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ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A33624	Argumentum anti-normannicum, or, An argument proving, from ancient histories and records, that William, Duke of Normandy, made no absolute conquest of England by the Sword, in the sense of our modern writers being an answer to these four questions, viz. I. Whether William the First made an absolute conquest of this nation at his first entrance?, II. Whether he cancelled and abolished all the confessor's laws?, III. Whether he divided all our estates and fortunes between himself and his nobles?, IV. Whether it be not a grand error to affirm, that there were no English-men in the Common Council of the whole Kingdom?	Atwood, William, d. 1705?; Johnson, Samuel, 1649-1703.; Coke, Edward, Sir, 1552-1634.; Petyt, William, 1636-1707.; Cooke, Edward, of the Middle Temple.	1682 (1682)	Wing C4907; ESTC R1971	61,200	184

their proper Land Or under some base Favourites Command May they whilst others riot with their Stores Without Relief beg at their Native Doors Vnder their Countries Curse their Tyrant's Scorn May they with never-ceasing Pangs be torn Who violate the Sacred Trust to which they 're born But blest be Thou and all who dare like Thee Bravely assert their Countries Liberty Our well-built Freedom thou dost make to appear And its Foundation from Time's Rubbish clear The Norman swore to Laws by which we 're free Laws were more his than our Security Him King the People's joint Consent alone Did make which by that Sacred Oath he won Or that same joint Consent had made him none We were no Norman Slaves nor French could be Had we enough True Englishmen like Thee But now my Muse before you end take care Humbly to close up all with Heav'n in Prayer Prayer for that King who doth Great Britain Rule Who of this Isle is th' Vniversal Soul In whom so many glorious Vertues shine As make him seem to be of Race Divine May Heav'n continually His Guardian prove And keep Him safe in all His Subjects Love Long may unruffled Peace adorn His Crown May all the Laws in their smooth Channel run And flowing Iustice still support His Throne Thus blest and thus united here at Home What cannot Britain's Monarch overcome Oh may Great Edward's and Fifth Henry's Soul By Heav'nly Pow'r be transfus'd to him whole May He ride Mighty Admiral of the Seas Scourging His stubborn Enemies into Peace His Envying Neighbours all their Powers disown Strike to His Flag and tremble at His Frown And th' humbled World be glad to pay him fear And awful veneration every where That this may be May the Illustrious Senate of the Land With their Wise Councils ever by him stand He pleas'd in them and they resolv'd to show What th' utmost stretch of Loyalty can do Then will his Glories shine in brightest state At th' Head of such a joint Triumvirate Then King and People doubly will be blest And Europe then enjoy a lasting Rest. For this let all our Vows to Heav'en be sent To see Great Charles happy in 's Parliament Argumentum Anti-Normannicum SIR YOu were pleased some time since in my happiness of a short but free conversation with you to tell me You had a mind to read how far I could give you satisfaction in a few Points you had raised to your self concerning the Norman Conquest and that within a little while I should have a Paper from you wherein they should be contained You were not long Sir in justly acquitting your self of your promise to me I did receive the Furniture of these ensuing Arguments by the four Questions you sent me and hope there is nothing to be found in them but unbyassed and venerable Truth which surely none will be offended to hear I have endeavoured to pay all possible Respect to You and to Justice and as far as my Abilities could reach in so small a Treatise have impartially offered my Thoughts upon them and now beg your candour in judging me Your Questions Sir are these The First Question I. Whether William Duke of Normandy who was afterwards William the First got the Imperial Crown of England by the Sword and made an absolute Conquest of the Nation at his first Entrance The Second Question II. Whether this first William did abolish all the English Laws and changed the whole Frame and Constitution of the Government The Third Question III. Whether it be true That the English had neither Estates nor Fortunes left but all was divided between the King and his Normans The Fourth Question IV. Whether it be not a grand Error to affirm That there were no English Men in the Common Council of the whole Kingdom I shall take them Sir in the order you have sent them to me and so first begin with your first Question The First Question Whether William Duke of Normandy who was afterwards William the First got the Imperial Crown of England by the Sword and made an * For England thus much I dare speak and under the rule of Modesty protest That sithence the Vniversal Conquest of William who first commanded and imposed Tribute upon this Land for Conquerors may command Tribute and Subsidie have been as justly both by the Law of God and the Law of Nations paid in England as in Jewry yea and justly continued as a remembrance of a Conquest Dr. Pulbec Pandects of the Law of Nations c. 10. p. 69. One Blackwood wrote a Book which concluded That we are all Slaves by reason of the Conquest Vid. Mr. Pety● Misc. Parl. p. 66. And t● is Position is maintained by an Anonimus Author in his full and clear Answer to Mr. Pety●'s Ancient Right of the Commons of England asserted Pag. 35. in the Margin Absolute Conquest of the Nation at his first entrance AS you have stated the Question Sir and desire to know what is my Opinion of it with submission to others better informed and who are more able to maintain the Truth of those Principles I proceed upon than my self I shall return you this modest Answer as my Sence and Judgment in the Point viz. That I cannot conclude in the Affirmative for these several constraining Reasons 1. That William laid a far greater stress upon his Claim and Titles to this Kingdom than ever he did upon his great and mighty Conquest will be very plain and evident if you please but to consider with me these following Particulars 1. In that before his Conquest when the People had chosen Harold the Son of Earl Godwin for their King after the Death of Edward the Confessor and had put aside Edgar Atheling by right of Blood and Inheritance entitled to the Crown This Norman Duke made his loud Complaints of the Injuries done him in not electing him for he was * Edward the Confessor was Son to Ege●●ed K. of England by Emma Sister to Rich. ● Duke of Normandy who was Grandfather to Duke William so that K Edward and Duke William were Cosen Germans once removed as this farther shews you Richard 1. Richard 2. Emma Robert Edward William Cosen German to the Confessor who died † Edward married Edith the Daughter of E. Godwin but whether upon a vow of Chastity or upon impotency of Nature or upon any hatred to her Father or suspicion against her self for all these Causes are alledged by several Writers of those Times he forbore all private Familiarities with her without Issue and therefore pretended that the Right truly devolved upon him But it seems as ill luck would have it this Duke they knew to be a Bastard and neither the Saxon Law nor the Norman Custom could help him in such a Case and so that Title did him but little good Well what therefore was to be his next Work Why 2. Truly his Pretence was then That the Confessor had designed him for his Successor

Absolute Conquest be true then either the Arch-bishops Bishops Abbots Priors Earls Barons and Commons in Parl. 15. R. 2. knew it or they did not That they were ignorant of it is not easily to be presumed because they lived within ten of three hundred Years ago and no doubt but there were some Learned Men among them that knew the ancient Constitutions of the Nation And if they did then were they guilty of the greatest madness and folly that ever was when the Commons prayed that King En plein Parlement que nostre Seigneur le Roy s●it estoise ausi frank en sa Regalie Liberte Dignite Royale en son temps come ascuns de cest Noble Progenitors Rot. Parl. 15. R. 2. N. 13. Roys d' Eng● furent en lour temps nient contresteant ascun Estatut on Ordinance fait devant cest hures a contraire mesment en derogation de la Libertee Franchise de la Corone qu'il soit adnulle de nul force puis touz les Prel●tes Seigneures Temporels prierent en mesine le manere sur ce nostre Seigneur ledit Roy mercia les dits Seigneurs Communes de la grant tendresse affection qu●ils avoient a la Salvation de son Honeur de son Estate a cause que lour dit priers requestes luy semblerent honestes resonables il sagrea assenta pleinement a ycelles Now can any Man of but an ordinary understanding think That the Parliament intended by this Act to out themselves of all their Ancient and Legal Rights and totally to give up their Estates and Fortunes to the King 's absolute Disposition Is it possible almost to be supposed that they designed to confound and overthrow the whole Polity and Government of the Kingdom and reduce all to the Arbi●rary Will and Power of a New Conqueror without a Conquest What Man is there that is not become servile to Common Opinion and implicit Suppositions of so Inventive a Faculty as to conjecture such grand Absurdities And yet these and many more are the direct Consequences of those that endeavour to maintain and justify these pernicious Principles For the Petition and Law is that Rich. 2. should be as free in his Regality Liberty and Dignity Royal as any of his Noble Progenitors Kings of England then it naturally follows That he was to be as Free and Absolute as William the Conqueror And then what is the Conclusion and Result The Anonymus Author against Mr. Petyt p. 43. But that the English were neither to have Estates nor Fortunes left them and therefore it could be no great Matter to them by what Law Right or Property Men held their Estates And so farewel to Parliaments But we know and are well assured That never any such Imagination entred into the Minds of the Lords and Commons in 15. R. 2. Ras. Stat. 15 R. 2. f. 161. not only by the Laws made then in that Parliament but by those in the next Parliament held the next Year after Id. 16. R. 2. fo 163. The Commons granted to the King That pur la grant Affiance Affection and Assurance for the great Trust Rot. Parl. 16 R. 2. N. 8. Affection and Assurance they had in the Noble Person of the King in his most excellent Knowledg and his most sage Discretion and also for the great tenderness they had for his Crown and the Kingdom les drots dicels and the Rights thereof s' accorderant assenterent they agreed and assented in full Parliament That the King by good deliberation and Assent of the Lords of his Wise Council might take the whole Matter touching the Statute of Provisors to him and that he should have full Power and Authority to modify the said Statute against the Pope and Court of Rome and to Ordain by the Deliberation and Assent aforesaid in such manner as he should think best to the Honour of God and of Holy Church and the Salvation of the Rights of his Crown and of the Estate and Profit of this Realm and to put the same in execution when done And that au proschein Parlement at the next Parliament all the Matter aforesaid should be fully shewn as ditz Communes to the said Commons and the Reason thereof is memorable viz. au sin quils purront alors par bon avisement agreer si Dieu plest a y●elles That the Commons then might upon good advice agree thereto if it should so please God From all which it evidently appears 1. That no Law could be made in Richard the Second's Time or in any of his Progenitors Kings of England which cannot but take in William the First without the Assent of the Lords and Commons in Parliament 2. That none of those Kings could abrogate or make void such Laws when made without the like assent 3. That though the General Phrase viz. That King Richard should be and stand as free in his Regality Liberty and Dignity Royal in his Time as any of his Progenitors were in Theirs and that the King says That the Desires and Requests of the Commons seemed honest and reasonable to him and therefore he gave his Royal Assent to that Law Yet neither the King nor the Lords could ever believe that it was honest and reasonable or that it was any part of the Liberty and Dignity of the Crown to change the whole Frame and Constitution of the English Government by altering and making Laws at Will by taking away the Subjects Possessions and bestowing them upon whomsoever he pleased by destroying the ancient Course and Power of Parliaments and in a word by turning all things topsy turvy And thus we have the Evidence and Proof of the greatest Authority that can be given against the Absurdity as well as falseness of King William's Absolute Conquest viz. a Law and Statute of the Kingdom To conclude all I shall make bold to borrow the words of that great Assertor of the Protestant Cause against the Intollerable U●urpations of Papal Power the so eminently Learned and Pious Thomas now Lord Bishop of Lincoln in his Treatise of Popery or the Principles and Positions approved by the Church of Rome c. in Quarto pag. 116. and say If any Man can truly and impartially as to the sum and substance of the Testimonies here cited for I neither need nor will undertake for every particular Circumstance or Typographical Error either shew 1. That I have misquoted the Authors and Books I cite and that such Passages do not occur in the places quoted 2. Or if they do occur that I have mistook their meaning as to the Purposes for which they are produced I say If any Man can and will ingeniou●●y shew me either of these I shall be so far from not confessing my Fault or declaring how I was misled into it that I shall have a bearty value for any such friendly admonition and receive it with all the grateful acknowledgment as becomes me For my only design is the Detection of Error and Establishment of Truth to future Generations and not to have the World imposed upon by the Tricks Impostures and Artifices which too many have been guilty of either to promote their own particular Gain and Interest to which such care not what they Sacrifice or upon a far worse and more grievous Consideration to bring the whole Nation into dividing Parties and Factions and thus by Embroyls and Entanglements to throw them at last into fatal Convulsions to the destruction both of Prince and People FINIS

of before S●lden's Review of his History 〈◊〉 Tithes p. 482 483 484. as well as of after the Norman Conquest as it is vulgarly called are here gathered and are perhaps equally observable as the Rest in the consequent of a general consecration of Tithes to the Church in England For neither were the Laws formerly made abolish'd by that Conquest altho' by Law of i Vid. Quintilian lib. 5. Institution cap. 10. Athe. Gentil de Jere belli lib. 3. cap. 5. Hottoman illust Quaest. 5. War regularly all Rights and Laws of the Place conquered be wholly subject to the Conqueror's Will For in this of the Norman not only the Conqueror's Will was not declared that the former Laws should be abrogated and until such Declaration Laws remain in force by the Opinion of k Calvin's Can. fol. 17. b some in all Conquests of Christians against Christians but also the ancient and former Laws of the Kingdom were confirmed by him For in his fourth Year by the Advice of his Baronage he summoned to London omnes Nobiles sapientes Lege suà eruditos ut eorum Leges Consuetudines audiret as the words are of the Book of Litchfield and afterward confirmed them as is further also related by l in H● 2. p. 347. Roger of Hoveden Those Lege suâ eruditi were common Lawyers of that Time as Godric and Al●win were then also who are spoken of in the Book of m MS lib. 2. p. 3● 30. in Bibl. Cotton Abingdom to be Legibus Patriae optime instituti quibus tantae secularium facundia praeteritorum memoria eventorum inerat ut caeteri circumquaque facilè eorum sententiam ratam fuisse quem edicerent approbarent And these two and divers other Common Lawyers then lived in the Abby of Abingdon Quorum collationi nemo sapiens says the Author refragabatur quibus rem Ecclesia publicam tuentibus ejus oblocutores elingues fiebant You must know that in those days every Monk here in England that would might remain so secular that he might get Mony for himself purchase or receive by descent to his own use And therefore it was fit enough for practising Lawyers to live in Monasteries But what had those praeteritorum memoria eventorum that is Reports and adjudged Cases of the Saxon Times availed in their skill if the former Laws had not continued More obvious Testimonies to this purpose are had out of n Videsis Cok. Praefax ad Relat. 3. 8. si placet Not. ad fortesc p. 7 8. Gervase of Tilbury Ingulphus and others and we here omit them But also indeed it was not to be reputed a Conquest or an Acquisition by right of War which might have destroyed the former Laws so much as a violent recovering of the Kingdom out of the hands of Rebels which withstood the Duke's pretence of a lawful Title claimed by the Confessor's adoption or designation of him for his Successor his nearness of Blood on the Mother's side not a little also aiding such a pretence to a Crown For the Confessor's Mother Emme was Sister to Richard the Second Duke of Normandy to whom William was Grand-child and Heir But these were only specious Titles and perhaps examined curiously neither of them were at that time enough And howsoever his Conscience so moved him at his death that he profest he had got * Historia Cadohensis England only by Blood and the Sword yet also by express Declaration in some of his Patents he before pretended his Right from the Confessor's Gift p Chart. Eccles Wes●m in inspex part 7. 1. Ed. 4. m. 26. vid● Camb. pag. 104. In ore gladii saith he Regnum adeptus sum Anglorum devicto Haraldo Rege cum suis complicibus qui mihi Regnum cum providentia Dei destinatum beneficio concessionis Domini cognati mei gloriosi Regis Edwardi concessum conati sunt auferre c. And the Stories commonly tells us That the Confessor Successionem Angliae ei dedit And although Harold also pretended a Devise of the Kingdom to himself made by the Confessor in extremis and urged also that the Custom of England had been from the time of Augustine's coming hither q MS. sive Autor Guil. Pictav sive quis alius sit in Bibl. Cotton Donationem quam in ultimo fine quis fecerit eam ratam haberi and that the former Gift to the Norman and his own Oath for establishment of it were not of force because they were made r Malmesb. lib. 5. de Gest. Regum p. 56. a. alii in Will 1. videsis Mat. Paris in Hen. 3. p. 1257. Edit Londin absque generali Senatus Populi conventu edicto yet for his own part he was driven to put all upon the Fortune of the Field and so lost it And the Norman with his Sword and pretence of the sufficiency and precedence of the Gift made to himself got the Crown as if he had been a lawful Successor to the Confessor and not an Universal Conqueror All this is plain out of the Stories and justified infallibly by that of the Titles of many common Persons made to their Possessions in England after his Kingdom setled upon the possession of themselves or their Ancestors in time of the Saxon Kings especially of the Confessor But this was always in case where they by whose possession the Title was made had not incurr'd Forfeiture by Rebellion Many such Titles are clearly allowed in the Book of Dooms-day written in the Conqueror's Time One especially is noted by the most learned Camden in his Norfolk That as I remember is touched in Dooms-day also but enough others are dispersed there which agree with it How could such Titles have held if he had made an absolute Conquest of England wherein an Universal Acquisition of all had been to the Conqueror and no Title could have been derived but only from or under him More might be brought to clear this but we add here only the judicious Assertion of a great s Shard in cas in itin temp Ed. 3. fol. 143. b. Lawyer of Edward the Third's Time Le Conqueror saith he ne vient pas pur ouster eux que avoient droiturell possession mes de ouster eux que de leur tort avoient occupie ascun ierre en disheritance del Roy son Corone It was spoken upon an Objection made in a Quo Warranto against the Abbot of Peterborough touching a Charter of King Edgar which the King's Councel would have had void because by the Conquest all Franchises they said were devolved to the Crown But by the way for that of his nearness of Blood which could not but aid his other pretended Title let it not seem meerly vain in regard of his being a Bastard There was good pretence for the help of that defect also For although the Laws of this Kingdom and I think of all other Civil

Regis Edwardi In his second Charter dated Anno 15. of his Reign he saith in honour of King Edward who made me his Heir and adopted me to Rule over this Nation In his Charter dated 1088. of the Liberties of St. Martins the Great in the Manuscript thereof are these words In Example of Moses who built the Tabernable and of Solomon who built the Temple Ego Guilielmus Dei dispositione consanguinitatis Haereditate Anglorum Basileus c. The Charter of Hen. 1. his Son to this Abby in honour of Edward my Kinsman who adopted my Father and his Children to be Heirs to this Kingdom c. In another Charter of Hen. 1. in the Book of Ely he calls himself the Son of King William the Great who by Hereditary Right succeeded King Edward It is true as to his pretence of Title by the Will of the Confessor Mathew Paris objecteth That the Devise was void being without the consent of the Barons To which may be answered That probably the Law might be so in Hen. 3. Time when Paris wrote and was so taken to be in the Statute of Carlisle and in the Case of King Iohn But at the time of Duke William's Invasion the Law was taken to be That a Kingdom might be transferred by Will So was that of Sixtus Rufus and Asia came to the Romans by the Will of King Attalus the words by Annaeus Florus are Populus Romanus Bonorum meorum HAERES esto Bithinia came to the Romans by the last Will of their King Nicomedes which is remembred by Vtropius together with that of Libia Cicero in his Oration tells us That the Kingdom of Alexandria by the last Will of their King was devolved to Rome And Prasutagus Rex Icenorum in England upon his Death-bed gave his Kingdom to the Emperor Nero. As to Examples in this Point at Home This King William the first by his Will gave England to his younger Son William Rufus King Stephen claimed by the Will of Henry the first King Henry the eight had Power by Act of Parliament to order the Succession of the Crown as he pleased by Will And the Lords of the Council in Queen Mary's Time wrote to her That the Lady Iane's Title to the Crown was by the Will and Letters of Edward the sixth As. the case of Hen. 8. was by Act of Parliament so Duke William after he had conquered Harold was by the general consent of the Barons and People of England accepted for their King and so his Title by Will confirmed And he both claimed and governned the Kingdom as an Heir and Successor confirmed their Antient Laws and ruled according to them This appears by Chronica Chronicorum speaking of William the Bastard King of England and Duke of Normandy he saith That whereas as St. Edward had no Heir of England William having conquered Harold the Vsurper obtained the Crown under this Condition That he should inviolably observe those Laws given by the said Edward It is testified likewise by many of our Historians That the Ancient Laws of England were confirmed by Duke William Iornalensis saith That out of the Merchen-Lage West-Saxon-Lage and Dane-Lage the Confessor composed the Common Law which remains to this day Malmesbury who lived in Duke William's Time saith That the Kings were sworn to observe the Laws of the Confessor so called saith he because he observed them most religiously But to make this Point clear out of Ingulphus he saith in the end of his Chronicle I Ingulphus brought with me from London into my Monastery Crowland the Laws of the most Righteous King Edward which my Lord King William did command by his Proclamation to be Authentick and Perpetual and to be observed throughout the whole Kingdom of England upon pain of most heinous punishment The Lieger-Book of the Abby of Waltham commends Duke William for restoring the Laws of the English-men out of the Customs of their Country Radburn follows this Opinion and these Laws of Edward the Confessor are the same in part which are continued in our GREAT CHARTER of LIBERTIES A Manuscript entituled De Gestis Anglorum saith That at a Parliament at London 4. W. 1. the Lawyers also present that the King might hear their Laws he established Saint Edward's Laws they being formerly used in King Edgar's Time There is also mention of the twelve Men out of every County to deliver truly the Estate of their Laws The same is remembred by Selden's History of Tythes and Titles of Honour and in a Manuscript Chronicle bound with the Book of Ely in Cotton's Library One of the worthy Gentlemen from whom I differ in Opinion was pleased to say That if William the Conqueror did not introduce the Laws of Normandy into England yet he conceives our Laws to be brought out of France hither in the time of some other of our Kings who had large Territories in France and brought in their Laws hither else he wonders how our Laws should be in French Sir I shall endeavour to satisfy his Wonder therein by and by but first with your leave I shall offer to you some Probabilities out of the History That the Laws of England were by some of those Kings carried into France rather than the Laws of France brought hither This is expresly affirmed by Paulus Iovius who writes That when the English Kings reigned in a great part of France they taught the French their Laws Sabellicus a Venetian Historian writes That the Normans in their Manners and Customs and Laws followed the English Polydore Virgil contradicting himself in another place than before cited relates That in our King Hen. 6. Time the Duke of Bedford called together the Chief Men of all the Cities in Normandy and delivered in his Oration to them the many Benefits that the English afforded them especially in that the English gave to them their Customs and Laws By the Chronicle of Eltham H. 5. sent to Cane in Normandy not only Divines but English Common Lawyers by the agreement at Troys So there is much more probability that the Laws of England were introduced into France and Normandy than that the Laws of Normandy or any other part of France were introduced into England If the Normans had been Conquerors of England as they were not but their Duke was only a Conqueror of Harold and received as Hereditary King of England yet is it not probable they would have changed our Laws and have introduced theirs because they did not use to do so upon other Conquests The Normans conquered the Isles of Guernsey and Iersey yet altered not their Laws which in their local Customs are like unto ours The like they did in Sicily Naples and Apulia where they were Conquerors yet the Ancient Laws of those Countries were continued I hope Mr. Speaker I have by this time given some satisfaction to the Worthy Gentlemen who differed from me that the Laws of England were not imposed upon us by the Conqueror nor brought over

Argumentum Anti-Normannicum OR AN ARGUMENT PROVING From Ancient Histories and Records THAT William Duke of Normandy Made no absolute Conquest of England by the Sword in the sense of our Modern Writers Being an Answer to these four Questions VIZ. I. Whether William the First made an Absolute Conquest of this Nation at his first Entrance II. Whether he cancelled and abolished all the Confessor 's Laws III. Whether He divided all our Estates and Fortunes between himself and his Nobles IV. Whether it be not a grand Error to affirm That there were no English-men in the Common Council of the whole Kingdom London Printed by I. D. for Mat. Keinton Ionath Robinson Sam. Sprint 1682. An Explanation of the Frontispiece warranted by the Authorities cited in the following Argument NO sooner had the * King Harold victorious over the K. of Denmark Tosta Harold's Brother at York Valiant HAROLD conquered the Danish King and his own Brother the daring TOSTA but news was brought him † William D. of Normandy at the same time lands in Sussex That the NORMAN Duke was arrived at Pemsey in Sussex whereupon with haste he went to meet him and at * Harold meets him at Hastings where they ●ight Hastings gave the NORMAN battel which proved fatal to him For he was as you may see * Harold slain slain between the NORMAN Long-Bows and ENGLISH Spears leaving the Duke VICTOR in the Field WILLIAM proud with this Success marches with all speed up to Berkhamstead near LONDON The D. oomes up to London The Rest of the ENGLISH if they had look'd upon his coming as a Design to conquer the Nation and not to assert his pretended legal Title against HAROLD were then able to have driven him back to his own Country or at least found him a Tumulary in this for there was not a fifth part of the Strength of the Nation that felt the Force of the Arms but Duke WILLIAM and the ENGLISH soon came to an Agreement and the latter entred into solemn Compact to make him King Enters into Compact with the English to make him King Thereupon BRITANNIA holds forth to him the Scepter with one Hand Britan. gives him the Scepter And With the other shews him the excellent and most famous Laws of St. EDWARD And St. Edward's Laws to keep As also at the same Time a Noble Prelat tenders him the Coronation-Oath † A Bishop tenders the Coronation Oath The ENGLISH first being asked by the Bishop If they would assent to have the Duke their KING and if he should then be crowned To which they all with an unanimous consent answered Yea Yea Whereupon he takes the Coronation-Oath The VVilliam took at his Coronation the sence of which take as follows This Scepter Fairest Queen I most thankfully receive Sacramentum Willielmi Se●●oris Ante ●●stare S. Petri Apostoli coram Clero Populo jurejurando Promisit se velle Sanctas Dei Ecclesias ac Rectores earum defendere necnon cunctom Populum sibi subjectum justè ac Regali providentia regere rectam Legem Statuere tenere rapinas in justaque judicia penitùs interdicere Hoveden pars Prior. fol. 258. l. 14. Exacto prius coram omni Populo jurejurando quod se modestè erga subjectos ageret aequo sure Anglos quo Francos tractaret Malmsb. lib. 3. fol. 154. b. l. 8. Rex pro bono pacis juravit super omnes Reliquias Ecclesiae Sancti Albani Tactisque Sacrosanctis ●vangeli●s bonas approbatas Antiquas Regni Leges quas Sancti ac pii Angliae Reges ejus Antecessores Maxime Rex Edwardus Statuit inviolabiliter observare Mat. Paris Vitae Viginti trium Sancti Albani Abbatuum fol. 48. l. 37. and with it do solemnly Promise and Swear to govern both Church and State in Peace And I vow to Rule my Subjects with that Iustice and prudent Care as becomes a good King I will with the Advice and Consent of my Great Council enact right Law Which done * The Invocation be Witness all ye Saints that to the utmost of my Power I will my self religiously keep and observe it For what can be more vain and inconsistent with the common Reason of all Mankind than for a Prince publickly and solemnly to ordain a Law and the next moment after to break and abrogate it in his Closet All Rapines I will forbid and all false Judgments no illegal or ARBITRARY ACTS under pretence of the Preragative-Royal will I suffer or permit to the oppression of my ENGLISH Subjects between whom and my Normans I will administer EQUAL RIGHT And that God Angels my NORMANS and You O Sacred Queen may all be Witnesses and Parties to the sincerity of my Heart That I will not take the English-men's Inheritances by Injustice or thrust them out of their Paternal Possessions by wrong That I have not nor will pretend to any Absolute or Despotical Power over their Lives Liberties and Estates nor violate break or a●ter the Fundamental Rights of the Kingdom as Tyrants do who only design to enslave their People I do here solemnly promise and swear in the presence of all Ye mighty Powers inviolably to observe and keep the Sacred Laws of St. Edward my Kinsman Which said the Arch-bishop of York sets the Imperial Crown upon WILLIAM's Head and thus of a Duke of NORMANDY he was created KING of ENGLAND TO MY Worthy FRIEND The Learned Author of Argumentum Anti-Normannicum GReat Britain fairest Queen of all the Isles Inrich'd at Home with bounteous Natures smiles Thou such a self-sufficiency dost own All Countries need thy Stores but thou want'st none Divided from the World Thou to thy self art one The Sea and Continent proclaim Thee Great Proud Monarchs have lain Captives at thy Feet The Scales of th' Western World are in thy Hand Each Kingdom 's Fate depends on thy Command Where e're thy Friendship and thy Force combine Against that State in vain the Rest design To Thee no Ills from Forreign Foes can come The basest and more dangerous are at Home No Desert Beasts of Prey thy Land does bear But yet worse Beasts within thy Bowels are Who would thy Rights and Ancient Glories tear Those having lost their Liberty of Mind From vanquish'd Sires a weak excuse would find Are these thy Sons Or Marks of thy disgrace Who own themselves a slavish conquer'd Race The Norman Duke on Terms receiv'd the Crown Swore He 'd by Edward's Laws support his Throne Which sure no absolute Uictor would have done That Title which his Great Successor hath Came from the Pact not from the Breach of Faith That gives the Bounds to all incroaching Might And sets the Banks about the Subjects Right Who pulls them down le ts in a raging Sea Which drowns and swallows up all Property Who e're attempt to let that Torrent in At their own Houses may the Waste begin Let them for others Till

and reduce themselves back to this notorious Dilemma viz. either to live Uassals and Slaves under the English or else vertere solum return to Normandy from whence they came There is one thing more which I cannot but mention and that is The inconsiderateness of those Men who so mightily cry up the absolute Conquest of William the First over the English as if they were utterly broken and crushed and all their Laws and Customs destroyed when as it is demonstrably manifest Sim. Dunelm An. 1088. fol. 214. Angli cum fideliter juvabant that at the Time of Robert and his Normans Treason and Conspiracy against William Rufus then King and his Brother to cut off him and make Robert King in his room I say then the Interest of the English was so great and powerful that it kept the Crown upon Rufus's Head maugre all the Power of the Normans who universally joined with Robert But Sir now I will consider the import of your next Question The Third Question III. Whether it be true The Anonimous Author against Mr. Petyr p. 43. That the English had neither Estates nor Fortunes left but all was divided between the King and his Normans THough it be confessed that this first William obtained the Imperial Crown of England yet I think I have clearly made it out to you Sir that it was by a Reception upon Terms and not by Right of Conquest and it is no less obvious that the Laws in general which were after such his Acquisition ratified and confirmed and which continued in full force and power were the old Saxon Laws and though it cannot be denied but that he did introduce some new Laws of his own yet those quas constituimus you have heard were made ad utilitatem Anglorum for the Benefit and Advantage of the English without the least mention either of the French or Normans And observable too it is that those Laws were made per Commune Concilium totius Regni Apud Lambard inter Leges Guliel primi fol. 170. de Statut. 55. 1. And if so Sir me-thinks this seems as one strong Argument that the English could not have all their Estates Fortunes violently ravished from them nor the King and his Normans at their coming in could not absolutely sweep away all the Stakes because the good Old Law was still in its full being and virtue * Co. 12. Report fol. 65. which was the Metw●nd and Measure to try the Causes of the Subjects and † In his first Speech to his first Parliament in Engl. Stat. 1. Jac. c. 2. fol. 1157. by which saith the wise King Iames the People's security of Lands Livings and Priviledges were preserved and maintained and which also is * K. Charl. 1. Declaration to all his Loving Subjects published with the Advice of his Privy Council Exact Collect. c. p 28. the Inheritance of every Subject and the only security he can have for his Life or Estate And then they could not lose all they had at this rate but it must be by a manifest wrong to the Priviledg as well as well-being of the People and no doubt if the Law had its due course as I have made that plain it had but that their Native Rights were easily recoverable and the ravaging Normans could not keep them in spight of all Justice for that were a total abolishing of the Law 2. But in the next place Sir I make no question but that I shall convince you that the English at least those who lived in Peace before and at his coming to the possession of the English Throne did quietly and peaceably enjoy their Inheritances and their Titles and Claims to them from their Saxon Ancestors were held good and allowed which to be sure they never could have done had this Kingdom received such an universal Change and Revolution as so many of our late Learned Authors would needs have us firmly to believe Saith Sir Richard Baker Sir Ric. Baker's Chronic. fol. 23. in his Chronicle of this King's Life and Reign Though he hath had the Name of Conqueror yet he used not the Kingdom as gotten by Conquest for he took no Man's living from him nor dispossessed any of their Goods but such only whose demerit made them unworthy to hold them as appears by his Act to one Warren a Norman to whom he had given the Castle of Sherborne in Norfolk The Story is faithfully this as you may find in Cambden's Britannia The King it seems had given away Sherborne to Warren a Norman and one that was his great Favourite which Edwinus de Sherborne perceiving who was the true Owner of the Castle and an English Man demands before the King his right in open Court tells him it did de jure belong to him upon this Reason of Law for that he never had took up Arms against the King either before his coming in or since whereupon the King Mr. Petyr's Ancient Right of the Commons of England asserted Pref. p. 24. vinculo juramenti astrictus gave Judgment of Right against the Norman and Sherborne recovered the Lordship Sir Henry Spelman tells you the Story which he hath taken out of an Ancient Manuscript concerning the Family of the Sharborns thus Spelm. Gloss. verbo Drenches p. 184. Edwinus de Sharborne quidam alii qui ejecti fuerunt è terris suis abierunt ad Conquestorem dixerunt ei quod nunquam ante Conquestum nec in Conquestu suo nec post fuerunt contra ipsum Regem in Consilio Auxilio sed tenuerunt so in pace Et hoc parati sunt probare quomodo ipse Rex vellet ordinare Per quod idem Rex fecit inquiri per totam Angliam si ita fuit quod quidem probatum fuit prop●er quod idem Rex praecepit ut omnes illi qui sic tenuerunt se in pace in forma praedicta quod ipsi rehaborent omnes terras donationes suas adeo integrè in pace ut unquam habuerunt vel ten●erunt ante Conquestum suum That is Edwin of Sharborn and several others that were ejected out of their Estates and Possessions went to the Conqueror and told him that they never either before or in or after the Conquest were against him the said King either by their Advice or any other Aid but kept themselves peaceably and quietly And this they were ready to make out which way soever the King pleased to appoint Whereupon the said King ordered an Inquisition to be made throughout all England whether it were so or no which was plainly proved Therefore he presently commanded that all those who so kept themselves peaceably in manner aforesaid as these had done should be repossessed of all their Estates and Inheritances as fully amply and quietly as ever they had or held them before his Conquest This is a Case so full to the Point and so plain to every common Understanding in its self that it

by Divine Providence And they much relyed upon the force of that Solemn Dath he took and great cause they had for their doing so for Remarkable is it that in the beginning of his Reign he made a conscience to keep it and this the Historian plainly proves for so far was he from pretending to be a Conqueror or from exercising absolute Power and Soveraignty over the English that you see he denied to none right Judgment who required it of him he condemned none but those who deserved it by the condemnation of the Law he strictly commanded his great Men to whom he had given the Estates of those who had been bold in Arms against him under King Harold that they should behave themselves with all due moderation and temper and he invited them to Acts of Iustice by his Example He charged them always to have God before their Eyes by whose Arms they had so far overcome That they should nay ought not too much to oppress those they had got the better of who were Christians with them lest those whom they had justly subdued should by such their Oppressions be forced to rebel again he strictly forbad them all Violences that they should restrain themselves from all Cruelties and Rapines That as the People should be kept in Peace by his Arms so their Arms should submit to and be governed by the Laws Nor did he only give this admirable Advice Apud Lambar LL. Wil. prim fol. 170. c. 55. but he prudently governed himself and set easy Boundaries to those Services Taxes Aids quod de jure facere debent which were due to him by the Law he absolutely denied all Pardons and Grace to Robbers and all disturbers of the Publick Peace and wicked Persons He commanded all the Roads to be free and open for Travellers and that no Injuries should be done them so that the beginning of his Reign was as it were a Golden Age and his Clemency and other Acts of Goodness still shone brighter to the happiness of his Subjects which was confirmed towards the Loyal and Dutiful by his steady and commendable perseverance Where in all this is there any pretence to absolute Conquest and despotical Dominion And now to conclude I shall produce an Evidence that is omni exceptione major it is Gulielmus Pict avensis who as Ordericus Vitalis in fine litri tertii writes was Regis Gulielmi Capellanus and writ the Acts of William the First And he categorically says it That Nulli tamen Gallo datum est quod Anglo cuiquam injustè fuerit ablatum that is according to the Judgment given in Sharborn's case That those who had kept themselves unconcerned and had neither consilio vel auxilio assisted Harold against William had the full and free benefit of the Saxon Laws and had not their Estates unjustly taken from any of them and given to his French and Normans Gulielm Pictavens in Gesta Gulielm Ducis Norman Regis Anglorum fol. 208. But I will leave this Sir and now come to your fourth and last Question The Fourth Question IV. Whether it be not a Grand Error to affirm The Anonimus Author against Mr. Petyt p. 37. That there were no English Men in the Common Council of the whole Kingdom OVr Government In his Argument for the Bishops Right in judging in Capital Causes in Parliament Postscript p. 2 saith the Learned and most judicious Mr. Hunt by a King and Estates of Parliament is as ancient as any thing can be remembred of the Nation The attempt of altering it in all Ages accounted Treason and the punishment thereof reserved to the Parliament by 25. Ed. 3. The conservancy of the Government being not safely to be lodged any where but with the Government it self Offences of this Kind not pardonable by the King because it is not in his Power to change it This is Our Government and thus it is established and for Ages and immemorial Time hath thus continued a long succession of Kings have recognized it to be such This too perhaps will be granted Sir in some sence that for a long Series and Tract of Time the Government hath been so but the main pinch and stress of your Question as I apprehend it is this Whether after William the Conqueror had setled himself as well as he could on the English Throne he did admit any of the English to sit in the Great Council of the Nation and to Advise and Consult de arduis Vrgentibus negotiis Regni And I hope this I shall make plain and evident to you That the Grand Court of Parliament was in substance the same that it was before the coming in of this Conqueror and that there were English Men Members of it in the Time of the Conqueror 'T is not to be denied but that the same Courts that were in the Saxon Time for administration of Justice continued after William the first was made King and the Footsteps of them remain yet to this day I shall mention a few and so come to the main Point in Argument 1. County Courts 1. As it was their Wisdom to preserve the Ancient Land-marks LL. Hen. 1. c. 6 apud Lambard fol. 180. so was it likewise both their Wisdom and their Care to continue their due Privileges and Interests Their County Courts were still kept up and every County had its Court and every Court its wonted Jurisdiction L L. Guil. c. 42 fol. 168. no complaint must be to the King's Court if Right might be done in the County no Distress must be taken but by Warrant from the County and that must be after complaint thrice made L L. Guil. c. 6●● The County Court must be called as our Ancestors have appointed such as will not come as they ought shall be first summoned and in case of default distrained at the fourth default Reddatur de rebus hujus hominis quod calumpniatum est quod dicitur Ceargel insuper Regis forisfactura that is The Complainant shall be satisfied out of the Distresses so taken and the King also for his Fine These are the express Laws of the Conqueror's own establishment The last of which also was confirmed by another express Law saving that he would allow but of two Summons and two Distresses before Execution I shall give you a memorable case to prove the continuance of this Court Odo Selden 's Titles of Honour 2d Part c. 5 f. 581 ● Eadmer His. Nov. l. 1. p. 9 videsis notas ad eundem p. 197. de placito apud Pinendenem inter ●anfrancum Archiepis●opum Odonem Bajocens●m Episcopum the Conqueror's half Brother was by him made Earl of Kent and therewith had the Gift of a large Territory in Kent and taking advantage of the King's displeasure at Stigand the Arch-bishop of Canterbury possessed himself by Disseisin of divers Lands and Tenements belonging to that See Lanfrank the succeeding Arch-bishop being informed hereof petitioned