands a person of your Consideration and I can make so great advantages by you that what necessity soever I have for Money it is to no purpose to propose it since I less value a Million than the having you in my power He conjured me at least to take Compassion of the youth of his grand-child the sole hope of his Family and his only Heir You are a man said I of a Romane Constancy I can discover nothing weak about you but in this particular of which I must make use and he being so considerable and sacred a pledge I will not part with him since
your years considered you may suddenly die and then your imprisonment will be useless to me He besought me to let them both go on their Parole which I was very farr from consenting to their presence being necessary to me for many reasons particularly on consideration that I expected my brother the Knight of Malta who should he unfortunately light into the hands of the enemie in his passage I should be very glad to have an exchange ready to redeem him What means is there then said he sighing and with tears in his eyes to get Liberty for my self and grandchild There is but one said I which I will not advise you to nor durst propound to you if there were not an example for it in your own family and that of one of the greatest men of his time That you do as did Andrew Doria who in the sight of Naples left the service of France with all his Gallies and turned to Spain do you the same he thought himself neglected of which you may with greater reason complain who have been so slightly exposed for the interests of their Crown Ah! he cried out you know me not I will suffer a thousand deaths rather than be guilty of such a weakness and though I most tenderly love my Grand-child I would with my own hand cut his throat did I believe him capable of such a thought and I at this instant lay my curse upon him if in his whole life for what cause soever he separate himself from the service of the King my Master You compelled me said I to give you this affliction but I freely tell you there can be no other price of the liberty of two persons so considerable Upon this I stood up and supposing he might have need of rest would have left my appartment to him which he would not accept how much soever I pressed him to it but he besought me that he might lodge in some other Cloyster where he might be more in repose and free from the disturbance of the People and Souldiers that had continual recourse to me I sent presently to have the Generals lodgings made ready for him in the Covent of Saint Laurence and sending for a Coach he was very glad to retire I sent him Linen by two of my Chamberlains with order to stay and attend him I drew out fifteen of my Guards with an Officer to secure him and commanded a Polonian Gentleman that belonged to me and spoke very good Italian and Spanish to continue near him and having a continual eye over his actions prevent his having communication with any and to suffer none to speak with him without my Order The Officer of my Guard was punctually to observe all such Orders as the Polonian Gentleman should give him in my name For Don Prospero Suardo I sent him to the Vicairie to be shut up and treated as the other Prisoners because that very night he attempted to negotiate with some persons he met The Duke of Tursi would by no means suffer his Grand-child to be separated from him and therefore caused him to lie in his own Chamber though I had ordered another to be prepared for him My Officers immediately carried them a Supper but the good old Mans heart was so oppressed that he eat nothing but a little fruit and a few sweet-meats and drank a Glass of water cooled with ice Neither would he pull off his Clothes to go into the Bed but casting himself upon it passed the night without sleep in great disquiet In the Morning I sent to visit him and enquire of his health by the Knight de Fourbin and to know if he would hear Mass if so to accompany him and tell him that if he would take the air in the afternoon I would bring my Coach and endeavour to divert the displeasure of his imprisonment After this Complement he presented him from me twelve Basons of fruits and preserves some fowl a wild Boar and other Venison that had been sent me out of the Country I also ordered him to be told that if he desired to cause any of his servants to come and attend him he might do it and write about his particular affairs and because he was my Prisoner I returned into his possession all such revenues as he had in the Kingdom which I had caused to be sequestred whilest he was in Arms against me He writ some Letters to Genoua to his Relations and one to his Steward to send him a Chamberlain and a Cook which I sent away as soon as I had perused them He went to Mass at his return from whence seeing a great many people gathered together he began to make them an exhortation of the fidelity they owed to Spain but was quickly interrupted by those that attended him on my behalf who immediately brought him back into his apartment and sent me accompt of what had passed As I went to visit him after Dinner some of the people very much scandalized at his proceeding asking to what end I went to him he not meriting that honor nor to give me so much pains I sent the Knight De Fourbin to tell him that by his indiscreet zeal he had deprived me of the liberty of waiting on him and since he abused that which I had with so great civility allowed him if he were not afterwards more discreet he would force me to put an end to it and cause him to be shut up And indeed such as loved me not and sought occasions to do me hurt maliciously spred about the Town that his imprisonment was an artifice of the Spaniards to give me an opportunity of negotiating with them without distrust for this cause I never saw him any more all the time he remained my Prisoner Gennaro and Vincenzo Andrea seeking nothing more than to cause disturbances raised a commotion on occasion of the rumors which as I have said were spred abroad and of which they were the authors A great many people gathered together to go to Saint Lawrences Convent and cut off the Duke of Tursi's head I made haste and my presence quickly dispersed them being returned to the Carmelites Gennaro came to make me a most honorable Proposition that to satisfie the people in their jealousie of the imprisonment of the Duke of Tursi which he thought was by consent I should sacrifice him to that distrust and with him the Prince of Avella and Dom Prospero Suardo causing their heads to be publickly cut off in the Market-place That such a Spectacle would be more agreeable to him and give him greater joy then the return of the French Fleet and landing all succors they stood in need of I was surprised at his brutality and answered him that did not his ignorance excuse him I would cause him to be punished for daring to propose to me so infamous an action That if hereafter he were not more discreet than to mention such a thing to me I would not pardon him but make him understand
the Spaniards that they abandoned all the Posts they held on that side he advancing to the Court of Guard of the Vice-Roys Pallace which I could not have believed had not the Spaniards themselves acknowledged it to me in the time of my imprisonment I saw then the return of two persons that were very dear to me and to whom I was obliged for their valour and zeal to my service I failed not by caressing them to signifie the esteem I held them in and my joy that Heaven had preserved them to me I was very glad that Bread though dear was plentiful but Vincenzo Andrea would have deprived me of this satisfaction by making it useless to me and did his best that the money I had coined by his advice might be no longer currant a great deal of it having already passed and being in the hands of poor people in a starving condition But this was easily remedied by a Proclamation that none should refuse it on pain of death I was so absolute and so much feared that none durst disobey my Orders they which did so being without remission immediately punished Thus his ill designes came short of effect and the mischief was prevented almost before it appeared There were no more disorders heard of in the Town no robberies burnings of Houses nor any other violences but I satisfied not my self with that which seemed so little to me though any body else would have believed they had effected impossibilities and I resolved to re-establish Justice and make appear that I knew how to erect her Throne in the midst of a Civil War and the Noise of Arms. I assembled such as had formerly been Judges or were persons capable of it and in two dayes settled the Exchequer where I made John Camillo Caracciolâ— President a man of great experience and the fittest of all others for that Employment and Francisco de Pati to assist him in recompence of the advice he had given me of the designs of the Abbot Basqui and appointed all other Officers necessary for that Court I restored the Council of St. Clare formed the Civil and Criminal Vicary ordered the Judges to wear their Robes and not fail daily to assemble at the Tribunals and all businesses of this nature were so carefully managed that more Law-Suits were decided and terminated in two moneths than had been formerly dispatched in ten years and with so great equity and punctuality that all Sentences and Decrees made during my Authority were valid afterwards without any pretence and less reason of appeal from them which gained me so much esteem that as long as Naples stands my memory will be honourable The same of this went through all Italy causing admiration that in a time of so great difficulty and a place of so much confusion and disorder I could in such a manner regulate affairs of whose effects I quickly became sensible But that which obliged the Judges to be so exact in their duty was that every Wednesday and Saturday I took an accompt of all their determinations and finding a Sentence defective or disputable I caused a rehearing in my presence and none was put in execution till I had considered and approved it Twice I altered what they had done and gave Sentence my self with Soveraign Authority which appeared to be so just and reasonable that none could object against what I had declared which was put in execution after my imprisonment That I might get greater light of all the Enemies practices I ordered Augustino Mollo and two or three of his friends whom I could trust to send to desire the Viceroys leave to accept the Charges I had given them by this means augmenting the Enemies confidence in them to enable them the more easily to give me good and certain intelligence and in like manner by my Order they sometimes acquainted him with my secret intentions when they were such as I thought it an advantage to me to discover them to him This proved very useful but caused the said Mollo to be suspected of Correspondence and made the People jealous of him but I must needs give this Testimony of him that no man in Naples served me more faithfully having discovered two or three Conspiracies against my life and secured me from many dangers that without his counsel which was ever successful to me I could not have avoided The Nineteenth of February the Spaniards received great mortification and my self and People extraordinary joy by the arrival of Don John of St. Severine Earl of La Saponara and afterwards Prince of Besignano chief of the ancientest and noblest Family of the Kingdom and whose grandeur could not be supprest by the persecution of many Kings and particularly of Ladislaus who caused two and twenty of it at once to be slain in the Castle of Laina whither they came on his Parole incensed by their having drawn into the Field in eight dayes Eighteen thousand Foot all of their Tenants and in four and twenty hours Seven thousand Horse by them to have secured themselves against his oppression As he passed over the Market-place the People ran to kiss his feet and I received him with open arms he brought me the best News imaginable which was the general dissatisfaction of all the Nobility who expected only the example of some of the chief of their Order to follow it and very few or none at all being comparable to him in the advantages either of Birth or Riches he was desirous to be the first in demonstrating his affection to his Countrey by hazarding his life to second my good intentions and contribute to its repose and liberty He told me he came to receive my Orders and obey them with as much submission as fidelity that his Family had been the last that followed the fortune of that of Anjou from which being well informed that I descended he came to reverence in my Person the Blood of his ancient Kings since whose time the Countrey had been so cruelly oppressed by Tyrants whom he resolved to suffer no longer that persons of his quality ought never to lose occasions of breaking their Fetters when Heaven and Fortune gives them means to do it that the Spaniards had done all that tended to the Kingdoms destruction that he abandoned them not till they had abandoned themselves and that neither reason nor honour obliged the Nobility to suffer themselves to be involved in their ruin since all things well considered they were rather Usurpers than lawful Masters that being well informed of the condition of their affairs he perceived their ruin to be infallible being in a general want of all things and no succors to be from any part expected that nothing was needful towards compleating so great an enterprise as mine which I had carried on with such resolution and good conduct but besides the return of the French Fleet the possessing my self of one of the Castles of Naples and then the First of May when the Nobility should be
disengaged from their Oath of Fidelity by the Protestation they had made they would most certainly declare with us for which he could be responsible by the certain knowledge he had of their intentions and that then the ruin of the Spaniards was infallible that besides this there was another way to the same end more speedy and no less safe which was that abandoning the Town I should march into Apulia the fittest place for a rendezvous because in the middle of the Kingdom that as soon as I should be there all the Nobility would come in to me and place me at their head that I should then immediately raise a great Army with which returning to Naples I might at once destroy the Enemy there that by this means I should free the Nobility from distrust who coming to me would suppose they re-united themselves with the People whereas they desired I should owe my fortune to them alone that apprehension of the fortified places of the Kingdom ought to give me no trouble for they were entirely unprovided of all things necessary for defence besides that there was not one of them in which some Gentlemen had not intelligence and credit enough to become Master that I had nothing to do but let a little time pass after which I should neither want Money Men nor Provisions that on the Five and twentieth of April the Custom-House of Foggia would pay me down in ready money Six hundred thousand Crowns that if I would make him President of the two Calabria's he doubted not in less than three weeks to draw together Six thousand Foot and Two thousand Horse and to deliver me in Silk Salt and Oil the value of more than a Million of Gold that for Corn I should find in Apulia and Basilocata more than was necessary to supply the Town of Naples two years and that in a word he would be responsible for the Conquest of the Kingdome that there needed only a little time and patience to see the effect of the Mines which were almost ready to be fired I must confess his Discourse charmed me and that I used all endeavours to give him testimonies of my acknowledgements and how much I thought my self obliged to him I told him his arrival assured me of the Nobilities declaring whose intentions I never distrusted though I ever thought such an example as his necessary to confirm such as were yet irresolute that I doubted not to see him quickly followed by all persons of quality that remained that this was not the first time that the Family of St. Severine had influence over the whole Kingdome that I ever held it in very great esteem and Veneration and should be unworthy the Family of Anjou from which I descended if I had not an hereditary affection for it that I was yet more engaged by his handsom manner of proceeding with me for which I would never prove ungrateful and that I would never pretend a fortune but on account of sharing with himself and friends all its advantages that I was well informed of the extremities the Spaniards were reduced to whom I could no longer fear and now I had him on my side contemned that assuring my self of all he had told me I with pleasure looked on the Conquest of the Kingdom as in a manner perfected and the design I had undertaken of giving it liberty as infallible yet without any other interest than the glory to have contributed towards it with peril of my life that ly I should afterwards die with satisfaction supposing my memory would be eternal I by his assistance becoming the most illustrious Person of my time that I expected the return of the French Fleet with as much assurance as impatience after which the taking of the Castles and driving away the Enemy would be no longer a business that my intention had ever been to have gone into Apulia to assemble the Nobility as he had advised me and would do it as soon as my Brother the Knight of Maltha should arrive whom I intended to leave in Naples which I should infallibly lose if I abandoned it though I valued it not but in regard of reputation being certain to re-take it without difficulty as soon as I should appear before it followed by the Nobility that with a very good will I gave him the Charge of President of the two Calabria's and what ever else he should desire of me which was indeed only to present him what his own credit and declaration for me put me in a condition to dispose of He tarried but two dayes with me so great was his impatience to bring to effect all the advantages he had given me hope of He desired some French men might go with him and I gave him the Baron Durand and two or three others with Don Carlo Gaeti whom with the Dutchess his Wife I afterwards saw here for Commissary General of his Horse Whilst he acts in Calabria it will be best not to interrupt the dependencies of my discourse to return to what passed with me in the mean time and relate the order I sent to the Sieur de Mallet to post himself on the Voltorno so to streighten Capua by cutting off its Navigation on this River and Communication with the Sea He sent three hundred men towards Gracianisa to entrench themselves on the River side who dislodged some Troops they found there and Dom Lewis Poderico having made an ineffectual attempt upon him returned with greater force and caused some foot to fall on which was vigorously beaten off but having made a shew of retreating he returned to the attacque an hour after and for encouraging his Foot caused two or thrve hundred horsemen to alight which after a skirmish of half an hour forced my men to retreat with the loss of thirty or forty slain on the place Thus we lost that Post which we had kept three dayes and the Enemy understanding its importance caused it to be fortified and intrenched in such a manner that the difficulty of retaking it caused us to lose the thought of it Two dayes after a furious Skirmish happened near St. Maries of Capua which lasted two or three hours with equal advantage to either side The Sieur de Mallet unable to imagine on what account Don Lewis Poderico had caused him to be engaged as soon as it was at an end discovered that while he amuzed him by this Skirmish he had caused the Mills of Morrone to be burnt supposing we should have been more incommoded than we were by it The next day the Sieur de Mallet sent me word that Don Lewis de Poderico had intimated to him that he desired a personal Meeting by my permission which I granted with order to sound him as much as possible and seek as well to discover his thoughts as those of the Nobility that were with him in Capua Each of these endeavoured to gain the other by many proposals and advantageous offers and after a Conference
gathered what I could do in my Countrey amongst my Relations seconded by their Power and animated by a spirit of revenge in a Kingdom so turbulent and ever ready for revolutions that his opinion was not only for saving my life but giving me liberty that having honour I would questionless become faithful to Spain the remainder of my dayes receiving so considerable and undeserved favours from her France instead of recompencing my services having ingratefully abandoned me that their hatred and animosities for the Duke of Modena were much more reasonable than for me who after the so good usage of the King his Father without any cause of complaint or dependance on or engagement to any other had proclaimed war against them voluntarily and attacqued the Dutchy of Milan for enlarging his own Territories but that things were very different on my side that I was born a Frenchman that war had been proclaimed between the two Crowns and was not brought by me to Naples that came thither only to seek my fortune by assisting such as had already taken arms against the profest enemies of my Countrey that it was good policy to revenge our selves of one enemy by the hand of another and that I might most fitly be made use of against the Duke of Modena that the Emperour had cause enough to dispossess him by the Imperial Ban and my investure in that Dominion being procured to give me forces sufficient to punish him which he himself could not do without provoking the opposition and jealousie of all Italy that this policy would seem new to all the Council but we must change according to Occurrences and when it should be examined without prejudice he thought it would find a general approbation without the contradiction of the King his Father This discourse suspended the opinions of all the Council it was not followed because too favourable to me neither durst any persist in that which was contrary two Councellors of State having voted for the preservation of my life The result therefore was to send to Rome for the advice of the Cardinals of the Spanish Faction and to determine nothing concerning me till the receipt of their Answer Marco de Lorenzo in the mean time to testifie his zeal for me resolved to hazard a message to get news of me and send me an account of what passed in Naples he entrusted this imployment to a Musician he had who had the cunning for all my Guards to get to me in my Chamber where he told me that the Town made no opposition to the entry of the Spaniards nor durst take arms because of the report industriously spread abroad that I had made an agreement with them of which when they came to be disabused by the news of my imprisonment the publick sorrow and despair was unimaginable that though the inhabitants were not yet disarmed the intention was to do it that they were flattered by many fair promises with hope of the confirmation of their Priviledges and exemption from Taxes but that refusing all those advantages they had unanimously answered That having so essential Obligations to me they could not look on my misfortune nor the great peril to which my life was exposed without a most sensible concernment and that therefore renouncing all other pretences the people were ready without contest to submit to whatsoever the Viceroy should please to impose upon them provided I might be set at liberty and that they would freely sacrifice their lives and estates with their wives and children to my interests The concernment of the City of Naples for my imprisonment and my fidelity to them were great consolations to me And though I apprehended my life to be in a great deal of danger this relation was very agreeable and I desired the Messenger to assure his Master of my acknowledgments and to tell all his acquaintance that my misfortune afflicted me on no other account but in that it prevented me from delivering them from oppression according to my promise and most earnest desires In the afternoon the Bishop of Aversa was brought to me by Don Lewis Poderico and after the complement to which my condition obliged a person of his generosity we took Chairs and having caused all to avoid the room he told me That in order to my demand that some body might be deputed to hear the Proposals I had to make Don John of Austria and the Viceroy had given him Commission for it that he had accepted it with joy as an occasion of doing me effectual service that I might at least assure my self of this that it could have been put into the hands of no person of better intentions and that he would employ the uttermost of his care and address to free me from my misfortune or at least to consolate it I told him that I came not to Naples without the participation of France and the assurance that it was the best service I could possibly render her that a resolution had been taken that I should have embarked on the Fleet and commanded it so to carry the people all the assistance they had desired but that the extremity to which they were reduced not permitting them to tarry so long the French Ministers at Rome had pressed me to hazard that passage which succeeded not without a great deal of toil and danger that I would without regret have sacrificed my self for the interests and glory of the Crown to which I was born a subject that the King had not only approved my resolution but had by his Letters testified an extraordinary obligation to me with assurance that he would assist me with all things necessary and send me a potent Fleet with men ammunition money and victuals after all which the envy and malice of my enemies or rather the treachery of a Pensioner of Spain had caused me to have been miserably abandoned but thinking my life could not be spent better than for the advantages of my Countrey neither my courage nor good intentions became less on that account and he might probably have heard what offers I had refused it being impossible for me to be biased from my duty that all my endeavors were recompenced with a Prison that by so unjust and hard usage I was discharged both in the sight of God and men of all Obligation and Allegiance that my resentments were as great as just that I would therefore cast my self absolutely under the protection and into the interests of Spain who by what I had done against her might easily judge what I could undertake against France even at the point of an insurrection when seconded by her power that I had friends and relations very much dissatisfied who would concern themselves in the wrongs I had received my fidelity having been distrusted and the advantages of the Crown neglected only in order to destroy me that in some Provinces I had powerful Confederates that I had some Towns in my own possession and could engage
heaven for so violent a counsel that the History of England offered another manner of example of King Edward the Third who by his Clemency acquired a reputation that will last as long as the world The Lord Percy being in rebellion against him Archibald Dowglas on his own account and without the authority of the King of Scotland his Soveraign entred England in Arms in favour of his revolted friend beat up King Edward his Quarters in a morning and forced him to shift for himself bare-foot but the King in that great battel he won against him by which he re-established his Crown having struck him from his Horse with his Lance and taken him prisoner after a severe punishment of his rebellious subjects his Council being of opinion that he should cause Dowglas to die as a particular person that unowned by any Crown had come to foment rebellion in his Kingdom that great and wise Edward answered that not being born his subject he had no lawful authority over him that his death would be a poor revenge and blemish the glory of his victory and that judging by the hurt he had done him how much he might be capable to serve him if he became his friend he resolved to give him liberty which he did desiring his friendship and tenderly embracing him with high commendation of his vertue and courage an action certainly well-becoming a most generous Prince and that raised him in honour above all his Contemporaries they advised them therefore without passion to consider which of these two examples was to be imitated by so potent a King as their Master who feared nothing from any private person whom his generosity might for ever engage to him besides the acquiring the admiration of all Europe The Earl of Ognate subtil and politick inclined to the first Opinion which he fortified by many reasons but would not take the burthen of it on himself alone besides being extreamly in love with Negotiations he thought nothing could be lost by hearing what I had to say which could not cause any long delay and after examination whether my Offers were of greater or less importance to their Monarchy than my death either would be in his choice as absolutely depending on him and he so highly satisfied himself that hazard recovered Naples that he would not lightly hazard his reputation nor do any thing that might appear blameable it being an ordinary Maxime amongst the Spaniards That time and patience never prejudice affairs which precipitation often ruins Don John of Austria a young Prince brave and generous suffering himself to be led by his own inclinations joyned with those that had honour on their side making a long and curious discourse such as could not have been expected from his youth but rather from a person grown old in affairs that having fixed all his thoughts on glory governs the advantages of his Nation by high and splendid proceedings He said That the actions he had seen me perform having gained me his esteem he could not hinder his affection from joyning with it that he could not without too sensible an affliction see a Prince whom it was in his power to save die miserably that he should think this not only infamous to himself but contrary to the honour of the King his Father who might draw greater advantages from my life than punishment that such a Clemency would draw on his head a thousand Benedictions and the applause of all Europe and that he could never find a subject that merited it more than I and that in my person alone he might oblige all the Princes to whom I was related that it would be injurious to the Spanish Monarchy to discover to the eyes of all the world that she sacrificed my life to her security that she was too well established to be any ways shaken by any private person that we lived not in the Age of Romances when a Knight Errant by his personal valour was able to destroy Kingdoms that I were indeed an enemy to be apprehended if I had the disposal of the power of France but that she had sufficiently discovered that she would neither contribute to the exaltation or establishment of my fortune that she abandonned me at a time when without danger she might have deprived them of a Crown and that it was very apparent she chose rather not to weaken her enemies than to suffer me to profit by their spoils that he saw great advantages in this so extraordinary Maxime because France alone being unable to make considerable and remote Conquests and that People very improper to conserve them Spain needed neither fear the seditions nor revolts of any of her Dominions time being alwayes favourable to her besides that her subjects would never be forward to flie to a protection that in this conjuncture shewed it self so useless and that no Princes would thence-forward engage in the concernments of a Nation that would not suffer them to help themselves and that looked with envy on the advantages acquired by serving her though at the cost of the enemy that judging my thoughts by his own he believed me incensed by the refusal of assistance in so glorious an enterprise and so far provoked that I breathed nothing but revenge nor desired to preserve my life but in order to it that his Opinion was that this was to be fomented and endeavours used to gain a person that might be so considerable to them that the greater my ambition seemed the greater confidence they ought to have in me for perceiving France would never give me wherewithal to satisfie it I would inseparably engage my self to Spain who at its own charge would assist me with all things necessary to advance it that they ought not to ruin me on account of my having concerned my self in the revolutions of Naples beause it is honourable for a couragious Prince to seek his advancement which he cannot do with greater reason and justice than amongst the enemies of his Countrey that he could not blame that in me which he would have practiced himself if he had been in my place and that it cannot be imputed a Crime to seek to acquire a Crown from a Monarchy opposite to that to which we are born subjects that he discerned nor the reason why particular actions when glorious should pass for more criminal than general ones being as useful and sometimes more to the advantage of our Countrey and that those he had seen me do being so eminent obliged him to wish me well it being just to love vertue even in the persons of those that fight against us and which for that cause we hate that he thought himself concerned to exempt me from this number and having made appear by his discourse how easily and safely I might be gained he should prejudice the service of the King his Father if he used not his uttermost endeavours towards it that by what I had done without supplies and assistance might easily be