LETTERS WRITTEN BY A French GENTLEMAN GIVING A Faithful and Particular Account of the Transactions at the Court of FRANCE RELATING To the Publick Interest of EUROPE WITH Historical and Political Reflexions on the Ancient and Present State of that KINGDOM Communicated by Monsieur VASSOR LONDON Printed And Sold by R. Baldwin in Warwick-Lane 1695 THE CONTENTS OF THE First Letter INtroduction Page 1 An Account of some Considerations that might have deter'd the French King from imposing Arbitralily a General Poll-Tax on his Subjects Page 2 The Injustice of such an Imposition further demonstrated Page 3 That notwithstanding all these Reasons the Edict for that Taxation will pass at all adventures ibid. That the French are tamer Slaves than either the Romans of Old or the Danes at present Page 4 The Motive that makes the French King endeavour to enslave England and Holland Page 5 That the Poll-Tax is the last Refuge of the French Court Page 6 A Remark upon the Inscriptions on the Gates of Paris ibid. That the Poll-Tax will not raise such vast Sums as the Emissaries of that Court give out Page 7 That the Countrey is extreamly impoverished and the King's Revenues very much diminished Page 7 8 That the present Misery of the French Nation is too great to admit of any Alleviation from the Prospect of better times to come Page 9 That none dare presume to Petition the King to Assemble the Estates of the Kingdom ibid. That according to the Primitive Constitution of the French Government the Soveraign Authority was lodg'd in the States General of the Nation Page 10 That the Power of the Prince was limited among the ancient Gauls and other Northern Nations Page 11 That the French have still a just Title to their ancient Priviledges ibid. A Comparison between the ancient and present condition of the Princes of the Blood illustrated by some particular instances Page 12 13 An Account of the ancient Priviledges of the Dukes and Peers of France Page 13 That they had a right to oppose the unjust Designs of the Prince by entering into Leagues against him Page 14 The History of the League of the Publick Good against Lewis the XI Philip de Cominees Opinion of that Confederacy Page 16 That the same Custom was and is observed by several other Nations Page 17 That the present Dukes and Peers of France do only enjoy a shadow of the Priviledges of their Ancestors Page 18 Of the ancient Authority of the Parliament of Paris and of the gradual encroachments of the Crown upon it Page 18 19 An Exhortation to that Body to imitate the illustrious Example of their Predecessors and the chief President la Vacquierie under Lewis the XI Page 20 That the Courage of the Nation may be easily reviv'd by their Example Page 21 A brief view of the State of France with relation to Impositions under the Reign of several Princes Page 23 24 An Account of the immense Sums that are exacted by the Ministers of the present King Page 24 Of the stupidity of the French who strive to encrease the Power of their Oppressor ibid. That the Forces which the King maintain'd in time of Peace made him more terrible at Home than Abroad Page 25 That his present numerous Armies are more fatal to his Subjects than to his Neighbours ibid. The Conclusion Page 26 THE CONTENTS OF THE Second Letter OF the blind Submission of the Parliament of Paris to the Orders of the Court. 27 The present Misery of the French Nation compar'd with that of the Romans under Domitian 28 An Account of some extravagant Rhodomontadoes in the Preface to the French King 's late Declaration 28 29 Of the ridiculous Vanity of that Expression in it that the Glorious State of France has excited the Envy of its Neighbours 29 Of the true meaning of that Phrase 30 That it was the Injustice of that Monarch's Attempts that excited the indignation not the Envy of his Neighbours 31 Of the Glorious and Happy Condition of the United Provinces when they were invaded by the French King 31 32 Reflections on the unjustice of that War and on a Solaecism in a Letter from the French King to the States General 32 A Justification of the Medal that was the pretended Cause of the War 33 That the Prosperity of Tyrants ought not to be call'd a Blessing from Heaven upon them 34 Of the shameful Flatteries of the French Clergy and the juster sentiments of the Court of Rome 35 Of the prosperous Success of the Emperor's Arms in Hungary and the impious Designs of the Court of France during the Siege of Vienna 35 36 That in all the Wars since the Pyrenaean Treaty the French King has been always the Agressor and is guilty of all the Desolations and Blood-shed that has been occasion'd by them 38 Of the Difference between a Conqueror and a Robber 39. Of the Queen 's pretended Right to Brabant and Hainault of the Validity of her Renunciation and of the Injustice of the King's Irruption into the Spanish Netherlands in pursuance of that Claim 39 40. That 't is lawful to oppose a Neighbouring Prince who strives to aggrandize himself by unjust Methods 41 That 't was barbarous in the King to kindle a bloody War against the Hollanders meerly upon the account of a Medal which they also had taken care to suppress 42 Of the Intolerable arrogancy of some Parisian Inscriptions 43 Of the Satyrs of the Dutch Gazettier that provok'd the Court of France 43 The French King's Expedition against Holland compar'd with that of Theodosius against Antioch 44 That it was not a Zeal for Religion that prompted the King to invade Holland 45 That Subjects are obliged not to assist their Soveraign in the prosecution of an unjust War prov'd out of Grotius 47 That they ought even to refuse their Assistance when the Case appears doubtful demonstrated out of the same Author 48 That the Justice of the French King's Attempts must not be measur'd by their Success 50 That after all he had no Reason to boast of the Success of that famous Campagne 51 That he ow'd his Victories to the Skill and Experience of his Generals and not to his own Valour 51 Of the difference between Summer-Heroes and the pretended Heroe of all Seasons 52 That the French King acquir'd not any real and solid Glory at the Sieges of Mons and Namur 53 What Opinion after Ages will have of all his Victories and Conquests 54 THE FIRST LETTER SIR YOU are pleased to desire an Account of my Thoughts concerning that General Poll-Tax with which we are threatned And to invite me to make you the Confident of my Sentiments on this occasion you have said enough to convince me that I was not mistaken in believing that you agree with me in esteeming it our Honour to be of the number of those True Frenchmen who continue still to be Lovers of their Country For so long as there shall be Men of Sense and
necessary to resolve on the Conquest of Ireland Velut é conspectu libertas tolleretur Tacit. in Agric. least the Ancient Britons by seeing a free Nation so near them should be tempted to recover their own lost Liberty Is it not probable that our Court is acted by the same Principles Are not these the Maxims that oblige her to endeavour with so much obstinacy to make the English and Dutch our Companions in Slavery She cannot bear the Neighbourhood of a Nation that has always asserted its Priviledges with a great deal of Vigor nor is she less prejudic'd against another that had the Courage to shake of its Fetters Who knows whether the French may not at last fall in love with the Constitution of the English Government and settle one like to it at Home which after all will be only our own Ancient form of Government restor'd And * l. 5. c. 18. Philip de Cormines assures us with his usual sincerity that he knows not a Countrey in the World where the Common-wealth is better manag'd and the Subjects suffer less violence then in England I am of the same opinion with you that the King wishes with all his Heart he could continue the War without imposing a General Poll-Tax that Method is certainly too odious to be chosen without necessity and how hard and pitiless soever we have found our Masters to be I believe they would not willingly encrease the Murmurings and Dissatisfaction of the People But what can we expect from Men that know not what course to take We have seen enough more than once to perswade us that our Ministers of State do not now begin to be gravel'd The Intelligencers have no more Memoirs to present On what then would you have them lay a new Imposition Would you have them Tax the Air that we breath For that is the only Element now remains free to us Give me leave Sir to put you in mind of an Observation which you that have past so often through the Gates of Paris have doubtless made as well as I. You know that many of them bear this magnificent Inscription * The happiness of the City under Lewis the Great Sub Ludovico Magno Felicitas Urbis But if you cast your Eye on the adjacent buildings you shall find a vast number of Toll-gatherers Houses on which are written in no less conspicuous Characters the Names of Offices and Courts for such a prodigious variety of Imposts If you can advance further into the City you shall scarce find a Street without an Office or Court of Audit for some ridiculous and hitherto unheard of Taxaation Such is the happiness of the French Nation under the long Reign of the great Prince for whom they have erected so many Statues We have not seen a Week these Six Years that has not produc'd at least One or Two new Edicts or Declarations and at length the Invention of the subtlest Finances is drain'd as well as our Purses 'T is not so easy now as 't was formerly to find out Methods to furnish the King with Ten Twenty or Thirty Millions and a General Poll Tax is the last refuge I know not whether the very noise of so surprising a Project has not already alarm'd some of the Confederates 'T is but natural for those who are not well acquainted with the deplorable condition of a Countrey that was once so Rich and Flourishing to imagine that this new Imposition will make the King Master of a sufficient Fund to carry on the War for several Years And I do not at all doubt but that the Court flatters it self with the hopes of terrifying its Enemies by the intended Declaration Its Emissaries in Holland and England will not fail to give out that France is inexhaustible and that we are as able and willing to part with our Money as the English and Dutch are to part with theirs I am confirm'd in this Opinion by what I heard yesterday from one of my Friends who inform'd me that the subject of those Verses that are to be made in praise of the King to obtain the Prize that is propos'd to be given by the French Acad my on St. Lewis's Day is appointed to be this Proposition That the King is no less terrible to his Enemies by the love of his Subjects than by the force of his Arms. For I 'm satisfi'd that this cannot be done without a design But who will be impos'd upon by so obvious a trick or regard so base and ridiculous a piece of flattery Are the Confederates ignorant of the general Dissatisfaction of the Nobility Gentry and Third Estate which is so apparent in Paris and all the Towns in the Kingdom Have they not heard in England and Holland that the King's Revenues are considerably diminished And thô the Truth of this were not so publickly known it would not require a very great stock of Sagacity to Divine that they who have not Money to buy Bread cannot be supposed to consume much Wine either at Home or at the Tavern and that consequently the Entries at Paris and in the other Cities of France do not now amount to such great Sums as they did heretofore The Peasants are generally so miserable that they are not able to fetch Salt from the Garner from whence 't is likewise plain that the King's Coffers are not so well fill'd by the Gabels as formerly they were The Fields lie until'd and are almost turn'd to Desarts An infinite number of People are Dead of Hunger Misery and other Epidemical Distempers Those Towns which we have seen in a flourishing condition and well Peopled are ruin'd and abandon'd by their Inhabitants and most of the Labourers and Tradesmen are reduc'd to Beggery wonder not then that the King is forc'd to Tax the Princes Gentry Clergy and Inhabitants of free Cities since there are so few others left to be Tax'd Uut you will perhaps tell me that we do not now begin to be Tax'd for you 'll say we contributed to pay all those Taxations which were exacted from our Farmers and Labourers since we might have let out our Lands to better Advantage if our Tenants had not been Tax'd And consequently the Priviledges of the Nobility Clergy and Inhabitants of Paris and other Cities are no more than imaginary Titles What then Sir Did not the King become the most glorious and powerful Monarch in the World by imposing only the * That which was paid by the Farmers Real Taxation upon us And shall we grudge to Pay a Personal Tax for the Preservation of all that Glory and Power which he has so justly acquir'd at the Charge of his good Subjects Alas Sir shall we suffer all these fine Inscriptions to be defac'd with which the Place de Viatoire and the Gates of St. Denis and St. Martin are adorn'd But this is not a time for Mirth If our King 's assume a Power to impose a General Poll-Tax as often as the fancy
Courage in France she will still retain some Foot-steps of her Dying liberty and we shall still preserve the Memory of our former Priviledges But you must give me leave to ask whether you have seriously consider'd how dangerously you expose both me and your self by engaging in a Correspondence concerning so nice a Subject as that of the Government We are scarce allow'd the liberty to think And what Persecutions may we not fear if it should be discover'd that we have taken the freedom to speak our thoughts nevertheless if you have the Courage to neglect this Consideration I am resolv'd not to give you occasion to accuse me of Cowardice only let us endeavour to manage our Correspondence with so much caution as to hinder our Letters from being intercepted You cannot be perswaded to believe that the King's Ministers will ever advise him to impose that General Poll Tax which is so much talk'd of For this you say would be no less than to deprive us of the only shadow of Liberty that we are suffer'd still to enjoy What Shall the Princes of the Blood the Nobility the Officers of the Crown and all the Gentry be Tax'd like Peasants Shall the Clergy be Rob'd of its noblest Priviledge Shall the Inhabitants of Paris and of all the chief Cities in the Kingdom lose that alone of all their Rights which they have been able to preserve hitherto No the Consequences of such an Attempt are too visible and would be too fatal in the present posture of our Affairs At least you add it is not credible that the King will adventure to Publish a Declaration that may open the dullest Eyes and even cause a general Insurrection without calling an extraordinary meeting of the Princes of the Blood the Peers of France and the Officers of the Crown and without going himself to the Parliament to acquaint them with the Reasons that oblige him to impose a Tax upon his Subjects that will compleat the subversion of this State and to hear the Remonstrances which that Wise and Illustrious Assembly would not fail to offer to him on such an important occasion This is a step you conclude so contrary to the Maxims that the King has always follow'd since he began to Govern by himself that they would rather endeavour to find out a Thousand other ways to defray the Charge of the War than reduce him to an extremity that would vex him more than all the disappointments that he has met with from the obstinacy of the Confederates to refuse the Dayly Proposals of Peace both in General and Particular which he causes to be offer'd to them I acknowledge Sir that your Reflexions are just and reasonable and you might have added that the Estates of the Kingdom ought to have been assembled and their consent obtain'd For if it be true what * l. 5. c. 18. Philip de Cominees asserts that no King or Potentate in the World has a right to exact a Penny from his Subjects without the Advice and Consent of those that are to be Taxed unless in his own Demeasns and that all Impositions that are levied without these Conditions are the effects of Tyrannical Violence If it be true that M. Colbert and the rest of that Tribe who to testify their Zeal and Affection to their Master have perswaded him that he has a right to all our Estates have made him odious and terrible to his Neighbours who would chuse any Misery rather than that of being his Subjects If it be true that there was a time when the King 's of France dar'd not to say I take what I will and am Master of all If all this I say be true may we not hope that the King who would appear to have so great a Sense of Religion will assemble the Estates of the Kingdom to consult with them whether it be necessary to continue the War and whether it be more conducive to the publick Good to harass all his own Subjects than to do Justice to the Confederates In the mean time Sir I can assure you that neither your Reflexions nor mine will hinder the King's Council from imposing the Poll-Tax and I 'm even perswaded that there will not be the least motion made to call a Meeting of the Princes of the Blood the Peers of France and Officers of the Crown much less will they desire the King to give himself the trouble to go in Person to the Parliament and least of all will they have the Confidence to lay before him the necessity of summoning a Convention of the Estates Not long ago a certain Lady who shews a wonderful concern for the Preservation of the King's Health grumbled at all those who represented to the King the miserable effects of the Famine in Paris and other Places She ask'd them whether they came with a design against the King's Life And who then could be so hardhearted as to desire the King to expose himself to the danger of hearing the Remonstrances of his Subjects concerning the deplorable condition to which the Kingdom is reduc'd This would certainly afflict the good Prince more sensibly and sooner break his tender Heart than all those stories of his Poor languishing People that wander about the Streets of Paris and are forc'd to rake the Dung-hills for Dead-Horses wherewith to fill their raging Stomachs We study to imitate the Example of those Romans mentioned by * Annal. 1. 3. Tacitus Princes Dukes and Peers Officers of the Crown Bishops Gentlemen Magistrates of the Sovereign Courts and all of us together are posting to Slavery and that with so much eagerness and haste as if we strove to out-run one another We think to please the King but I durst swear that he and his Minister do in their Hearts hate and despise us and that they insult over us as Tiberius over his base and flattering Senate O homines ad servitutem paratos There is not one amongst us that ever saw the Days of Liberty The form and mildness of our Ancient Government is lost yet all our Care is to flatter our Prince and to obey him blindly We laugh at the folly of the Danes who have divested themselves of all their Liberties and lodg'd an Arbitrary Power in their King 's We I say who are more ridiculously mad than they who tho' we have not given the King any one Authentick Title to our Priviledges do yet tamely stretch forth our Necks to receive a heavier Yoke than that of the Danes or rather a Yoke that is more cruel and insupportable than that which the Grand Signior and Great Mogul impose upon their Slaves At last the fatal time is come in vain we expect to see better Days We have put on a Chain that will grow Dayly more insupportable We are not so much as suffer'd to speak of Liberty and they would hinder us too from seeing it enjoy'd by others A great Man who Commanded the Roman Armies in Britain thought it
takes them you may assure your self that it will take them oftner then we desire This is the most certain mark of our Servitude the French Nation has lost both its Honour and its Liberty neither can I think of any Remedy for so cruel a Disaster Let us try the Virtue of those Maxims that we find in our dear Tacitus * Ulterior a mirari praesentiae s qui. Tacit. Histor l. 4. A Wise Man says he may admire the Happiness of former Ages but he bears present Misfortunes with Patience †Bonos Imperatores volo expetere qualescunque tolerare Idem We ought to wish for good Princes but must bear with such as we have ¶ Ut Steriltatem â—imios Imbres caetera Naturae mala ita Luxum vel Avaritiam Dominantium tolerate 8. d neque haec con inua meliorum interventu pensantur Idem The Reign of a bad Prince is like a Year of Dearth and Famine and our Miseries in this World are not Eternal For as the next good Year makes amends for our former losses so a Tyrant is sometimes succeeded by a good Prince Thus we may comfort our selves with hopes of better times under the Dauphin these Maxims I confess are not very proper to satisfie Men in our circumstances but they are the best that I am able to suggest to you Shall we entreat the King to call a general Meeting of the Estates of the Realm But who will undertake to present our Petition to him Shall the Princes of the Blood There is not one among them that durst offer the least Remonstrance to His Majesty shall the Dukes and Peers of France or the Officers of the Crown They might expect to be immediatly rewarded with a lodging in the Bastile and there are too many base compliers with the Times who would offer their Service to drag them thither Shall those of the First Order in the Church The Court has found out a way to make sure of them the Clergy has contributed already vast Sums and 't is said that several Millions more will be demanded of them shortly Should the Parliament of Paris deliver our Address they would instantly be interdicted and the Heads of that Assembly would be punished as seditious Traytors should it be presented by the Inhabitants of Paris and the rest of the great Cities we should see Gibbets erected in every corner of the Streets and the Troops of the Houshold sent to devour 'em Our Poor and Ill-paid Officers would barbarously pillage the Houses of those Persons who could be accus'd of no other Crime than of endeavouring to preserve that little remainder of Liberty which they seem still to enjoy I had the fortune some Days ago to be in a Company where they talk'd variously concerning the late Revolution in England A Man of Sense who is perfectly well acquainted with the Ancient and Modern History of France demonstrated plainly that our Government was formerly like to that of England and that the Sovereign Authority was properly lodg'd in the Meeting of the Estates There Laws were made there the most important Cases were decided and such Subsidies as were judg'd necessary for the Defence of the Kingdom were granted the King had no more Power than what was sufficient to enable him to cause the Decrees of those Assemblies te be put in Execution and to attend diligently to the Security and Preservation of the State These are obvious Remarks which every one that reads our Ancient Histories thô but with a very moderate degree of Application cannot fail to observe Such were in effect the inviolable Maxims of the Gauls and of the Northern Nations from whom both we and the English are descended * Servirent Syria Asiaque suetus Regibus Oriens multos adhuc in Gallia vivere ante tributa genitos Tacit. Hist l. 4. Let the People of the East who are accustom'd to the Despotic Government of their Kings submit to the Roman Yoke said a great Man among our Gauls we will not follow their Example We can still remember a time when we paid no Tribute †Libertatem Naturâ mutis Animalibus datam virtutem proprium hominum bonum Idem ibid. Nature made the Beasts free as well as Men with this only difference That Men are endued with Virtue and Courage to preserve their Liberty The Hollanders have not yet forgot the Heroical sentiments of their Country-man but we alas lose the Memory of 'em Dayly * Nec Regibus infinita aut libera potestas Tacit. de moribus Germanorum The Northern Nations never suffer'd their King 's to assume an Arbitrary and unlimited Power †Auctoritate suadendi magis quam jubenâ—i potestate Idem ibid. their Princes govern rather by Perswasion than Force ¶ Regnantur paulo addictius quam ceterae Germanorum gentes nondum tamen supra libertatem Idem ibid. And even such of those Nations as were under the severest Government did still enjoy a great deal of Liberty To all these Observations my Friend added one more that since we have not like the Danes renounc'd our Liberty we may lawfully endeavour to shake off the Yoke that is imposed upon us For there is no just Prescription against the fundamental Laws of a State But how reasonable soever these Remarks be they appear so new and so surprising to certain Persons that they imagine it to be no less ridiculous to talk of assembling the Estates at this time of the Day than it would be to perswade them to resume the Ruff and Bonets that were used in the time of Francis the First These are obsolete Stories say they and we do not so much as remember that ever there were Estates in France 'T is true replied one of our Friends angrily we forgot that we are French-men and we shall forget too e'er long that we are reasonable Men. The Romans said one of their own Emperors * Nec totam servitutem pati possunt nec totam libertatem Tacit. Hist lib. 1. are no longer capable of enjoying a full and entire Liberty thô they were again put in possession of it nor will they bear too heavy a Yoke is it possible that we should be already more accustom'd to Slavery than a People that had serv'd such Masters as Tiberius Caligula and Nero I 'm perswaded the King will never give such advice to the Dauphin as Galba did to him whom he thought to make his Successor No care will be taken to sweeten our Bondage we are such tame Slaves that Policy would be lost upon us The Princes of the Blood are by their Birth chief Counsellors of State their Advice ought to be taken on all occasions that relate to the Interest of the Kingdom such as the making of War and Peace entering into Leagues raising of Subsidies and the like It were easy to prove this by our Histories and by the Edicts of our King 's But now the Face of
Affairs is altered and nothing of moment is imparted to these They are too happy when His Majesty suffers them to pass some idle and tedious Hours at Versailles or to go to the Camp to be kill'd like private Soldiers Not only matters of State are not communicated to them but they are not suffer'd to be Masters even at home nor so much as consulted concerning the Marriage of their own Children 'T is well known after what manner the Duke of Chartres married Mademoiselle de Blois The Prince to preserve an Office and a Government in his Family and to secure the Fortunes of his Children was forc'd to marry them to Bastards whose Mother's Name would not be permitted to be mentioned in any publick Deed. The Prince of Conty is Master of all those excellent Endowments both natural and acquired with which a Person of his Quality ought to be adorn'd But what Treatment does so rare a Merit procure him at the Court He is left without Command Office or Government while the chief Employments are given to to those that are infinitely beneath him I know some Gentlemen who are oftentimes wont to complain that the Princes of the Blood are not more tenderly touch'd with a sence of their own Disgrace and our Miseries But neither is their Power considerable nor do we merit their Assistance The late Prince inspired with a just Indignation against the French Nobility used to say I put the Sword in their Hands I cry'd out against Tyranny and they answered me with Musquet-shot The Consideration of his Misfortunes has taught our Princes Caution And if any one among 'em should have the Generosity to declare himself the Protector of the Common Interest who could assure us that our Country-men would not still be Fools enough to fight against him The Dukes and Peers and Officers of the Crown are likewise by vertue of their Dignity chief Counsellors of State and have a Right to go to the Parliament when they please Ah! vain Shadow of the Glorious Priviledges of the ancient Peers of France No matter of Importance was transacted without their Consent They remain'd unconcern'd Spectators of the Wars that were begun without their Approbation leaving the King to pursue his own private Quarrels and serv'd him only in those Wars which they judg'd necessary for the common good of the Realm Such is the obedience which the present Princes of Germany pay to the Emperor and you know better than I that the Government of France did very much resemble that of Germany before our King 's had remitted to the Crown those great Fiefs that were dismembred from it during the Reign of Hugh Capet When the King acted contrary to the Priviledges of the Nobility or to the good of the People they did not fail to oppose him they appeal'd to the States-General and enter'd into Leagues among themselves and with the principal Cities to prevent the Execution of the unjust attempts of their Prince Philip Sirnam'd the Long had form'd a design to seize on the fifth part of the Estates of his Subjects under the pretext of reforming or New-coining the Money But the Princes and the Prelates says * Abridgement of Mezeray one of our Historians would not suffer the King's Commissaries to Execute his Orders they appeal'd to the States General and enter'd into Confederacies with the Cities which had so good an effect that the Imposition could not be Levied Do you think that these generous Patriots would have suffer'd a King to seize on the fifth part of all the Coin'd Money in the Kingdom twice in less than Four Years by commanding it Arbitrarily to be new Stamp'd And when did we renounce our Right of having recourse to those means which our Ancestors might lawfully make use of for the preservation of their Estates and Liberties No sooner had Lewis XI mounted the Throne but he began to * Abridgement of Mezeray Govern without a Council and for the most part also without Justice and Reason He fancyed himself an abler Politician than his Predecessors and left no means unessay'd to make himself terrible He chose rather to follow the Dictates of his own unruly Humour than to observe the Wise Laws of the Nation He thought he could not make a nobler use of his Authority than by oppressing his Subjects and that the best way to display his Grandeur was by ruining the greatest Families in the Kingdom and advancing the meanest of the People This is what some call says Mezeray to pass the Mon-age of Royalty and to rule without a Tutor but they ought rather to say without Sense or Reason Thus the King by endeavouring to assume an Arbitrary or Despotick Power irritated the Minds of the Princes of the Blood the Nobility and all true Lovers of their Country who resolv'd generously to shake off the Yoke that they were not accustom'd to bear Charles Duke of Orleans and first Prince of the Blood undertook to represent their grievances to His Majesty in the presence of a numerous Assembly of Persons of Quality who were met at the Court. Accordingly he spoke to the King with all the freedom that his Age Reputation and Quality Authorised him to use But these Remonstrances offended His Majesty and were received with Indignation and Scorn adds the same * Abridgement of Mezeray Historian The good Duke Died with Grief two Days after But not long after the King's Brother the Count of Charolois Son of the Duke of Burgundy the Dukes of Bretaign Calabria Bourbon and Alenzon with several other Princes of the Blood the Duke of Vemours the Counts of Armaguac Dunois S. Pol the Mareschal de Lohear the Lords of Albret Bueil and Chaumont-Amboise and almost all the Nobility and old Officers of the Army enter'd into an Association to oppose the pernicious Designs of the King And this Confederacy was call'd the League of the Publick-Good Lewis was then reduc'd to so great an extremity that if the City of Paris had joyn'd with the League they might have easily driven him out of the Kingdom Our flatterers are wont to call this Confederacy an unlawful Rebellion But Philip de Cominees did not think fit to give it so odious a name he was better acquainted with the Rights both of the Subjects and Sovereigns of Europe Far from that he only blames the United Princes for neglecting to secure the Interests of the People when they made their own Peace with the King * l. 1. c. 2 3. c. The Publick Good says he yielded to private Interest †Abridgement of Mezeray A modern Historian adds that it was agreed to nominate Thirty and Six Persons whom they called Notables consisting of an equal number of the Nobility Clergy and Lawyers who should be impowered to consult together and to fall upon proper Methods to ease the People of their Grievances and to redress the disorders of the State This instance gives us a clear view of the ancient
Customs and Liberties of France before it was enslav'd by the pernicious Maxims of Mazarin le Tellier Colbert Lowvois and the rest of that base and mercenary Gang who have sacrific'd the Honour and Priviledges of their Country to their private Interest and Ambition But we have at least the Comfort to see that their Children and Heirs begin to detest such damnable Politicks since the Families of these subtle Ministers are ruin'd in pursuance of those very Counsels which were first given by themselves I have alaeady said that Philip de Cominees was too well acquainted with the Priviledges both of the People and Princes of Europe to condemn the Members of the Confederacy that was set on foot against Lewis the XIth as Rebels against their lawful Sovereign For it must not be imagin'd that the Custom of entering into Association against Tyrannical Princes was peculiar to France It was universally claim'd as their undoubted Right by all those States that were founded by the Northern Nations on the Ruins of the Roman Empire The Princes Bishops and free Cities of Germany have always retain'd and do to this very Day continue to retain their undoubted Priviledge to make Leagues against the Emperor in defence of their Rights and Liberties The same Custom was also observ'd by the ancient English and even own'd by their King 's For when they agreed on certain Articles with the Peers of the Kingdom it was concluded on both sides that the Nobility had a right to maintain their Prerogatives by force of Arms in case the King should attempt to violate them And it is no less certain that the Grandees Bishops and principal Cities of Spain have assum'd the same Priviledge when they judg'd it necessary for the good of their Countrey It were easy to prove this by many and clear instances but I shall content my self with putting you in mind of the League which they made under the Reign of Charles the V call'd la Junta Samta to deliver themselves from the Tyranny of the Flemings to whom that Prince had entrusted the Government of his Spanish Dominions The Grandees of that Kingdom do still maintain their Prerogatives without suffering them to be violated and shall we be the only Slaves in Europe Shall our Nobility so fam'd of old for their Bravery and that Warlike and undaunted Spirit which distinguished them with so much advantage in the World or rather shall their degenerated Posterity instead of attempting to regain their ancient Liberty tamely suffer themselves to be kill'd and Dayly offer'd up as ignoble Victims to support that Arbitrary Power that oppresses them 'T is true a Duke and Peer of France may enter into the Louvre in his Coach and sit for fashion's sake on the Flower-de-luces in the Grand-chamber and has also the pleasure to see a stool presented to his Lady when she comes to attend the Queen And are not these mighty Priviledges or rather the Poor remainders of all that Honour and Authority that adorn'd the prime Dignities of so great a Kingdom But perhaps the Parliament of Paris are better Judges of the true Interest of the Nation I do not at all doubt but that there are some intelligent and well affected Magistrates in that numerous body who understand perfectly the Rights both of the People and of the Prince who bewail our Miseries and desire nothing more ardently than to be able to contribute somewhat more than bare wishes to regain our ancient Liberties but they dare not discover their true sentiments I am confident you will not think your time ill-employ'd in Reading an Account of that Assembly for which I am oblig'd to one of my Friends who is a President Our Parliament said he is now no more than a Company of wrangling Practitioners in Law who study nothing but Customs Edicts and Proceedings of Courts It was at first instituted to represent the States General of the Kingdom It was a Body composed of the six chief Peers of France the six Ecclesiastical Peers the Chancellor Principal Officers of the Crown and some other Persons of Note who had a Right to sit in the States-General when the Necessity of Affairs required their Meeting They maintain'd the Interests of the People against the Usurpations of the Prince shared the Sovereign Authority with him when the States were not assembled For 't is beyond Controversie certain that the Parliament used to judge even the Peers and greatest Persons in the Kingdom that they tender'd the Oath of Fidelity to the Officers of the Crown and that the King's Edicts were never reputed to have the Force of Laws nor could be put in execution till they had been first receiv'd and register'd in that Assembly And are not these the most certain and uncontested Marks of Sovereignty You know continued the President by what dexterous Methods and under what specious pretexts our King 's have made such great Alterations in a Company that ey'd them too near and often troubled them 'T is true indeed that 't is long since the Parliament began to be wholly taken up in hearing and determining Civil and Criminal Causes but they still enjoy'd that Priviledge undisputed which authorised them to examine the Edicts that the King intended to Publish they Registred such of them as they thought useful and necessary and if at any time they met with some difficulties they offer'd their Reasons to the King who never us'd to neglect them but when he had a mind to proceed to violent Methods I confess the Court has sometimes compell'd 'em to Register its Edicts but then they never fail'd to enter a Protestation that such instances should not be made use of to justify future Violences but where are all our Priviledges now The King indeed sends his Edicts to us but we are obliged to register them as soon as they are sent and even such of them that appear to our Consciences to be highly unjust and pernicious without daring to offer the least Remonstrance to his Majesty We have no more Power than simple Countrey Judges and the Edict for the Poll-Tax will pass at all Adventures All that you have said is certainly true reply'd I to the Magistrate but will you not show the least sign of Life in a Case of such vast Importance And must we never expect that you will be moved to make at least one glorious Effort to deliver your Countrey from Tyranny and Oppression Most willingly cry'd my generous Friend with Tears in his Eyes But are you acquainted with the King's Humour The Times are chang'd answered I and we are undone Remember the Illustrious example of the first President la Vacquerie Lewis XI sent an unjust Edict to the Parliament which they generously refus'd to enroll he renew'd his Orders but without shaking their Constancy At last the incenst Prince fell into a Fury and threatned to put to Death not only the President but all the Councellors if they persisted in their Obstinacy La Vacquerie
acquainted his Brethern with the King's Menaces and these good Magistrates having put on their Habits of Ceremony went all in a body to the Louvre The King surpris'd to see his Parliament come to pay him a visit with so much solemnity ask'd suddenly what brought them thither I know all the story said my Friend interrupting me hastily and can tell you the chief President 's Answer we come Sir said he to the King to offer our Heads to Your Majesty since our Conscience will not permit us to Register the Edict which you sent to us Very well reply'd I but how did that cruel and haughty Prince receive so unexpected a Compliment He dissembled his Anger and endeavoured to pacify their Minds by assuring them that he would never desire them to enroll any Edict contrary to the Laws of the Kingdom or the Interest of his Subjects Why then will not you adventure to make a like Attempt I 'm perswaded that the King would be strangely daunted if the chief President at the Head of the Parliament should entertain him with a lively and passionate Representation of the deplorable condition of the Kingdom But I had forgotten that you have long ago exhausted all your eloquence in writing Panegyricks on our invincible Monarch 'T is pity that you have not reserv'd some part of it for Discourses of another nature which would certainly be more seasonable at this time of the Day Be not cruel to your Friends answer'd the President We do all that we are able to do but we are not under the Reign of a Lewis XI In those Days the Nobility and People of France had not lost all their Courage and the Court dreaded the effects of it I acknowledge that replyed I but are you sure that the King would not treat you with as much complaisance if you spoke to him with the same vigour and show'd your selves capable of enlivening the benumm'd Spirits of our Countreymen Believe me Mr. President the King despises you for your Cowardise and you might make the Court tremble in its turn if you had the Courage to imitate your Predecessors After these words we laid aside Politicks and began to talk of other Matters Yes Sir I am still of the same opinion I know that the Inhabitants of Paris and our other Cities are extreamly dispirited but I dare be bold to answer for them that they would quickly resume their former Vigour if the Princes of the Blood the Nobility or Parliament of Paris would give them the least encouragement They begin to murmur strangely and I know not whether all their Patience be not already exhausted 'T is true the flatterers of the Court have bellow'd in their Ears so long that The King is Master of all the Estates of his Subjects that the poor People seem in good earnest to give credit to the most detestable Lie that ever was invented But how easily will they be undeceiv'd when it shall be made appear to them what our subtle Ministers have so industriously hid from them that Taxes and Subsidies were formerly Levied in France as they are in England and that we never resign'd our ancient Priviledges You remember Sir when I had the pleasure to enjoy your Conversation in that solitary but delightful place whither you have chosen to retire that we spent part of our time in reading the History of France and that we could not find that any Impositions were laid upon the People before the Reign of Philip the Fair. Our King 's in those Days had no standing Forces but the Nobility serv'd them at their own charge in those Wars that were made with the consent of the States-General If ever any of our Princes rais'd a Subsidy by way of Taxation it was only when the pressing necessity of his Affairs constrain'd him to take that Method and the Tax was Levied but once And even on such urgent occasions those Monarchs that had any sense of Humanity or Religion were very loath to proceed to so rough an expedient The good St. Lewis by his Testament enjoin'd his Children not to Tax their Subjects but Alas they who boast of their descent from so Just so Chaste and so Religious a Prince have no more regard to the good Advice that he left them than they have to the Virtuous example of his Life His Nephew attempted to raise the Hundred and fiftieth Denier of the Revenues of his Subjects But what was the event Paris Rouen and Orleans revolted the Commissioners appointed to gather the Taxation were kill'd and the King was forc'd to dissemble his Indignation Nor was Philip the Fair more successful in his second attempt to lay an Imposition of Six Deniers in the Livre on the sale of Commodities his Orders were universally contemn'd and he was forc'd to call a Meeting of the States General at Paris to harangue them himself and represent to them the necessity of his Affairs after which he obtain'd his desire The succeeding Princes observ'd the same Method Sometimes on urgent occasions Aids and extraordinary Subsidies were Granted but were never made perpetual but by the Authority of the States The King could not augment those perpetual Subsidies that were granted to him and far less could he impose new ones The Court Parasites made it their business to perswade Lewis XI that it was a branch of his Prerogative to lay what Impositions he pleas'd on his Subjects I have already told you what Philip de Comines thinks of this Maxim We have at least as much Reason to complain of Tyranny and Violence now as the Subjects of that Prince had in those Days but our Tongues are ty'd Charles VII was engag'd in a long and chargeable War against England yet he never Levied above Eighteen hundred thousand Livres per Annum 'T is true Lewis XI augmented the Impositions to Three Millions and Seven hundred thousand Livres Tearly but he had the Character of a very bad Prince and to say all in one word a Tyrant His Son Charles VIII fearing to meet with the same Fate and desirous to live according to the Commandments of God says Philip de Comines resolv'd to content himself with the Crown-lands together with the Sum of Twelve hundred thousand Livres which the Estates assembled at Tours had granted him France was happy under the Reign of Lewis XII who was call'd the Father of the People whence we may reasonably infer that the Face of Affairs is wonderfully chang'd since that time Under the late King Lewis XIII the Impositions amounted to near Fourscore Millions of which not above Five and Thirty were brought into the Treasury the rest being exhausted by the great charges of the Scate M. Colbert has found means to raise the King's Revenues to One hundred and Twenty Millions and upwards This could not be done without ruining an infinite number of Families by imposing a prodigious number of new Taxations besides the enormous augmentation of those that were already established Now if One
hundred and Twenty Millions be brought Yearly into the King's Coffers the total Sum of the Impositions must amount at least to One hundred and Fifty the charges of the State being infinitely augmented since the beginning of the present War And we shall quickly see them rise to Two hundred for after all Lewis the Great cannot subsist under a Hundred Millions per Annum Yet we have patience enough to suffer all these Miseries but what do I talk of Patience and Suffering No we admire them we delight in them and fancy them to be the greatest glories of our Nation The King we cry is the greatest Monarch in Europe All other Princes are meer Beggars and miserable Wretches He has Ten thousand Men in the Troops of his Houshould in time of Peace he maintains a Hundred thousand Men in Garrisons to preserve all those fine Towns that he has Conquer'd and Fortified At present Three hundred thousand Men Fight under his Banners against all the Nations of Europe that are united against him Incorrigible Sots that we are that numerous and magnificent Train of the King's Houshold those Hundred thousand Men whom he maintains in time of Peace that prodigious Army of Three hundred thousand Men who obey his Orders during the War and that vast number of strong and well Man'd Garrisons what do all these things signifie to us To devour us to enthral us and to make us odious to all Europe Have we not Reason to think our Money well bestow'd The Forces that the King kept on Foot in time of Peace made him more terrible at home than abroad These Domestick Enemies made us suffer our selves to be opprest Daily with new Edicts without resistance and forc'd us to be silent spectators when the Nobility were rob'd of their Priviledges and the Cities depriv'd of their ancient Rights The Noblemen have ruin'd themselves by their Luxury and by that chargeable way of living into which they have been so subtlely engag'd Our Cities have not Canon to defend themselves their great Guns were taken from them under pretext of sending them to the Frontiers They are open and defenceless and even are not suffer'd to repair their decay'd Walls 'T is enough for them to erect Statues for the King or to cause Inscriptions to be engrav'd in Honour of that Immortal Man The Fortifications and numerous Garrisons of Cazal Stratbourg and other frontier places have drain'd the Kingdom of prodigious Sums of Money and what advantage does it receive from them but that they have made them jealous of us and incenst our Neighbours against us That Army of Three hundred thousand Men exhausts all the Men and Money in the Kingdom All the People turn Soldiers and perhaps the consequences of a Peace would be more fatal to us than the War What must be done with all that Army after the publication of a Peace which is so much long'd for and which we might quickly enjoy if the King would do Justice to his Neighbours and to his Subjects The Allies seem resolv'd to force him to do Justice to them And we might be in a condition to demand Justice from him in such a manner that he durst not refuse it if the force of his Arms which is so loudly celebrated by our Orators and Poets were not more fatal to us than to our Neighbours Let us conclude from all that has been said for 't is time to put an end to a Letter that is already too long let us conclude I say that the Poll-Tax will be impos'd because we have made ourselves Slaves and are eyen fond of our Chains Adieu I wish you as happy a new Year as you can possibly enjoy in such difricult time and so desolate a Countrey Paris Jan. 2 1695. THE SECOND LETTER AT last Sir the Court has convinc'd us that she can be as good as her Word and that we may believe her when she threatens whatever Reason we may have to suspect the sincerity of her Promises On the 18th instant the King by his Edict commanded a General Poll-Tax to be Levied throughout the Kingdom as you may see by the Copy of the Declaration which I have sent you and Three Days after it was Registred in the Parliament This effect of their complaisance does not at all surprize me they have been for several Years a standing example of blind submission to the Orders of the Court and at last they have carryed their obedience so far that we may with a great deal of justice apply to our selves that which our good Friend Tacitus said of his own Age. * Sicut vetus aetas vidit quid ultimum in libertate esset it a nos quid in Servitute Tacit. in Agric. Our Ancestors beheld the last moments of expiring Liberty under the Ministry of Cardinal Richlieu and we are forc'd to suffer the last and utmost rigours of Slavery The Age of Domitian was an exact model of ours * Adempto per inquisitiones loquendi audiendique commercio we dare neither complain our selves nor hear the complaints of others †Memoriam quoque ipsam cum voce perdidissemus si tam in nostra potestate esset oblivisci quum tacere And we should have already lost even the Memory of our former happiness as well as our Voice if we could as easily forget as be silent But we shall not by my consent be altogether such tame Slaves as these Romans Let us at least have the courage to remember that under the former Reigns we oblig'd even our haughtiest and most ambitious Monarchs to suffer * Res olim dissociabiles principatum libertatem Liberty to subsist with Sovereignty for we need only cast our Eyes upon England to be convinc'd that these two things are not incompatible and let us not be afraid to tell our Friends what we think of our Miseries I have sent you some Reflexions on the King's Declaration I hope you will in requital let me know your thoughts of it after you have perus'd them It does not at all resemble those Edicts which Tiberius sent to the Senate of Rome They were * Verba perpauca sensu permodesto Tacit. Annal. short and modest this long and extravagant I could easily forgive its first fault considering the vast number of Regulations that were to be cram'd into it but I can by no means bear the Second as much as I have been accustom'd to the lofty stile of those Edicts that have been publish'd since the beginning of the War and of the Circulatory Letters that are sent from time to time to the Bishops to Order Te Deum to be Sung for the taking of some Town or gaining of a Victory These great words The glory of the State the Prosperity with which Heaven has blest our Reign the Powers of Europe United together to carry on an unjust War against us the Obstinacy of our Enemies who seem insensible of their Losses and of the Misery of