Asdruball seeing the passage of the river stopped against him turned to the Ocean and even at the first they departed in great hast as if they fled which was the cause that they gat the start of the Romane legionarie footmen and wan a good space of ground before them But the horsemen and light appointed footmen plaied one while upon their tailes flanked another whiles their sides and by this meanes with charging recharging they wearied them and staied their march And when as upon many of these troubles by the way their ensignes were faine to stand and forced to maintaine skirmish some time with the horsemen and sometimes with the light javelottiers and auxiliarie footmen behold the legions also came on apace and overtooke them Then there was not so much fighting and resistance as massacre and slaughter of them downe they went with them and killed them like sheepe so long untill their leader himselfe began to flie and escaped into the next mountaines together with 7000 halfe naked and unarmed All the rest were either slaine or taken prisoners Then the Carthaginians began to encampe fortifie in all hast tumultuous sort upon the highest mount they could find from whence by reason that the enemies had assaied in vaine to get up the hill having so difficult an ascent they had not so much adoe to defend themselves But the place being bare and naked and disfurnished of all commodities for their releefe they were not able to hold out the siege for a few daies And thereupon the souldiours fell apace to forsake their owne captaine and to goe to the enemie So that at the length the Generall himselfe in the night season abandoned his armie and having got shipping for the sea was not farre off he embarked and fled to Gades Scipio being advertised that the captaine of his enemies was fled left with Syllanus tenne thousand footmen and a thousand horsemen to continue the siege of the campe Himselfe in person with the rest of his forces within seventie daies returned to Taracon for to examine and heare incontinently upon his arrivall the causes of the princes and States that upon the true estimate of their deserts they might be rewarded or chastised accordingly After his departure Masanissa having had secret conference with Syllanus about inducing his people also to bee pliable and to hearken unto a chaunge passed over into Affricke with some small retinue At which present time verily the occasion of his suddain alteration was not so evident and apparent as afterwards his most constant truth and fast alleageance observed unto his dying day was a good proofe and argument that even then he entred not into this designement and action without good and important cause Then Mago in those ships that Asdrubal had sent backe passed over to Gades The remnant thus forlorne of their captaines some by way of voluntarie yeelding and raunging themselves to the adverse part others by flight were scattered among the next cities and no troupe remained of them behind of any marke and reckoning to speake of either for number or strength In this manner and by these means especially were the Carthaginians driven all out of Spaine by the conduct and happie fortune of P. Scipio in the thirteenth yeare of the warre and in the fixt of Scipio his government in that province commaund of the armie And not long after Syllanus returned to Taracon unto Scipio and brought word that the warre in Spaine was fully ended And L. Scipio was sent with many noble persons captives as a messenger to carrie tidings to Rome of the conquest of Spaine And when al other tooke full contentment and infinite joy at these newes and abroad in all places highly magnified the glorie of this service he alone who was the man that did the deed as one who had an insatiable desire of vertue and true honour made but small reckoning of the recoverie and winning of Spaine in comparison of those matters that hee hoped for and conceived in that high and magnanimous spirit of his which he carried with him For now hee cast in his mind and aimed at the conquest of Africke and great Carthage and therewith to make persite and consummate that glorious warre to his owne immortall honour and renowme And therefore supposing it was now a good time to begin the way to those high exploits and to lay plots to prepare aforehand yea and to win unto him the hearts of the princes and nations hee determined first of all other to found and assay king Syphax This Syphax was king of the Masaesyli a people bordering upon the Mores and abutting upon that part of Spaine especially where new-Carthage is situate At the same time the king was in league with the Carthaginians which Scipio supposing that hee would observe no more surely and precisely than commonly the Barbarians use whose fidelitie dependeth upon Fortune sent C. Laelius with rich gifts and presents as an Orator to treat with him The barbarous prince was glad hereof both because the Romans then prospered every where and also the Carthaginians in Italie lived by the losse and in Spaine went downe to the ground where they had nothing left and therupon he condescended to entertaine the friendship of the Romanes But for the confirmation of this amitie he neither would give nor take assurance but onely in the personall presence of the Romane Generall himselfe So Laelius having obtained the kings roiall word and warrant that Scipio might come unto him with safe conduct and securitie returned unto Scipio Now for him that aspired to the conquest of Africke it was a matter of great consequence and importance in all respects to make himselfe sure of Syphax the most mightie and puissant king of all that land who had aforetime made proofe what the Carthaginians could doe in warre and the confines and marches of whose kingdome lay fitly upon Spaine and but a small arme of the sea betweene Scipio thinking it therefore to be a matter worth the adventure with great hazard for otherwise it might not be leaving for the defence and guard of Spaine L. Martius at Tarracon and M. Syllanus at new-Carthage whether hee had travelled by land from Tarracon and taken great journies himselfe and Laelius together losed from Carthage with two great Caravels of five bankes of oares and passed over into Africk through the calme and still sea most-what rowing and other while also making saile with a gentle gale of wind Haply it so fell out that the very same time Asdruball driven out of Spaine was entred the haven with seven gallies of three course of ores and rid at anker neere unto the shore for to be set a land When he had a kenning of the two Carvels aforesaid which albeit no man doubted but they were enemies and might have bene bourded by them being more in number before they could gaine the rode yet hereupon ensued nothing else but a tumult and hurrey among the mariners
great a matter the king arose and when one of the houshold brought water to quench the flambe he was by the Queene staied And after the stir was somewhat appeased she forbad the boy to be disquieted untill such time as he awoke of himselfe and within a while as the sleepe departed the blaze likewise went out and vanished away Then Tanaquil the Queene taking her husband aside into a secret roome See you this boy qd she whom we so homely keepe and in so poore and meane estate bring up Wot well this and know for certaine that he will one day be a light to direct us in our dangerous troubles and doubtfull affaires hee will bee the cheese pillar and succour of the afflicted state of the kings house Let us therefore cherish and foster with all kindnesse and indulgence the subject matter of so great a publicke and private ornament Wherupon they began to make much of the boy as if he had been one of their owne children and to instruct and traine him up in those arts whereby forward wits are stirred to great enterprises and to atchieve high place of wealth and honour And soone came that to passe which pleased the almightie gods For he proved a yong man indeed of princely nature and towardnesse in such sort that when there should be a sonne in law sought out to match with Tarquinius his daughter in marriage there was not one of all the young gentlemen of Rome to be found comparable to him in anie respect So as the king affianced his daughter unto him This so great honour whereunto he was advanced upon whatsoever cause or occasion it was induceth me to thinke he was not the son of a bondwoman nor that he served whilest he was a little one as a slave I am of their mind rather that report thus When Corniculum was won the wife of Servius Tullius a great lord and principall personage of that citie and there slaine was left great with child and being among other captives knowne whose wife she was in regard of her rare nobilitie onely was by the Queene preserved from servitude and at Rome in Priscus Tarquinius his house was delivered of a child upon which so speciall favour there grew more familiar acquaintance betweene the two ladies the Queen and her selfe and the child also brought up of a little one there in court was both tenderly beloved and also highly regarded But his mothers fortune whose hap was after her countrey was lost to fall into the hands of enemies caused men commonly to thinke that he was the sonne of a bondslave Now in the eight and thirtieth yeare almost after that Tarquinius began his raigne was this Seratus Tullius in right great estimation and credit not onely with the king but also with the nobilitie and commons Then the two sonnes of Ancus who as they alwaies before disdeained in the highest degree that they were by the deceitfull practise of their guardian so unworthily put by the inheritance of their fathers kingdome and that a stranger raigned at Rome one who was not descended of anie neighbour house thereby no nor so much as of Italian bloud so now they began much more to take stomacke and indignation in case that after Tarquinius the kingdome should not returne to them and their line but should still run on end and headlongwise fall unto such base varlets That in the same cittie a hundred yeares almost after that Romulus the sonne of a god and a god himselfe raigned therein during the time he remained here upon the earth a verie bondslave and no better and one borne of a bondwoman should be possessed of the crowne and that it would be a foule staine and dishonour generally to the name of the Romanes but most especially to their house and familie if whilest the issue male of Ancus lived the kingdome of Rome should lie open and be exposed not to strangers alone but which is more to verie bondmen and slaves This ignominie therefore and open wrong they resolve by fine force to put by and avoid howbeit the greevance of this injurie done unto them set them on against Tarquinius himselfe rather than Servius Tullius both for that the king if he lived still would be a more sharp revenger of the murder than a privat person and also if they should happen to kill Servius whomsoever besides the king would vouchsafe for his son in law him was he like to make heir apparent inheritor also of the kingdome For these considerations they lay wait for to murder the king himselfe in this manner There were for the purpose to do this feat two passing stout and sturdie heardmen chosen who having such rusticall yron tooles about them as they were woont both of them to occupie and made a great shew of a most tumultuous brawle and fray in the very porch of the court gate by which means they drew all the kings officers sergeants guard about them then as they called with a lowd voice both the one and the other upon the king in such wise as the noise was heard within the pallace they were convented before his highnes At their first comming they cried out both at once and interrupted one another in all outrageous maner so as by a sergeant they were saine to be restrained commanded to speak by turnes untill at length they gave over their confused brawlings Then one of them for the nones as it was before agreed began his tale and while the king as wholly bent to give eare turned aside towards him the other list his axe aloft and strooke the king on the head and leaving it sticking there still in the wound they whipst out both of them together and ran their waies And whilest they that stood next about Tarquinius tooke him up readie to die the sergeants made after them that were fled and apprehended them Whereupon an outcrie arose and a great concourse of people wondering what the matter might be Tanaquil in this hurliburlie caused the court gates to bee shut and commanded everie one to avoid the place and at one instant with great diligence provideth things requisit to cure the wound as if there were some hope of life and withall if that should faile shee prepareth other meanes and remedies against the worst that might happen Sending therefore in all speed for Servius when she had shewed him her husband halfe dead and alreadie bloudlesse shee tooke him by the right hand and besought him not to suffer either the death of his father in law unrevenged or his wives mother to be a laughing stocke unto the enemies Thine is the kingdome O Servius by right quoth shee if though bee a man and not theirs who by the hands of others have committed a most shamefull and villainous fact Take a good heart therefore and arme thy selfe and follow the guidance and direction of the gods who long since by a divine and heavenly flame burning about
de guard For Scipio had sent away the fleete already to Vtica and before he was gone up into the land far from the sea had encamped upon the next hils thereby placed guards of horsemen in convenient places and put out certaine foragers into the fields and villages for to raise booties These having entred skirmish with the Carthaginian cornet of horsemen slew a few of them in the very conflict but most of them as they fled and were followed in chase amongst whom was Hanno also the Provost marshall a noble young gentleman Scipio not only wasted the countrey all about but also wan a citie of the Affricanes that stood neerest and was of sufficient wealth where besides other pillage which was presently imbarked in the ships of burden and sent into Sicilie there were taken prisoners eight thousand polles of free and bond one with another But the greatest joy and contentment that the Romanes tooke in this new entrance and beginning of their warlike affaires was for the comming of Masanissa whom some report to have presented himselfe with two hundred horse and no more but the most do write that he came with two thousand But for as much as this Masanissa was of all other kings for his time the greatest Prince and most puissant and with all he that stood the Romanes in best steed and helped their state none like unto him me thinks it were worth the labour and would quit for all the paines to disgresse a little out of the way for to shew and declare in what v arietie of alternative fortune he was tossed both in the losse and also in the recoverie of the inheritance of his fathers kingdome This Masanissa whiles hee was employed during the warres of Spaine in the defence and quarrell of the Carthaginians his father whose name was Gala hapned to dye and then the kingdome fell by descent according to the custome and manner of the Numidians unto Desalces the late kings brother a man of great yeeres and very aged And not long after when Desalces also was departed this life Capusa the elder of his two sonnes for the other was a very child succeeded in his fathers kingdome But for as much as hee the foresaid Capusa mainteined his royall estate and throne more by reason of the authoritie and reputation that hee caried among this friendes and favorites than by power and strength there arose up in armes one named Mezetulus who also was descended of royall bloud but of an house that was ever of the adverse and contrarie side and contended in much varietie of fortune about the crowne with those who then swayed the scepter This Mezetulus having gathered a powre of his tenants followers and paisants of the countrey with whom he caried a great stroke and was highly esteemed by reason of the hatred that they bare unto the kings race encamped openly and shewed himselfe in action yea and forced the king to come into the field and to try the title of the crowne in a set battaile by dint of sword In which conflict Capusa together with many of his peeres and nobles was slaine and the whole nation and seignorie of the Massylians was reduced under the rule and obedience of Mezetulus Howbeit he forbare to be called king and contenting himselfe with the meane name of Tutor or Protector gave the kings stile unto the child Lacumax who only remained alive of the kings issue line He tooke to wife a noble dame ladie of Carthage Anniball his neece by his sister who had bene lately wedded unto king Desalces hoping thereby to enter into league and alliance with the Carthaginians and besides for to renew the ancient familiaritie and amitie with Syphax he sent embassadors unto him of purpose Thus made he himself strong aforehand against Masanissa Masanissa likewise for his part being advertised of his unkles death and also how his cousin germaine was deceased crossed the seas out of Spaine over to Mauritania at what time as Bocchar was king of the Mores At whose hands by humble sute importunat praiers in most lowly manner he obtained a power of foure thousand Mores to accompanie him in his journey for otherwise to imploy them in warre he might not And after he had dispatched a messenger aforehand to those that were his fathers friends and wel-willers to himselfe by that time that he was come with them to the confines of his realme there met him almost five hundred Numidians Having therefore sent backe againe the Mores from thence unto the king according to covenant albeit there was assembled togither a smaller number of people than he hoped and looked for and not so sufficient that he durst adventure upon so great an enterprise and supposing withall that by entring into some action and by travaile and endevour he should gather strength still to performe some greater exploit he encountreth at Thapsus the young king Lacumax as he journied unto Syphax And when the kings companie in great feare fled into the towne Mesanissa both at the first assault woon the said towne and also of the kings traine received some that yeelded themselves and slew othersome that made resistance in their owne defence But the greatest part with the child himselfe the young Prince got away in that tumult and escaped unto Syphax unto whom at first they intended their journey The same of this small thing so happily atchieved in the first beginning entrance of his affaires caused all the Numidians to revolt and side with Masanissa So as there flocked unto him from all parts of the countrie and out of the villages the old souldiours of king Gala and incited the young Prince and set him on to recover his fathers kingdome Now in number of souldiours Mezetulus was a good deale superiour for both himselfe had the same armie still entier with which he had vanquished Capusa besides some others that after the slaughter of the king he had received upon their yeelding and also young Lacumax the infant had brought great aids from Syphax so that Mezetulas was fifteene thousand foot and ten thousand horse strong With whom Masanissa albeit he were nothing so puissant either in foot or horse fought a battel yet atchieved hee the victorie through the approved valour of the old souldiours and his owne politicke wisedome being a captaine well experienced and exercised both in Romane and Punick warres The young prince togither with his tutour and protectour and some small number of Massylians fled and escaped into the territories of the Carthaginians Thus Masanissa having recovered his fathers kingdome foreseeing that there remained still behind a farre greater bickerment and encounter with Syphax taking it to be the best course and pollicie for him to be reconciled and made friends with his cousen germaine addressed certaine messengers both unto the child for to put him in good hope assurance that if he would submit and yeeld himselfe under the protection of Masanissa he should
allies in promoting and advancing others beyond all measure and aboue all beware that they who haue lift up their speare and borne armes against you be not more kindly intreated in better condition than your loving friends and faithfull consederates For mine owne part in all other things I would gladly be thought of every man rather to keepe within my compasse yea and yeeld somewhat of my right whatsoever it is than to strive too much in the maintenance and holding thereof but in the question of your friendship of my affection and love towards you and of the honour which shall come from you I cannot endure with patience that any one should out-goe and surmount my selfe This I account the greatest inheritance left unto me by my father the first of all those that inhabit in Greece and Asia who was entertained in your amitie and continued in the same alwaies most fast most constant and sure even to his dying day who not onely shewed sound affection and loyall heart unto you but also was in person emploied in all your warres which yee made in Greece as well on land as at sea assisted and aided you with all kind of provisions in such sort as none of all your allies besides was any way comparable or came neere unto him And finally as he earnestly exhorted the Boeotians to accept of your society he sunk down swouned in the very assembly and not long after yeelded up his spirit and dyed His footsteps have I troden and followed his good example For affection verily and studious desire to honour you I could not have more than he had for I suppose it was impossible to surpasse him therein but in kind pleasures effectuall services offices courtesies and favours to surmount and goe beyond him the goodnes of fortune the occasion of times king Antiochus and the warre in Asia have ministred ample and sufficient matter unto me Antiochus king of Asia and part of Europe gave me his daughter in marriage and with her endowed me with the repossession of those cities which had revolted from us Hee fed me moreover with great hopes of encreasing my dominion in time to come if I would have sided with him against you I will not glory and vaunt of this that I have done nothing to offend and displease you I will rather rehearse those pleasures and services which are beseeming the auncient amity and friendship betweene our house and you In forces as well for land as sea I have friended and helped your Generals in such wise as I forbid all your allies besides to doe the like furnished them I have with victuals on the land with provisions at sea In all the battailes and conflicts by ships which were many and in sundry places I was present in person I underwent all travailes I adventured all perils and no where favoured my selfe and thought much of my paines nay that which is the greatest calamitie and misery that followeth wars I was besieged and endured it enclosed I was and shut up within Pergamus to the utter hazard of my life and of my realme and royall dignity And after I was delivered from that daunger and the siege raised albeit Antiochus of one side and Seleucus on another lay encamped about the principall fortresse of my kingdome I quit mine owne affaires and laid all aside to come with my whole fleet into Hellespont and there to meet with L. Scipio your Consull and to aid him in transporting and wasting his armie into Asia And when your forces were passed over I never afterwards departed from him there was not a Romane souldiour more resiant ordinarily in your campe than my selfe and my brethren No expeditions no rodes no exploit of horse service was there without me In battaile have I stood on foot and guarded that quarter which the Consull hath appointed me to keepe I will not say my LL. what one person there is that hath done so good service for you in this last warre as I my selfe and who is any way comparable unto me nay I dare make comparison with all slates and princes whatsoever whome you esteeme and honour so highly Masanissa before he was your friend was your professed enemie hee came not to you with his aids in the time of his upright fortune and whiles his kingdome flourished in good estate but when he was banished driven out of his kingdome and turned out of all he fled into your campe accompanied onely with a small troupe and cornet of horsemen Yet neverthelesse because he stood fast to you and bare himselfe in all loyaltie and shewed his prowesse in your behalfe against Syphax and the Carthaginians in Affricke you not onely restored him to his fathers kingdome and placed him again in the royall throne but you laid unto his dominion the richest part of the realme of Syphax and made him the most puissant and greatest prince of all the kings in Affricke What reward then nay what honour are we worthy to have at your hands wee I say who never were enemies but ever friends My father my selfe my brethren have borne armes in your quarrell by land by sea not only in Asia but farre from our own home and native soile in Peloponnesus in Baeotia in Aetolia during the warres with Philip with Antiochus with the Aetolians What recompence demaund you then may some man say Forasmuch as my LL. you will have it so and it is your pleasure that I should speake my mind good reason it is that I obey This shall stand for all if you have dispossessed Antiochus of all on this side Taurus with this intent to hold those lands your owne selves none better than you and whome I would wish rather to bee my neighbours and to confine upon mee neither can I bethinke me of any meanes in the world more important to the safetie and strength of my kingdome But in case your purpose be to depart and to retire your forces from thence I dare bee bold to say That of your allies and put them all togither there is not one more worthy than my selfe to have and hold that which you have woon by conquest But an honourable deed it is and magnificent to set free and deliver cities out of thraldome and servitude True and I my selfe am of the same opinion provided alwayes that they have attempted nought by way of hostilitie against you But in case they have taken part and sided with Antiochus how much more standeth it with your wisdom nay with equity reason to be respective of your allies who have so well deserved at your hands than to regard your enemies This oration of the king much pleased the LL. of the Senat and soone it was seen by their countenance that they would deale bounteously and liberally with him yea and gratifie him in what they might Then audience was given to a briefe embassage of the Smyrneans who by occasion that some of the Rhodians were absent came betweene and delivered
in Aetolia were in small rest and quietnes which troubles arose first from the Athamanians who after that Aminander was dispossessed of his kingdome were held in obedience by garrisons under the captaines of king Philip and they bare themselves so proud insolent and outragious in their government that the Athamanians found a great misse of Aminander and were desirous of him againe Now remained hee at that time as a banished person in Aetolia and upon letters received from his own nation conteining the state wherein Arhamania then stood he conceived some hope to recover his crown again wherupon he sent the messengers back to Argithea the chiefe city of Athamania unto the principall men of the countrey with this credence That if he might be assured of the affection love of the people he would procure the aid of the Aetolians come into Athamania accompanied with the elect personages and those are the counsel of that nation and Nicander the Pretor When he understood and perceived that they were prest and redy to doe him all service he advertised them estsoones upon what day he would enter with his armie into Athamania At the first there were but foure persons that conspired against the Macedonian garrison and these tooke every one sixe more unto them for to be assistant in the execution of their complot But afterwards trusting but little in this small number of their adherents and complices who indeed wer fitter tokeep counsell and conceale a matter secretly than to performe any action valiantly they adjoyned unto them the like number unto the other so as now they were two and fiftie in all and they devided themselves into foure companies One crew of them went to Heraclea another to Tetraphylia where as the kings treasure was usually kept a third sort tooke their way to Theudoria and the fourth to Argithea But they all agreed upon this course to hold themselves quiet and peaceable at their first comming and to converse in the market place of these cities as if they were come about some particular negotiation of their own and upon a certain day appointed to set to it at once and raise the whole multitude for to expell the Macedonian garisons out of their fortresses Now when the day was come and Aminander ready upon the frontiers with his forces of a thousand Aetolians the garrisons of the Macedonians were at one instant chased out of those foure citie s aforesaid like as it was complotted beforehand and letters were dispatched from all parts into other cities advising them to deliver and free themselves from the tyrannie of Philip and to restore Aminander into his lawfull kingdome and throne of his father Thus the Macedonians were expelled in every quarter only the town Theium made resistance and held out some few daies against the siege by occasion that Zeno captaine of the garrison there had intercepted the letters and they that sided with Philip were possessed of the castle But in the end surrendred it was likewise unto Aminander and all Athamania reduced unto his obedience excepting only the fort of Athenaeum situate upon the marches of Macedonie Philip advertised of the revolt of Athamania accompanied with a power of sixe thousand fighting men put himselfe in his journey and with exceeding expedition marched as farre as Gomphi Where he left the greater part of his forces for they had not been able to endure so long a journey and with two thousand came to Athenaeum the onely place held by his garrison to his use And from thence after hee had founded the next neighbours and soone found that there was nothing but hostilitie among them he retired to Gomphi and jointly with all his forces together returned into Athamania Then hee sent Zeno before with a thousand footmen and gave him in charge to seize upon Aethopia a place that directly for his purpose commandeth Argithea and seeing that his men were possessed thereof himselfe sat him downe and pitched his tents about a certaine temple dedicated to the name of Iupiter There hee was forced by reason of the foule and stormie weather to stay one whole day and the morrow after hee went forward with his armie to Argithea As they marched behold they discovered the Athamanians running from divers parts to the hil top which stood over the way along They had no sooner espied them but the formost ensignes made stay and all that regiment of the vaward was surprised with feare and fright Every man began for his part to cast many doubts and think with himselfe what should become of them in case their companies were entered once into the vallies so checked by those rockes abovesaid This tumult and trouble caused the king perforce to call backe those in the foreward and to retire the same way that hee came notwithstanding hee was very desirous if they would have seconded him to have made quickspeed gotten through those streights The Athamanians at first followed after them aloose quietly ynough but when they had once joined with the Aetolians leaving them behind to come upon the taile of the e nemie they spread themselves all about and flanked them on the sides some of them also got afore their head by the next waies which they were acquainted with and beset the passages insomuch as the Macedonians were so greatly troubled that forced they were more like men that fled in disarray than marched in good order to leave much of their armour and many of their men behind to passe over the river and there the chase ended From thence the Macedonians returned safely to Gomphi and so forth into Macedonie The Athamanians and Aetolians assembled from all parts to Ethopia for to surprise and defeat Zeno that regiment of a thousand Macedonians which was with him But the Macedonians reposing no great trust in that place retired from Ethopia to an hill much higher steeper on all sides and therefore lesse accessible The Athamanians having found out diverse avenues unto it enforced them to forgoe that hold also And when they were dispersed among the blind rockes and to them unknowne and could not readily find the way out some of them were taken prisoners and others slaine Many for feare tumbled down headlong from the pitch of the cliffes and brake their neckes and very few escaped with Zeno to the king The next day after they obtained truce untill they had committed their dead to earth Aminander having thus repossessed his realme sent embassadours to Rome unto the Senate likewise unto the Scipioes in Asia who after the great battell with Antiochus sojourned in Ephesus He craved peace and pardon he excused himselfe in that he had recovered his fathers kingdome by the meanes and helpe of the Aetolians and withall laid great fault and blame upon king Philip. As for the Aetolians they departed out of Athamania and made an expedition against the Amphilochians and by consent of the greater part reduced the whole nation under their puissance
any occasion After these ordinances Italie and Macedonie were nominated for the provinces of the two Consuls and for the Pretors the two civill jurisdictions within the citie of Rome the navie Spaine Sicilie and Sardinia In fine Macedonie fell to Aemylius the Gonsull and Italie to Licinius Of Pretors Cn. Boebius was lord chiefe justice of the pleas of cittizens and L. Anicius of aliens And if the Senate thought good to send the navie any whither Cn. Octavius had the charge thereof as L. admirall P. Fonteius was appointed by lot L. deputie of Spaine M. Ebutius of Sicilie and C. Papyrius of Sardinia All men soone saw that L. Aemylius intended not to goe coldly about the managing of that warre both for that he was not an ordinarie man but singular above all other and also because that night and day hee mused and studied upon nothing else but that which was requisite and pertinent thereunto The first thing of all wherewith he went in hand was this a request to the Senat for to dispatch certaine delegat commissioners into Macedonie to visit the armies there and the armada to make true report upon their certaine knowledge what was needfull to be done for the supply of the forces as well by land as sea also to lie in espiall and estimate as much as possibly they could the kings power moreover what quarter of the province was taken up by our men and which the enemies kept whether the Romanes lay encamped still within the forrests and pases or if they were passed beyond the streights and come into the plaine and even ground who continued trustie allies who were suspected who hung in doubtfull tearmes as whose faith depended upon fortune who seemed to be undoubted and professed enemies how great the provisions were of victuals from whence they were conveighed by land from what places transported by water and lastly what exploits had ben performed the sommer past both by land and sea supposing that by a light given and certein intelligence delivered of these things he might be surely directed in the casting and laying of future plots and designments So the Senat granted out a commission to Cn. Servilius the Cos. for to send as delegats into Macedonie such as L. Aemylius thought good of Whereupon within two daies after Cn. Domitius Aenobarbus and A. Licinius Nerva took their journey as legats and commissioners Newes came in the latter end of this yeere that it rained stones twise namely in the territorie of Rome and likewise about Veij and therefore a novendiall sacrifice was celebrated This yeere there died certaine priests namely Pub. Quintilius Varus a flamine of Mars and M. Claudius Marcellus a Decemvir in whose roume was substituted Cneus Octavius And now noted it was that the magnificence and port of the people of Rome encreased for that in the plaies and games called Circenses exhibited by Publius Cornelius Scipio Nasica and Publius Lentulus Aediles Curule three-score and three wild beasts out of Affricke with fortie beares and certain elephants were baired to make sport unto the people When L. Aemylius Paulus and P. Licinius entered their Consulship upon the * fifteenth of March which was the beginning of the yeere following the LL. of the Senate were in great expectancie and especially what the Consull would propose unto them as touching the Macedonian warre which was his proper province But Paulus said that he had nothing to propound and put to counsell seeing that the Delegates aforesaid were not yet returned And at Brundusium quoth he they now are having twise in their voiage upon the sea been driven backe by tempest and cast upon Dyrrhachium But so soone as I am once advertised and have perfect knowledge of those things that first are to bee knowne I will then consult and that will bee within very few daies Now to the end that nothing might stay hinder his journy he told them that the eeven before the Ides of Aprill was appointed for the solemnitie of the Latine feastival holydaies And after sacrifice duly performed upon the Albane hill the Senate should no sooner ordaine but he and Cn. Octavius would set forth and putthemselves on their way As for C. Licinius his Colleague his charge should bee in his absence to provide and send all things requisite and needfull for this warre Meane while quoth hee the embassies of forraine nations may have audience given So when hee had sacrificed as the manner was before they tooke in hand the great affaires of State the embassadours of Alexandria from king Ptolomeus and queene Claeopatra were called in Clad they were in poore array the haire of their head long their beards side and overgrowne and carrying in their hands branches of the Olive tree they entred into the Senate and fell grovelling and prostrate upon the floore Their habite and apparrell was not so simple and mournefull their looke and countenance not so heavie and sorrowful but their speech was more piteous lamentable Antiochus now king of Syria who had sometime ben hostage at Rome under a colourable pretence of honestie and equitie to restore Ptolomaeus the elder to his kingdome made hot war upon his younger brother who then held Alexandria and after a victorie obtained in sea-fight neere Pelusium he made a bridge of hastie work upon the river Nilus over which he transported his armie now laid siege to Alexandria so as by all likelyhood he would shortly by way of conquest be lord of a most rich and wealthie kingdome In which regard these embassadours made pittifull mone and greevous complaint beseeching withall the Senate of their aid and succour to that realme and those kings who were such friendes to their siegnorie and dominion For Persuaded they were that the people of Rome had done so much for Antiochus in particular and were of that account and authoritie with all other kings and nations that if they would but send their embassadours to intimate thus much That the Senat was not well pleased with waging warre upon confederate kings he would presently raise his siege depart from before the walls of Alexandria and withdraw his armie cleane away into Syria But if they protracted the time long and delaied thus to doe then should Ptolomaeus and Cleopatra within a while bee driven out of their realme and forced to come to Rome with some shamefull spot of dishonour to the people of Rome in that they had not set to their helping hand in that extreame daunger of all their fortunes The LL. of the Senate moved with compassion at the praiers of these Alexandrines sent incontinently C. Popilius Lenas C. Decimius and A. Hostilius as embassadors to determine and make an end of the warre betweene those two princes in commission they had first to goe unto king Ptolomaeus and then to Antiochus and to let them both understand that unlesse they surceased and gave over armes they would take him neither for friend nor feere whom it was long of
kind of honour as possibly might be done unto him in that state and condition of his After this the armie was divided here and there in garrisons for the winter time The greatest part thereof was received into Amphipolis and the other cities neere adjoining entertained the rest This was the end of the warre betweene Perseus and the Romanes which had endured foure yeeres one after another continually and here an end with all of the most flouring kingdome of the greatest part of Europe and of all Asia Perseus was counted the twentieth king after Caranus who was the first that raigned there This Perseus began his raigne that yeere wherin Q. Fulvius and L. Manlius were Consuls In the time of M. Iumius and A. Manlius Consuls of Rome the Senate entituled and honoured him with the name of king and eleven yeeres his raigne continued The name of these Macedonians was very obscure and base untill the daies of Philip the sonne of Amynias From that time and by his meanes it began to grow and wax great howbeit contained it was within the compasse and precinct of Europe comprehending all Greece and part of Thrace and Illyricum Afterwards it spread into Asia and in thirteene yeares space during the raigne of Alexander it subdued and brought under subjection first all those parts whereunto the empire of the Persians extended which was an infinite dominion in circuit afterwards it reached to Arabia India even to the end of the earth bounding confining all about upon the red sea At that time was the monarchie name of the Macedonians the greatest in the whole world but upon the death of Alexander distracted it was and divided into many and sundrie kingdomes And whiles each one endeavoured and stove by force to draw unto him more and more puissance they dismembred and rent the whole and so from the highest tip and pitch of prosperitie brought it downe to a most base and low condition after it had continued in good estate a hundred and fiftie yeeres When the bruit of the Romanes victorie was blased and blowne as farre as to Asia Antenor who with a fleet of barkes and pinnaces rid in the harbour of Phanae sailed from thence to Cassandrea C. Popilius who was in Delos to guard and wast those ships which were bound for Macedonie after he heard say that the warre in Macedonie was brought to an end and the enemies vessels removed out of their rode dismissed also for his part the Athenian ships intending to go forward in his voiage for Aegypt to accomplish that embassage which he had taken in hand to the end that he might encounter Antiochus before he approched the walls of Alexandria As these embassadours coasted along the river of Asia and were arrived at Loryma a port somwhat more than twentie miles distant from Rhodes and situate just over against the citie the principal States of Rhodes met him in the way for now by this time was the fame of this victorie flown so same reputation yea was expedient for their good and safetie that they should be made acquainted with all that either had beene done or was now in hand at Rhodes so to make report therof at Rome upon their own knowledge and not as things were voiced by the common bruit They refused along time but in the end they were so importuned that content they were to saile a little farther and spend some small time for to gratifie and benefite a citie associate unto them When they were come to Rhodes the same principall citizens aforesaid urged them instantly with much praier and entreatie to come into their generall assembly of the people The arrivall of these embassadours rather augmented than empaired the feare of the citie For Popilius made rehearsall there in open audience of all which had beene done or spoken sounding any way to hostilitie either in particular or in generall by them during the late warre And being as he was a grim sir rough and fierce by nature hee aggravated all that he spake with his soure visage and sharpe language like an accuser at the barre insomuch as they might well conjecture guesse how the whole bodie of the Senate stood affected unto them by the bitternesse of one only Senatour who otherwise for himselfe had no occasion of particular ill will and malice against the citie But the speech of Decimius was more temperate who said that the blame of those imputations for the most part which were objected by Popilius was not to be laid upon the people but upon a few persons who had sollicited and stirred the multitude for those having their tongue at hire and using to speak for gaine had made decrees full of flatterie to please the king and sent such embassages as the Rhodians at all times were no lesse ashamed than repented of All which practises of theirs no doubt would fall upon their heads who were faultie in case the people had the government and rule in their owne hands Audience he had with great assent and applause not more for elevating the fault and trespasse of the common people than for laying the weight upon those that were the authours culpable And therefore when the cheefe men among them made answere to the Romanes their words who went about to excuse and salve in some sort as well as they could the articles objected by Popilius were not so wel taken as their speech who accorded to Decimius in delivering the guiltie persons and offenders to bee punished according to their demerites Whereupon there passed presently a decree That all those who might bee convicted of any deed done or word spoken in favour of Perseus against the Romanes should be condemned and have sentence to loose their heads Some of these persons were departed out of the citie upon the comming of the Romanes other laid violent hands upon themselves These embassadours or delegates having so journied no longer than five daies at Rhodes departed and made saile for Alexandria And notwithstanding their absence the execution of judiciall proceeding was no lesse hotely followed at Rhodes according to the decree made in their presence For the moderation and gentle cariage of Decimius was the very cause that they persisted resolute and gave not over untill they had gone through with it and dispatched all Whiles these affaires were thus managed Antiochus after he had assaied in vaine to force the walls of Alexandria was departed from before the citie and having possessed himselfe of all Aegypt besides left the elder Ptolomeus at Memphis for whose behoofe he pretended by his own forces to reconquer the kingdome to the end that soone after the conquest obtained he might set upon him likewise withdrew his armie away into Syria Ptolomaeus for his part was nothing ignorant of his dessignment and intention making full account that whiles he kept his younger brother affrighted with the feare of siege by the helpe of his sister hee might bee received into Alexandria
by others but as for theirs being but newly erected and grounded upon no strength of auncient foundations it stood upright only by the mutuall concord of him his brethen in that one of them beareth the name and title of king wearing the diedeme crowne alone upon his head but in effect all three brethen be KK As for you Attalus qd he who are the eldest brother save one who is it that reputeth you for lesse than a king not only for that he seeth you so mightie at this present but also the next heir apparant without al doubt like shortly to reign indeed considering the feeble bodie crasie age of Eumenes who hath besides no issue of children to succeed him in the roiall throne for as yet hee tooke no knowledge of him that reigned afterwards What need then is there to use violence to force that which of the one accord will shortly be devolved upon you and fal into your hands Moreover a new tempest storm is risen of French wars threating peril unto the realm which it wil be hard for you princes to withstand agree as wel as you can in all brotherly love unitie and concord But if to forraine war abroad there should arise a domestâ—call and civile dissention betweene you at home what remedie then but utter ruine and destruction Neither shall you Attalus purchase any good but this first to prevent that your brother be not king then to disable disappoint your selfe of that neer assured hope you have to be K. But say that to preserve a kingdome for a brother to wrest a kingdome from a brother were honorable and glorious deeds both the one and the other yet surely of the twain to have saved a kingdome deserveth greater commendation and praise in that if forteth so well with pietie and kindnesse And certes seeing the other is a cursed and detestable part even next neighbor to parricide what scruple and doubt remaineth now which needeth any farther deliberation For tell me I beseech you is it one parcell of the kingdome that you reach at or shoot you at the whole If you aime at a part onely then upon the dismembring and distraction of your puissance you shall bee both twaine much weakened and exposed to the daunger of all injuries if you would have all what shall become of your brother Would you wish him being your elder to live a private person or so far stept in yeers as he is a banished man and namely with those infirmities of bodie which hee carrieth about him or would you commaund to take his life away and rid him out this world at once Now truly to say nothing of the unhappie miserable issue of such gracelesse and wicked brethren delivered unto us in fained fables you see what a goodly fair end Perseus is come unto who being in the temple of Samothracia was constrained lying prostrate upon the ground to base at the feet of the enemie his conqueror the crowne and diademe which hee came unjustly by even with the unnaturall murder of his owne brother as if the gods in heaven had been there present to require due punishment for his horrible fact To conclude they also themselves who is no friendly love affection to you but in rancour hatred to your brother Eumenes have put these dessignes into your head pricke you on to execute the same even they I say will praise your kindnesse your pietie and constancie in case you persever true trustie to your brother to the very end These and such like important persuasions prevailed with Attalus and settled deepely in his mind Therefore being admitted into the Senate after hee had wished joy unto them and protested his own for the late victorie he laid abroad and declared his owne demerites and good service in that war the favors also such as they were done by his brother and last of all the revolt of the Gaules lately broken out with great troubles and commotions His petition to the Senate was for to send their embassadors unto them by whose countenance and authoritie they might be reclaimed and so lay armes aside Having declared this message which concerned the profit in generall of the realme hee made a speciall suite for himselfe and demaunded to have Aenus and Maronea given unto him And thus when hee had put them besides their hope who thought verily that after he had accused his brother he would have required the kingdome to be divided peecemeale and dismembred he departed out of the Counsell house Seldome had been known at anytime before any man whatsoever king or subsubject to have had the like audience with so great favour and applause of all men as he received and entertained he was right honourably with gifts and presents of all sorts whiles he was at Rome and with the like they accompanied him at his departure Among many embassies of Asia and Greece the Rhodian embassadours were most marked and looked upon throughout all the citie for whereas at first they were all trim goodly to bee seen in their white bright apparell as decent it was for them that would seeme to congratulate for the victorie for if they had worne black or been poorly arraied it might have ben construed that they mourned for the misfortune and calamitie of Perseus after that M. Iunius the Consull brake with the LL. of the Senate and all that while the said embassadours stood without in the common place Comitium to consider and advise whither they would allow lodging presents and give audience in the Senat unto them they resolved were of opinion to observe no rights nor customes of hospitalitie with them Then went the Consull out of the Senate unto whom when the Rhodians said that they were come to rejoice in their behalfe for the late victorie and withall to aunswere in the name of their cittie to certeine crimes wherewith they were charged requesting that they might speake before the Senate and be heard with indifference the Consull pronounced aloud unto them That the custome indeed of the Romanes was to entreat their allies friends graciously among other matters of courtresie hospitalitie which they affoorded unto them to graunt them also a day of hearing in the Senate but the Rhodians had not demeaned themselves during the war in such sort as to be reckoned in the number of lovers associates At the hearing of these words they cast themselves all prostrate on the ground beseeching the Consull and all those that were present not to suffer that false imputations of late furmised should against all reason prejudice the Rhodians more than their good deserts of old whereof themselves were sufficient witnesses stand them in stead And presently after they had put on simple apparell and mourning weeds they went about from house to house visiting the principall persons of the cittie humbly beseeching them with teares to heare their cause before they were condemned
at length upon surrender got it Maylene also the onely cittie in Asia which after that Mithridates was subdued mainteined war was fired and rased downe to the ground Of the XC booke SYlla departed this life and this honour was done unto him by the Senate that he was enterred in Mars field M. Lepidus going about to cancile and abolish the acts of Sylla raised new warre and by Q. Catulus his companion in government was driven out of Italie and when he prepared to wage warre but to no effect in Sardinia there he perished and came to his death M. Brutus who held Lumbardie was by Cn. Pompeius slaine Q. Sertorius another proscript outlaw levied a great war in the netherlands of Spaine Lucius Manlius the Pro-consul and M. Domitius a lieutenant were in fight overcome by Herculeius the treasurer Moreover this booke conteineth the acts performed by P. Servilius the Pro-consull against the Cilicians Of the XCI booke CNeus Pompeius being as yet but a gentleman of Rome was sent with full commission of Consular commaund against Sertorius Certain cities had Sertorius woon by assault brought under many States to be at his devotion Ap. Claudius the Proconsull overcame the Thracians in divers and sundry battels Q. Metellus the Proconsull defeated and slew L. Hirculeius the treasurer of Sertorius with all his armie Of the XCII booke CNeus Pompeius hither to fought with Sertorius in doubtfull event so as of both parts one of the wings and points of the battell had the better hand Q. Sertorius overthrew in fight Metellus Perpenna with their two armies Pompeius desirous to carie away his part in that victorie entred into the field but made no saving game of it Afterwards Sertorius was besieged within Caligurium but by daily and continuall sallies forth gave the enemies that lay in siege within as good as they brought Over and besides herein are contained the deeds atchieved by Curio the Pro-consull in Thrace against those Dardanians together with sundry cruel and bloudie parts plaied by Q. Sertorius even with those of his owne side For many of his owne friends and such as were with him outlawed upon imputations of treason pretended against them he put to death Of the XCIII booke PVblius Servilius the Proconsull in Cilicia subdued the Isaurians and wan certaine townes of the pirates Nicomedes king of Bithynia at his death made the people of Rome his full heire his kingdome was reduced into the forme of a province Mithridates contracted a league with Sertorius and waged warre against the people of Rome Herein is shewed the great preparation of warre that the king made as well by land as sea and how he seized upon Bithynia M. Aurelius Cotta the Consul was in battell vanquished by the king at Chalcedon Moreover this book containeth the exploits of Pompeius and Metellus against Sertorius who in all warlike feats and martiall prowesse was equall unto them whom also he raised from the siege before the towne Calagurium and compelled to goe into divers countries Pompeius into the farther province of Spaine and Pompeius into Gallia Of the XCIIII booke LVcius Lucullus the Consull fought against Mithridates and in horse-service had the better hand of him Certaine rodes he made with good successe and when his souldiors called hard upon him for battell he staied them from mutinie Deiotarus a tetrarch of Gallogrecia defeated the captaines of king Mithridates who levied warre in Phrygia Moreover this book containeth the fortunat atchievements of Pompeius against Sertorius in Spaine Of the XCV booke CAius Curio the Pro-consull vanquished and subdued the Dardanians in Thrace Threescore and foureteene sword-plaiers of Capua fled out of the fenseschoole of Lentulus at Capua who having gathered together a number of slaves and hired hines raised warre under the leading of Chrysus Spartacus and vanquished in plaine field Cl. Pulcher a lieutenant and P. Varinius the Pretour L. Lucullus the Proconsull with the famine and the sword together tamed and subdued the hoast of Mithridates at the citie Cizicus and when they had chased him out of Bithynia after many overthrowes in warre and misfortunes of shipwracke at sea wherewith his heart was quailed he compelled him to flie into Pontus Of the XCVI booke OVintus Arrius the Pretour defeated and slew Chrysus the captaine of the fugitives and with him twentie thousand men Caius Lentulus the Consull received a foile and overthrow at the hands of Spartacus Hee also overcame in fight Lu. Gellius the Consull and Quintus Arrius Sertorius was at a banket slaine by Manius Antonius and M. Perpenna with other conspirators in the eight yeer of his dukedome A captain and brave warrior he was He fought with Pompeius and Metellus two famous Generals and commaunders Many a time he saved his owne but more oftener hee went away winner howbeit in the end he was abandoned and betraied The soveraigne commaund of that side was made over to Marcus Perpenna whom Cn. Pompeius vanquished tooke prisoner and slew so about the tenth yeere after the warre began he recovered Spaine C. Cassius the Proconsull and Cneus Manlius the Pretor were foiled by Spartacus in the field and that war was committed over to the managing and conduct of M. Crassus the Pretour Of the XCVII booke Marcus Crassus the Pretour first fought with a power of the fugitives aforesaid consisting of Frenchmen and Germanes and woon the better for he slew 35000 enemies and their cheefetain Granicus After that he warred against Spartacus killed him also and 40000 with him Manius Antonius the Pretour maintained war unfortunately against the Cretensians and by his death it tooke an end M. Lucullus the Proconsull brought the Thracians under subiection L. Lucullus had the upper hand in a battell of Mithridates in Pontus and slew above sixtie thousand enemies M. Crassus and Cn. Pompeius were created Coss. and as Crassus immediately by out of his Pretorship stepped to that dignitie so Pompey was of a gentleman of Rome and no better advanced thereunto even before he had borne the office of Treasurer They restored againe the Tribunes power and authoritie By the meanes of Aurelius Cotta the preheminence of iudges also was translated unto the gentlemen of Rome Mithridates seeing his owne estate lying in despaire fled unto Tigrantes king of Armenia for succour Of the XCVIII booke MAchares the son of Mithridates king of Bosphorus was by L. Lucullus received into amitie Cn. Lentulus and L. Gellius the Censors administred their office with great severitie and rigor and deposed three score from Senators dignitie they also held a review and purged the citie Enrolled there were 450000 citizens of Rome L. Metellus lord Pretor in Sicilie fought fortunatly against the pyrates and rovers The temple of Iupiter in the Capitoll which by fire had ben consumed was reedified by Qu. Catulus and dedicated anew L. Lucullus in Armenia discomfited in many battels Mithridates Tigranes with a mightie power of both kings Q. Metellus the
safetie through so many countries of diuerse tongues and sundrie manners I am of this opinion rather that the man by nature was framed and disposed to vertue and that hee was instructed not so much in strange and forraine sciences as after that strict rule that sterne and severe discipline of the auncient Sabines than whom there was not a nation in times past more precise reformed and void of corruption The Romane Senatours hearing the name of Numa although they saw well enough that the Sabines were like to proove of great reputation and power by chusing their king from among them yet was there none of them so audacious as to preferre either themselues or any one of their bend and faction not any one I say Senator or Cittizen before that man but all in generall with one accord agreed to conferre the kingdome upon Numa Pompilius Who being sent for and come like as Romulus at the founding of the cittie was inaugurate King or attained to the crowne by meanes of Augurie so hee also would needs that the will and counsell of God should be sought for touching his owne election Whereupon hee was by the Augur unto whom for ever after that publicke ministerie or priesthood in regard of honour and reverence by patent belonged brought unto the castle hill and there he set him downe upon a stone with his face towards the South Then the Augur on his left side with head covered tooke his place holding in his right hand a smooth stafte without knot or knob and hooked towards the top which they called Lituus From whence after that he had with good avisement taken a prospect and view towards the cittie and countrey and made his praiers to the gods he limitted the quarters of the heaven from East to West and the parts Southward he appointed for the right hand and those Northward for the left And so farre as ever hee could cast his eie and see forward he imagined to himselfe a marke then shifting his staffe into his left hand and laying the right hand upon Numa his head he praied in this forme O father Iupiter if it may be right and lawfull that his Numa Pompilius whose head I lay my hand upon shall be king of Rome shew I beseech thee some certaine and manifest signes within that compasse and those precincts that I have conceived and set out Then pronounced hee in plaine words what tokens by sight or flight of fowles he would have to appeare Which being once seene Numa was declared king and so came down from the temple or place of prospect abovesaid In this manner being inaugurate and invested in the kingdome hee provideth by good orders lawes and customes to reedifie as it were that cittie which before time had been new built by force and armes Whereunto he seeing that they might not be brought and framed in time of warre whose hearts were alreadie by continuall warfare growne wild and savage and supposing that this fierce people might be made more gentle and tractable through disuse of armes he therefore built the temple of Ianus in the nether end of the street Argiletum in token both of warre and peace with this invention that being open it should signifie that the cittie was in armes and standing shut that all the neighbour countries were in peace and quiet Twise onely after the reigne of Numa was this templeshut once when T. Manlius was Consull after the first Carthaginian warre was done and ended and a second time as God would in our age for us to see when as the Emperour Caesar Augustus after the battell of Actium with Antonius and Cleopatra had obtained peace both by land and sea Numa then having knit the hearts of the borderers about him in firme league and amitie and thereupon closed up the dores of Ianus secured now from all feare and care of dangers abroad yet doubting least through ease and idlenesse their minds might fall to loosenesse and riot whom the dread of enemies and martial discipline had held in aw and in good order devised above all things to strike some fear of God into them and to plant religion in their hearts a policie no doubt with the simple multitude rude in those daies and ignorant most effectuall Which reuerence of God for that it could not sincke not enter well into their heads and take a deepe impression without some devise of a fained miracle he made semblance and gave out that he conversed in the night season and had I wot not what secret conference with the goddesse AEgerâ—a By whose counsell and direction forsooth he ordained such divine service and sacrifices to the gods as to them was most acceptable and to everie god appointed severall priests for the ministerie thereof accordingly But first above all other things he divided the yeare according to the course of the Moone into twelve moneths and for as much as the Moone hath not full thirtie daies to euerie moneth whereby some daies are wanting to make up the just yeare after the revolution and circle of the sunne he by putting the odde daies between everie moneth so disposed and ordered the yeare that in every three twenty years space the daies agreed just to the same point of the sun from whence they began and so made up the void spaces and accomplished fully the tearme of everie yeare He appointed likewise law daies and daies of vacation called Fasts and Nefasti thinking it good that otherwhiles there should bee rest from attendance on the courts and no dealing with the people After this he set his mind about the creation of priests albeit in his owne person he performed very manie sacrifices especially those which at this day pertaine to the priest of Iupiter called Flamen Dialis And supposing that in a cittie so martiall there should succeed more kings like to Romulus than Numa who in proper person would goe forth to warre least haply the divine ministerie that belonged to the king might be neglected he created a Flamin to Iupiter for to be a sacrificer continually resident endued and adorned him with a rich cope or vestiment and with an yvorie chaire of estate upon wheeles called Sella curulis Vnto him he adjoined two Flamines more one for Mars another for Quirinus He instituted also a Nunnerie as it were of religious vestall virgines A priesthood that had the beginning from Alba and suted well with the house from whom the first founder of the cittie was descended And to the end they should attend continually about the church as resiant chaplaines he allowed them an ordinarie fee or pension at the publike charges of the cittie and made them by perpetuall vowed virginitie and other ceremonies to be reverenced and accounted holie Likewise vnto Mars Gradivus he elected twelve priests called Salij and gave unto them a rich purple coat embrodered for an ornament and to weare upon that coat a brasen brestplate and to beare
enemies shout and the armed souldiours run to and fro in the cittie killing and slaying firing and burning all afore them as they goe but a sad silence and a still kind of sorrow and pensivenesse so possessed and astonied all their minds ' that for feare forgetting what to leave behind them or what to take with them without advise and counsell one asking another what to doe they one while stood in their house entries another while ran up and downe wandring in their houses as if their last day had beene come But so soone as they heard the horsemen crie aloud and command them with menacing to void and depart and that now the ratling of the tiles and slates from off the houses as they were a pulling downe was from the furthest part of the towne heard and that the dust raised from places farre off had as it were with a cloud overcast and filled all then everie man catching up hastily and carrying forth what hee could leaving their domesticall gods leaving their houses wherein they had beene borne bred and brought up departed forth so that now they filled the streets as they went close on a row together and the fight one of another with mutuall commiseration redoubled their teares and wofull complaints Yea pittious mone lamentations were heard of women especially as they passed by their faire and stately churches beset with souldiours and abandoned their gods as it were captives and prisoners After the Albanes had thus quit the cittie downe went the Romanes everie where with the buildings as well publicke as private and laid them even with the ground and so in one hower destroied and rased soure hundred yeeres worke for so long had Alba stood and flourished Howbeit the temples of the gods they spared for so the king had given commandement Rome all this while riseth by the fall of Alba. The number of Cittizens increased double to enlarge the cittie the mount Celius was annexed to it and that it should bee better peopled and more inhabited Tullus had his roial fear and pallace there and therein from that time forth he kept his court The cheese Cittizens of the Albanes he advanced to the order of Senators that hee might augment that state also of the Commonweale namely the houses of the Tulli Servilij Quintij Geganij Curiatij Cloelij and for that degree and order of Senators by him encreased he built an hall or new court called until our fathers daies Hostilia curia i Hostilias court And that all estates and degrees might out of this new people be somewhat strengthened hee chose from out of the Albanes ten troopes or cornets of horsemen and with the same supplie hee both fulfilled the number of the old legions and also made and enrolled new Tullus upon this affiance he had in his strength and power denounceth warre against the Sabines a people in those daies of all other most puissant and mightie both in men and munition next the Tuscanes Wrongs had been done and outrages committed on both parts and restitution or amends demanded but to no effect Tullus found himselfe greeved that diuers occupiers or merchants of Rome at an open mart or faire of great resort before the temple of Feromâ— were said hold upon and apprehended The Sabines on the other side complained that their men notwithstanding they took sanctuarie in a certain sacred and priviledged grove were arested and in hold at Rome These were the quarrels and occasions pretended of the warre The Sabines well remembring that not onely part of their owne forces was by Tatius translated to Rome and there planted but also that now of late the puissarice of the Romans was well amended by the supplement of the Albanes began likewise for their part to cast about and seeke for helpe abroad and forraine aids Now was Tuscane their neighbour nation and of the Tuscanes the neerest vnto them were the Veientians From thence they gat certaine voluntaries to take their part by reason that their minds alreadie were well disposed to revolt upon old grudges and rancour remaining still of the former warres past othersome also vagarants and idle persons of the rascall sort and needie commons were soone hired for monie But as for any succor from thence by publicke consent of the state they had none at all So much prevailed even with the Veientians for in the rest it was lesse marvell the faithfull covenant of truce concluded with Romulus Now when these preparations of warre were made on both sides to the uttermost of their power and that it stood upon this point That they were like to have the ods and vantage who should begin first and enter the field Tullus prevented the enemies and invaded the Sabine land A sharpe and bloodie battell was there fought under the wood Malicusa Where the Romanes bare themselves bravely that day much upon the valour of the Legionarie footmen but more upon the strength of their men of armes whose number lately was augmented for by the suddain and forcible charge of the horsemen the battel of the Sabines was so broken their ranckes so disordered that they could neither stand close together to fight it out nor yet spred themselves to flie without great slaughter and bloodshead The Sabines thus vanguished and the kingdome of Tullus and the whole state of Rome being verie glorious and wealthie behold newes came to the King and Senatours that in the Albane mount it raigned stones which hardly was beleeved and therefore certaine men were sent of purpose to see this strange and prodigious fight who might plainely behold stones to fall thicke out of the skie like as when some forcible winds drive haile in big round bals upon the earth They imagined moreover that they heard a great and mightie voice out of the grove from the verie top of the hill crying unto them warning the Albanes to do sacrifice and divine service according to the rites ancient maner of their forefathers which they had discontinued and forgotten as if together with their country they had abandoned their gods and either taken to the Romane fashion or else being angrie with fortune as it is commonly seene forlet and neglected the worship of the gods altogether The Romanes likewise upon that miraculous signe for the purging and expiation thereof celebrated solemne publicke sacrifices for the space of nine daies called a Novendiall either because they were mooved thereto by that voice from heaven for that also is reported or tooke direction from the Soothfaiers that prie into the inwards of beasts Certaine it is that a solemne custome remaineth still unto this day that whensoever word commeth of the like wonder they keepe hollyday nine daies together Not long after this the pestilence raigned in the cittie And albeit the people began thereby to slacke soulderie and militarie service yet would not this martiall prince give them rest and respite from warre being of this mind that the bodies
head and soaring over the chariot with a great noise and clapping of her wings as if shee had been sent from heaven to doe this feat set it gainely and handsomely on his head againe which done shee mounted on high and flew away Tanaquil as they say embraced this Augurie with great joy being a woman skilfull as commonly all the Tuscanes are in such prodigious fights and apparitions from heauen and therewith taking her husband about the necke willed him to be of good cheare and to hope for great matters and high preferments saying how that bird came from such a quarter of the heaven addressed as a messenger from such a god and shewed a divine token and presage upon the highest part of man even the top of the crown and lifted up the ornament that stood upon his mortall head to give it him againe immortall as from God above In these hopes and cogitations which they entertained by the way they entred the citie where they tooke an house and from thenceforth hee was commonly called L. Tarquinius Now within a while both his new comming and his wealth withall made him well knowne and himselfe also besides set forward his good fortune by courteous and faire speech and affable language to everie man by friendly inviting and liberall feasting and by making what friends he could by gifts fauors and good turnes so farre forth as the same of him came into the kings court where by his willing service and singular dexteritie in short time he had not onely accesse unto the kings knowledge but also entered into familiar acquaintance and friendship with his highnesse Insomuch that both in private counsels and publicke consultations as well at home as abroad hee was alwaies present and bare a great stroke And having in all kind of offices carried himselfe with credite was in the end by the kings last will and testament made tutor or protector of his children Thus raigned Ancus foure and twentie yeares for glorie and reputation of his sage governement as well in warre as in peace equall to anie of the former kings his predecessors Now were his sons neere foureteene yeares of age when hee died Tarquinius therefore made the more hast that the high court of parliament should with all speed possible bee summoned for creation of a king which being against a day proclaimed he sent away the boies to the chase a hunting at the verie instant of the said election Hee himselfe as men say was the first that both ambitiously sought for the crowne and also to win the hearts of the commons divised and framed an eloquent Oration Saying it was no new and strange thing that he stood for And why hee was not the first that any man should be offended or make any wonder but the third alien that in Rome affected and aspired to the kingdome that both Tatius not of a forrainer onely but of an enemie became king and Numa likewise a man unacquainted with the cittie and matters of State was without any sute or seeking of his part by the Romans sent for and advanccd to the crown As for himselfe hee alledged and said That from the time he was at his owne libertie to dispose of himselfe hee with his wife and all that he had removed and came to Rome and of that age wherein men are emploied in civile affaires he had spent a greater part in Rome than in his own ancient countrey Moreover that he was trained up both at home in the cittie and in war abroad to the knowledge of the Romane lawes orders add customes and that under no meane person but an excellent maister even king Ancus himselfe And finally for faithfull service and diligent attendance about the king he had endevoured to passe all others and for liberalitie and courtesie towards all others hee had striven to goe beyond the king These and such like allegations as he laid forth and pleaded and that right truly the people of Rome with exceeding great consent elected him their king Who being a man otherwise of singular parts and of greatworth as hee was ambitious in seeking the kingdome so continued he stil when he ware the crowne and minding no lesse to establish his owne state and throne than to maintaine the good estate of the Commonweale he advanced one hundred more to the order of Senators who afterwards were called Minorum Gentium Patres as a man would say Senators of a latter sort and meaner qualitie A faction no doubt to take part and side with the king by whose meanes they had beane admitted into the Senate The first warre he made was with the Latines from whom by force hee wan the towne Appiolae from thence having brought away a greater pillage in proportion than the warre imported in brute he set forth gaming 's and plaies more stately and with greater furniture and provision than the other kings before his time Then was the plot or compasse of ground first set out and appointed for the lists or Theatre called now Circus max. wherein were assigned scaffolds for the Senators and for the gentlemen or knights severally by themselves called Fori where they might make them places to see the pastimes at their ease and pleasure And in this manner stood they to behold namely upon scaffolds born up twelve foot high from the ground with forked perches or props The gaming 's were running of horses and fighting at firsts and buffets for performance whereof there were champions sent for of purpose especially out of Tuscane These sports continued afterwards from yeere to yeere in great solemnitie and named diversely either the Romane games or the Great games This king moreover assigned certaine places about the Forum or common place for private men to build in where the galleries shops were made He went in hand likewise to wall the citie about with a stone wall but the Sabine war staid him in the beginning that he went not forward with that work This came so sodainly upon him that the enemies were passed over the river Anio before the power of the Romanes could meet them and make head against them Whereupon great feare there was at Rome And at the first a cruell conflict there was and much blood shed on both parts but no apparence of victorie But after that the enemies were retired once into the campe and that the Romanes had time to gather fresh forces Tarquinius supposing his onely want was in his cavalerie determined to joine unto the Rhamnenses Titienses and Luceres which Romulus had ordained other centuries or cornets of horsemen and them to leave unto the posteritie after him bearing his owne name Which because Romulus had done aforetime by the counsell and advise of Augures Accius Navius renowned and famous in those daies for his skill that way opposed himselfe and gave out plainely that there might be nothing changed or newly ordained in that behalfe unlesse the birds first approoved and allowed the same
thy head foreshewed that one day it should bee highly advanced Now let that heavenly blaze raise thee up now awake in verie deed what man wee also being strangers have borne the scepter consider with thy selfe who thou art now and not from whence thou art descended And if in so suddaine an occurrence thine owne wits be astonied and to seeke then follow my reed and be advised by my counsell In this while the noice and violence of the people was so great that it could not well be suffered Then Tanaquil from the upper lost of the house out at a window that opened into the new street for the king kept his court hard by the temple of Iupiter Stator spake unto the people willing them to be of good cheare The king indeed quoth she was amased and swowned at the suddaine stroke howbeit it went nothing deepe for now is he come againe to himselfe his wound cleansed from bloud and searched all signes of life and no danger of death and I trust in God within a while you shall see himselfe againe In the meane time his pleasure his that the people shall be obeysant to Servius Tullius the shal minister justice and give lawes he shall execute and performe all theoffices of the king Then came Servius abroad in his roiall robe called Trabea attended with the Lictors and sitting in the kings throne some causes he dispatcheth himselfe of othersome he maketh as though he would consult and conferre with the king Thus for certaine daies the king being dead and his death concealed he under colour of executing the function of another garthereth strength to himselfe But when at the last it was openly knowne by the wailing and lamentation which arose in the pallace that the king was departed Servius accompanied with a strong guard shewed himselfe and was the first that without the election of the people onely by the will and consent of the nobles tooke the kingdome upon him The ionnes of Ancus at the first seeing the murderers attached and hearing that the king was alive and Servius so mightie retired themselves as banished persons to Suessa Pometia And Servius now sought meanes to make himselfe strong as well by private helpes as by publicke And least peradventure the children of Tarquinius should another day be as ill affected against him as the children of Ancus were against Tarquinius he gave in marriage his two daughters to Lacius and Aruns two of the kings sonnes late deceased Yet could not the with all the policie of mans wit stay the fatall necessitie nor stop and divert the course of the destinies but that the envie that followeth a kingdome bred all distrust disloiltie and mallice even among those of his owne household for all their alliance and affinitie Howbeit in very good time and sitly for the quietnesse of the present state was the warre with the Veientes for now was the tearme of the truce expired and other Tuscanes taken in hand In which warre both the valour and also so the good fortune of Tullius was well seene and greatly renowmed Who having discomsited a mightie host of the enemies as undoubted king in the conceit and judgment as well of the Senatours as of the commons if their hearts had been sounded returned to Rome Then in hand went he with a worke of peace and of all other the greatest and of most importance To the end that as Nyma was the first author of divined law and religion so the posteritie for ever after might report and record that Servius was the founder of all distinction and order whereby betweene degrees of worship and wealth there might be seene due difference and regard of worth For the devised and ordained the Cense to wit the assessing and taxation of the cittizens a thing most profitable to that state and government which was like in time to come to grow so mightie By which Cense the charges and contributions either in war or peace was not levied by the poll upon the citizens as aforetime but according to the valuation of their wealth and abilitie So he erected certaine Classes and Centuries and appointed their degrees according to the assessing and valuation meet in decent manner to serve in warre and meet to be emploied in peace And first of those who were rated at an * hundred thousand ASSES and above he ordained so Centuries 40 of the eldersort and as manie of the yonger and all jointly were counted the first Classis The elder were charged to be in readinesse at all howers for defence of the cittie the younger to follow the warres abroad These were bound to find harneis for defence of their owne bodies an headpeece or morion a shield greeves and corselet all of brasse and for offence of the enemie a javelin and a sword To this Classis were adjoined two Centuries of carpenters and smiths or engineers who were in wage and served without amount and their charge was to find the campe engines of batterie and artillerie The second consisted of those that were valued betweene I00000 and 75000 Asses And of this sort both young and old were enrolled twentie Centuries who were enjoined to provide for their armour a target or buckler in stead of a shield and excepting onely a corselet in all points as the former The third he would have to be of those that were esteemed worth 50000 Asses and as manic Centuries of them and with the same distinction of age Neither concerning their armour was any thing altered only for their greeves they were dispensed with In the fourth Classis were those that were assessed in the Subsidie booke betweene 50000 and 25000 Asses and of them were to manie Centuries Their armour was changed having no more but a speare and a casting dart with a looped called Verutum The fist was greater containing thirtie Centuries These carried with them slings and stones to sling a farre off among whom were reckoned the beadels of criers together with the trumpetters cornestiers who were divided into three Centuries This band stood of them that were assessed from 25000 unto II000 Asses The valuation under this comprised all the rest of the multitude Whereof arose one Centurie freed and exempted from warfare Thus having furnished and disposed the forces of the Infanterie he enrolled besides twelve Centuries of horsemen and those out of the principall men of the cittie and sixe other Centuries likewise to those three that Romulus instituted retaining the same name still that they in their first solemne institution had These horsemen for to buy their great horses had 10000 Asses out of the chamber of the citie a peece for to find and keepe those horses were the rich widdows set yearely at 2000 Asses a peece Thus were all these charges and burdens shifted from off the pooremens shoulders and laid upon the rich And therefore afterwards was their dignitie and honour so much the more For in the
and the whole cittie wonderfull well Servius albeit he were now without all question by so long continuance fully and really invested in the kingdome yet because he heard say that young Tarquinius otherwhile gave out speeches of him that he raigned without the nomination and election of the people therfore after he had first wan the hearts of the commons by dividing among them everyone certaine lands gotten by conquest from the enemies he adventured to propound unto the people put it to their suffrages and voices Whether their will and pleasure was that he should raigne over them Thus was he declared king with as great consent as never any before with the like But Tarquinius for all this had never the lesse hope to aspire and attaine unto the crowne nay rather so much the more because he understood the said division of the lands among the commons was a thing concluded passed against the wil mind of the Senators Taking therfore occasion therby to accuse blame Servius before them he supposed he had good means offered to wind himself into favor with the lords of the Senat so to become strong in the counsel house Over and besides he was both himself a young man of great courage hot stomack his wife likewise at home dame Tullia lay ever upon him pricked forward his distempered troubled mind for you must thinke that the roiall court of Rome also hath brought forth and afforded one example of a tragicall and horrible act that by a wearines and lothing conceived against the kings government liberty and freedome might the sooner ensue and that raigne bee the last which was by mischeefe gotten first This L. Tarquinius whether he were the sonne or nephew of Priscus Tarquinius it is not very cleare howbeit I would rather thinke with most writers that he was his sonne A brother he had Aruns Tarquinius a young gentleman of a mild nature These two as is aforesaid had married the two Tulliae the kings daughters and they also themselves were in conditions farre unlike And happily it so fell out that two froward and violent natures were not coupled together in wedlock such was the good fortune I beleeve of the Romane people that thereby the raigne of Servins might continue the longer and the cittie brought and setled in good order The younger Tullia a stout dame and a prowd greeved and vexed much that her husband had nothing in him no mettall or matter at all either to cover and desire or to enterprise and adventure her mind was fully set upon the other Tarquine him she esteemed highly and had in admiration him she said to be a man indeed and descended of roiall bloud As for her sister she despised and checked her for that she having a forward and valorous knight to her husband sat still and seconded him not in audacitie and boldnesse as a woman should doe Well in short time likenesse and disposition soone brought them together and as it is commonly seene Naught will to naught and sort best together But the mischeefe and trouble that brought all up side downe arose from the woman For she using to have secret conference with her sisters husband never ceased to speake badlie and to raile of her own husband unto his brother and of her sister unto her husband Affirming in good earnest it were better both for her selfe to be a widdow and for him to live single and without a wife than so to be mismatched as they were and through the craven cowardise of others to languish and come to nothing As for her selfe if the gods had given her an husband according to her owne qualitie and worthinesse she doubted not to see and that very shortly the crowne in her own house that now she seeth in her fathers In this manner possesseth she quickly the humorous young man and filled his head with her owne rashnesse and follies Now when Aruns Tarquinius and the elder Tullia who died just in a manner both at one time had well rid their owne houses and made way and ouverture for a new marriage it was not long but they were married with Servius his leave and connivencie rather than his good liking But then every day more than other began Tullius to be a continual more in their eies his old age hatefull and his raign more odious for now the woman minded nothing but one mischeese upon another and would not suffer her husband to be at rest night nor day least peradventure the former murders done and past should serve to no purpose and misle the effect of their designements And thus she brake out and said That she wanted not before one that carried the name of an husband with whom she served kept her selfe quiet and said nothing But she had a want of one that thought himselfe worthie of a kingdome that remembred he was the sonne of Tarquinius Priscus that loved better to be seised of a crowne and scepter indeed than hope for a kingdome and here thereof But sir quoth she if you be the man to whom I take my selfe wedded then I cal you both husband and king if not then is our case changed for the worse in that cowardlinesse is accompanied now with wickednesse Why resolve you not why arme you not your selfe and go about this businesse you need not go so far as to Corinth or Tarquinij for to seeke and compasse forraine kingdomes as your father did The gods of your owne house and native country the Image and example of your father the kings pallace and therein theroiall seat and throne of estate yea the very name of Tarquine createth nameth and saluteth you king But and if your heart will not serve you to these desseignes why beare you the world in hand and deceive them why take you so upon you as you doe to shew your selfe as a kings sonne Get you hence to Corinth againe away to Tarquinij turne backeward to your former stocke and condition more like to your brother than to your father With these and such like motives by way of reproofe she checketh the young man set him on and pricked him forwards and she her selfe for her part could be at no repose for thinking that Tanaquil an alien and stranger borne could contrive in her head and effect so great matter as to make two kings together one after other namely her husband first and afterward her son in law and she her owne selfe a kings daughter could beare no stroke either in giving or taking away a kingdome Tarquinius kindled with these furies and temptations of a woman went about laboured and made court to the Nobles especially those that were Minorum gentium estsoones putting them in mind of the pleasures and favours that his father had done them and requiring now of dutie the like good turne at their hands The young men the flower and manhood in generall of the cittie he wrought and won to himselfe with
of the wound of Lucretia and holding it out afore him all embrewed and dropping with bloud Now I swear quoth he by this bloud by this most chast and pure bloud before the vilanie wrought by the kings sonne and here before the gods I protest whom I cal to witnesse that I wil by fire and sword and with all my might and maine persecute and drive the country of L. Tarquinius the prowd and his ingracious wife and the whole brood of his children and suffer neither him nor any els for his fake to raigne as king at Rome Then gave he the knife to Collatinus and so to Lucretius and Valerius who greatly amased at this so strange occurrent and wondering how it came to passe that Brutus should of a suddaine be so changed and become so stout of stomacke and courageous tooke the same forme of oath that he sware afore and so leaving their wailing and lamentation and wholly set upon anger and revenge they followed Brutus as their captaine and leader to put downe and overthrow the government of kings and utterly to root our their race The dead corpes of Lucretia was had out of dores brought into the market place and there shewed And thither what with wondring as the manner is at so strange a sight and what with the indignation of so unworthie a fact they raised much people together Everie man for his part was readie ynough to complaine of the wickednesse and violence done by the kings bloud The sorrow of Lucretius the father on the one side the resolution of Brutus on the other side who rebuked and blamed all vaine weeping and foolish moning mooved and persuaded all that were present that like men of valour like true hearted Romanes they would take armes against them that demeaned themselves no better nay worse than ordinarie enemies And presently the bravest and tallest yong men shewed themselves forward readie in armour and voluntarie The rest of the youths followed streight after And having left at Collatia the one halfe of their forces in garrison toward the gates and set certaine watches that no man brought tidings or newes unto the king and his sons of this rising and commotion all the other were appointed in warlike maner followed their leader Brutus from thence directly to Rome At the suddaine comming thither of this armed multitude no marvell if all the way where as they passed and marched there arose a feare and trouble among the people But when they perceived the most substantiall and principall cittizens in the forefront they judged whatsoever the matter meant it was not for naught And verily this hainous fact disquieted the minds of men no lesse at Rome than it had before at Collatia Therefore from all parts of the citie there was flocking and running into the market place And being thither come the Bedell or common Crier summoned the people to appeare before the tribune of the Celeres or Captaine of the guard which office haply Brutus bare at that time Where he made an oration not proceeding from that spirit nor resembling that qualitie of nature which unto that day he had pretended and made shew of unto the world for he inveyed against the violence and filthie lust of Sextus Tarquinius the shamefull vilanie and not to be named done upon the bodie of Lucretia he discoursed of her lamentable end and piteous death and the desolate case of Tricipitinus berest now of all his children who accounted the occasion of his daughters death a greater indignitie and more pitifull than her verie death Moreover he laid abroad the pride of the king himselfe the miseries the infinite toyle and pains of the commons buried as it were under the ground with cleansing and casting of ditches voiding and ferming of the sinkes Saying that the men of Rome which were the conquerers of all nations about them were now of warriers become quarriers hewers of stone and day labourers He reckoned vp also and put them in mind of the unworthie death and cruell murder of Servius Tullius and how his daughter oh abhominable act rode over the corps of her father in her cursed chariot And herewith he calleth on the gods that are revengers of outrages and wrongs done to parents Thus rehearsing these and other matters much more grievous and horrible I verily belleeue according as the present indignitie at the verie time doth minister and giue utterance for not so easie penned and set downe by writers that come after he so mightily inflamen the multitude that he caused them to depose the king to deprive him of his royall state and dignitie yea and to decree and enact that L. Tarquinius with his wife and children should be banished for ever Himselfe hauing selected armed the yonger gallants who offered their service and willingly entered their names set forward in person to the campe lying before Ardea for to excite the armie there against the king leauing the government of the Citie unto Lucretius who had before bene appointed deputie and lieutenant there by the king In this time of garboile Tullia left the pallace and fled and all the way as she went both men and women cursed and cried out upon her and be sought the ghostly spirits and furies of parents to be avenged When newes here of was brought into the camp and that the king upon these strange tidings made hast towards Rome to stay and suppresse these broyles Brutus hauing intelligence of his comming turned another way because the would not meete with him And so at one instance in a manner by contrarie journies came Brutus to Ardea and Tarquinius to Rome But the gates were shut against Tarquinius and in steed of entrance warned he was commanded into exile The whole campe receiued with joy Brutus the redeemer of their Citie From thence also were the kings sonnes driven two of them followed after their father and departed into banishment unto Caere a towne of the Tuskanes as for Sextus Tarquinius he retired himselfe to Gabes as it were into his owne kingdome where he was murdered in revenge of old quarrels upon mallice and hatred of the people which he had brought upon himselfe in times past L. Tarquinius Superbus raigned 25 yeares Thus continued the kings regiment at Rome from the foundation of the Citie unto the freedome and redemption the thereof 244 yeares Then in a solemne assemblie and election by the Centuries held by the Provost of the citie according to the ordinance of Servius Tullius in his commentaries two Consuls were created L. Iunius Brutus and L. Tarquinius Collatinus THE SECOND BOOKE OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIVS of Padoa from the foundation of the Cittie of Rome The Breviarie of L. Florus upon the second Booke BRutus tooke an oath of the people that they should not suffer any to vaigne king at Rome Hee compelled his fellow Consul Tarquinius Collatinus a suspected man to take part with the Tarquines by reason of the affinitie
from captivitie their naturall father who set it free the Consulship sprung first out of the familie of the Iunij the nobles the commons and in one word all things whatsoever in Rome belonging either to God or man Then came the consuls forth tooke their places and set them downe on the tribunall seat The Lictours were sent to doe their office who first stripped them naked and scourged them with rods and then with an axe chopt off their heads All which time the father himselfe his countenance and visage was a wonderfull spectacle to behold considering how a fathers affection could hold out and abide the performance of this publike exemplarie punishment When the offenders had once suffered to the end there might be shewed noble examples on both sides for to debarre wickednes and stop the course of sinne the informer and reveiler of treason had for his reward a peece of monie out of the common treasurie obtained his freedome and was enfranchised a citizen of Rome This was the first man as they say that was made free by the rod Vindicta for that the partie his name was Vindicius from whence as some thinke the word Vindicta was derived after whom this was observed That whosoever in that sort gat their freedome were supposed withall endenized When tidings here of came to Tarquinius with the manner of proceeding in euerie circumstance he not onely grieued that so great hope of his was frustrate and come to nothing but also was set on fire with hatred and indignation and seeing the way shut up and stopped against all deceitfull courses he thought there was no dealing now but by fine force and open warre Where upon he went vp and downe sollicited and made humble suit unto the cities of Etruria and besought the Veientians especially and the Tarquiniens that they would not suffer him being come of their own blood a banished man forlorne poore needie dispossessed so latelie of so goodly a realme and kingdome together with his children forward yoong men to perish even before their eies Alledging that others had been sent for and set out of forrain parts unto Rome for to be kings and he their leige king and such an one as advanced still the Romane empire by martiall prowesse was by the wicked conspiracie of his neerest kinsfolke and friends deposed from his imperiall dignitie and expelled and they now because there was no one man thought sufficient and worthie to raigne had parted betweene them the kingdome and given among the people his goods as a spoile that there might not be any one who had not his finger and whole hand in so foule a fact Saying moreover that his mind and intention was to seeke meanes to returne into his owne countrie to recover his crowne yea and to persecute and to be reuenged of those unthankfull subjects and therefore praied them to set to their helping hand and yeeld him assistance and not to sit downe with so many old wrongs of their owne part received namely their legions so often hewen in peeces their lands and livings taken from them but to go with him for revenge These suggestions mooved the Veientians and everie man for himselfe muttered and gave out in threatening wise that now at length having a Romane captaine especially to be their leader they were to doe away the soule dishonours sustained and win againe what by former warre they had lost As for the Tarquiniens they were soon incited in regard of name and consanguinitie and thought it was a godly matter and an honour unto them to haue of their owne name and house to be kings of Rome Thus two armies of two cities banded with Tarquine for to restore him to his kingdome againe and to make sharp warre upon the Romanes who being entered the territorie of Rome were met with by the Romane consuls The fooftmen marched under the conduct of Valerius marshalled in a battallion soure square Brutus with the horse went before to espie and discouer the coasts In like sort the men of armes of the enemies rode foremost under the leading of Aruns Tarquinus the kings sonne and the king himselfe in person followed with the legions Aruns espying by the Lictors the Consull a farre of and as he approached neerer knowing Brutus more certainly by his face all inflamed with yre This is the gallant quoth he this is he that hath driven and banished us out of our native countrie Lo how bravelie he setteth forward all gorgeously to be seene and dight in our roiall ensignes and ornaments Now helpe ye gods that are revengers of wrongs done to kings and there withall set spurs to his horse and ran amaine with full carriere upon the Consul his own person intending certainly to speed him Brutus perceived likewise that he made directly toward him Now was it a noble and worthie sight for the captaines themselves to begin the battell Whereupon with resolute courage he encountereth him And so fiercely they charged one another and so deadly were they bent that neither of them had regard to save himselfe so hee might wound and mischeefe his enemie but were both with a counterpush that quite pierced their targets run into the sides and thrust through and so having one anothers launce sticking in their bodies fell from their horses readie to die Herewith began on both sides the other horsemen to fight and within a while the footmen also seconded them And so equally were they mached and the barrell so indifferently fought that it was verie doubtful whether side had the better For on both parts the right wings got the upper hand and downe went the left The Veientians unto whom it was no newes to be overcome of Romanes were discomfited and put to flight But their new enemies the Tarquiniens not onely held their owne and stood to it but also from their battel put backe forced the Romans to give ground and gave them the repulse After this conflict there fell such a fear and terror upon Tarquinius and the Tuscanes that both armies as well of the Veientians as the Tarquiniens gave over their enterprise with doing just nothing and by night dislodged and departed every man to his owne home This battell was more notable by reason of certaine miracles that men report namely that in the dead time of the night next following when all were at rest there was heard a mightie voice of Sylvanus as men thought out of the wood Arsia to utter these words THAT THERE VVAS SLAINE ON THE TVSCANES PART MORE BY ONE AND THAT THE ROMANES VVAN THE FIELD Thus verely and no otherwise departed they asunder the Romanes as winners and the Tuskans as having the worse For the next morrow so soone as it was day and that none of the enemies appeared in sight P. Valerius the Consull gathered up the spoile together and returned from thence with triumph to Rome and performed the funerals of his brother Consull in all sumptuous
aspire to great glorie aime at honour and with that thrust his right hand into the hearth on fire that was made for the sacrifice when he indured the rosting there of as if he had been senselesse and felt no paine the king welneere astonished at this wonderful and miraculous sight start up and leapt from his roiall seat and chaire of estate commanding the young man to bee had from the altar Goe thy waies quoth hee in peace thou that hast done thine owne selfe more mischeefe than thou hast attempted against my person I would say God blesse thee worthie hadst thou been of honour for thy prowesse if it were in my service and in the behalfe and defence of mine owne countrey and now by the law of armes I discharge thee freely and give thee leave to depart without any hurt or abuse offered unto thee Then Mutius as it were to require againe his courtesie and desert Forasmuch as quoth he thou settest so great store by valour and honourest vertue so highly to the end it may bee seene that thou shalt get at my hands by courtesie that which by cruel threats thou couldst not these are therfore to let thee understand that there are three hundred of us noble youths even the very flower and knighthood of Rome that have conspired sworne thy death and in this manner to assaile thee My lot it was to be the first the rest as it shall fall out will be here shortly and wait everie man his turne and time untill they hit right upon thee Mutius surnamed afterwards Scavola by reason of the maime of his right hand was no sooner dismissed and gone but there followed streight after him to Rome Embassadours from Porsena and so much troubled in spirit was he both for the danger past of the first assault from which nothing preserved him but a small error and oversight of the assailant and also for the hazard to come for looke how many conspirators remained behind to give the like attempt so often stood he in jeopardie of his life that of his owne accord he offered the Romanes conditions of peace And among other capitulations he stood hard upon this article but al in vain of restoring the Tarqaines into their kingdom This point the king urged instatnly rather because hee could not well himselfe denie the Tarquines so much than for that hee was ignorant that the Romanes would never yeeld thereto But another article hee got graunted namely the restitution of the Veientians lands againe and the Romanes were driven of necessitie to give him hostages in case they would have the kings garison to quit the Ianiculum Vpon these conditions peace was concluded and Porsena withdrew his forces from the Ianiculum dislodged departed out of the territorie of Rome The Senators bestowed franckly upon Mutius as a testimoniall of his valiantnesse a peece of ground lying beyond Tyber which wasafterwards called Mutia prata i. Mutius his meddowes Vpon this honourable regard and reward of vertue women were likewise provoked and encouraged to enterprise worthie acts in the service of the Commonweale For a yoong damosell and virgin named Cladia one of those hostages aforesaid whiles the Tuskanes were encamped as it fell out not farre from the bankes of Tyber deceiving her keepers and leading a companie of other maydens after her even within the shot and darts of the enemies tooke the river swam over with them brought them all to Rome safe and delivered them to their parents kinsfolke and friends Which being reported to the king he at the first stormed at it and was all in a rage and sent unto Rome certaine Oratours to demaund againe his hostage Claelia by name as for all the rest he made no great account of them but afterwards upon further consideration he admired the enterprise and plainly said it surpassed farre all the adventures of the Coclites and the Mutij so as he pretended that if the mayde were not rendered againe he would take the league as broken and being yeelded he would send her backe to her friends undefiled and without any abuse or violence done unto her On both parts was promise faithfully kept Forboth the Romanes restored the pledge of peace according to covenant and seene also it was that vertue was not onely secured safe but also highly regarded and honoured with the Tuskane king For after he had commended and praised the damsell he promised to give her part of the hostages chuse whom she would And when they were all brought forth before her she made choise they say of those yoong boies that were under 14 years of age which was not onely most besitting her virginitie but also by the accord of the hostages themselues best approved namelie that that age especially should be delivered out of the enemies hands which was most subject to injurie and taking wrong The peace thus renewed and confirmed the Romanes rewarded this rare valour in that sex with as new and strange an honour for in remembrance of her in the top of Via sacra there was erected her statue A MAIDEN SITTING ON HORSEBACKE There remaineth yet even unto our daies amongst other solemne ceremonies this one custome received from our ancestours farre differing and disagreeing from this peaceable and friendly departure of the Tuskane king from before the citie of Rome and this it is In the port-sale of goods they use to proclaime first aloud THE SALE OF KING PORSENNA HIS GOODS This ceremoniall custome must needs eyther begin in time of warre and so was not afterwards forgotten in peace or else arose from some more gratious and gentle occasion at the first than this title or outward forme pretendeth of selling goods by way of hostilitie after the manner of enemies But the likeliest conjecture and neerest to the truth of all those that are given out is this that Porsena dislodging from the Ianicle gave freely unto the Romanes the citie at that time being after long siege distressed in great streights his rich campe furnished with victuall and provision conveied thither out of the plentifull countries of Hetruria neere adjoyning which goods for feare there should have beene some havocke spoile made therof in warlike wise in case the people had beene let loose to the rifling of the tents were after sold and called Porsena his goods which title signified rather their thankful acceptation of the gift and remembrance of the giver than any open and ouversale of the kings goods which were not so much as in the Romanes power nor at their disposition Thus Porsena having given over the Romane warre because he would not seeme to have brought an host of men into those parts and performed no exploit sent his sonne Aruns with part of his forces to surprise and assault Atricia At the first this suddaine and unexpected enterprise much troubled the Aricins but afterward when they had gotten aid both from the Latine nations and
banisht The men of Rome envied not those women their due deserved praises So devoid was the world in those daies of depraving and detracting the glorie of others For in memoriall hereof to all posteritie there was a temple built and dedicated to Fortuna Muliebris i. Womens fortune After all this the Volscians joined the Aequians unto them and returned into the territorie of Rome But the Aequians would no longer abide Accius to bee their Commander And upon this strife between the Volscians and Aequians whither of them should appoint a Generall over the armie raised jointly of them both first they grew to a mutinie and afterwards to a cruell battell Such was the good fortune of the people of Rome that two armies of their enemies were thus by civile discord and contention no lesse mortall than obstinate overthrowne and brought to naught Consuls then were T. Sicinius and C. Aquilius To Sicinius were allotted the Volscians and to Aquilius the Hernikes who also were out and up in armes for their severall province That yeare were the Hernikes vanquished but with the Volscians they fought so as they departed on even hand giving and taking the like After them were Sp. Cassius and Proculus Virginius made Consuls Then was there a league concluded with the Hernikes and two third parts of their lands were taken from them Whereof the one moitie Cassius the Consul was minded to distribute among the Latins the other among the Commoners To this donation hee laid too also a good portion of ground which being commons by right he found much fault that it was in the tenure and possession of private persons This act of his made diverse of the Senatours namely such as were great landed men and interessed therein to starkle for feare of hazarding their estate Over and besides the Senatours all in generall were in great perplexitie least that the Consull by this largesse should rise by popular favor to such greatnes as might prejudice their free hold yea and endanger the very main chance of publick libertie And this was the first time that the law Agraria was published and forward unto this present hower it was never debated of but with exceeding great stirs and troubles of the State The other Consull withstood this largesse with the generall consent of the Senatours and without contradiction of some commoners who at the very first began to mislike and utterly abhorre that the donation was so commune and from the naturall cittizens extended to their allies and confederates Moreover they might oftentimes heare even the Consull himselfe Virginius openly in his solemne Orations before the people to deliver by way of prophesie and as it were to prognosticate That this was a pestilent largesse of his brother Consull and that those grounds would in the end entherall the takers thereof and that it was the very high way to set up a kingdome againe For to what other intent I pray you were their allies and the nation of the Latines associate in the same To what purpose either was a third part of the lands won by conquest given againe to the Hernikes prosessed enemies but a while before but that these nations might have Cassius to be such another captaine of their as Coriolanus was And thus by dissuading and crossing the law Agraria he became now to be popular and gracious with the people Then both Consuls strived a vie who might please gratifie the Commons most Virginius by giving out that he would maintaine and suffer the lands to be divided so they were assigned to none but to the citizens of Rome Cassius againe who in the largesse of the lands seemed to court and currie favor with the allies and thereby was of the citizens lesse regarded and reputed to the end that by some other benefite he might regaine the hearts of his countrimen was of opinion and made a motive that the monie which was received for the Sicilian corne should be repaied unto the people But the Commons refused and abhorred that as a verie bribe readie bait for a scepter and crowne So greatly were all his gifts for the deepe rooted suspition and jelousie of his aspiring to a kingdome loathed in the conceits of men as if they had flowed in wealth and been rich ynough And for certaine it is recorded that so soone as he left his Office he was condemned and put to death Some report that his owne father did the execution and that upon examination privately had at home within his house he finding him faultie whipped him first and so killed him and consecrated the goods and chattels of his son as a Deodand to Ceres whereof a Statue or Image was made with this inscription or title GIVEN OVT OF THE HOVSE OF CASSIVS I find in some records which soundeth neerer to the truth that he was by the Questors Caeso Fabius and L. Valerius endited of treason and being convicted was by a verdite of the people condemned and his house by order from the whole cittie rased and pulled downe And at this day it is the void yard that lieth before the temple of Tellus But howsoever he had his triall and judgement privately or openly condemned he was when Ser. Cornelius and Q. Falbius were Consuls Long continued not the peoples anger and spight against Cassius So sweet was the law Agraria in it selfe that when the author and upholder therof was out of the world they longed to have it on foot againe Which desire of theirs was the rather set on fire through the pinching niggardise of the Senatours who having that yeare subdued the Volscians and Aequians kept the souldiours fasting and defrauded them of the spoile For what prises soever were gotten from the enemies the Consull Fabius sold and brought into the Exchequer or chamber of the cittie Now was the name of Fabius alreadie odious to the Communaltie for the last Consuls sake yet obtained the Senatours so much and held their owne so as Caeso Fabius was created Consull with L. Aemilius This made the Commons more malicious and bent to mischeefe And sedition at home caused warre abroad Forraine warre husht civile discord for a while Both Senatours and Commons with one accord under the conduct of Aenilius fought fortunately with the rebellious Volscians and Aequians and diffeated them Howbeit more enemies perished in the chase than were slaine in the battell so hotly the horsemen pursued them when they were once discomfited and gave not over The same yeare was the temple of Castor consecrated in the Ides of Quintilis It had been vowed aforetime in the Latines warre by Posthumius the Dictator His sonne was created Duumvir for that purpose and dedicated it This yeare also the Commons hearts were set upon the law Agraria and longed afresh after the sweetnes therof The Tribunes of the Comminaltie graced and credited their popular authoritie with propounding a law as popular and acceptable to the people But the
To this effect there was an Embassage sent secretly from the Lords and Princes of the Island And the principall actour and procurer hereof was Hersicora a man in those daies of greatest authoritie and power among them Vpon these tidings aforesaid happening so just at one time they were both disquieted and also refreshed So they sent Mago with his fleet and other forces into Spaine and they chose for the expedition into Sardinia Asdruball surnamed Calvus for the L. Generall furnished and appointed with as great a power almost as Mago had At Rome likewise the Consuls having dispatched the affaires of the citie addressed themselves to the war T. Sempronius appointed Sinuessa to be the Rendez-vous where the souldiours should meete at a certaine day And Q. Fabius by an order and direction from the Senate made an Edict That all men should before the first day of Iulie next ensuing gather all their come out of the countries and convey the same into the principall walled strong townes proclaiming that whosoever did not accordingly their fields he would lay wast sell their servants in port sale at the speare and set their farmes and villages a fire Not so much as the Pretors themselves created for civill jurisdiction and to decide law matters were freed and exempted from the conduct of warre As for Valerius the Pretor he was appointed to goe into Apulia for to receive the armie of Terentius and when the legions were returned out of Sicilie to imploy them especially for the guard and defence of that countrie and that the armie of Terentius should be sent with some one of the Lieutenants And M. Valerius had 25 saile allowed him to keep and defend all the sea coasts betweene Brundusium Tarentum The like number of ships was assigned to Q. Fulvius the citie Pretor for to guard the river side neere adjoyning to the citie of Rome C. Terentius the Proconsull had in charge to take up by commission souldiours in the Picene countrey and to guard those quarters And T. Octacilius Crassus after that hee had dedicated the temple of Mens in the Capitoll was sent into Sicilie as Lord Admirall of the Armado there Vpon this warre betweene two of the mightiest citties and most puissant states of the world there was not a king and prince no nor a Nation under heaven but was amused Among whom Philip king of the Macedonians had an eie thereto and was more intentive in that he was neerer unto Italie and onely devided from thence by the Ionian sea Hee at the first when the bruit came to his eares That Anniball was passed beyond the Alpes as hee joied much that there was warre kindled betweene the Romanes and the Carthaginians so as long as it was uncertaine whether nation was the stronger he wavered in mind and was in suspence whether of the twaine he should wish to have the victorie But after that he heard once that in three severall battailes one after another Anniball and the Carthaginians had gotten the better hand hee enclined to the fortunate side and sent Embassadours unto Anniball who falling off and desirous to avoid the havens of Brundusium and Tarentum which were guarded and kept by the Romane fleet arrived and landed at the temple of Iuno Lacinia and so through Apulia travailing toward Capua chaunced to light upon the mids of the Romanes corps de guard and were brought before M. Valerius Levinus the Lord Deputie being then encamped before Nuceria Where Xenophanes the principall of the Embassadours bashed not to say That he was sent from king Philip to treat and conclude a league and amitie with the people of Rome and had commission direction to the Consuls to the Senate likewise and people of Rome to that effect Valerius taking great contentment to heare of this new societie and friendship with so noble a king especially upon the rebellion of so many old allies courteously intreated and friendly entertained this false hearted enemie in steed of a trustie friend appointed diverse to accompanie him forward to guide him carefully in the waies and to shew him what places what passages and streights were held and kept either by the Romanes or the enemies Xenophanes with these instructions passed through the middest of the Romane guards into Campania and so the next way arrived at the campe of Anniball and made a league and amitie with him under these conditions and capitulations Imprimis That king Philip should with a right puissant Armada for that he was supposed able to set out 200 saile passe over into Italie wast and spoile all the sea coasts and to his power maintaine war by sea and land Item That when the warre was finished all Italie together with the very cittie of Rome should be possessed by the Carthaginians and Anniball and unto him all the pillage and bootie likewise should belong Item When Italie was thus subdued that they should saile into Greece and wage warre with what Princes there they pleased and that all the citties of the maine and the islands which lay to Macedonie should fall unto Philip and bee annexed to his kingdome In these tearmes and upon these articles in manner was the league concluded and confirmed betweene the Generall Anniball and the Embassadours of the Macedonians and with them were sent backe unto the king for the better ratifying of the said covenants certaine Legaâ—es to wit Gisgo Bostar and Mago who arrived together at the same temple aforesaid of Iuno Licinia where there rid closely a ship at anker expecting their returne From whence being departed they were not so soone launched out into the deepe and had taken the open sea but they were descried by the Roman fleet that guarded the coasts of Calabria Q. Fulvius Flaccus made out certain Corcyreans to pursue fetch in that ship Wherupon the Macedonians began to flie but seeing themselves overmatched in swiftnesse of saile and not able to make way with them they yeelded themselve sunto the Romans were presented unto the Admirall Who demaunded what they were from whence they came and whither they were bound Xenophanes who had already sped â—o well by making of a lye began to cog againe and say That he was sent from Philip unto the Romanes that he came unto M. Falerius because to him onely he was able to passe in safetie but could not possibly get beyond Campania being so strongly kept with garisons of the enemies But afterwards upon the sight of the Carthaginian habite and apparell they began to suspect the embassadors of Anniball and they being questioned withall their speech and language bewraied them Then was their retinue taken apart and threatned to confesse Letters also were found upon them sent from Anniball unto Philip concerning the peace betweene the king of the Macedonians and Anniball Vpon these matters thus detected and certainely knowne it was thought good to convey the Embassadors and their companie with all speede prisoners to Rome unto the Senate
all besides protested and said they would dye before they would be intermingled with the Brutij to change their owne rites and manner of life their customes their lawes and within a while their language also for others that were strange and foreine Aristomachus alone seeing that he could not prevaile neither by persuasions to induce them to yeeld nor find any meanes to betray the Castle like as he had done the towne before fled away to Hanno Shortly after certaine embassadors from Locri by the licence and permission of Hanno entred the Castle and persuaded them to be content for to be translated to Locri rather than to abide and stand out the extremitie saying that they had sent embassadors already to that intent unto Anniball and had gotten a graunt at his hands that they might so do So they abandoned Croton and the Crotoniates were brought downe to the seaside and embarked and the whole multitude departed to Locri. In Apulia the very winter season was not quiet betweene the Romanes and Anniball Sempronius the Consull wintred at Luceria and Anniball not farre from him in Arpi and as they could spie opportunitie or take their vantage of the one side or the other there passed some light skirmishes betweene them But the Romanes had alwaies the better and everyday more than other became more warie and secured from all traines and deceitfull snares of the enemie In Sicilie the Romanes found a great change and all out of order by reason that king Hiero was dead and the crowne translated to his nephew or sonnes sonne Hieronymus being yet a child not like to use his owne libertie with moderation and much lesse to sway the kingdome and scepter with discretion His guardians and friends gladly enterteined the protection and government of such a nature and were readie enough to plunge him headlong into all vice and wickednesse Which king Hiero foreseeing was willing by report in his latter dayes to have left Syracusa free and at libertie to the end that so noble a kingdome acquired established by good meanes should not under the lordly dominion of a child to the great obloquie and shame of the world be ruinate and come to nought But his daughters with tooth and naile crossed this his designement and made full reckning that the child should only beare the name of a King but the government of the whole State should wholly rest in them and their husbands Andronodorus and Zoilus who were the principall guardians left to oversee the young Prince And an easie matter it was not for an aged man now fourescore yeares old and ten so hardly laid at day and night by the faire speeches and feminine flatteries of his daughters to keepe his mind free and to applie and convert it to intend private regards and the publicke consideration of the State And therefore he left fifteene tutors to oversee and governe the child whom he besought upon his death-bed even when he was going out of this world to mainteine entier and unspotted the faithfull alleageance to the Romanes which he had kept and observed inviolate for the space of fiftie yeares and to set to their helping hand willingly to direct the young Prince above all to tread in his steps and to follow that discipline wherein he had bene nurtured and taught After he had given this charge and yeelded up his breath the guardians came abroad brought forth the kings last will and restament and shewed the young Prince in the open assemblie of the people and welneere fifteene yeares of ago he was Where some few such as were bestowed here and there of purpose within the prease of the assemblie for to shout and shew testimonie of their joy and goodliking approved with open voyce and allowed the kings will whereas all the rest fared as orphans in a citie bereaved of their king and as it were become fatherlesse and feared all things that might ensue The King was interred and his funerals solemnised with the love and kinde affection of his people and subjects more than with any studious care and diligence of his owne friends that were neerest to him After this Andronodorus removed from about the Prince all other guardians but himselfe giving out estsoones that Hicronymus was past a child and able to governe of himselfe as King Thus by deposing the Protectour-ship which was commune to him and many others he tooke upon him and usurped the power and authoritie of them all Hard it was even for a right good king and well governed that should succeed after Hiero to find favour and win grace among the Syracusians so heartily they affected and loved king Hiero. But Hieronymus as if hee had bene willing and desirous that by his vicious and wicked life they should have a great misse of his grandfather and wish againe for him at the very first sight when hee shewed himselfe abroade in open place declared unto the world what difference and great oddes there was For they who so many yeares togither had never seene Hiero nor his sonne Gelo either in habit of apparrell or in any other ornaments and port differing from all other citizens now beheld him in his purple robes with his regall crown diademe attended with his guard and traine of armed pensionars yea and other while after the manner of Denis the Tyrant riding foorth of his court pallace in a chariot drawne with foure white steeds This proud pomp and stately array was accompanied and suited with semblable qualities and conditions He contemned and despised all men he scorned most proudly to give audience to humble suppliants and sent them away with reprochfull termes taunts And not only strangers but also his very guardians hardly might have accesse unto him and to conclude his lusts and delights where unto hee gave himselfe were new and straunge his crueltie that hee exercised outrageous and inhumane So dread and terrible was hee to all that some of his Tutours either by making themselves away or by voluntarie exile were driven to prevent and avoid the danger of cruell torments Of whom three onely who alone had more familiar recourse into the court to wit Andronodorus and Zoilus the sonnes in law of king Hiero that had married his daughters and one Thraso had little or no care given unto them in other matters but whiles two of them drew toward the Carthaginians and Thraso to the Romane alliance with their arguing debating and dispute they otherwhile turned the mind of the young king to hearken give audience to their opinions Now it hapned that there was a conspiracie intended against the life and person of the Tyrant and the same detected by one Calo the companion playfere of Hieronymus of the same age one who ever from his childhood had bene familiarly acquainted with him and inward to all his secrets This revealer of the conspiracie could appeach and nominate of all the conspiratours onely Theodorus by whom himselfe was made privie
to the treason and sollicited to be a complice therein The partie was apprehended incontinently and delivered unto Andronodorus to bee tortured Who at the first without delay confessed himselfe to be guiltie but concealed all the rest that were accessaries At the last when hee had bene torne mangled and dismembred with most dolorous torments and intollerable for any man to endure pretending and making semblance that hee could abide no longer paines disclosed not for all this the guiltie persons in deed but accused the innocent and said falsly that Thraso was the first deviser of the whole plot and unlesse they had borne themselves and relied upon so mightie an head to set them on worke they would never have attempted so daungerous an enterprise Hee appeached also some other of the Tyrant his guard and houshold servants and daily waiters even such as came into his mind during the time of his dolours and paines whom amid his grones he imagined to bee such as whose lives might be best spared and deaths least lame nted The naming of Thraso especially made the Tyrant to beleeve that the detection sounded to a very truth in deed whereupon the man was immediately led to execution and put to death the other innocents as cleer as himselfe rasted of the same cup and suffered with him for companie As for the conspiratours themselves albeit one of their fellowes was a long while put to bitter and extreame torture there was not one of them that either hid his head or made an escape so assured confidence had they in the resolute constancie and faithfull promise of Theodorus and such power and strength had Theodorus himselfe to keep close the secrets committed unto him Now when Thraso was ones dispatched out the way who onely was the meanes to hold them in and to bind them to their alliance and alleageance to the Romanes then forthwith they began openly to encline to rebellion and sent as Embassadours for the same purpose two noble young gentlemen Hipocrates and Epicides unto Anniball From whom also they were sent backe againe in embassage These were both borne at Carthage but descended in bloud from the Syracusians by their grandfather that was from thence banished and were themselves by the mother side meer Carthaginians By entercourse of these two Embassadours a league was concluded between Anniball and the Tyrant of Saracose And Anniball was content that they should abide still as leggers in the Tyrants court When Appius Claudius the Pretour and lord Deputie of the province of Sicilie heard these newes hee addressed straightwaies embassadours unto Hieronimus who saying that they were come to renew the alliance which they had with his grandfather had scornfull audience given them to deliver their message and were dismissed and sent away by Hieronimus with a â—rumpe demaunding of them by way of a scoffe How they had sped at the battaile of Cannae For I can hardly beleeve quoth he that all is true which the embassadours report of that field and I would gladly know the certeine truth thereupon deliberate take counsell which side I were best to take The Roman Embassadors said they would repaire againe unto him when he could begin once to give audience with gravitie in good earnest to their embassage and so after they had warned and admonished rather than praied and entreated him not to change but to stand to the first covenant and promises they departed Then Hieronimus sent his Legates to Carthage for to confirme the league with the Carthaginians according to the alliance and amitie made with Anniball In which it was capitulate and covenanted that when they had expelled the Romanes out of Sicilie which would shortly come to passe in case they sent thither ships and a power of men the river Himera which as it were divided the Iland in the mids should confine and limit both the Saracosian kingdome and the dominion of the Carthaginians After this being puffed up with the faire flattering speeches of such as were about him who suggested unto him to remember call to mind that not only king Hiero was his grandfather but also king Pirrhus by the mother side hee sent Embassadours unto the Carthaginians to give them from him to understand That he demed it right meer that all Sicilie wholly should lie unto his dominion and that the Empire of Italie onely belonged properly to the Carthaginian people to acquire and conquer This levitie and vainglorious humour they neither wondred at as a straunge thing in a giddie brained young man nor yet greatly blamed and found fault with so long as they might estrange him wholly and alienate him altogither from the friendship of the Romanes But all things in him turned to his overthrow and utter confusion For whiles Hipocrates and Epicides were sent afore with two thousand soldiours for to sound and sollicite the citties to rebellion that were held by the garrisons of the Romanes and himselfe in person entred the countrie of the Leontines with all the rest of the forces which amounted to fifteen thousand foot and horse togither certeine conspiratours who chaunced all to be his owne souldiours and bare armes under him possessed themselves of a vake house standing over a narrow lane through which the king was wont to go down into the market-place of the citie there when other stood armed and well appointed and waiting when the king should passeby one of the conspiratours whose name was Indigemineâ— had given him in charge because he was one of the squires of the kings bodie when the king approached neere unto the doore of the said house to find some occasion or other in that streight passage to stay the troupe and traine that followed behind And so liee effected indeed and put in execution as it was agreed and contrived For Indigemines lift up his foot making as though he would loose and slacke a streight knot of his sho latchet which hindred his going whereby hee staied the companie that followed after so long that the king passing by alone without his guard of armed men about him was assaulted in the while and received sundrie stabbes and wounds before they could come to reskue and save him Hereupon arose an outcrie and tumult and divers of the guard let slie at Indigemines who by this time was readie to oppose himselfe and to ward all venues howbeit he was hurt onely in two places and so escaped The guard seeing the king there lying dead fled away as fast as they could The murtheters some of them betooke themselves into the market-place unto the multitude that rejoyced for the recoverie of their freedome others repaired to Syracuse to intercept and prevent the designments of Andronodorus and other favourites and followers of the late king Whiles things stood in these uncerteine and doubtfull tearmes Appius Claudius foreseeing warre like to ensue and that very shortly addressed his letters unto the Senate of Rome certifying them that Sicilie enclined
new Infanterie as in his old cavallerie and in a set pitched field on even ground was able to meet the Carthaginian with banner displaied and give him the foile in a full battaile The comming of the kings Embassadors into spaine was to the Romanes also a matter of great consequence and importance for upon the rumour and fame that went thereof the Numidians began to fall away apace and to come thicke unto the Romanes Thus were the Romanes joyned in amitie and friendship with king Syphax When the Carthaginians had intelligence of this new alliance they addressed immediatly their embassadours to Gala who reigned in another part of Numidia over a nation called Massyla This Gala had a sonne named Masanissa of seventeen yeares of age but a youth of such towardnesse and so forward in vertue that even then hee made good and apparant shew that he would another day enlarge his dominion and make a more flouring and mightie kingdome than his father should leave it unto him These Embassadors declared unto Gala that for as much as Syphax had entred league and was banded with the Romanes to the end that by their alliance and societie he might be more mightie and puissant against other kings nations of Affricke it were also better for him and much more commodious to joyne with the Carthaginians in all convenient speed before that either Syphax passed over into Spaine or the Romanes into Affricke And Syphax say they may soone be defeated and overthrown now while that hee hath gained naught yet but the bare name of the Romane league Gala was soone persuaded to send a power of men especially at the earnest instance of his son who was very desirous of that war and to have the mannaging therof He with the helpe of the Carthaginian legions vanquished Syphax gave him a great overthrow So as at that field there were slain by report in one day thirtie thousand Syphax himselfe in person with some few Numidian horsemen fled backe to the Maurisians that inhabit the farthest coasts hard upon the Ocean over-against Gades But the Barbarous people at the same of his comming so resorted in great numbers to him out of all parts that in a short space hee was able to arme mightie host And before he could with them crosse ouer into Spaine which was divided from Affricke with a narrow arme of the sea Masanissa was come with his victorious armie who in that place of himselfe without any help or aid of the Carthaginians gave Syphax battaile to his great honour and singular glorie In Spaine no memorable exploit was atchieved but that the Romane Generals allured and drew to them the able and serviceable manhood of the Celtiberians for the same hire and stipend that they bargained for with the Carthaginians and sent from thence above three hundred Spaniards of the noblest parentage into Italie to solicite their countrimen who served under Anniball as auxiliaries to follow them and take part with the Romanes This onely touching the affaires of Spaine that yeare is a thing worthie to bee noted and remembred That the Romans never waged soldiour to serve in their war before that time when the Celtiberians began to be their mercenaries and first received pay THE XXV BOOKE OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIVS of Padoa from the foundation of the Cittie of Rome The Breviarie of L. Florus upon the five and twentith Booke PVublius Cornelius Scipio surnamed afterwards Africanus was made Aedile before he was of Lawfull yeares Anniball woon the citie Tarentum all but the castle into which the Romane garison was retired by meanes of certain young Tarentine gentlemen who had made semblance that they went by night a hunting The solemne plaies in the honour of Apollo were now first instituted upon occasion of certaine propheticall verses of Martius wherin the overthrow at Cannae had been foretold Q. Fulvius and App. Claudius Consull sought fortunatly against Hanno a Duke or captaine of the Carthaginians T. Sempronius Gracchus the Proconsull was by a Lueane his host that gave him entertainment trained into the danger of an ambush and slaine by Mago Centenius Penula who had served in the warres as a Centurion having made sent unto the Senate to have the leading of an armie and promised if this petition were graunted to win the victorie of Anniball and to vanquish him tooke the charge of eight thousand footmen and gave battaile to Anniball but hee was slaine himselfe and his whole armie defeited and put to the sword Cn. Fulvius the Pretour fought unfortunately against Anniball and lost the field in which fight there died sixteene thousand men Himselfe with two hundred horsemen fled and escaped Capua was besieged by Q. Fulvius and App. Claudius the Consuls Claudius Marcellus in the third year of the siege wan Syracusa and bare himselfe in that service like a worthie and noble knight In that tumult and burliburlie when the citie was newly taken Archimedes whiles he was busily occupied about certaine Geometricall figures and forms that he had drawne in the dust was killed The two Scipions Pub. and Cornel. after so many and so worthie exploits performed fortunately in Spaine came to a wofull and bearie end being themselves slaine there with the losse welneere of their whole armies in the eight year after that they went into Spain And the maine possession of that province had beene quite lost but for the singular manhood and industrie of L. Matius a knight of Rome who having rallied and gathered together the remnants of the armies so encouraged them that by their valiant service two severall encamped holds of the enemies were woon seven and thirtie thousand of the enemies slaine and eighteene hundred taken prisoners and a great rich bootie obtained Wherupon he was called Captaine Martius WHiles these affaires thus passed in Affricke and in Spaine Anniball emploied the summer season in the territorie of Tarentum in hope by treason to be maister of the cittie of the Tarentines In which meane while certaine base cities of the Salentines and townes of no importance revolted unto him And at the same time of those 12 States of the Brutij which the yeare before had turned banded with the Carthaginians the Consentines and Thurines were rallied wholly again to the devotion of the people of Rome And more of them had returned likewise but for L. Pomponius Veientanus captain of the allies who after he had made certaine rodes into the countrey of the Brutij and sped his hand well with many booties tooke upon him the countenance of a sufficient Colonell and was no lesse reputed and having gathered a power of men suddainly in hast without good advisement fought with Hanno In which conflict a mightie multitude of his men were either slaine or taken prisoners But as good hap was they were but a disordered unruly rable of rusticall clownes and bondslaves and the least losse of all other was the captaine himselfe who amongst the rest was taken captive
to do more mischiefe about the citie if they were let alone and not apprehended so they were attached and their houshold servants At the first these persons made light account both of the informer and the information they made and elevated the credit that was given thereto alledging that the day before the partie himselfe being chastised and skourged by his maisters ran away and so upon an anger and giddie sit devised by occasion of this misfortune which was meere casual to frame an accusation against his maisters But when the matter was averred to their teeth in open place and that they by whose ministerie the feate was done were in the mids of the Forum put to the rack for to utter a truth then they all made confession of the fact So as well the maisters that were the setters thereof as the servants that were privie and accessarie thereto had their deserts and suffered for it The informer who disclosed the villanie was made free and had 20000 asses for his labor As the Consull Laevinus passed by Capua in his journey homeward there flocked about him a number of Campanes and besought him with teares that they might have leave to go to Rome and present themselves before the Senate there to make suite if happly there were any pitie commiseration in them not to destroy them utterly nor suffer Q. Flaccus to consume the name generation of the Campanes from off the face of the earth Now Flaccus for his part denied flatly that he bare them any private grudge by malice but only hated the Campanes as the common enemies to the state and so he would do ever so long as he knew them so ill affected as they were to the people of Rome for there was not a nation upon earth nor a people under heaven more spightfully deadly bent against the Romane name than they were And that was the cause saith he that he penned them up within their walls For who soever of them chanced any way to make an escape they ranged about the country like brute and savage beasts renting tearing and killing whosoever came in their way Some of them are fled to the adverse side unto Annibal other are gone to Rome to set fire on the citie and there quoth he shal the Consull find the market place halfe burned and the very prints and tokens remaining fresh of the Campanes mischevous practises There should he see that they minded to have done violence upon the chappell of Vesla and to have put out those eternall fires and utterly defaced the fatall pledge of the Romane empire bestowed and laid up sure in the most secret place of the chappell Neither thought he it was safe for the citie to permit the Campanes to come within the walls thereof Then Laevinus having caused the Capuans to take a corporall oth and sweare unto Flaccus that they would make returne to Capua before five dayes were expired after they had their answere and dispatch from the Senate commaunded them to come after him to Rome Attended thus as he was with this companie he encountred the Sicilians also who came forth to meete him and with this multitude he entred the citie accompanied I say with the Campanes and Sicilians both vanquished and subdued by warre as accusers of two most famous persons Marcellus and Fulvius who had conquered two most noble and renowmed Cities Saracose and Capua But both the Coss. treated and consulted first with the Senat about the state of the common-weale and the government of the provinces There Levinus related in what tearmes stood Macedonie and Greece the Aetolians also with the Acarnanians and Locrians likewise what acts he had atchieved in those parts both by sea and land and how he had repulsed Philip backe into Macedonia when hee beganne to make warre upon the Aetolians who now was retired and gone into the utmost parts of his kingdome so as the legion might be withdrawne from thence for that the armada was sufficient to keepe the king forth of Italie Thus much spake hee of himselfe and of the province whereof he had bene governour Then both Consuls in common proposed unto the Senate concerning the province And the LL. decreed that one of the Consuls should take the charge of Italie and of the war with Anniball and the other should have under his hand the armada whereof T. Octacilius was the Admirall togither with L. Cincius the Pretour governe the province of Sicilie They were allowed the two armies which were in Tuskane and in France consisting of foure legions whereof two of the former yeare that were of citizens should be sent into Tuskane and those two which the Consull Sulpittus had conducted should be led into France Moreover that he should have the government of France and the leading of the legions there whom that Cos. would appoint whose lot it was to have Italie for his province Into Tuskane was C. Calpurnius sent with commission after the tearme of the Pretourship expired to have his full jurisdiction to continue for a yeare Likewise to Q. Fulvius was assigned the keeping of Capua and his rule proroged for another yeare The armies as well of citizens as of allies were by commandement of the Senat abridged and made lesse so that for two legions ther should be but one that consisting of five thousand footmen three hundred horsemen that they should be discharged of soulderie who had served longest that of allies there should be left seven thousand foote and three hundred horse with the same respect and consideration of service in dismissing the old souldiours As for Cn. Fulvius the Consull of the former year he ruled the same province of Apulia still without any alteration of his forces only his government was continued unto him another yeare And P. Sulpitius his Colleague was commaunded to send away all his armie only the marriners and sailers excepted Likewise order was given that so soone as the new Consull was arrived and landed in the province of Sicilie the armie there which was commaunded by M. Cornelius should be sent out of Sicilie Vnto L. Cincius the Pretour were assigned the souldiours that remained after the defeature at Cannae for to keepe Sicilie in order and those arose to two legions And as many legions were appointed for P. Manlius Vâ—lso the Pretour for to go into Sardinia even those whereof L. Cornelius had the leading in the same province the former yeare As for the legions of citizens the Consuls were enjoyned to levie and enroll them so as they enterteined no souldiour of all those who had served in the armie either of M. Claudius or M. Valerius or Fulvius nor exceeded the number that yeare of one and twentie legions of Romans When these Acts were passed in the Senate-house the Consuls cast lots for their serverall provinces Sicilie and the armada fell to Marcellus Italie and the warre against Anniball to Levinus This lot that fell to Marcellus so
brought to Rome And to the Romanes she was delivered by Attalus king of Asia A thicke stone it was and nothing else which the inhabitants called the mother of the gods P. Scipio Nasica the sonne of that Cneus who was killed in Spaine iudged by the Senate a right good man one that was very young had not been yet so much as Questor was he that received her for it was by the Oracle imported that the said goddesse should bee received by the best man of the cittie so dedicated The Locrians sent their Embassadours to Rome to complaine of the outrage and crueltie of Q. Pleminius the Lieutenant 〈◊〉 that he had uniustly taken away the money consecrate to Proserpina and vilanously forced their wives and children Pleminius was brought bound with chaines to Rome and there died in prison There ran a false rumour of Pub. Scipio Pro-consul in Sicilie and spred as sarre as to the citie That he should spend his time there in riot Where upon there were sent certaine messengers from the Senate for to enquire see whether those reports were true And Scipio being cleared from all infamie by the permission and good leave of the Senate sailed over into Africke Syphax affianced and wedded the daughter of Asdruball the sonne of Gisgo and thereupon renounced cleane the amitie which he had contracted with Scipio Masanissa the king of the Massylians whiles hee served in the wars in defence of the Carthaginians quarrel within Spain after he had lost his father Gala was withal disseazed of his kingdome And when he had often times sought to recover it againe by warre he was in certaine battailes vanquished by Syphax king of the Numidians and utterly deprived of his totall dignitie So with two hundred horsemen he ioyned as a a hamfood person with Scipio and with him immediately in the first battaile he slew Hanno the sonne of Amilcar togither with a great number of his men Scipio upon the comming of Asdruball and Syphax who were almost one hundred thousand strong was compelled to breake up the siege of Vtica and so be fortified a standing campe for winter bar borough Sempronius the Consull had a fortunate battaile against Annibal in the territorie of Croton The Censours held a solemne review and purging of the cittie and numbred the people In which survey taken there were assessed in their bookes 215000 citizens Betweene the two Censours M. Livius and Claudius Nero there sell out a notable discord for C. Claudius tooke from Livius companion with him in office his horse of service for that hee had beene sometimes condemned by the people of Rome and driven into exile And Livius againe did the semblable by him because he had bâ—ne false witnesse against him and not dealt bona fide with him considering the reconciliation betweene them where in they seemed to be made good friends againe The same Livitus left all the tribes but one disfranchised and caused them to pay tribute as no denizens for that they had both condemned him being innocent and also made him a Consull and Censour afterwards SCipio after he was arrived in Sicilie disposed his voluntarie souldiours in order and enrolled them by Centuries Over and besides them he had about him three hundred lustie tall fellowes for the floure of their age strength of bodie the bravest men of all others but they wist not themselves for what purpose they were reserved being neither assigned to any colours under a captaine nor so much as armed at all Then he made choise from out of the whole manhood and youth of Sicilie three hundred men of armes such as for birth and wealth were the very principal and best in all the Iland who were to passe over with him into Affricke and he appointed them a day upon which they should all present themselves in readinesse furnished and appointed in the best manner with horse and armour This warfare so farre from home was like to be yrkesome unto them and to bring with it much trouble many difficulties and daungers as well by sea as land The consideration and feare hereof mightily disquieted not onely the parties themselves but also their parents and kinsfolke Now when the day appointed was come they shewed their horses and armour Then Scipio made a speech unto them said That he was given to understand that certeine Sicilian horsemen stood in great feare dread of this soulderie as being a sore and painfull peece of service In case then quoth he there bee any of you so minded and disposed indeed I had rather you would now presently be known thereof unto me and confesse at once than hereafter to whine and complaine and so to prove lazie lubbers and unprofitable souldiours to the common-wealth And therefore utter your minds in plaine tearmes and I will be content to heare you without offence Whereupon when as one of them tooke a good hart said flatly That if it lay in his choise freely to do what he would he was altogither unwilling to serve then Scipio answered him again in this manner For as muchas my youth thou hast not dissimuled thy hearts griefe but spoken out what thou thinkest I will soon depute once in thy turne unto whom thou maist deliver thy armour thy horse and other furniture of warfare and whom thou shalt forthwith have home with thee there to traine teach and exercise him after thou hast given him thy horse and armour The young man was glad hereof and accepted the offer upon that condition and so he assigned unto him one of those three hundred abovesaid whom he kept about himselfe unarmed When the rest saw that horseman in this manner discharged of his service and that with the favour and good will of the L. Generall every man then began to speake for himself to make excuses and tooke others in their steed Thus for the three hundred Sicilians were substituted as many Romane horsemen without any expenses at all of the state And the Sicilians themselves had the charge of instructing training them up For the Generall had made an edict and proclaimation That whosoever did not so should serve himselfe in person This proved by report a brave cornet of horsemen above the rest and in many battailes performed right good service to the common-weale After this hee tooke a survey of the legions or footmen and all those who had borne armes longest in the wars he selected forth especially such as had bene emploied under the conduct of Marcellus For those he well wist to have bin broght up under the best discipline of warfare also by reson of the long siege of Saracose to be most skilful in assaulting of cities For now they wer no smal matters that hee had in his head but he plotted even the very destruction and ruine of great Carthage After this he divided his armie and placed severall forces in sundrie townes The citties of Sicilie hee enjoyned to provide come hee made
before the warre began Then the Consull having assembled the people for this purpose in Mars field before that he cited the Centuries to give their voices called them all together and made a speech unto them in this wife It seemeth quoth he that you are ignorant my masters and citizens of Rome that the matter put to question is not whether ye would have warre or peace for Philip will not permit that to be at your disposition and pleasure who alreadie prepareth mortall warre both by sea and land but whether ye would rather choose to transport the legions into Macedonie or receive your enemie here within Italie And what difference there is betweene the one and the other you have had sufficient proofe and experience if ever at any time before even in this last warre especially with the Carthaginians For who is he that maketh doubt but if we had with speed relieved the Saguntines besieged who fled unto us for helpe and earnestly craved for our protection like as our ancestors and progenitors in due time assisted the Mamertines we should have turned the whole violence and force of the warre into Spaine which by our long driving off and lingering delaies we entertained in Italic to our great losse and grievous calamitie Neither need we to doubt of this but that we have hitherto staied Philip in Macedonie who without question had combined with Anniball by meanes of letters and intercourse of embassadours for to have passed over into Italie before this time only by sending of Laevinus with a fleet to begin with him at home and to make warre in his owne kingdome Deferre we then to doe that now when Anniball is chased out of Italie and the Carthaginiaus defeated which then wee did when wee had the same Anniball our enemie within Italie Go we on still and suffer the king by winning the citie of Athens like as wee permitted Anniball by forcing of Saguntum to trie and see our slackness and cowardise we shall have him I warrant you arrived in Italie not at five moneths end as Anniball was after his departure from Saguntum but within 5 daies after he is disankered once under faile from Corinth Set case ye will not compare Philip with Anniball no nor the Macedonians with the Carthaginians yet I am sure ye will make them matches equall with king Pyrrhus so far forth I say as one man excelleth another in valour and one nation surpasseth another in power Epirus hath never bene accounted nor is at this day but the smallest appendant to the kingdome of Macedonie and of least importance But as for Philip the whole and entier seignorie of Peloponnesus is under him and lord he is of Argos it selfe a citie enobled as well by the death of Pyrrhus as the auncient name and renowne that goeth of it Compare now againe the times of our state How much flourished Italie in those dayes more than now Our affaires were then much more found and unfoiled our captaines safe our armies all so many as they were untainted whom the Carthaginian warres afterward consumed yet as puissant and great as we were Pyrrhus assaied us he put us to trouble and sorrow enough yea and came in traine of victorie to shake our free hold even welneere to the citie of Rome So as not only the Tarentines and all that tract of Italie which they call the greater Greece banded with him in such sort as a man would have thought they had followed the very language and those of their name but the Lucanes also and the Brutians yea and the Samnites revolted from us and rebelled And are ye of beleefe that these will be quiet and remaine in loyaltie and obedience if Philip once were passed over into Italie Yes mary will they there is no question for they stood fast afterwards and continued true in the Punick warre Nay nay never make reckning that these States will not revolt from us so long as they know any one unto whom they may turne and raunge themselves If ye had thought much of it and bene loth to passe over into Affrick in good faith at this day ye should have had Anniball and the Carthaginians your enemies still in Italie Let Macedonie therefore be the seate of warre rather than Italie let our enemies cities and lands be destroyed with fire and sword We have found full well by good experience that our fortune is better and our forces more puissant abroad in forain parts than at home in our owne countrey Go to therefore in the name of God to the Scrutinie and give your voices and those things that the LL. of the Senate have devised to do graunt ye the same and yeeld your assent Ye have not only the Consull author of this advise and counsell but also the immortall gods who as I offred sacrifice and prayed devoutly unto them that this warre might redound to the good and benefit of my selfe of the Senate of you of our allies of the Latine nation and finally of our armies and armadaes have vounchsafed me all the signes and tokens of comfort and joy and assured me that all shall be well and according to our hearts desire This Oration of his once ended they went presently to deliver up their voyces and gave affirmatively for the warre and suffred it to passe according as he had propounded Then by an order from the Senat there was a solemne supplication for three dayes proclaimed and in all churches and chappels and before every shrine and alter the gods were prayed unto that the warre which the people had allowed of against king Philip might be well atchieved and have an happie end Moreover the Consull Sulpitius conferred with the heraulds and asked their advise Whether they would ordeine that the warre to be denounced against king Philip should be intimated to himselfe in person or thought it sufficient to the proclaimed within the confines of his dominion at the next frontier towne of all where he kept a garison and guard they pronounced againe That it mattered not but the Consull should please himselfe and do full well in the one and the other Then the Consull was permitted by the LL. of the Senate to chuse whom he would so he were not a Senatour for to send as a messenger or pursevant of armes to geve the king defiance and to publish warre After this it was debated in counsell how the armies should be disposed as well of Consuls as Pretors The Consuls were commaunded to enroll two legions and to discharge and casse the old armies Sulpitius who by a decree was to manage this new warre of so great name and consequence was allowed to take with him out of that armie which Scipio the Viz-consull had brought out of Affrick as many voluntaries as he could procure but in no case to urge any old souldiour against his will Also it was decreed that the Consull should allow unto the Pretours L. Furius Purpuria and Quintus
of these letters there went forth a decree from the LL. of the Senat that C. Aurelius the Consull should send out precepts for the armie to be readie at Ariminum that very day on which he appointed them to the Rendez-vous in Hetruria and that either himselfe in his own person if it might stand with the good of the State would go with a power to suppresse these French commotions or els write to L. Furius the Pretor that when the Rom. Legions presented themselves unto him out of Hetturia he should send in their steed his owne five thousand allies for the guard of Hetturia in the meane time and make a journey himselfe in person to levie the siege before Cremona and to set the colonie free that now was beleaguered They thought good besides to dispatch embassadors into Affrick who first should go to Carthage and afterwards to Masanissa in Numidia To Carthage for to intimate unto them That Amilcar a citizen of theirs left behind in Fraunce and whether he were of the armie of Asdruball before or afterwards of Mago they knew not for certein waged warre there against the covenants in the league conteined that he had assembled certein forces of French and Ligurians to enter into armes against the people of Rome and therefore if they had any love to intertein peace they should call him home and deliver him to the people of Rome Over and besides they had in commission to give them to understand that delivery was not yet made of all the rennegate rebels but many of them by report were retired to Carthage and there went up and downe and conversed openly which persons were after diligent search made to be attached and apprehended that they might according to the tenure of the accord be sent home againe and delivered into the hands of the Romanes And thus much concerning their message to the Carthaginians Now they had in charge besides to congratulate with Masanissa and to declare what joy they tooke in his behalfe namely for that he had not only recovered the inheritance of his fathers kingdome but also enlarged his dominion by conquest of the most flourishing part of the realme of Syphax Moreover commaunded they were to signifie unto him that they had undertaken to warre upon king Philip because he had friended and aided the Carthaginians and by offring and doing wrong to the friends of the people of Rome even at what time as all Italie was full of troubles and warres enforced and put them to it for to send their armies and their armadaes into Greece and so by dismembring and deviding their forces into sundry places was the principall cause that they were so late ere they passed over into Affrick requesting him for the maintenance of this warre to send over certein aids of Numidian horsemen These orators had great gifts and honorable presents given them for to cary unto the king to wit divers peeces of plate both of gold and silver a purple robe of State with a rich castock or cote wrought in palme tree worke with a royall scepter of yvorie also a robe embrodred before with purple with an yvory chaire of estate Last of all they were willed to make promise unto the king that if he could thinke upon anything needfull and expedient either to establish his kingdome or to advance his royall estate the people of Rome would endevour respectively for his good demerits to compasse the same to the uttermost of their power There arrived also about that time embassadours from Vermina the sonne of Syphax and presented themselves unto the Senate excusing the error pretending the youth of the prince clearing him of all fault and laying the whole blame upon the fraud and faiterie of the Carthaginians promising for their king and master in this wife That like as Masanissa of a prosessed enemie was become a sworne friend to the Romanes even so would Vermina doe his best and straine himselfe that in all offices of friendship toward the people of Rome neither Masanissa nor any other should surpassed go beyond him and making petition in his name that the Senat would vouchsafe to give him the titles of King of Allie and Friend unto the Romans These oratours had this for their answere That not onely Syphax his father before him of a confederate and friend sodainly without any cause at all prooved an enemie to the people of Rome but also himselfe had practised alreadie in his young yeeres and laid the first ground of his warrefare in annoying and troubling the Romanes by warre and therefore he was to seeke pardon and crave peace at their hands before he might be invested by them with the tearmes of King of Ally and Friend for the honour of that style the people of Rome were woont to vouchsafe to none but those kings onely who had deserved singularly well of them Mary there should be certaine Romane Legats in Affricke unto whome the Senate would give order to minister and tender unto Vermina certaine conditions of peace according to a large and absolute commission that they had from the people of Rome To doe what they thought good And in case the king misliked ought in those capitulations and were desirous to have any article added put out or altered he must have recourse againe to the Senate and demaund the same So there were Legats or commissioners sent into Affricke with such a commission abovesaid namely C. Terentius Varro Sp. Lacretius and Cn. Octavius and each of them had allowed a galleace directed with five rewes of oares After this were the letters read of Q. Minutius Pretour in the province of the Brutij importing thus much That the consecrated money of Proserpina at Locri was by night stollen out of her treasurie but to say who should doe the deed they had no presumptions to give light and lead them directly The Senate tooke the matter in very ill part and grieved exceedingly That sacrilegious men fell still to church-robbing and would not give over and that the late fresh example of Pleminius so notorious as well for the heinous fact as the fearefull punishment was not able to terrifie them and give them warning So C. Aurelius the Consull was enjoined to write unto the Pretour into the Brutians countrey to this effect That it was the Senats pleasure that due enquirie and examination should be had of the treasurie thus robbed after the same precedent and course that M. Pomponius the Pretour tooke three yeeres before And looke what money could be found it should be laid up duly in the place and what was not forth-comming it should be supplyed and made good againe Also if he thought meet that there should be certaine purgatorie sacrifices according as the bishops before ordained in the like case for the expiation and satisfaction of the violating and defiling of the temple Moreover there chanced about the same time divers prodigious tokens from many places to be reported In the
neither were there any prisoners led captives in shew nor spoiles caried in pomp before his chariot nor yet his souldiers followed after So as it appeered that all other things besides victorie alone perteined properly to the Consull After this were the plaies exhibited with great magnificence by P. Cornel. Scipio which hee hâ—d vowed in Affricke during his Cousulship Also there passed an order for the lands of his souldiours That for so long as each one had served in Spaine or Affricke hee should have two acres for every yere and that these lands should be set out and assigned unto them by ten Decemvirs for the purpose deputed Then were certaine Triumvirs created for to supply and make up the number of Romane inhabitants in Venusia by reason that during the time of Anniball his warre the strength of that colonie was much enfeebled and impaired C. Terentius Varre T. Quintus Flaminius and P. Cornelius Scipio the sonne of Cneus enrolled new coloners to inhabite Venusia The same yeere C. Cornelius Cethegus who governed Spaine as Proconsull discomfited a great hoast of the enemies in the countrie of the Sedetanes In which battaile by report were shine 15000 Spaniards and 78 militarie ensignes taken C. Aurelius the Consull when hee was returned out of his province to Rome against the solemne election of magistrates complained not as men made reckoning he would have done That the Senate expected not for his comming nor that the Consull was not permitted to debate the matter with the Pretour but found himselfe grieved That the Senate had decreed a triumph so as the partie onely was suffered to speake who was to triumph and none of them â—â—ght be heard who were present at the battaile And whereas our forefathers ordained that lieutenants colonels marshals and centurians yea and in one word the souldiours should be at a triumph for this end and purpose that the truth might appeare to the world of all things atchieved by him unto whome so great honor was to be done Was there any one quoth he of all that armie which fought with the Gaules I say not a souldier but so much as a lackey or horseboy following the campe of whome the Senate might enquire whether the Pretour spake true or false This done and said he published the day of assembly for the election abovesaid wherein were created Consuls L. Cornelius Lentulus and P. Villius Tappulus After them were Pretors chosen L. Quintius Flaminius L. Valerius Flaccus L. Villius Iappulus and C. Bebius Pamphilus Graine and other victuals that yeare were cheape Great store of corne was brought out of Affricke which the Aediles of the chaire distributed to the people at two Asses a Modius They also set forth the Roman games and pastimes right sumptuously yea and represented them one day more than ordinarie Moreover of the â—â—er raised by fines and forfeitures they made seven brasen statues which they set up in the 〈◊〉 house of the city The Plebeian plaies likewise were thrice renued all over by the Aediles 〈◊〉 the commons L. Terentius Masâ—aliota and C. Bebius Pamphilus Pretour elect Finally the suâ—â—erall games that yeere were foure daies together exhibited in the common place of the citie â—â—caâ—ioned by the death of M. Valerius Laevinus and celebrated they were by his two sonnes 〈◊〉 and M. who also shewed unto the people a brave spectacle of fencers at the sharpe wherein â—â—ere were five and twentie couples that entred the lists performed combat M. Aurelius Cottâ— â—â—e of the Decemvirs that yeer departed this life and in his place M. Acilius Glabrio was subordained In the solemne assembly for electing Aediles of the chaire it chaunced that those two which were chosen might not immediatly enter into office for C. Cornelius Cethegus was created in his absence whiles he governed the province of Spaine And C. Valerius Flaccus who was present at his owne election might not be sworne to maintaine the lawes because hee was the Flamin or priest of Iupiter For lawfull it was not for any magistrate to exercise his place above five daies unlesse he were sworne to the lawes Then Flaccus preferred a petition that he might be dispensed with wherupon the Senat ordained That if the Aedile would find one to sweare in his name at the good pleasure and discretion of the Consuls then the Consuls if they thought it mee should deale with the Tribunes of the Commons to propound it unto the people that it might passe under their graunt So L. Valerius Flaccus the Pretour elect for the yeere following was presented to take the oath for his brother Then the Tribunes put it to a canvase before the people and they enacted That the oth of his brother should be of the same validitie as if the Aedile himselfe had taken it in his own person Concerning the other Aediles also there passed an act of the commons For when the Tribunes proposed unto the people Which two they would have to go into Spain as LL. deputies with commaund over the armies to the end that C. Cornelius the Aedile of the chaire might come home to beare his office and L. Manlius also after so many yeeres depart out of his province the people ordained that Cn. Cornelius Lentulus and L. Stertinius should have the conduct and government in Spaine in qualitie and title of Proconsuls THE XXXII BOOKE OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIVS of Padoa from the foundation of the Cittie of Rome The Breviarie of L. Florus upon the two and thirtith Booke MAny straunge and prodigious sights as they were reported from divers countries are here related and set downe among which this is one that in Macedonie there was a bay tree sprung up of it selfe in the poupe of a galley T. Quintius Flamininus the Consull fought fortunately against Philip in the stâ—eights of Epirus and having put him to flight hee compelled him to returne into his owne kingdome Himselfe with the assistance of the Aetolians and Athamanes infested sore and plagued Thessalie which bordereth upon Macedonie L. Quintius Flamininus the Consull his brother by the aid of king Attalus and the Rhodians made conquest by war at sea of Eubaea and all the sea coast The Achai werereceived into amitie The conspiracie of slaves that complotted to deliver and set at large the hostages of the Carthaginians was detected and tooke no effect The number of Pretours was encreased to sixe The Consull Cornelius Cethegus defeated the French Insubrians in battaile League and amitie was concluded betweene the Romanes and the Lacedemonians with their tyrant Nabis Over and besides there is contained in this booke the winning of many cities in Macedonie WHen the Consuls and Pretors were entred into office upon the Ides of March they cast lots for the government of the provinces To L. Lentulus fell Italie and to P. Villius Macedonie As for the Pretours L. Quintius had the jurisdiction of the citie of Rome C. Babius the government of Ariminum L. Valerius ruled
against Philip was uncerteine Whiles the kings embassadors delivered these points in the assemblie of the Rhodians there arrived a post with newes that the warre was ended by meanes of a victorie ' atchieved by the Romanes against Philip at Cynoscephale These tidings being once heard the Rhodians past all feare now of Philip were of advise to meet Antiochus at sea with their navie For they had a second care besides which they neglected not to maintaine the libertie of those allied cities perteining to king Ptolome against which warre was menaced from Antiochus Some they succoured with sending aid unto them and others by fore-cast and geving them warning of the designements and enterprises of their enemies whereby they were a cause that the Caunij Myndij they of Halicamassus and Samos enjoyed still their entier freedome But needlesse it is for me to prosecute all the occurrents and affaires that passed in these parts considering how I shall have enough to do and hardly be able to set downe and go through with those that properly concerne the Romané warre At the same time also king Attalus was brought sick from Thebes to Pergamus and there departed this world in the 71 yeere of his age when he had reigned 44. This man was beholden to fortune for nothing els but riches that might commend him to the hope of a kingdome He employed the same with such wisedome and magnificence that first in his owne conceipt and afterwards in the judgement of others he was not thought unworthie to be a king Afterwards when he had vanquished in one battaile the Gaules a nation at that time newly arrived in Asia and therefore the more dread and terrible he tooke upon him to be stiled king and ever after caried a mind answerable to the grandeur and majestie of that name His owne subjects he governed with singular justice To his allies he shewed himselfe most fast and faithfull His friends he used with all kindnes and bountie A wife and foure children he had living when himselfe died and left his kingdome so sure and well setled that the possession thereof continued firme to the third discent and generation after him Whiles things stood thus in Asia Greece and Macedonie and the warre with Philip scarcely ended or at leastwise peace not fully concluded there arose a mightie warre in the province of Spaine beyond the river Iberus M. Helvius at that time was governour there who by his letters advertised the Senate That Colcas and Luscinus two princes in those parts were gone out and had taken armes that with Colcas there banded seventeene townes and with Luscinus the strong and puissant cities Cardo and Bardo that the whole sea coast which hitherto by open revolt shewed not their rebellions heart would doubtlesse upon the commotion of those their neighbours make likewise an insurrection together with them After these letters were red by M. Sergius the Pretour who had the jurisdiction betweene citizens and aliens the LL. of the Senate ordeined that after the election of new Pretours was past he to whose lot the government of Spaine fell should propose unto the Senate in all convenient speede as touching the warre in Spaine About that very time the Consuls repaired to Rome from their provinces who held an assembly of the Senate in the temple of Bellona and when they demaunded triumph in consideration of their good service and happy exploits in warre atchieved C. Atinius Labeo and C. Visanius Tribunes of the Commons required That the Consuls should speake severally by themselves concerning triumph for suffer them they would not jointly to propound that thing in the house to the end that equall and semblable honour should not be conferred upon persons of unlike qualitie woorth and desert And when Minutius inserred againe and said That the province of Italie fell unto them both in one commission and Cornelius seconded him with all avening That hee and his companion in government had managed all their affaires with one mind by common counsell and advise that the Boians who passed over the river Po against him for to succour the Insubrians and Caenomans were forced to turne backe againe to defend their owne by reason that the other Consull his colleague made such wast and pillage in their fields and villages The Tribunes confessed that Cornelius indeed had atchieved so worthy exploits in warre that there was no more doubt to be made of his triumph than of rendring praise and thanks to the immortall gods but neither hee nor any other citizen stood ever at any time in such grace favour and credit that having obtained the honour of a triumph for himselfe hee should impart that glorie unto his colleague and fellow if hee were so shamelesse as to crave it As for Q. Minutius say they he made some sleight skirmishes with the Ligurians not worth the talking of mary in Fraunce he lost a good number of his souldiers And with that they named T. Invencius and Cneus the brother of Labeo two colonels or Tribunes of the campe who were slaine in an unfortunate battaile with many a brave and hardie man besides as well citizens as allies And to conclude there were some few towns and villages colourably yeelded and rendred up for the time without any assurance and securitie These janglings and debates betweene the Consuls and the Tribunes continued for two daies but in the end the Consuls being overcome with the importunitie of the Tribunes were content to propose the matter distinctly by themselves And with the generall voice and accord of all a triumph was decreed for Cn. Cornelius The Placentines also and men of Cremona were a great cause that this Consul found more favour by reason that they gave him thankes and reported on his behalfe that they were delivered by his good meanes from the siege yea and most of them recovered from servitude out of the hands of their enemies Q. Minusius having only cast a proffer and made an assay of proposing his cause to the Senate seeing them wholly banded and set against him said aloud That in maintenance of Consular authoritie and by vertue of that place yea and according to the good example of divers noble and renowned personages he would triumph and aske them no leave in the mount Albane But Cn. Cornelius whiles he was still in office triumphed over the Insubrians and Caenomanes He carried in pompe before him a number of militarie ensignes he caused great store of French spoile and pillage to passe in a pageant upon charriots taken from the enemies Many noble men of Fraunce were led in a shew before his owne triumphant chariot among whom as some write was Amilcar Generall of the Carthaginians But above all others the goodliest fight was a number of coloners inhabitants of Cremona and Placentia who with bonets or caps of libertie on their heads followed his chariot Hee bare in triumph 237500 Sesterces 79000 Bigates of silver coine He divided among his
walls to re-build the edifices to redeem and ransome the Lysimachians that were in slaverie to seeke out all those that were dispersed over Hellespontus lespontus and Chersonesus and gather them together yea and to enroll new inhabitants upon hope of gaine and profit and by all meanes possible to store and people the citie againe And withall because he would ease them of the feare they had of the Thracians hee went in person with the one halfe of his land forces to wast and spoile the confines of Thrace the other part with all the sea-souldiours and marriners the left hard at worke about the repairing of the citie About this time as L. Cornelius being sent by the Senate to compose the controuersies and variance betweene the two kings Antiochus and Ptolomeus abode at Selymbria so of the ten Commissioners abovesaid P. Lentulus departed from Bargyllae P. Villius and L.T. Terentius from Thassus and arrived all three at Lysimachia where L. Cornelius likewise met them from Selymbria and a few daies after king Antiochus being newly returned out of Thracia The first meeting and saturation betweene him and the Commissioners was friendly and courteous yea and there passed to and fro afterwards divers amiable kindnesses and loving entertainements mutually But when they entred once to parle of their commission that they had in charge and of the present State of Asia then there was frounsing and their bloud up The Romane agents stucke not to tell him to his face that all that he had done since he tooke the sea and departed with his fleet out of Syria was displeasant unto the Senate saying That they thought it meet that all the cities should bee restored unto king Ptolomeus which had been under his dominion For as touching those townes which sometime Philip had been possessed of and which Antiochus had surprised and seased upon taking this time and vantage when Philip was emploied another way in the Romane warres it was no reason nor a thing tollerable that the Romanes should for so many yeares space by land and sea endure so great toile and hazard such perils and suffer Antischus in the end to goe away with the fruit reward of all the service But set the case that the Romans would take no knowledge of his comming into Asia as a matter impertinent unto them can they dissimule also that now he is come over into Europe with all his forces both for land sea and little wanteth of making open warre upon the Romanes Marie as for him he will not let to denie that he levieth any warre although he were arrived and landed in Italie To these challenges the king made answere and said That he saw well ynough and knew before that the Romans were inquisitive and curious ynough to search what king Antiochus ought to doe but they never once thought of their own selves how far forth they should by right proceed as wel by lands as by sea As for Asia it pertained not at all to the people of Rome neither had they more reason to enquire what Antiochus did in Asia than Antiochus to search into the actions of the people of Rome in Italie As concerning Ptolomeus from whom they complaine that he had taken certain cities he did them to understand that there was amitie betweene him and Ptolomeus and they were now in tearmes of knitting themselves shortly in neerer bonds of alliance affinitie Neither sought hee the spoile of Philip and to enrich himselfe by his adversitie and misfortune or passed over into Europe against the Romanes ***** But when he was vanquished once all that ever he had by right and law of warre became the possesions of Selencus and so consequently as he tooke it appertained unto him And during the time that his progenitors and predecessors were busied and troubled with other affaires first Ptolomeus catched at some things and Philip after at other so between them they usurped seized upon on other mens possessions and namely of certaine places neere and hard by in Thracia which without all controversie belonged unto Lysimachus For to reduce which into their auncient State hee was thiter come and now was in hand to reedifie Lysimachia anew lately destroied by the violence of the Thracians to the end that Seleucus his sonne might hold it as the roiall seat of his kingdome Thus as they continued arguing an d debating for certain daies there ran a rumour but without any certaine author that king Ptolomeus was dead whereupon they could grow to no conclusion of all their parlies yet they made semblance on both sides that they heard nothing thereof And as wel L. Cornelius who was sent in embassage to both the kings Antiochus and Ptolomeus requested respite of some small time to conferre with Ptolomeus to the end that himselfe might be arrived in Aegypt before any alteration were made in the new possession of that kingdome as also Antiochus made reckning that Aegypt would be his if this good occasion then were presented unto him Therefore having dismissed the Romanes and left his sonne Selencus behind him with all the land forces for to finish the building againe of Lysimachia which he had begun himselfe with all his fleete sailed to Ephesus and having sent his embassadors to Iuintius to treate soberly about a league and amitie he coasted along Asia and so arrived in Lycia And when he heard for certein at Patarae that Ptolomeus was yet living he gave over his purpose of sailing into Aegipt yet neverthelesse he shaped his course and set saile for Cyprus and when he had doubled the point of Chelidonium he stayed awhile in Paymphylia about the river Eurymedon by occasion of a mutinie among the mariners and oremen From thence he weighed ankar and when he was sailed as farre as a place called The heads of the river Sarus there arose agoust and fearefull tempest wherein he had like to have bene cast away and drowned with all his fleet Many of his ships were run aground many of them swallowed up of the sea so as there escaped not one of them by swimming to land A number of men there perished not of base mariners only and unknowne common soldiers but also his neere and especiall friends Having rallied the dispersed reliques of this shipwrack seeing he had no meanes and was not able to reach and gaine Cyprus he returned againe to Seleucia with an armie nothing so puissant not so well furnished as when he set out in his voyage There he commaunded his ships to be haled aland and laid up in their docks for winter now approched and himselfe tooke his journey to Antiochea there to lye all that winter time And in these termes stood the affaires of the kings At Rome there were first instituted in this yeere three Triumvirs called Epulones to wit C. Lecimius Lucullus T. Romalesus who was the man that put up the bill for their creation and
great part of Asia and from the kings These embassies were admitted into the Senate by C. Scribonius the Pretour for the citie and all dispatched with a gratious answere But because the dispute about Antiochus required long time of debate therefore it was referred and put over to the ten Delegates of whom some had bene in Asia or at Lysimachia with the king And Quintius was commaunded that together with those said Delegates he should heare what the king his embassadors could say and so returne unto them such an answere as might stand with the honor and welfare of the people of Rome The chiefe of this embassage from the king were Menippus and Hegesianax Then Menippus began and said That he knew no such perplexed difficultie in their embassage considering they were come simply to treat for peace and to contract a league and alliance For saith he there are three sorts of consederacies and associations whereby States and KK ordinarily conclude league and amitie one with another The first when they that are vanguished in warre have conditions and articles imposed upon them for when all is yeelded into the hands of him that is the mightier and more puissant then it is in his power and at his discretion and will to give unto the conquered partie what he list or to take from him as he pleaseth The second is when they that are egall in warlike forces give over on even hand and be content to make peace and amitie upon indifferent and equall conditions one with the other in which case demaund and claime is made restitution and amends performed according to the accord and agreement and if in time of the warres any have bene molested and troubled in their possession they fall to composition either by the forme and tenor of auncient law or respective to the good and profit of both parties The third is when they that never were enemies meete and conferre together about concluding some friendship by way of solemne alliance and societie who neither geve nor take any conditions for that belongeth properly to Conquerours and those that are conquered Seeing then that Antiochus is comprised in this last kind I mervaile quoth he that the Romanes should thinke or say It is reasonable to render articles unto him or to prescribe and set downe what cities of Asia they would have to be free exempt and which they would have to be tributarie into what cities they would expressely forbid the king his garisons or the king himselfe to enter and set foote For in this wise ought they to make peace with Philip their enemie in times past and not to draw a contract of amitie and association with Antiochus a friend at this present To this oration Quintius shaped his answere in this sort For as much as it pleaseth you to make your speech thus distinctly by way of division and severally to reherse all kinds of consederacies accords I also will set down as methodically in order two conditions without which you may let the king your maister to understand that he must not looke to interteine any friendship with the people of Rome The one is this that if he would debarre us to intermedle with the cities of Asia he likewise himselfe have nothing to do with all Europe The other that if he cannot conteine himselfe within the compasse of Asia but will needs encroch upon it the Romanes likewise may have libertie and power both to mainteine those amities which they have alreadie and also to enterteine new with the States of Asia Hereat Hegesianax inferred and said That this was an indignitie intolerable and which he could not abide to heare namely that Antiochus should be disferzed of those cities of Thrace Chersonesus which Seleucus his great grandfather had conquered with singulet honor from king Lysimachus whom he vanguished in war and slew in field and setled the same in him as his rightfull inheritance As for the same cities possessed by the Thracians Antiochus himselfe with as great praise and glorie hath partly by force of armes regained out of their hands and partly repeopled with the old inhabitants called home againe whereas they lay abandoned and desolate and namely Lysimachia itself as all the world seeth and more than that hath reedified to his exceeding charge expense those that lay along in their ruines and were consumed with fire What likenes then is there between these two demaunds namely that Antiochus should quit the possession of that which either he acquired or recovered in that sort and that the Romanes should absteine forbeare Asia which never apperteined unto them To conclude Antiochus saith he is desirous of the Romans friendship but in such termes as may stand with his honor and not purchase himselfe shame and reproch Then Quintius rejoyned again in this manner For as much as quoth he we balance and weigh things according to honestie as in truth it is besitting the chiefe and principall state of the world and so great and mightie a king to peise that only or at leastwise principally above all other regards I would gladly know of you Whether ye thinke it more honest of the twaine either to will and wish that all the cities of Greece whatsoever and wheresoever should enjoy libertie or to make them homagers and tributarie It Antiochus thinketh it be an honorable thing for him to reduce into servitude and bondage as his owne those cities which his great grandfather held by right of armes and whereof neither his father nor grandfather afore him were in possession the people of Rome likewise esteemeth it a materiall point that toucheth their faithfulnesse and constancie not to forsake the Greekes whose protection and defence they have enterprised and taken in hand And like as they have freed Greece out of the hands of Philip so they intend to deliver those cities of Asia which are of Greekish race and descent from the subjection of Antiochus For the Greeke Colonies were not sent into Aeolis and Ionia to live in servitude under the king but to increase and multiply that a most auncient nation might spread over the face of the whole earth Now when as Hegesianax knew not how to shift and turne himselfe and could not denie but that the cause of libertie which the Romanes pretended in the title of their quarell was of more honestie and credit than that other of slavery Let 's lay away all these circumstances of words quoth P. Sulpitius the auncientest person of all the ten Delegates and choose yee one of the two conditions which even now were expresly offred unto you by Quintius or else make no more talke about amitie with the Romanes Then quoth Menippus As for us wee may in no case neither will wee capitulate and covenant any thing prejudiciall to the kingdome and royall state of king Antiochus The morrow after Quintius when hee had brought all the Embassies of Greece and Asia into the Senate that they
make account to fight with the Romanes in Asia yea and for Asia both by sea and land and no mean there is but that either himselfe must loose his kingdome or take from them their soveraigne siegnorie who affect and pretend to be LL. of the whole world He was the only man thought to forecast truly to foretell what would ensue Whereupon the king himselfe in person with those ships which he had readie rigged furnished failed to Chersonnesus with intent to strengthen those places with good garrisons if happily the Romanes should come by land The rest of the navie he commaunded Polyxenidas to prepare and put to sea And all about the Island hee sent about his pinnaces and brigantines as espials to discover the coasts C. Livius the Admirall of the Romane navie was arrived at Naples from Rome with fiftie covered ships At which place he gave commaundement That the open vessels which by covenant were due to bee sent from the allies of all that tract should meet From whence he sailed to Sicilie and passed the streights by Messana And when he had received sixe Carthaginian ships sent to aid him and called upon the Rhegines and Locrines and other associates comprised in the same league holding by the same tenure for that shipping which of dutie they were to find when he had also taken a survey of all his armada at Lacinium he weighed anker and put to the maine sea Being arived at Corcyra which was the first cittie of all Greece that he came unto hee enquired in what tearmes the warre affaires stood for as yet all was not thoroughly quiet in Greece and where the Romane fleet was After he heard that the Romane Consull and king Philip were about the pase of Thermopylae and there lay in guard that the fleet rid at anker in the pott and harbour of Pyraeeum he thought it good to use expedition and to make speed for all occasions whatsoever and incontinently determined to saile forward to Peloponnesus And having at one instant wasted Samos and Zacynthus as hee went because they chose r ather to band with the Aetolians he set saile for Malea and having a good wind within few daies hee arrived at Pyraeeum where the old fleet ankered At Scyllaeum king Eumenes met him with three ships who had been a long time at Aegina unresolved in himselfe whether he should returne to defend his owne kingdome for he heard that Antiochus made preparation at Ephesus for warre as well by sea as land or not to depart a foot from the Romanes upon whose fortune depended his whole state Aulus Attilius so soone as he had delivered to his successor five and twentie close ships of war losed from Pyraeeum and came to Rome So Livius with a fleet of eightie one ships armed at their beakeheads with brasen pikes besides many other smaller vessels which open as they were had brasen heads as is aforesaid or if they were without such pikes served for espials sailed to Delos Much about that time the Consull Acilius assailed Naupactum At Delos Livius for certaine daies was staied by contrarie winds for that quarter among the Cyclades is exceeding windie by reason that these Islands are devided asunder some with broader gulfes some with narrower Polexenidas being certified by the post-ships set in diverse places to discover that the Romane armada rid at anker neere Delos dispatched messengers to the king who leaving all matters which he enterprised in Hellespontus returned to Ephesus as fast as ever hee could make saile with his ships of warre piked at the head and presently called a counsell where it was debated whether hee were best to hazard a battell at sea or no Polyxenidas was of opinion That he should not slacke the time but in any wise give battell and trie a fight before that the fleet of Eumenes and the Rhodian ships were joined with the Romanes for so in number they should not bee much overmatched for all other things have the better as well for nimblenesse and agilitie of ships as for varietie of aid-souldiours For the Romane ships as being unworkmanly built they are heavie of steerage and unweldie loaden they are and fraught besides with provision of victuals as they are commonly that come into the enemies countrey But as for your ships seeing they leave all about them peaceable and quiet they shall be charged with nothing but with men and munition Besides the skill of these seas and lands of the winds in these quarters will be a great helpe unto you wheras the enemies must needs be much troubled for want of knowledge in them all The deviser of this counsell had credite given unto him on all parts and the rather for that hee was the man himselfe to put in execution the same counsell Two daies they made stay to set all things in order and readinesse the third day they set forward with a fleet of a hundred saile whereofleventie were covered the rest open and all of the smaller making and for Phocaea they shaped their course The king hearing that the Romane armada approched departed from thence for that he was not to bee present in person at the conflict upon the sea and went to Magnesia neer e Sipylus for to levie land-forces But his navie made saile to Cyffus a port of the Erythraeans to attend the comming of the enemie there as in a place more commodious The Romanes when the Northren winds were once laid for they were alost for certaine daies and locked them in salled from Delos to Phanae a haven towne of the Chians bearing toward the Aegean sea From thence they cast about with their ships to the citie and there having victualled themselves they crossed over to Phocaea Eumenes who was gone to Elaea toward his fleet within few daies after with soure and twentie covered ships and more uncovered returned to the Romanes whom hee found preparing and marshalling themselves a little short of Phocaea for a battell at sea Then set they all forward with a hundred and fiftie close covered ships and more open and without hatches and being with side Northeren winds at the first driven to the sea shore they were forced to saile single in ranke one after another But afterwards as the violence of the wind began to be allaied they assaied to crosse over to the haven Corycus which is above Cyssus Polyxenidas as soone as he heard that the enemies were at hand rejoiced that hee had occasion presented unto him of a navall battell and himselfe stretched forth the left point of his fleet embattelled farre into the sea willing the captaines of the ships to display the right wing broad toward the land and so with an even front he advaunced forward to the fight Which the Romane Admirall seeing strucke saile tooke down the masts and laying together all the tackling of the ships in one place attended their comming that followed after By which time there were thirtie in a ranke afront
leave the rest and depart wherupon causing an Oyez and silence to be made from an high turret in the fore-castle of the admirall Arise my hearts saith hee and see a pleasant sight yonder and a goodly spectacle So they all arose at once and beheld how the enemies were afraid and what poore shift they made in hast to flie and with one voice they all in a manner cryed out to follow after pursue them Now Eudamus his owne ship was shaken in many places and sore brused whereupon he commaunded Pamphilidas and Chariclitus to make way after them so farre forth as they thought they might without danger And for a good time they held them in chace but seeing Anniball approching neere the shore and fearing least the wind would locke them within the enemies coast they returned toward Eudamus and drew along with them the great galleare which they tooke and which at the first encounter was peirced and with much adoe trained it to Phaselis From thence they retired themselves to Rhodes not so joyous for this victorie as blaming one another that they had not either sunke or taken the whole fleete of the enemies having so good meanes as they had to doe it Anniball daunted with this one infortunate battell durst not even then passe along the river of Lycia but desired to joyne unto the old fleet of the kings as soone as possibly hee could To impeach him for effecting that the Rhodians set out Chariclitus and twenty war ships with piked stems toward Patara and the port of Megiste and commaunded Eudmus to returne unto the Romanes to Samos with seven of the tallest ships in all that fleet whereof he had the commaund to the end that hee might induce the Romanes with his counsell and advise yea and with all the countenance and authoritie that he had force them to lay siege unto Patara and to assault it The Romanes tooke great joy and contentment first at the news and report of this victory and afterwards at the returne of the Rhodians And it seemed if that one city stood not in their way to stay them and that they were once rid of that care they would without any let and empeachment make all the sea coasts sure enough for any daunger and domage from those quarters But because Antiochus was departed from Sardis the Romanes held them backe and would not suffer them to abandon the guard and defence of Aeolis and Ionia for feare least the cities upon the sea side might be surprised And so they sent Pamphilidas with four covered ships to the fleet that lay about Patara Antiochus gathered together not only the garrisons and aids of all the cities that were about him but also addressed his embassadours with letters to Prusias the king of Birthynia wherein he gave out hard words of the Romanes for their passage into Asia namely That their comming only was for this to demolish put downe and overthrew all kingdoms to set up the only Romane Empire that none els might stand in the whole world That Philip and Nabu already were subdued and deposed and now himselfe was to make the third against whome they were come Neither would they make an end there but goe on still like a continuall fire that burneth forward and take all afore them and ever as they vanquished one proceed to another that is next And no doubt they would make a bridge of him to passe onward into Bithynia now that Eumenus hath gently taken upon his necke the yoke of voluntary servitude Prusias was somewhat touched with these letters but when there came others written from Scipio the Consull and his brother Africanus especially he was wholly averted from enterteining any such suspition For Africanus besides the continuall custome that the people of Rome had to advaunce and amplifie the majesty of KK their allies and consederates with all kind of honour alledged for his part the domesticall examples of his owne house and family inducing Prusias thereby to enter into a desire to-win his love and friendship For he discoursed and said That those princes and pettie KK in Spaine whome he had received into his protection he left behind him when hee went away mightie monarkes also that he not only had placed and established Masanissa in his fathers realme and throne but setled him in the kingdome also of Syphax who before had chased and expelled him so as now he was not only the richest potentate and most wealthy king of all Affricke but also for majestie puissant forces a paragon equall to any other king in the whole world As for Philip and Nabis enemies they were and vanquished by T. Quintius howbeit they remained kings afterwards within their owne realmes And Philip verify the yeere that is past had his tribute forgiven him and his sonne an hostage delivered unto him yea and some cities without the dominion of Macedonie have received him as their king and the Romane Generals have winked thereat and beene contented And surely Nabis had beene likewise graced and honoured but for his owne peevish folly first and the faiterous falshood afterwards of the Aetolians which was his utter undoing and overthrow But the chief thing of all that most confirmed the mind of King Prusias was the comming of Livius vnto him in embassage from Rome he who aforetime in qualitie of Pretour had been Admirall of the navie Who shewed and declared unto him how the hope of victory was much more assured to the Romanes than to king Antiochus and withall how the Romanes would be the faster and surer friend of the twaine yea and make more conscience of keeping amitie Antiochus being put besides all hope of the association with Prusias departed to Ephesus from Sardis to visite and see the fleet which for certaine moneths had been rigged and in readinesse this he did the rather because he saw that hee could not hold out with the Romane armie and the two Scipioes the commaunders thereof than for that his sea-service in itselfe at any time before sped well or could assure him now of great certaine successe Yet some little dram he had of good hope for the present in that his intelligence was that a great part of the Rhodian fleet was about Patara and king Eumenes also with all his own ships departed into Hellespontus to meet with the Consull Besides this in some measure his spirit was puffed up with the remembrance how the Rhodian Armada had beene defeated at Samos by a cautelous plot and practice contrived before hand Having laid these conceits for a ground he sent Polyxenidas away with the navie to hazard the fortune of a battell in some fort or other it made no matter how whiles himselfe in person led his whole armie to Notium a towne of the Colophonians seated upon the sea and distant about two miles from the auncient citie Colophon The citie it selfe he had a good mind to conquer and bring in subjection unto him
and fro as touching peace and no good as yet done I lay this for a ground and assure my selfe now to speed because the sonner embassadours hither to have effected and obteined nothing for in all those treaties and disputations the question was about Smyrna Lampsacus Alexandria Troas and Lysimachia which is in Europe Of which cities the king my master hath already quit Lysimachia to the end you should not say that he hath any one city at all within Europe and as for those other in Asia he is ready to surrender them also yea and all the rest whatsoever which the Romans would recover out of the kings hands and dominions in regard they had somtime sided and taken part with him And for the charges which the Romanes have defraied about this warre the king will be willing to disburse and make good the one moitie unto them againe And thus much spake he concerning the articles and conditions of the peace The rest of his speech behind was bestowed in advertising and putting them in mind of the alternative revolution of this world and the affaires thereof that as they should use their owne good fortune and prosperity with measure and moderation so they ought not to presse down others in their adversity but hold themselves contented within the bounds and limits of Europe and that was a dominion sufficient a man would thinke and exceeding great considering this that it is an easier matter to win one thing after another by way of conquest than to hold and keepe them all togither when they are upon To conclude if the Romans were minded to dismember any part from Asia so they would make an end once and limit out the same within certaine precincts without any further doubt and difference the king for the love of peace and concord would suffer the Romanes in their unmeasurable desire and appetite to surmount and outgoe his temperance and moderation But those matters which the Embassadour supposed were of great importance and effectuall to obtaine peace the Romanes made a pish at it and lightly regarded for they judged it but meet and reason that the king should discharge all the expences they had been at in this warre considering through his default it first arose also that he ought to withdraw his garrisons not only out of Ionia and Aeolis but also like as all Greece hath beene made free and delivered so the Greeke cities likewise in Asia ought to be enfranchised and set at liberty which possibly might not be unlesse Antiochus were disseized of the possession of all Asia on this side the mountaine Taurus The Embassadour perceiving well that there was no reason to be had in the assembly assayed privatly to sound and to win the heart and good will of Scipio according as hee had in charge from the king And first this way he went to worke and said That the king was minded to send him his sonne againe freely without ransome then ignorant as hee was both of Scipio his nature and the manner of Romanes hee promised him a mighty masse of gold yea and to be made equall companion in the government of the whole kingdome the kings name and royall style onely reserved in case he would be an instrument and meanes to effectuate peace To these motives and offers Scipio returned this answere That you neither know the Romanes all in generall nor my selfe in perticular unto whom you were sent I lesse marvell seeing you are altogether ignorant of the state of him who hath sent you hither For if yee had meant to have sought for peace at our hands as of men who were in care for the doubtfull event and issue of the warre yee should have held and kept Lysimachia still for to have empeached our entrance into Chersonnesus or else ye should have made head against us in Hellespontus and staied our passage into Asia but now seeing yee have graunted passage into Asia and suffered your selves not onely to be bridled and curbed but also to bee yoked and like beasts to beare and draw too since I say there is no remedie but ye must endure to be under our subjection what equall and indifferent meanes of treatie is there left for you Now as concerning my sonne I will accept it as a great present and beseeming the munificence and liberalitie of a king in case hee send him to me againe As for the other matters I pray God I be never driven in regard of mine estate to have that need for surely I carrie a mind that will never find the misse and want thereof And for these great offers that the king maketh unto mee hee shall find me thankfull unto him if it please him for any private benefit unto mee done to require at my hands a private favour and pleasure againe but as touching the State and publicke weale he shall pardon me I will neither receive ought from him not bestow any thing upon him And all that I can doe for him at this present is to give him good and faithfull counsel Goe your waies therefore and tell him from me That his best course is to abstaine from war and not to refuse any condition of peace whatsoever But all this nothing moved the king who made reckoning that any hazard and fortune of war would bee good and safe for him since that there were lawes imposed upon him alreadie as if hee had been quite vanquished and overcome Whereupon without any more parle of peace for this time hee bent his whole mind and emploied his studie about provision and preparation for warre The Consull having given order for the execution of all his plots and designes dislodged from thence and marched first to Dardanum and after to Rhoeteum the inhabitants of both which citties came forth to meet him upon the way in great multitudes From thence hee went forward to Ilium and encamped in a plaine under the very walls then hee entred into the towne and ascended up into the castle where he offered sacrifice unto Minerva the patronesse of that cittie The Ilians entertained them with all shew of honour as well in deed as in word acknowledging that the Romanes were descended from them and the Romanes againe were as joious and glad to see the place of their first originall and beginning From thence they removed and the sixt day after arrived at the head or spring of the river Caicus Thither also Eumenes the king who at first assaied to bring his fleet backe from Hellespontus to winter before Elaea and afterwards when he could not for certaine daies double the point of Lectos by reason of the contrarie winds went a land because he would not faile but bee present at the beginning of these great affaires made hast the next way with a small power to the campe of the Romanes From the campe he was sent backe to Pergamus to give order for purveiance and provision of victuals and after he had delivered out corne to those whom the
Inhibitions passed to and fro Cautions and pledges were distrained fines they imposed one upon anothers head the Tribunes were called unto on both sides for to interpose their authoritie and they appealed both unto the people In fine religion and the regard of holy rites tooke place and caried it cleare and the Flamin was enjoined to obey the chiefe priest and by order and expresse commaundement from the people all fines were taken off and forgiven And when the Pretour for very anger and spite that he was debarred from his province would have surrendred and resigned up his government the LL. of the Senat impeached and terrified him by their absolute authoritie and ordeined that he should minister justice and exercise civill jurisdiction betweene aliens After that the musters were ended within few dayes for many souldiours were not to be levied and enrolled both Consuls and Pretours tooke their journey into their provinces After this there arose a bruit concerning the occurrents and affaires in Asia blowen and spread abroad I wot not how nor from what head and author it proceeded but after few dayes there came certeine messengers with letters from the Generals of the Romane armie sent of purpose to the citie which caused not so great joy presently ensuing upon the fresh feare aforesaid for why they were no more afraid of Aetolia by them already conquered as dashed quite the same and opinion that went of Antiochus whom in the beginning of this warre they supposed would have bene a dangerous enemie unto them as well in regard of his owne puissance as for that he had the direction and conduct of Anniball in the warre howbeit they thought good to alter nothing either as touching the sending of the Consull into Asia or diminishing his forces for feare they should have warre with the French Not long after M. Aurelius Cotta a lieutenant of Scipio came to Rome with the embassadors of king Antiochus and likewise king Eumenes and the Rhodians Cotta reported declared first in the Senat and afterwards in a full assembly of the people by order commaundement from the LL. of the Counsell what affaires had passed in Spaine Whereupon ordeined it was That there should be holden a solemne procession for 3 daies together and order was given that 40 head of greater cattaile should be killed for sacrifice This done the Senat assembled for to give audience to king Eumenes first above all other matters who briefly in few words having rendred thanks to the LL. of the Senat for that they had delivered him and his brother from siege and protected his realme against the wrongs and outrages offred by Antiochus also having testified his joy by way of gratulation for their prosperous fortunat affaires archieved both by land and sea namely in that they had discomfited put to flight K. Antiochus and driven him out of his campe that he could not keepe the field and withall disseized dispossessed him first of Europe and afterwards of all that part of Asia which lieth on this side the mountain Taurus he concluded and knit up all with this That as touching his owne demerits and employments about their affaires he had leisser they tooke knowledge by their owne generals captaines and lieutenants than from his mouth They all approved wel of this speech of his and willed him to speak boldly without bashful modestie in that case What he thought in equitie reason the Senat people of Rome was to yeeld unto him by way of just recompense assuring him that the Senat would do it more willingly and liberally if possibly they could according to the worth of his desert The king answered thus again That in case any other had made him that offer given him the choise of his own rewards he would gladly have used the counsaile of that right honorable court of the Roman Senat so he might have the meanes libertie to aske their advise to the end that he would not be thought either to exceede measure in covetous desire or passe the bounds of modestie in craving a recompense But now considering they are themselves to give that reward much more reason it is that their munificence bountie to him and his brethren should be referred to their own arbitrement discretion The LL. of the Senat were nothing moved at this language of his but urged him stil to speake himself in his own cause And after a certeine time that they had strived a-vie the LL. in courtesie kindnes the king in modestie shamefastnes yelding one unto the other reciprocally in such amiable and mutuall manner as hardly can be expressed Eumenes departed out of the temple The Senat persisted neverthelesse in their resolution saying it was very absurd undecent that the king should be ignorant upon what hopes he was come and what he purposed to make suite and petition for and himself must needs of all others know best what was meetest most expedient for his own kingdome yea and was far better acquainted with the state and affaires of Asia than the Senate was And therefore no remedie but he must be called again and compelled to declare and deliver what his will desire and mind was to have Hereupon the king was brought back into the temple by the Pretour and urged to speake Then at last My LL. quoth he I would have persisted still in silence but that I knew that anon ye wil call the embassage of the Rhodians in place and that after audience given unto them I must neither will nor choose but make some speech of necessity and verily with so much more difficultie shall I speake because their demaunds will be such as if they would seeme not only to require nothing prejudiciall and hurtfull unto me but also which more is matters little or nothing pertinent to themselves For plead they will and maintaine the cause of the cities in Greece saying They ought to be set free and at liberty which being once obteined who can make doubt but ready they will be to withdraw from our obeisance not only the cities which shall be freed but also those which have beene homagers and tributaries unto us of old time yea and will keepe them as subjects in very deed and wholly at their devotion whome beeing thus bound and obliged to them by so great a benefit they call by the name of Associates and would make the world beleeve they repute for no other Yet forsooth I wet well in affecting and aspiring to this so great power and puissance they will carry it so cleanly and make semblant as though this in no wise touched and concerned them but that it is befitting you alone correspondent and answerable to other former deeds of yours But be yee well advised and let not their glosing words deceive you take you heed I say that yee goe not with an uneven hand nor beare your selves equally whiles ye depresse and abase too much some of your
his saying he vowed them The yeere beeing now at an end Q. Martius in his absence was to leave his magistracie and Q. Posthumius having sitten upon the inquisition aforesaid and with all fidelitie and carefull diligence that might be brought it to an end held the solemne assembly for election of magistrates wherein were chosen Consuls Ap. Claudius Pulcher and M. Sempronius Tuditanus And the morrow after were elected for Pretors P. Cornelius Cethegus A. Posthumius Albinus C. Asranius Stellio C. Attilius Serranus L. Posthumius Tempsanus and M. Claudius Marcellus At the yeeres end upon the relation of Sp. Posthumius the Consull that in his visitation about the enquests aforesaid as he rode along the sea coasts of Italie on both sides he found certaine colonies dispeopled and desolate to wit Sipontum upon the Adriaticke sea and Buxentum upon the Tuscane T. Manius the citie Pretour by vertue of an act of the Senate in that behalfe created three commissaries called Triumvirs for to enroll and plant new inhabitants there namely L. Scribonius Libo M. Tuccius and Cn. Babius Tamphilus The warre against king Perseus and the Macedonians which now was a breeding arose not upon that cause and occasion which most men imagine ne yet from Perseus himselfe for the first ground-worke thereof was laid by Philip who if hee had lived longer would have beene seene in open action One thing there was above the rest which stung him at what time as the Romanes imposed conditions upon him after he was vanquished to wit That the Senat laid a barre for to be revenged of those Macedonians who had revolted from him which he despaired not but it had ben possible to have obtained at their hands considering that Quintius in the capitulations of peace reserved that point entire and excepted not against it Now afterwards when Antiochus was defeated in the battaile of Thermopylae and that both Philip and the Consull entred upon severall exploits Acilius went in hand to assault Heraclea and Philip at the same time the citie of Lamia Heraclea was no sooner forced but Philip had commandement to levie his siege before Lamia and the towne was yeelded to the Romanes and this hee tooke to the heart Howbeit the Consull appeased his choller for the time in that making hast in person to Naupactum unto which town the Aetolians after their rout were retired he suffered Philip to warre upon Athamania and Aminander to adjoyne also and lay unto his kingdome those cities which the Aetolians had taken from the Thessalians Now had Philip chased Aminander out of Athamania and woon certaine cities without any great adoe Demetrias also a strong citie of great importance and very commodious for all things together with the nation of the Magnetes he brought under his obedience After this he forced certain townes in Asia which were troubled with the seditious variance of their principall and great personages by reason that they knew not how to use their new libertie wherewith they had not bene acquainted hee woon these cities I say by taking part with those who in this civile dissention were the weaker and otherwise would have gone to the walles By these meanes the wrath of the king against the Romanes was well allaied for the present neverthelesse hee ceased not all the time of peace to bethinke how hee might gather more strength and be able to warre againe whensoever any good occasion should bee presented unto him Hee encreased therefore the revenues of the crowne not onely by raising taxes out of all the fruits of the earth and setting impost and customs upon all merchandise brought into his realme by sea from forrein parts but also revived the rents issues of the old mines which had discontinued yea in many places ordained new Moreover to replenish his countrey which by many calamities following war was dispeopled he not onely tooke order that his subjects should multiplie by forcing them to get breed and bringup children but also translated a great multitude of Thracians into Macedonie and for a good time wherin he was in repose and rest from the war he bent his whole mind and emploied all his studie how to make himselfe great and augment the puissance of his kingdome Then old matters and quarrels were renued which might whet his stomacke and kindle his anger against the Romanes For the complaints which the Thessalians and the Perrhoebians made for that their cities were by him possessed likewise those greevances which the embassadours of king Eumenes laid abroad touching the Thracian townes which hee seized and held by force were heard by the Romanes so as it evidently appeared that they neglected them not But that which moyed the Senate most was this That they had intelligence how hee entended to be lord of Aenus and Maronea as for the Thessalians they tooke lesse regard of them Moreover there came the embassadours of Athamania who complained not for the losse of somepart of their territorie nor that hee encroched upon their frontiers but that all Athamania full and whole was reduced under the subjection and jurisdiction of the king The banished persons also of Maronea who had beene chased out of the citie by the kings garison for that they stood in defence and maintenance of libertie made relation that not onely Maronea was in the hands of Philip but the cittie of Aenus also Likewise there came embassadours from Philip to purge him of all these matters laid to his charge who averred That their king and maister had done nothing but by commission and warrant from the Romane Generall They pleaded and alledged that the case of the Thessalian Perrhoebian and Magnesian cities yea and the whole nation of Athamania together with Aminander was all one with the Aetolians namely That after Antiochus the king was chased and expelled the Consull himselfe being emploied and occupied in besieging the cities of Aetolia sent Philip for to recover the States abovenamed which being vanquished inwarre were now subject unto him Hereupon the Senate because they would not determine and set downe any thing in the absence of the king sent three delegates or Commissioners to decide these controversies to wit Q. Caecilius Metellus M. Boebius Tamphilus and T. Sempronius Vpon whose arrivall there was published a generall Diet of all those States that were at difference with the king to bee holden at Tempe in Thessalie When they were all set there in counsell the Romane legates as umpiers and judges the Thessalians Perrhoebians and Athamanes as plaintifes and accusers and Philip as defendant to heare and receive the chalenges and accusations against him the cheefe embassadours from the said cities pleaded against Philip bitterly or mildly more or lesse according to the severall disposition of their natures and the proportion either of affectionate favour or malicious hatred which they bare to him Now all the question and debate touching Philippopolis Tricca Phaloria Eurymenae and other townes about them was this Whether those peeces
attending their comming coursing and discoursing many matters in his head and his son Perseus stood still aloufe After word was brought that the parties were come he retired aside with those two friends and as many of his guard into an inner roume and permitted his sonnes to bring with them into the place three friends a peece unarmed And when he was set thus began he to speake Here sit I a most wretched father to be a judge betweene my two sonnes the one plaintife the other defendant in the case of parricide and to find among those of mine owne house and bloud the foule staine of that fellonious crime either falsely forged or in deed committed Certes long ago I feared such a storme tempest toward I saw it rising afar off when I perceived your unbrotherly lookes one toward another when I over-heard some unhappie words to passe betweene you Yet other whiles I was in good hope that the heat of your anger might evaporate and flake and the suspicions and jealousies be cleered and passe away considering that even professed mortall enemies have laid downe armes concluded peace and become friends at last yea and great quarrels and enmities betweene private persons have had their end I hoped that one time or other ye would remember how yee were naturall brethren that yee would call to mind how yee were little children together and had conversed with all simplicitie and singlenesse of heart familiarlie in your infancie and finally that yee would thinke upon my good lessons and precepts unto you which now I feare me much that I have sounded to your deafe eares in vaine How often haue I blamed and detested in your presence and hearing the examples of brethren at discord variance recounting unto you the stories of the fearfull sequel horrible issue therof namely how they have thereby undone themselves and their race overthrowne their owne houses yea and utterly subverted whole kingdomes On the other side I laid before you better patternes and precedents to follow and namely of the concord agreement and unitie betweene the Lacedaemonian KK that raigned two by two together to their owne good and the publicke weale of their countrie for many hundred yeeres but the same cittie fell soone to decay and ruine when the fashion once was taken up to usurpe the tyrannie and soveraigne rule every man for himselfe alone Moreover I set before your â—â—â—s these two brethren hereby Eumenes and Attalus who at the first began with so little that they were in manner abashed and ashamed to take upon them the title and style of kings and at this day are equall in graundeur of dominion to my selfe to Antiochus and to any kings of this age living and that by no other means in the world more than by brotherly love mutuall concord Nay I staid not so but discoursed unto you recited sundrie examples of certaine Romans which either I had learned by heare-say or observed by mine own eie-sight and experience and namely the two Quinty T. and L. who warred both against me The Scipioes likewise P. and L. who vanquished and subdued Antiochus their fathers also and uncles who were brethren and whose concord and unitie all their life long was such as it was not disjoyned in their verie death But neither the wickednesse of those first recited and a semblable end correspondent to their ungracious life was able to skare you from outragious discord nor yet the good hart meaning of the later sort togither with their happie fortune draw induce you to be wise During my natural life whiles my breath is within my bodie both twaine of you seduced by foolish hope and disordinate desire are readie to take possession of my kingdome over my head And so long onely would yee have mee to live untill that I surviving the one of you might presently by my death put all out of question and make the other as sole heire apparant undoubted king Sicke yee are I see well of father and brother yee can abide neither the one nor the other Ther is no goodnes in you at all nothing is there that ye hold deere nothing that you count holy and inviolable but in lieu and steed of all there is crept and entred into you an unsatiable desire to raigne and that hath wholly possessed your hearts Come on therfore now greeve and wound your fathers eares with your ungracious tales and wicked words debate and dispute the matter with reciprocall accusations you that shortly will decide and determine it by dent of sword say on spare not speake out all that either you can alleage truly or list to devise and invent falsly Mine eares are now wide open but shall hereafter for ever be close shut against al secret slanders that ye shal whisper report one against the other When he had breathed out these words with great indignation the assistants there began al to weepe a good and shed teares and for a good time there was sad cheere and not a word untill at length Perseus began and said I should be like have opened the dore in the night that I should and received into my house armed guests to banquet with me yea and held out my throat unto them for to be cut since that nothing is beleeved unlesse the deed had beene done and dispatched since that the same is said unto me who have bene forlaid and whose life hath bene sought which were more beseeming to speake unto a wood-kerne and robber by the high-way side It is not for nought I see well that these heere give out abroad an d say That you have no more sonnes but Demetrius and call me a bastard a supposed sonne of yours as begotten of a concubine For if you held avowed me legitimate if you vouchsafed me the place the degree and love of a sonne you would never fare and storme against me so as you doe for discovering the ambush set for me and complaining thereof but against him rather that laid in wait to surprise me neither would you set so light and make so small account of my life as to be mooved neither for the danger past wherein I was nor at the perill to come if such wait-laiers may escape unpunished Now if there be no remedie but that we must die say nothing let us hold our tongue and be mute let us onely pray to the gods before that this intended mischiefe begun in me may also take an end in me alone and that you be not he who is to be wounded and pierced through my bodie But in case like as by the verie instinct and suggestion of nature they that are assailed and set upon in a desart wildernesse be taught to implore call for mens helpe and succour although they neither saw nor knew of any before in case I say it bee lawfull for me likewise to open my mouth and speake when I see the naked
greater part of the nobilitie they have grounded and built all their hopes of dignitie promotion and advancement in the Romanes and namely in him who now can doe all in all with them and is of greatest reputation And certes to speake a truth him they preferre not onely before me his elder brother but also they go within a very little to set him before your selfe his liege king and naturall father For this is he for whose love and in favour of whome the Senate hath remitted and pardoned you that penaltie which you had incurred This is hee who now protecteth you from the force of Romane armies who deemeth it meet and reason that your old age should be obliged and beholden to his youth For him stand all the Romanes with him take part all those cities which are delivered and free from your subjection of him hold the Macedonians that wish peace with the Romans and take contentment therein Now for me father what hope or helpe can I have elsewhere but in you alone Whereto thinke you tend those letters of Quintius sent lately unto you wherein hee writeth That you did passing well for your owne estate in sending Demetrius to Rome and exhorteth you withall to send him againe the second time accompanied with more embassadours and those the very principall and best of all the Macedonians This T. Quintius if you will needs know the reason is the man who leadeth induceth and directeth him at this present in all things he is his counsellour and schoole-master And Demetrius hath rejected and cast you off his owne father and hath put him in your stead There it is where all these privie plots have heretofore been first contrived and set a hatching and at this present in willing you to send more in embassage and those the chiefe personages of the Macedonians with him he seeketh nought els but helpers assistants to put those designs in execution As many as go from hence to Rome be they never so sound uncorrupt at their setting out be they loiall subjects and acknowledging no other but Philip for their king returne from thence tainted and infected with the alluring enticements of the Romanes Demetrius alone is altogether in their bookes They are all for him and passe for none els Him they call their king during the life of his owne father Now if I seeme to bee touched offended and greeved herewith by and by I am sure to have it charged reprochfully on both sides of mine eares not onely from others but also from your mouth father that I aspire and seeke to be king For mine own part I would both they and you knew that if t he diademe and crowne were here set betweene us both I would none of it For who is he that I should need to undermine and supplant for to step into his place and succeed None there is at all but my father before me and long may he so be I pray God and I wish to survive him no otherwise but if I be worthie and deserve that he should likewise desire the same If my father will make me his heire and inheritour of the kingdom I will accept thereof Hee indeed coveteth to be a king yea and ungraciously covereth it who hasteneth to make pace forward and to step before the course of nature the order of age the custome of the Macedonians and the law of nations But what imagineth Demetrius suppose ye Mine elder brother thinketh he stands in my way between me and home to him appertaineth the kingdome by right and by my fathers will Let us rid him out of the world What I am not the first that sought to be a king by murder of a brother As for my father he is aged he is desolate and bereaved of a sonne hee will have more care to looke to his owne person than mind to revenge the death of his sonne The Romanes they will rejoice they will approve and mainteine my fact These be nice points and these bee ticklish and doubtfull hopes but beleeve me father they are not altogether vaine and frivolous For thus stands the case and this is the sum of all Well may you preserve me out of danger now whiles I am alive by inflicting punishment upon those who take weapon in hand to kill me but let their enterprise speed once and take effect you shall never be able to pursue them to the purpose and revenge my death When Perseus had made an end of his speech they that were present in place cast their eies wistly upon Demetrius as if he would have made answere immediatly and so were all silent a long time and said not a word for they perceived evidently that hee could not for weeping open his mouth but in the end hee was urged by them to speake and then after that necessitie had surmounted his greefe thus hee began My father all those meanes of helpe which were ever wont to serve the defendant in good steed I am prevented and disappointed of by the plaintife my accuser By those false and fained teares of his wrung out and shed to worke the ruine and undoing of another he hath made my true tears suspected which gushing out of mine eies proceed from a melting and wounded heart within And whereas himselfe hath not ceased ever since that I returned from Rome to practise se cretly with his consorts and complices both night and day to lay wait for my life now he begins first with me and will needs put upon me the visor and have the world beleeve that I play the part not onely of a secret and cunning wait-laier but of an open theese and a notorious murderer and cut-throte Hee seemeth to fright you with his owne daunger that he might make even you the very meanes and instrument to hasten forward the death of his innocent brother He saith that he hath no place of refuge in the whole world to the end that I might have no parâ—â—ll at all of hope left so much as in you Thus circumvented as I am left alone forlorn destitute and void of all succour he chargeth me with being in favour and grace with forraine strangers a thing ywis that doth mee more harme than good Moreover see how he proceedeth like a practised and cunning barrister in that hee inserteth and mingleth the last nights worke together with the blame of my former life to the end that he might make more supitious by the course of mine other yeeres passed this criminous matter also the simple truth whereof you shall know anone and withall confirme and mainteine this vain surmise and slander of my hopes my will entended designs by this subtile invention of his by the sained forged fable I say of that which was pretended the night that was He hath not failed moreover to make you beleeve that this accusation of his was not premeditate and studied upon beforehand but framed ex tempore and occasioned only upon the
the Achaeans were admitted into the Senat house The banished persons aforesaid were put in some good hope that the Senate would write their letters to the Achaeans for their restauration The Achaeans declared as touching the recoverie of Messene and the pacification of all troubles there with the great contentment of the LL. of the Senate There arrived moreover two Embassadors from Philip king of the Macedonians namely Philocles and Apelles about no suit that they had to the Senat but sent rather as spies to under-prie and to learne somwhat as touching those points that Perseus had charged Demetrius with and namely of certaine speeches that he should have with the Romanes an d especially with T. Quintius against his brother about succession in the kingdome These twaine were chosen by the king as indifferent persons and nothing affectionate either to the one brother or the other howbeit they were the ministers consorts and complices of Perseus in his intended mischievous plot against his brother Demetrius as one ignorant of all designments against him but onely of the late wicked pranke of Perseus which last brake out at the first was neither in great hope nor yet in utter despaire to be reconciled unto his father But afterwards he had lesse confidence every day than other in the good affection of his father toward him seeing his brother continually to buz into his eares many matters and possesse his head with tales against him And therefore hee looked circumspectly about him that he trode not awrie and namely that hee let no words fall or did anything that might be offensive and breed more jealousie and above all hee wholly forbare conference and commerce with the Romans in such sort that he would not have them so much as to write any letters unto him knowing full well that his fathers heart would be exasperated against him by such imputations and informations especially Philip because he would provide that his soldiors men of action shold not pair wax worse through idlenes disuse of arms that under one he might avert from himself al suspition that he intended any war against the Romans appointed the cittie Stobi for the Rendez vous of his armie marched into the quarters of Maedica A great desire he had to mount up the crest and top of the hil Aemus because there was an opinion commonly received which he had given credit unto that from thence a man might discover within one prospect the Portick Adriatik seas the river Ister also and the Alpes for thus he thought that the vieu of these places would stand him in no small stead in projecting and plotting the war against the Romans When after diligent inquirie of them that knew those quarters well as touching the ascent of that mountaine he had learned and fonnd it cleere and certaine that there was no way at all for to conduct an armie thither and that a few men and those deliver lightly appointed should find ynough to doe and exceeding much difficultie to passe he taketh his younger sonne apart whom hee was resolved not to have with him in that expedition and because he would seeme to dulce and mollifie his discontented mind with some familiar and private speech first hee demaunded of him considering so great difficulties of the journey presented unto them whether hee were better to hold on the way still and follow his designe or give over But if I should goe forward qd he I cannot forget that which befell to Antigonus in the like case who being upon a time much tossed at sea in a boisterous tempest and having with him in the same ship all those that were of his bloud is reported to have given this good advertisement and lesson to his children that they should alwaies remember also give their posteritie warning never to venture al their goods in one bottome not to engage themselves together with their whole race off-spring in any perill and danger Remembring therfore qd he this good precept counsell of his I will not hazard both my sons at once in this present jeopardie which I see before mine eies but for as much as I propose to take mine elder son with me I wil send my yonger backe into Macedonie for to uphold maintain the hope of my posterity for the defence of my kingdome in the mean while Demetrius found him streight wist wel ynough that he was sent away for no other intent but that he should not be present in counsel when upon the view of those places abovesaid he was to devise consult in what coast lay the neerest and shortest way to the Adriatick sea and to Italie and what course they should plot for the management of the warre But there was no remedie he must not onely then obey his father but also sooth him up and seeme to approove and like well of that which hee said for feare least it might bee thought that it went against his stomacke to yeeld obedience unto him and so bee held in more jelousie and suspition than before Howbeit to the end that he might passe into Macedonie with safety Didas one of the kings Deputies and L. governor under him of Paeonia was commanded to accompanie and conduct him with a meane guard and convoy Now was this Didas one of those conspiratours that had sworne the death of Demetrius whom Persius had made sure to his part like as he had many other of his fathers friends ever since that men began to make no doubt unto whom Philip in affection was enclined and whom he meant to make the heire apparent of the crowne And at this verie instant Perseus had charged him and given him instructions by all obsequious services to insummate and wind himselfe into most familiar talke and to come so neere within him that he might draw from him all his secrets and discover the very inward and hidden thoughts of his heart Thus departed Demetrius attended with a traine about him more daungerous to his person than if he had travelled alone without any companie Philip first passed through Maedica and then forward over the deserts lying betweene Maedica and Aemus and at the seventh daies gifte was come as farre as to the foot of the mountaine Where after hee had rested and staied one day to make choise of those whom he minded to take up with him the morrow after he set forth and put himselfe in his way At the first the labour was not great nor the paines much to overcome the nethermost hils but the farther they went and the higher that they advanced the more wild and woodie still they found everie place yea and they met with many that had no passage at all At length they were mounted to a passe or way so shadowed and darke that for the trees standing so thicke together and their boughes plaited and interlaced one within another unneth or hardly could a man see
stories that the Romans many a time have practised to their great praise and honour No sooner said but done it was pluckt were the bridles over their horse heads twise they ran through the mids of them too and fro from one side to another brake all their launces upon the enemies overthrew them and made foule worke and carnage among them When this pointed battaillon of the Celtiberians was once broken even the whole and onely hope they had then they began to feare and tremble then were they at the point to quit the fight and to looke about them which way to take their flight The extraordinarie Cavallerie in the out wings seeing so brave a service performed by the Romane horsmen were enkindled and incensed by their valorous example and of their own accord also without attendance of any mans commaundement charged upon their enemies thus disordered and in disarray alreadie Then the Celtiberians ran away and fled on all hands The Romane Generall seeing them once turne backe and shew their hin-parts vowed to build a chappell to Fortuna equestris and to exhibit games in the honor of Iup. Opt. Max. The Celtiberians thus disbanded and scattered in the rout all over the length of the streight passage were killed and cut in pieces It is recorded that there died that day seuenteene thousand enemies and were taken prisoners alive more than three thousand togither with 277 field ensignes and well-neere eleven hundred horses For that day the victorious armie lodged within no camp at all yet was not this victorie so cleere but it cost them the losse of some soldiors for of Romans were slaine four hundred seventie and two of allies and namely of Latins 1019 togither with them aid-souldiors three thousand Thus the armie having by this good hand recovered their auncient honour and glorie was conducted to Tarracon Tib. Sempronius the Pretor who was arrived two dayes before went out to meet Fulvius in the way as he came and shewed how he rejoyced on his behalfe for this good managing and happie atchieving the affaires of the common-weale which done they agreed togither with great accord as touching the souldiours namely whome to casse and send away and whome to reteine still in service Then Fulvius having shipped the souldiors that were discharged tooke his journey to Rome and Sempronius conducted the legions into Celtiberia Both the Consuls led their forces into Liguria and entred the countrey in two divers quarters Posthumius with the first legion and the third beset and invested the two mountaines Balista and Suismontium and so streightly hee kept the narrow passes of those parts with his garrisons that he cut them off from all victuals and tamed them with extreame scarsitie and want of all things Fulvius with the second legion and the fourth after hee had assailed the Apuan Ligurians from the coast of Pisae received submission and homage of as many of them as inhabited about the river Macra and when he had embarked upon seven thousand of them hee sent them over to Naples coasting along the Tuscane sea From whence they were brought into the Samnites countrey and a certaine territorie assigned them to inhabit among the rest of their countreymen As for A. Posthumius he cut downe the vineyards and burnt the Corne of the Ligurian mountainers so long untill they were driven by all manner of calamities following war to come in and submit yea and to deliver up their armour and weapons From thence Posthumius departed and tooke the sea because he would visite the coasts of the Ligurian Ingaunes and Intemelians Now before that these Consuls came to the armie which was appointed to meet at Pisae it chaunced that A. Posthumius and M. Fulvius Nobilior the brother of Q. Fulvius were the commaunders and had the conduct thereof This Fulvius was a Colonell of the second legion who during the time of those moneths wherein by turne he had the commaund and charge therof dismissed that legion having bound the Centurions by an oth that they should make paiment backe of their wage money well and truly to the Questors in the chamber and treasurie of Rome Notice hereof being given to Au. Posthumius at Placentia for thither it happened that hee was gone hee rode after those cassed souldiours and pursued them wi th a companie of light horsemen As many of them as hee could overtake after he had checked and rebuked them for their fault he brought to Pisae of the rest he gave information to the Consull Who put the matter to question and after it had beene debated in counsell an act of the Senate passed against the said M. Fulvius that he should be confined and sent into Spaine beyond new Carthage And letters he had given him to carie from the Consull to P. Manlius into the farther province of Spaine As for the souldiours they were commaunded to returne againe to their colours and for an ignominious disgrace of that legion ordained it was that for a full yeares pay they should be content and take up with sixe moneths wages And looke what souldiour repaired not to the armie accordingly the Consull had warrant and commission to make sale of him and all that hee had The same yeare L. Duronius who was returned with ten ships to Brundusium from out of Illyricum where he sat as Pretor the former year leaving his ships there in the rode came to Rome where in discoursing of the acts by him done he laid the whole fault of all the roverie and piracie at sea upon Gentius the king of the Illyrians saying that all the ships which had lien upon the coast of the Adriaticke sea came out of his realme For which he had sent embassadors to complaine but they could never find meanes to speake with the king about it Now there were embassadours arrived at Rome from Gentius who avouched that when the Romanes came for to parle with the king he happened to be sicke in the most remote parts of his kingdome therefore Gentius their king and maister requested the Senate not to give credite to those false accusations and forged slaunders which his enemies had raised and enformed against him But Darenius alleadged moreover that divers and sundrie persons as well citizens of Rome as Latine allies within his dominion had received many wrongs yea and by report certaine Romane cittizens were staied and detained at Corryta Wherupon it was in counsell thought good that they should all be brought to Rome and that C. Claudius the Pretour should have the hearing of the matter before which time no answere would be given unto king Gentius or his embassadors Among many others that the plague this yeare consumed certaine priests and prelates also died and namely L. Valerius Flaccus a bishop in whose roume was chosen Q. Fabius Labeo Also P. Manlius one of the three Triumvirs for the celebration of the holy feasts In whose steed Q. Fulvius the sonne of Marcus was elected Triumvir He was at
enquirie into this matter yea and to proceed against them who had been the cheefetaines and counsellers to persuade them to passe over the Alpes This very yeer died Philip king of the Macedonians worn away to nothing partly for age and partly with griefe of hart after the death of his son Demetrius It fortuned that he kept his winter in Demetrias tormented with anguish of mind for the losse and misse of his sonne disquieted with remorse and repentance for his crueltie against him which stung and pricked his guiltie conscience Besides he saw his other sonne who now was the undoubted heire apparant of the crowne as well in his owne opinion as in the conceit of others how all men turned their eyes and courted to him He considered withall how his old age was despised and forlorne whiles some expected his death others did not so much as looke for it which was the greatest griefe and trouble of all other And togither with him there was Antigonus the son of Echecrates bearing the name of his unkle Antigonus by the fathers side who had been guardian to Philip. This Antigonus the elder had ben a man of princely port regall majestie renowned also for a brave conflict and noble battaile against Celomenes the Lacedaemonian And him the Greeks for distinction sake from other KK of that name surnamed Tutor His nephew or brothers sonne I say Antigonus of all the honourable friends that Philip had was the onely man that continued fast and firme unto him without all corruption But this his loyall fidelitie and truth caused Perseus to be no friend of his but rather the most mortall enemie that he had in the world This said Antigonus forecasting in his spirit in what daungerous tearmes he should stand when the inheritance of the kingdome were devolved upon Perseus waiting his first time and opportunitie when he perceived that the kings mind was troubled that now and then he fetched deepe sighes for sorrow that his sonne was dead one while would give eare onely to the kings words other whiles also would find some talk minister occasion to speak of the act so rashly unadvisedly committed Oftentimes he followed seconded him in his mones complaints and would be thought to lament with him for company And as Truth useth alwaies to give many signs tokens of her selfe comming to light he would enforce and helpe forward every small thing what he could to the end that all might the sooner be discovered and breake foorth The chiefe ministers and instruments of this vilanous fact were Apelles and Philocles who were the embassadours sent to Rome and had brought those pernicious letters under the name of Flamminus which wrought the death of Demetrius For commonly it was given out through all the kings court that those were falsified letters forged by his Secretarie and sealed with a counterfeit signer But the thing being rather deepely suspected than apparantly detected it chaunced that Antigonus upon a time met with Xychus and laying hold upon him arrested his bodie and brought him into the kings house and when he had left him in the safe custodie of certaine persons hee went himselfe directly to Philip. It should seeme to mee and if it please your grace quoth hee by many words which I have observed that you would spend a great deale to know the whole truth as touching your two sonnes and bee resolved whether of them twaine it was that laid wait to take away the life of the other Now the onely man of all other that can undoe the knot and cleare this doubt is in your hands forth comming and that is Xychus Herewith hee advised the king to call before him the said partie since that as it fel out he was alreadie brought into the court Sent for he was and presented before the king being asked the question he denied everything at the first but with such inconstancie as it appeared evidently that upon some little fear of torture offered unto him he would be readie to bewray all for at the very sight of the tormentour and the scourges he relented Then he disclosed shewed in order the whole proceeding maner of this wicked practice and villanie how it was wrought as well by the embassadors as also by his own selfe their minister Immediately there were some of purpose sent to apprehend the said embassadors And Philocles who was present in the way they surprised and took of a suddain as for Appeles who had ben sent to pursue one Chaereas being advertised how that Xychus had bewraied told all sailed over into Italie As concerning Philocles there is no certaintie knowne Some report that at the beginning hee denied the matter stoutly but after that Xychus was brought to his face and confronted him he stood no longer in it Others say againe that being put to torture he endured the paines and continued still in the deniall Philips sorrow and greete was by this meanes renued and redoubled reputing himselfe more unhappie in his sons and his miserie the greater in that one of them was now dead and gone Perseus being certified that all was discovered tooke himselfe for a greater and mightier person than to feare and thinke it needfull for him to flie upon it And therefore hee fought onely to keepe farre ynough out of the way purposing to stand upon his guard all the while that his father lived and avoid the flaming fire as it were of his burning choler Philip seeing that hee could not possibly come by his person for to execute justice thought upon that which onely remained to bee done and studied how Perseus besides impunitie should not bee recompensed and rewarded also for that his wickednesse Hee called therefore Antigonus before him unto whom hee was bounden and beholden alreadie for bringing to light the unnatural murder committed upon Demetrius his sonne and of whom he conceived this opinion in regard of the fresh and late glorie of his uncle Antigonus that the Macedonians should have no cause to be ashamed or repent if they had him for to bee their king And in this wise hee brake with him Since my unhappie fortune is such quoth he ó Antigonus that I ought contrarie to all other fathers to wish my selfe childlesse I have a mind and purpose to make over unto you that kingdome which I received at the hands of your unckle which hee preserved and kept yea and augmented for my behoose during the time of my nonage and wherein whiles I was under his guardianage he bare himselfe not onely valiant but also true and faithfull unto me No man I have but you whom I can esteeme worthie to wear the crowne and if I knew of none at all yet had I rather that both it and the realme perished and were extinct for ever than Perseus should enjoy it as the guerdon of his ungracious and divelish fact I shall imagine yet that Demetrius is risen from death to
upon a fresh occasion in that by the wicked practise of Perseus hee had like to have beene sacrificed at Delphi Prusias king of Bithynia was resolved not to enter into armes but to attend the issue of the warre For hee thought it not reason and seemely for him to take armes in the defence of the Romanes against his wives brother and this account hee made that is Perseus happened to have the better he might soone obtaine pardon at his hands by the mediation of his sister Ariarates king of the Cappadocians over and besides that hee had promised aid to the Romanes in his owne name ever since that hee was linked in affinitie to Eumenes drew the same way which hee went and joyned with him in all his counsels both of warre and peace As for Antiochus king of Syria his teeth watered verily at the kingdome of AEgypt as he who despised as well the childhood of the young king in his nonage as the weaknesse and negligence of his guardians and considering there was some controversie about the title of Coelesyria he supposed that he should have good occasion to levie war to manage also and exploit the same without empeachment whiles the Romanes were busied in the Macedonian warre howbeit as well by his owne embassadours sent unto the Senat as also unto theirs addressed unto him he promised stoutly to be for them Prolomeus the young king of AEgypt beeing yet underage was at the dispositions of others his tutors and protectours as they prepared to wage warre against Antiochus for the recoverie of Coelesyria so they promised the Romanes withall to doe their devoirin the Macedonian warre Masanissa K. of the Numidians was altogither for the Romans he furnished them with coine and intended to send his sonne Misagenes with aides both of men and elephants in that service Howbeit hee so disposed of his designes as might serve his turne which way soever the world went for if the victorie fell to the Romanes he ordered that his affaires should remaine still in the same state and better hee was not to looke for because the Romanes would not suffer any violence to be offered unto the Carthaginians but in case the Romans went downe and had the overthrow who then protected the Carthaginians then hee made full reckoning of Asia to be his owne Gentius king of Illyricum had so demeaned himselfe that he was suspected of the Romanes yet was hee not fully resolved which side to take unto and it seemed hee would joyne to one or the orher more upon a fit as it tooke him in the head than with any discretion or advise Cotys the Thracian king of the Odrysians tooke part evidently with the Macedonians In these tearmes I say stood the KK as touching this present warre As for the free cities and States besides the common people every where as alwaies lightly it is seene enclined to the worse part and ran with the K. and the Macedonians but the principall persons and men of qualitie a man might perceive affected diversly Some went with the Romans all upon the head in so much as they greatly empaired their authoritie in excessive favour to them few of them were induced by the just and upright government of the Romanes but the most part were carried away with this strong conceit That the more they emploied themselves for them the greater men they should be at home in their owne citties Another fort there were of the kings flattering favorites who being deeply drenched in debt and in despaire of bettering their fortune if the present state held still abandoned and gave themselves over to entertain all changes and innovations And some there were besides possessed with a vaine humour of their owne because Perseus seemed to have more favor of the common people At third fort there were and those of the best and widest of all other who is it had lyen in their hands to determine whome they would have to be the greater lord wished to have been under the Romans rather than the K. Marie if they might have had their liberty to be chusers simply of their fortune by their good will they would not have had the one part advaunced by the depression and subversion of the other but that the forces and puissance of them both remaining entire and unfoiled peace thereby might be entertained and so betweene them both the state of cities should continue in the best case when as the one part might ever protect the weaker side from the injuries of the mightier And those that stood affected thus held them quiet and said not a word but being safe themselves beheld the behaviour and deportements of those that were the partakers and favourets of either side The Consuls that day wherein they entred their government when they sacrificed according to the ordinance of the Senat with greater beasts in all the temples and chappels wherin for most part of the yeere the sacred beds and couches for the gods were prepared and there by had presaged by good tokens that their prayers were acceptable to the immortall gods made report unto the Senat That their sacrifices were as they ought to be as also their praiers which they conceived as touching the warre The Bowell-priers likewise by their learning declared That if they went about any new enterprise they should make speed for why all did prognosticate victorie triumph and enlargement of their seignorie Whereupon the LL. of the Senat commaunded the Consuls to propose unto the people the first day of the generall assembly of the Centuries in this manner IN THE NAME OF GOD AND TO THE WELFARE AND HAPPINES OF THE COMMONWEALTH WHEREAS PERSEUS THE SONNE OF PHILIP K. OF MACEDONIE AGAINST THE ACCORD AND COVENANT CONCLUDED WITH HIS FATHER FIRST AND AFTER HIS DEATH RENEVVED VVITH HIM HATH LEVIED VVARRE UPON THE ALLIES OF THE PEOPLE OF ROME VVASTED THEIR TERRITORIES SEIZED THEIR CITIES COMPLOTTED TO ENTER INTO ARMES AGAINST THE PEOPLE OF ROME AND TO THAT END HATH PROVIDED ARMOUR SOULDIORS AND A FLEET UNLESSE HE MAKE SATISFACTION PLEASETH IT YOU THAT VVARRE BE ENTERPRISED AND VVAGED AGAINST HIM This bill passed by all the suffrages of the people Then was there an act of the Senat likewise entred That the Consuls should either agree together or else cast lots for the provinces of Italy and Macedonie and looke whose lot sell to Macedonie he should persecute with fire and sword K. Perseus and all that sect and bend which tooke his part unlesse they made amends to the people of Rome It was concluded also that four legions should be newly enrolled for either Consull swaine with this preheminence vantage to the province of Macedonie that wheras to the legions of the other Consull according to the auncient custome there went but five thousand foot and two hundred horse apeece there should be enrolled for Macedonie six thousand foot and three hundred horse equally to a legion Also for the one of the Consuls in the armie of
than to utter the plaine truth as wee have done Verily for mine owne part in regard of the hospitall and friendly courtesies that have passed between your father and us I favour you and will gladly make the best of your cause and would to God had some good occasion ministered from your selfe to sollicite and further your suite before the Senate To these challenges and imputations the king framed his answered in this wise Content I am to plead my cause before you the parties appellants and judges both which would be found I doubt not good if it were debated and handled in the presence of indifferent and equall arbitrators And first as touching those matters which are objected against me they are such as in part I wot not well whether I may not glory in them or at least-wise nor blush in the confessing and avowing thereof As for the rest as they are charged upon me in bare words so plaine words may serve flatly and simply to denie them For say that this day I were subject unto your lawes and by them to have my triall what can either that promoter of Brundusium or king Eumenes enforme against me but it will appeare that they accuse me not so much with matter of truth as exhibite onely slaunderous and reprochfull tearmes A like matter ywis it is that neither Eumenes had any other enemie but me he I say who hath done such wrong and injuries to so many both in common and also in particular nor I could find a sitter person to serve my turne in the execution of my projects but this Rammius a fellow that I never had seene before nor was everlike to see againe hereafter I must forsooth give account and answer for the Thebanes who as it is well knowne perished by shipwracke as also for the murder of Archarus and yet therein I am no deeper charged than thus that the murderers of him lived in exile and were shadowed within my realme Now surely this hard conclusion and unreasonable condition I will not refuse to under-goe in cafe you also will be content to take upon you and avow all those crimes and facts for which they stand condemned who as banished persons have sled either to Rome or into Italie but in case both you and all other nations will disavow and disclame that I also will be one among the rest And in good faith to speake uprightly to what end should any man be banished from one countrey if hee may not find a place in another and be permitted there to live in exile And yet so soone as ever I found by advertisement from you that they were within Macedonie I for my part made diligent search untill I had them and then I commaunded them to depart out of my kingdome yea and expressely forbad them for ever setting foot againe within my dominions And thus much verily concerning the criminal matters objected unto me as a defendant pleading at the barre Now let us argue and debate the rest enforced and laid against me in qualitie of a king namely which concerne and touch the accord contracted between me and you For it the words run in this sort and are thus written in the foresaid covenants of accord That I may not be suffered to defend my selfe and my realme no not if any enemie of mine levie warre against me than I must confesse indeed that the league I have broken in that I stood upon my guard and defence by force of armes against Abrupolis an associate of the people of Rome But is it were lawfull for me so to doe by warrant of the accord and allowed also by the law of nations by force to repell force what should I lesse nay what could I else have done I pray you when Abrupolis had laid wast the frontiers of my kingdome even as sarre as to Amphipolis led into captivitie many persons free-borne carried away a mightie number of slaves and driven before him many thousand head of cattraile should I have sitten still and suffered him untill he had come armed to Pella even unto my royall pallace But some man may haply say You did well indeed and justly in making head and pursuing him by force of arms mary vanquished he should not have been neither ought he to have suffered those calamities which follow men vanquished Why if I have endured the hazard and fortune therof provoked as I was to warre how can he justly complaine of rasting the like beeing himselfe the cause and first motive of all I will not use the same maner of defence ô Romans to this that by force of arms I have bridled and repressed the Dolopians for if I have not done by them according to their demerits yet I am sure I have delt by the vertue of the right I have over them being as they are of mine own kingdom under my obeisance made subjects to my father even by a decree of your own drawing And yet were I to render a reason of my proceedings against them I say not unto you nor unto my allies but even to those who like not of any hard and cruel command so much as over bondslaves can I be thought to have exercised more rigour against them than equitie and reason would beare For Euphranor whom I deputed governor over them they killed in such sort that death is too good for them and the least punishment of all others that they have deserved And as I marched forward in my progresse from thence to visite the cities of Larissa Antron Pylleon I ascended up to Delphi there for to sacrifice to the end that I might discharge my conscience and pay those vowes which I had of long time owed Now to aggravate matter in this also against mee it is said moreover that I was there with my armie and intended no doubt for to seize cities into my hands and put garrisons into fortresses for which at this present I complaine of you Call the States and citties of Greece together to a generall assembly through which I passed Let any one man come forth and make complaint of the least harme and wrong done by any of my souldiours then will I not refuse to bee reputed and censured for one who under presence and colour of divine sacrifice went about another thing Wee sent indeed garisons to the AEtolians and Bizantines yea and with the Baeotians wee contracted amitie But these things in what sort and for what purpose they were don my embassadors have not only declared but also excused oftentimes before your Senat where I found some umpires to heare and decide my cause although not so indifferent and favourable to mee ward as your selfe are ô Martius my fathers old friend and familiar For as yet Eumenes my accuser was not come to Rome who by false furnises and suggestions wresting at his pleasures every thing to the worst to make all suspicious and odious unto you went about to make you beleeve that Greece could
one exiled out of his owne kingdome driven into a small Iland where like a poore suppliant hee remained in suretie not by meanes of his owne forces but through the religious protection of a sanctuarie and priviledged place But when he red the superscription of the letter with this stile KING PERSEUS TO THE CONSUL PAULUS GREETING he could no more pitie him for thinking of his blockish follie in that he had no sence and feeling of the calamitie and miserie wherein he stood And therfore albeit the contents of the letter otherwise were praiers so demisse and object as little savoured of a princely mind yet was that embassage dismissed without aunswere and without letters Perseus soone perceived what title it was that hee must lay downe and forget now that hee was vanquished whereupon he addressed other letters in qualitie of a private person without any other addition at all and by those as he craved so obteined he likewise that certain agents should be sent unto him with whom hee might parley and commune as touching the state and condition of his present fortune So three delegat embassadours were sent unto him namely P. Lentulus A. Posthumius Albinus and A. Antonius But nothing was effected in this agencie or embassage whiles Perseus stucke hard and laboured all he could to hold still and keepe the roiall name of king and Paulus endevoured contrariwise that he should submit himselfe and all that he had to the protection clemencie of the people of Rome During these debates and affairs between them the fleet of Cn. Octavius was arrived at Samothrace who also presenting before their eies fearefull objects of terrour went about to force him as well by threates and menaces as to win him by hope of faire intreatie good usage to yeeld submit and herein he found some help by means of an occurrent either hapning by chaunce meer adventure or contrived by mans devise of set purpose L. Attilius a noble young gentleman perceiving that the people of the Samothracians were met in a generall assembly requested of the magistrates that he might be permitted to make a short speech unto the people Good leave he had and then hee began in this wife My masters and friends of Samothracia I would gladly know whether it be a false fable or a true tale which we have heard That this is a sacred Iland and the soile therof holy and altogither inviolable When they all accorded in one consent that the Iland was as holy and sacred as it was reported How is it then quoth he that a murderer hath violated and polluted it with the bloud of king Eumenes And considering that in all preambles and prefaces of sacred and divine service premised they are commaunded precisely to avaunt from the ministerie thereof who have not pure and innocent hands will you suffer in deed your most secret sanctuaries and devout tabernacles to be stained with the bloodie bodie of a thiefe and fellon Now was it a rise report common bruit in every citie of Greece That K. Eumenes had like to have ben murdred at Delphos by Evander The Samothracians besides that they saw their whole Iland the said temple to be in the power and puissance of the Romans tooke these reproofs and reproches to touch them neer and not without just cause whereupon they sent Theondas the soveraign magistrate whom they call their K. unto king Perseus giving him to understand That Evander the Cretensian was charged with murder also that by custom and tradition from their auncestors they had ful power authoritie to proceed by order of law against all those that were presented and endited for entring within the liberties and sacred precincts of the temple with unclean and unpure hands Now if Evander stand upon his innocencie and knoweth himselfe cleere and unguiltie of the capitall crime laid to his charge let him come to his answer and plead his cause for his owne defence and he shall be heard but if he dare not hazard the judiciall triall of the issue retire he and depart that hee pollute not the temple let him shift for himselfe and escape away Perseus called foorth Evander unto him willing him in no case to trie the processe of justice for neither would his cause justifie him nor any favour beare him out Hee much seated withall least being cast and condemned he would bewray Perseus himselfe and appreach him for the setter and author of that so horrible a fact and no way then but one even with patience and resolution to take his death Evander gainsaied nought in outward appearance but pretending in words that hee had rather die by a cup of poison than upon the swords point sought secret meanes to flie and be gone The king upon advertisement hereof fearing least the Samothracians would discharge their anger upon him as if he had wrought his evasion to avoid due punishment commaunded Evander to be made away and killed After which murder committed thus rashly without all advisement hee be thought himselfe and considered that he should be touched deeply with the same spot of guilt that Evander was noted with namely that as Eumenes was by Evander wounded at Delphos so Evander by him was murdered in Samothracia and so the two most holy and religious temples in the world were stained and polluted with mans blood and who but he the cause and contriver thereof But the blame of this soule fact of his was by the corruption of Theondas quite averted another way and he for a summe of money bare the people in hand that Evander was his owne hangman But Perseus by this lewd and detestable act committed upon the person of the onely friend whome hee had alive so well approoved and tried by him in so many adventures and now betraied for his labour by him unto whome he refused to be a traitour estraunged cleane the hearts and affections of all men from him so as now every man raunged with the Romanes Thus abandoned as hee was and left to himselfe they forced him to cast about and devise how to escape and be gone Whereupon he called unto him Oroandes the Cretensian a man that knew well the coasts of Thrace because he had negotiated and traded in those parts and with him hee dealt to embarke him in some small foist and so to conduct him unto Cotys Now there was a certain bay under a promontorie of Thrace wherein a pinnace stood in readinesse thither after sun-setting were all things brought for necessarie use and money withall as much as closely could be conveighed The king himselfe at midnight accompanied with three persons for no more were privie to this his flight went out at a posterne or backe dore of the house into a garden neere his bed-chamber and so with much a doe having clambred over a mud wall passed to the water side Now was Oroandes alreadie loosed from the foresaid creeke for so soone as the money was once brought thither
from the gods and finally they testified their owne contentment and wished them great joy of their victorie obteined saying that the king himselfe would have bin with all his power at the atchieving thereof in case he had bene enjoined to performe any service The embassadors of Ptolomeus in the name jointly of their king of Cleopatra rendred thankes unto them acknowledging themselves more bounden and beholden to the Senate and people of Rome than to their owne parents yea and more than to the immortall gods for by their good means they were first delivered from the most lamentable miseries of a siege and had recovered their fathers kingdome which they were at the point to have lost forever The Senate returned this aunswere againe That whereas Antiochus had bene ruled and ordered by the embassadours therein hee did well and as it beseemed him and in so doing he highly contended and pleased the Senat and people of Rome Againe if Ptolomeus and Cleopatra the king and queene of Aegypt had found any goodnesse and commoditie by them the Senate was very glad therfore and rejoyced thereat and would endeavour and worke it so that they mought bee persuaded that the greatest assurance and safeguard of their realme rested at all times most in the faithfull protection of the people of Rome This said the Pretour C. Papyrius had in charge to see that presents and gifts were sent to these embassadours according to the auncient custome Then were letters brought out of Macedonie to redouble the joy of the victorie importing that Perseus was sure ynough in the hands of the Consull When those embassadours were dismissed and gone much debate and argument there was betweene the Embassadours of the Pisanes and Lunenses They of Pisae complained that they were disseized and driven out of their territorie by the Romane coloners contrariwise those of Luna plainly avetred that the land in controversie had bene set out assigned for them by the Triumvirs The Senate hereupon sent five men as commissioners to make inquisition into the limits of the said territorie and to determine accordingly and those were Q. Fabius Baleo P. Cornelius Blasio T. Sempronius Musea L. Naevius Balbus C. Apultius Saturninus There came likewise a solemne embassage sent in common from Eumenes Alsalus and Athenaesus all three brethren to notifie the joy and contentment which they tooke for the Romanes victorie Moreover L. Menlius the treasure was readie at Puteoli to receive and welcome Masgaba the son of king Masanissa as hee should disbarke and set a land for sent hee was of purpose with money to meet him upon the way to conduct him also and bring him to Rome at the cities charges He was no sooner come but immediatly audience was given him in the Senate This young prince spake in such sort as the things which of themselves were acceptable enough indeed he graced made more worthie of acceptance by his good words He rehearsed what forces of foot horse both how many elephants what quantitie of come for that four yeeres space during the warre his father had sent over into Macedonie But two things there were for which hee was dismaied and could not chuse but blush the one that the Senat by their embassadors had made request unto him not commanded rather to furnish them with necessaries for the war the other that they had sent them money to pay for their corne For Masanissa was not forgetfull but bare well in mind that he held his kingdome as first conquered for him afterwards augmented and amplified many waies unto him by the people of Rome and for his owne part he could content himselfe with the use and occupation thereof as a tenant in fee-serme acknowledging the proprietie and possession thereof to bee in them who as lords of the see feossed him therein Good reason therefore and meet it was that they also should bee bold with their owne to take and not to aske to have and not to crave much lesse then to buy the commodities and fruites yssuing out of the lands by them demised given and graunted As for Masanissa sufficed hee was and evermore would rest contented with that overplus which the people of Rome might leave spare for him Thus much quoth he I had in charge and commission from my fathers owne mouth when I departed and took my leave of him but afterwards certein horsemen riding post overtooke me to let me understand that Macedonie was subdued and to charge me that after I had signified our joy in your behalfe I should shew unto the Senate that my father tooke such contentment therein that he would gladly come to Rome to offer sacrifice and render thankes to Iup. opt Max. in the capitoll which to doe hee requested leave of the Senate so it might stand with their good liking and be no trouble unto them The prince received this answere from the Senat That his father Masanissa did as beseemed a good man and thankefull person so to doe in giving such a grace honor over above to benefit of dutie required Moreover that the people of Rome acknowledged how they had received great helpe at his hands in the Punick warre by his valiant and loiall service as well as he obteined his kingdome through the favour of the people of Rome yea and afterwards according to equitie and justice had borne himselfe right woorthily in all sort of devoirs and duties during the warres of three kings one after another Neither was it any marvell at all that he rejoyced at the victorie of the people of Rome beeing a king who had engaged hazarded and entangled all his owne fortunes and the whole estate of his kingdome with the Romane affaires As for rendring thankes to the gods for the victorie of the people of Rome let him doe that himselfe in his owne house at home for it should sulfice that his sonne for him performed that dutie at Rome That hee and his father both had sufficiently for their parts testified their joy As for Masanissa in proper person to leave his realine and depart out of Africke over and besides that it was in no wise profitable to himselfe the Senat deemed it not expedient for the weale-publicke of the people of Rome Masgaba furthermore requested that Hanno the sonne of Amilcar should be sent hostage in place of another Carthaginian whose name is not knowne but the Senate answered That they thought it not meet to demand hostages at the pleasure of Masanissa The treasurer was commaunded by order from the Senat to buy certaine presents for to bestow upon this young prince namely as much place as might arise out of an hundred pound weight of silver also to accompanie him as farre as Puteoli to defry all his charges during his abode within Italie and to hire two ships for to transport and conduct him and his princely traine into Africk To all his retinue as well bondas free there was allowance made of
like as to the magistrates of Rome chuse wither he would slay and offer them at Rome or Preneste Also that out of that fleet which rid in the harbour of Brundusium there should be twentie gallies assigned him to use until such time as the king were arrived at the fleet which was given him Finally that L. Cornelius Scipio should accompanie him never depart from him but bear the charges both of him his retinue about him untill they were embarked ashipbourd It is said that the king joied wonderously at this courtesie and kindnes offered him by the people of Rome that he would needs pay for those presents which were given him onely hee commaunded his son to take a gift at the hands of the people of Rome Thus much have our historians written as touching K. Prusias But Polybius reporteth that this K. was unwoorthie the majesty of so honorable a name for that he was wont to meet the embassadours of Rome with his head shaven and a cap upon it also to acknowledge cal himselfe the freed villaine and vassaile of the people of Rome and to testifie so much he ware the badge and token of that degree and condition At Rome likewise when he entred the Counsel-house hee stouped downe and kissed the very doore sill calling the Senatours gods his saviours yea and to have used other speeches not so honourable to the hearers as base and unsitting his own person When hee had sejourned in and about the cittie not above thirtie daies hee tooke his leave and departed into his owne Realme To the Reader FRom the five and fortith booke forward all the rest of Livie to the great maine blemish of the Latin tongue and no small griefe of learned men is lost even 100 bookes wanting five like as those ten betweene the tenth and one twentith books commonly called the second Decade For as it appeareth by L. Florus the Epitomist there were in all 140 and the arguments of so many remaine at this day by him collected But if it be true that Frauncis Petrarch saith Livie wrote in all 142 and as Charles Sigonius probably coniectureth the 36 and 37 Breviaries of L. Florus be wanting of this latter number How all these complete bookes of T. Livius should miscarrie it is not certenly knowne Some hope there is that they are but mis-cast and laid out of the way For like as within these hundred yeeres some fragments of the storie were discovered in Magunce and the last five bookes now extant found by Simon Grinaeus in the Librarie of a monasterie over-against the citie of Wormbs and dedicated by Erasmus of Roterdam unto Charles the son of William Lord Montjoy in the reigne of Henrie the eight of famous memorie K. of England c. so wee are not to despaire of the rest In the meane time we must make much of these briefe summaries left unto us Even as therefore I have inserted those ten Breviaries in stead of the bookes so I thought it not amisse in hope that one day the verie bookes themselves will come to light to proceed in the rest following and the rather for that neither bee that translated Livie into the Tuscane language nor they who have done him into French as farre as I could ever see have taken that paines THE BREVIARIES OF L. FLORVS VPON THE REST OF T. LIVIVS HIS BOOKES WHICH ARE NOT EXTANT Of the six and fortith Booke EVmenes came towards Rome Now because in the Macedonian warre he had carried himselfe indifferent betweene Perseus and the Romanes there passed a law in generall tearmes That no King might repaire to Rome to the end that if he were excluded he should not be reputed an enemie nor if he were admitted acquit and cleered of all fault Cl. Marcellus the Consull subdued the Gaules inhabiting the Alpes and C. Sulpitius Gallus the Ligurians The Embassadours of K. Prusias complained of Eumenes for that hee invaded and wasted their borders and they enformed besides that hee had conspired with Antiochus against the people of Rome At the earnest suit and entreasie of the Rhodians a league was contracted with them The Censors tooke a review and survey of the city wherein were enrolled and sessed 327022 citizens of Rome M. Aemylius Lepidus was elected president of the Senat. Ptolomaeus the king of the Aegyptians was by his younger brother expelled out of his realme but by the meanes of Embassadours sent from Rome he was restored to his kingdome Vpon the death of Ariarathes king of Cappâ—docia his sonne Ariarathes came to the crowne and by entercourse and mediation of Embassadours renewed amittie with the people of Rome This booke containeth besides the warres against the Ligurians Corsians and Lusitanians fought with variable fortune the troubles also in Syria after the death of Antiochus who left behind him Antiochus his sonne a very child This young prince togither with his guardian Lysias Demetrius the sonne of Selencus who had been sent in hostage to Rome murdered privily because he was not set at large and dismissed by the Romanes and so himselfe entred upon the kingdome L. Aemylius Paulus who had conquered Perseus departed this life whose incorruptions and abstinence from the publicke treasure was such that notwithstanding he had brought both out of Spaine and Macedonie so great store of wealth and riches yet when his goods were prized and sold there would be hardly raised thereof sufficient to repay his wife her dowrie The Pomptine marishes were drawen drie by Cor. Cethegus the Consull unto whom that charge was by lot fallen and the same turned into firme ground Of the XLVII booke CNeus Tremellius a Tribune of the Commons had a fine set on his head for that he had contended in a wrongfull cause with M. Aemylius Lepidus the soveraigne Pontifie The power and authoritie of the cleargie magistrates was greater and mightier than before A law was enacted as touching inordinate suit for offices In the survey of the citie there were taxed in the subsidie booke 328314 Romane citizens L. Aemylius Lepidus was chosen againe president of the Senat. Betweene the two breethren Ptolomees who were at variance there passed this accord and agreement That the one should reigne in Aegypt and the other in Cyrenae Ariarathus king of Cappadocia by the politick plot forcible power of Demetrius king of Syria dispossessed of his kingdome was by the Senat set into it againe Certein embassadors were sent as delegates from the Senat to determinie of the litigigius ground betweene Masanissa and the Carthaginians C. Martius the Consull fought against the Dalmatians at the first unfortunatly but afterwards atchieved the victorie The occasion of the waâ— with them was this for that they had made wast upon the Illyrians who were allies of the people of Rome The same nation Cornelius Nasica the Consull brought in subiection Q. Opimius the Consull subdued the Ligurians beyond the Alpes who had spoiled Antipolis and Nicaes
woon a field of the Samnites for which victorie the souldiours coates were laid off againe at Rome Yet because the fortune of the field would shew her selfe variable the colonie Essernia together with M. Marcellus was taken by the Samnites On the other side Marius in a battaile vanquished the Marsians and slew Hirmius Asimius the Pretour of the Marrucines C. Caecilius overcame the Salvij that rebelled in that province of Gaule beyond the Alpes Of the LXXIIII booke CNeus Pompeius discomfited the Picents in battaile and held them besieged for which victorie the embrodered purple robes with other ornaments and badges of the magistrates were taken up againe and put on C. Marius fought against the Marsians with doubtfull event The libertines then and never before began to serve in the warres Aurelius Plotius the lieutenant in a battaile overcame the Vmbrians likewise L. Porcius the Pretor vanquished the Marsians when as both these nations had rebelled Nicomedes was placed againe in the kingdome of Bithynia and Ariobarzanes of Cappadocia Cu. Pompeius the Consull overthrew the Marsians in a pight field When the cittie was deeply engaged and plunged in debt A. Sempronius Asellus the Pretour because he gave sentence respectively in the favour of the debtours was slaine in the market place by their creditours the usurers Moreover this booke relateth the inrodes invasions of the Thracians into Macedonie together with their wasting of those parts Of the LXXV booke AVlus Posthumius Albinus a lieutenant generall being the Admirall of a fleet was upon an infamous imputation of betraying his soldiors massacred by his own army L. Cornelius Sylla a lieutenant overthrew the Samnites in fight and woon two campes of theirs Cn. Pompeius received the Vestines upon their submission L. Porcius the Consull after fortunate successe in battaile and that he had sundrie times discomfited the Samnites as he assaied to force their campe lost his life which accident gave away the victorie of that battaile to the enemie Cosconius and Luceius overcame the Samnites in battaile slew Marius Egnatius a most noble and renowned commaunder of the enemies and had many of their townes surrendred up into their hands L. Sylla tamed the Hirpines and defeated the Samnites in many battailes and certaine States submitted unto him who having atchieved so worthie and brave exploites before his Consulship as seldome any other man besides the like repaired to Rome for to sue to be Consull Of the LXXVI booke AVlus Gabinius a lieutenant having fought fortunately against the Lucanes and woon from them many townes as he laid siege to the enemies leaguer was cut off and slaine Sulpitius in qualitie of lieutenant had the execution of the Marrucines and the surrender of that whole nation Cn. Pompeius the Pro-consull tooke the submission of the Vestines and Pelignians The Marsians likewise having bene in certaine battailes quelled by L. Murana Caecilius Pinna lieutenants craved peace Asculum was woon by Cn. Pompeius and the Italian people by Mamercus Aemylius the lieutenant were put to the sword Silo Popedius Generall of the Marsians and the authour of this villanie was slaine in battaile Ariobarzanes of Cappadocia and Nicomedes of Bithynia were driven both out of their kingdomes by Mithridates king of Pontus Last of all this booke discourseth of the incursions and spoile that the Thracians made in Macedonie Of the LXXVII booke VVHen P. Sulpitius a Tribune of the commons by the advise and instigation of C. Marius had promulged certaine pernicious laws That the banished should be restored and new citizens together with Libertines be sorted into Tribes also that Marius should be chosen Generall against Mithridates king of Pontus and when he offered violence against Q. Pompeius and L. Sylla the Consuls who contradicted his proceedings and had slaine the sonne of Pompeius the Consull who had married Syllaes daughter then L. Sylla Consull entred Rome with an armie and within the very cittie fought against the adverse side of Sulpitius and Marius and drave them forth of which faction twelve were by the Senate iudged enemies and amongst them C. Marius both father and sonne As for P. Sulpitius when he lurked in a certaine ferme-house of the countrie was bewraied betraied by his own bond-servant and so pulled forth from thence and killed The slave because he might seem to be rewarded for revealing his maister according to promise was manamised and set free but for his wicked treacherie in betraying his owne maister he was throwne downe the rocke Tarptia C. Marius the sonne crossed these sinto Affricke C. Marius the father lay hidden amongst the marishes of the Miuturnians and was plucked out from thence by the townesmen and when a certaine bondslave and a Frenchman borne was sent to kill him he was so affrighted at the maiestie and countenance of so brave a man that he went backe and would not doe the seat whereupon Marius was embarked at the charges of the cittie and carried into Affricke L. Sylla reformed the State of the citie and drew out from thence inhabitants to people the colonies Q. Pompeius the Consull tooke his iourny to receive the armie of Cn. Pompeius the Cos. and by his counsell was slain Mithridafes king of Pontus seized upon Bithyniâ— and Cappadocia drave out Aquilus the lieutenant and with a mightie armie invaded Phrygia the province of the people of Rome Of the LXXVIII booke MIthridates held Asia with his garrisons he cast into prison Q. Oppius the Pro-consull and likewise Aquilius the lieutenant Also by his commaundement all the Romane citizens to bee found in Asia were in one day massacred The cittie Rhodes which onely continued true and kept alleageance hee assailed but being in certaine battailes at sea overcome hee gave over and retired Archelaus a chiefe governour and commaunder under the king entred Greece with an army seized upon Athens and held it Moreover this booke conteineth the fearefull troubles of certain câ—ties and lands whiles the inhabitants endevoured to draw their states some to side with the king others to take part with the Romanes Of the LXXIX booke LVcius Cornelius Cinna at what time as by force and armes hee published daungerous lawes was thereupon by his Collegue Cn. Octavius driven out of the cittie with sixe Tribunes of the commons besides and being thus deprived of his rule and authoritie he became commaunder of Ap. Claudius his armie by corruption and ioyning with C. Marius other banished persons out of Affricke hee marched in warlike manner against the cittie of Rome In which war it fortuned that two brethren the one of Pompeius his armie and the other of Cinnaes encountred in fight and knew not one another New when the conquerour was in disarming and spoiling him whom he had slaine he saw what he had done and tooke knowledge that it was his brother whereupon hee fell into an exceeding pâ—teous fit of wailing and lamentation made a funerall fâ—â—e for his brothers corps stabbed himselfe through thereupon and in the
generation for they had waged war so long untill of sixtie thousand armed men there remained but three hundred and of ninetie five of their noblemen three onely escaped and no more There passed a law for to reduce Cyprus into the forme of a province and to confiscate the kings treasure by vertue whereof the managing of that affair was committed to C. Cato Ptolomaeus king of Aegypt suffered many wrongs and iniuries at his owne subiects hands and being by them expelled out of his kingdome came to Rome C. Caesar in a battell at sea vanquished the Venetians a State and citie seated in the very Ocean Last of all it reporteth the exploits by his lieutenants performed with like good fortune Of the CV booke AT what time as the assembly for election of magistrates might not bee holden by reason of the negatives and inhibitions of C. Cato a Trib. of the Com. the Senate generally in token of sorrow put on mourning weed M. Cato in his sute for a Pretorship suffered a repulse Vatinius was preferred before him The same Vatinius when he would have impeached the law whereby were graunted to the Coss. the provinces for five yeers unto Pompey the government of both Spains unto Crassus Syria the Parthian war unto Caesar France and Germanie was by C. Trebonius a Trib. of the Commons the first maker of the said law committed to prison A. Gabinius the Proconsull established Ptolomaeus againe in the kingdome of Aegypt and disseized Archelaus whom they had set up for their king Caesar after he had vanquished and put to sword the Germanes in France crossed over the Rhene and subdued that part of Germanie which is next thereto which done hee failed over into Brittaine with much trouble and dammage by reason of the crosse and contrary winds whiles he was at sea and hee sped little better when he was there but after he had slain a mightie great number of men he brought into subiection the rest of the Island Of the CVI. booke IVlia daughter to Caesar and wife to Pompeius departed this life and had this surpassing honour done unto her by the people as to be enterred in Marsfield Many of the States of France revolted by the leading of Ambiorix a duke of the Eburones by whom Cotta T. Aurunculeius the lieutenants of Caesar were by an ambuscado surprised and environed and by meanes thereof they and the armies whereof they had the conduct were put to the sword And at what time as the campe of the other legions also were besieged assailed and with difficultie defended among them Q. Cicero who was lord president of the Trevires the enemies were by Caesar himselfe in person overthrowne in fight M. Crassus intending to warre upon the Parthians passed over the river Euphrates and being vanquished in battell wherein his owne sonne was slaine after hee had rallied the broken ends of his armie and retired them to a little hill he was trained forth by the enemies whose captaine was Suâ—â—â—as to a parley and treatie of peace and therupon attached but because he would not suffer any indignitie and villanie alive he made resistance and in that struggling of his was slaine and there an end of him Of the CVII booke CAius Caesar having vanquished the Trevirs in Gaul passed over the second time into Germany but finding no enemie there to make head returned into France where the Eburones other cities which had conspired he overcame put their K. Ambiorix to flight followed him in chase The bodie of P. Clodius slain in the high way Appianeer Boville by T. Annius Milo a competitor of the Consulship the Commons of Rome burnt in a funeral fire within the Curia Hostilia By occasion of a seditious variance between two Candidates for a Consulship namely Hypseus Scipio and Milo who with force and armes tried the issue by the eares Cn. Pompeius was sent out of the Senate to suppresse such enormious debates Created Consull hee was the third time in his absence and which prerogative no man ever had alone without Colleague A commission was granted forth to sit upon the death of Pub. Clodius by vertue where of Milo was iudicially condemned and had his iudgement to bee banished A bill was proposed that C. Caesar notwithstanding he was absent should bee accepted of in the election of Consuls albeit M. Cato was unwilling thereto and gaine said it Moreover this book containeth the warlike acts atchieved by C. Caesar against the Gaules who generally in maner revolted under the leading of Vercingetorix the Arvernian also the painefull sieges of certaine cities and namely of Avarium in Biturigeâ— and Gergovia in Auvergne Of the CVIII booke CAius Caesar vanquished the Gaules at Alexia and received all the cities in France which had been in armes into his protection upon their submission C. Cassius the treasurer of M. Crassus put the Parthians to the sword who had passed over into Syria M. Cato sued to be Consul and had the repulse and Ser. Sulpitius with M. Marcellus were created Consuls C. Caesar subdued the Bellovaci with other States and cities in Fraunce Also it containeth the strife and debate betweene the Consuls about sending of a successor to C. Caesar. For M. Marcellus the Consull was earnest in the Senate that Caesar should come to stand for a Consulship considering that hee by a law made in that behalfe was to govern his provinces unto that time of his Consulship Last of all the martial deeds of Mar. Bibulus in Syria are here reported Of the CIX booke THe causes of the civile warre and their beginnings be here set downe The contentions likewise about a successor to be sent in lieu of Caesar who denied flatly to dismisse the armies unlesse Pompey also discharged his forces Moreover this booke treateth of the actions preserved by C. Curio a Tribune of the Commons first against Caesar and afterwards for him When there passed an act of the Senate that one or other without faile should bee emploied to succeed Caesar M. Antomus and Q. Cassius two other Tribunes for that by their negatives and inhibitions they seemed to crosse and stay that act were expelled the citie and a commission was directed by the Senat to the Consuls and to Cn. Pompeius in this forme To see that the Commonweale sustained no dammage C. Caesar intending to persecute his adversarie came with his armie into Italie Corsinius together with L. Domitius and L. Lentulus he tooke prisoners and let them goe again but Cn. Pompeius and the rest of that side he utterly chased forth of Italie Of the CX booke CAius Caesar besieged Massiles which had shut the gates against him who leaving C. Trebonius and D. Brutus at the siege tooke a iourney into Spaine where hee received upon submission Lu. Afranius and C. Petrcius two lieutenants of Pompeius together with seven legions at Ilerda dismissed them all with no harme done unto them
their king That hee reigned three and fortie yeers all accord save Eutropius Eusebius and Cassiodorus late writers who set downe but one and fortie as Onuphrius and Sigonius have observed Of this king Dionysius in the second booke Livie in his first Solinus in his second chapter Plutarch Plinie and Eutropius in his life in like sort Valerius Maximus have delivered much in record Hee died not much above the age of eightie yeeres as Plutarch writeth for born he was as he testifieth the same day whereon Romulus laid the first foundation of the citie namely the twelfth Calends of May. Now for the name of Numa some say it was the fore-name of Pompilius But out of Sextus Pompeius it appeareth that neither Tullius nor Numa were fore-names as also by this conjecture for that the sonnes of Numa are by Dionysius called by other sundry names diverse from the familie Some thought therefore that Numa Ancus Aruns Volusus Drufus Faustus Iulus Mammurius certain other surnames were at first forenames as Marlianus in his Annales hath verie well noted 32 Tullus Hostilius the third king of Rome reigned 32 yeeres NVma being deceased the Interregencie tooke place again during which time an act of Senat passed wherein by the approbation of the Commons and advise of the nobles Tullus Hostilius was created the third king of the Romans in the fourescore and one yeere after the foundation of the cittie Who having rased Alba commaunded the Albans to be translated to Rome Their Commons hee made free denizens and the principal nobles he tooke into the order of Senators After Numa he reigned 32 yeeres as all writers most constantly affirm He perished as Dionysius witnesseth by occasion that his house was on fire wherein his wife children all their houshold besides were consumed and burnt Some say that his pallace tooke fire by lightening through the ire of the gods for that hee had forlet some sacrifices and holy rites others write that it was occasioned by the trecherous practise of Ancus Martius who reigned next after him Of him Dionysius writeth in his 3 book That hee carried before him the name of Hostus it appeareth by this that both his father and grandfire bare the said name A prince hee was not onely farre unlike to Numa but also more fierce and stout than Romulus 24 Ancus Martius the fourth K. of Romanes reigned 24 yeeres KIng Tullius beeing departed this life there was an Interregent by the Nobles declared who held the assembly for Election in the 114 yeere from the foundation of the city wherein the people created Ancus Martius the fourth K. of the Romanes and the Senators approved the same He built Hostia a town 16 miles distant from the citie of Rome and fought seven battels Livius Dionysius and Solinus say that he reigned 24 yeeres but Eusebius Eutropius and Cassiodorus 23. What death hee died neither Livie in his first book nor Dionysius in his 3 do set down notwithstanding that by them his noble acts are set out at large Now Ancus as Sex Pompeius hath reported is hee called who harh an arme bowing inward so as it cannot be put straight forth 38 L. Tarquinius Priscus the fifth K. of Romans reigned 38 yeeres THis Tarquinius beeing left by Ancus when he died guardian to his children was the first that ambitiously intercepted the kingdome to himselfe hee sent the sonnes of Ancus during the time of Interregencie out of the way as it were to hunting and made an oration unto the people to win their harts affections to him so with the suffrages of the people and authoritie of the nobles he was by the Interegent declared K. in the 170 yeere after the foundation of Rome and in the 41 Olympias This noble prince as wel for warlike prowesse as peaceable pollicie and government at the length being above fourscore yeere old was forelaid by the secret traines of the two sonnes of Ancus Martius in the eight and thirtie yeere of his raigne according to Livie Dionysius whose judgement we follow or in the 37 as Solinus Messala Ruffus Eutropius Cassiodorus Eusebius and Bedas write like as wee have before shewed Priscus hee was surnamed afterwards because hee lived before Tarquinius Superbus saith Sex Pompeius unto whom accord Dionysius and Laurentius Valla who writeth that the addition of Priscus was given unto him not by men of that time wherein hee lived but by the age following But Livie sheweth plainely that he had the surname of Priscus given him even then when he came first into the citie because he was borne before Superbus Hee also was called Lucumo and was the sonne of Demaratus the Corinthian descended from the familie of the Brachiades 44 Servius Tullius the sixt K. of the Romans reigned foure and fortie yeeres AFter Priscus Tarquinius was slain presently Servius Tullius was the first that without any election of the people yet with the general consent of the Nobles tooke upon him the Romane kingdom in the yeere from the foundation of the citie 176. Concerning whose conception wee must not let passe that which Plinie writeth in the 36 booke after this manner During the reigne of Tarquinius Priscus there appeared sodainly the genital member of the masculine sex upon the herth where the fire was kept and thereupon presently a captive woman bond-servant of Tanaquil the queen named Ocrisia sitting there by the fire side conceived was with child and so was Servius Tullius borne who succeeded in the kingdome Afterwards as the boy lay asleep within the kings pallace his head was seene on a light fire and supposed he was the son of the familiar Lar of that house In which regard he instituted first the Compitalia and plaies to the Lares Concerning his birth Plutarch hath written more in his booke of the Romans fortune By the crastie and subtill devise of his wives mother Tanaquil he attained to the crowne in the fourth yeere of the fifth Olympias and reigned 44 yeeres but by the vilanous complot of Tarquinius his sonne in law and Tullia his owne daughter and Tarquins wife hee was most impiously slaine in the verie street which thereupon was called Sceleratus As touching the yeeres of this kings reigne some controversie there is among writers for Livie Dionysius and Solinus whom wee have followed write that hee reigned 44 yeeres but Messala Corvinus Sex Ruffus Eutropius Eusebius Cassiodorus and Bedas 34 and not above Howbeit in adding those ten to the reigne of Tarquine afterwards they hinder not this grosse summe and computation of the yeeres for they set them downe 35 which Livie Dionysius and Solinus make but 25. This K. tooke the name of Servius by occasion of his owne fortune for that his mother Ocrisia a captive but a most beautifull and wise woman of Corniculum bare him during her bondage but Tullius hee was called by the name of his fathers kindred as Dionysius writeth in his fourth booke reckoning up many acts by
at this day on the Northeast side or rather the North comprehendeth a Diameter or race almost of 8 Stadia environed with the hills Quirinalis and Hortulorum but on the VVest side the Tyber runneth by it where along the bankes thereof it beareth a greater space Moreover by a streight and direct line being drawne for two Stadia from the hill Hortulorum and namely where it over-looketh the Pierce of Domitian called Naumachia along the banke of Tyberis over-against the Pile Hadriani it maketh a quadrangle of foure uneven sides containing within it more than three miles without which square is left the valley Martia namely as much as lieth between the hill Hortulorum the wall of the citie and Tyberis so as the bredth draweth narrower still unto the gate Flaminia There resteth yet the Transty berme region which togither with the Ianiculum taketh in compasse about 3 miles This will be more easily observed and marked by the very channell of Tyberis which entring into the citie keepeth his course directly on the right hand of the gate Flaminia through the vale Martia and soone after by little and little turneth from the North VVestward and representeth the forme of a semicircle in the convexitie whereof is the Vatican and within the concavitie the Mars field Moreover beneath the Moles or pile Hadriani returning to his former course as farre as to the utmost foot of the Aventine winding somewhat crooked into the South not farre from the gate Portuensis it runneth forth of the citie Thus much concerning the situation and forme of Rome and the plot wherein it standeth which at this day is so farre changed that hardly a man may find any token or memoriall of it as it was in old time CHAP. II. Of the founders of the citie of Rome the KK and inhabitants thereof THe region on which Rome was after built VVest of Tyber a hundred and fortie furlongs distant from the sea the Sicilians by constant report first inhabited Afterwards the Aborigines leaving Arcadia by the conduct of Oenotrius the sonne of Lycaeon came into the said quarters and being growne into a liking of the place for the fertilitie thereof they expelled the Sicilians and held it for their owne use In processe of time the Pelasgians a people of Greece together with the Thessalians who came to aid the Aborigenes against the nations their neighbor borderers remained also in these parts with the good will and contentment of the said Aborigines untill the Trojane warre but they all retained the name of the Aborigines which prerogative they held because they were the first that by armes conquered that siegnorie and kingdome Long time after Saturne being chased out of Crete by Iupiter his son fled into Italie where he taught Iuanus the K. of the Aborigines the skil of planting vineyards with the use therof and likewise the handling of the sickle in regard of which good turne hee was freely feoffed by Iaunus in part of his realme yea and after the decease of Ianus enjoied the kingdome alone After this the Arcadians who forlooke the citie Palantium as wearie of their owne native countrey and by the leading of Evander seeking some other place of habitation arrived at the place where now Rome standeth received of Faunus the king of the Aborigines a portion of ground built a fort upon a little hill not farre from Tyber and named it Palantium in remembrance of their native citie which they had abandoned After all this the Pelopâ—nesians Phanetians and Epians by reason that Elis their native countrey was wasted before by Hercules wer by him brought away into Italie they planted themselves upon the mount Saturnine These men lived a long time according to their owne lawes and customes until they being vanquished and subdued by the Aborigines were incorporated by them into one Communaltie Then raigned Latinus the sonne of Faunus until such time as AEneas the sonne of Anthises after the overthrow and finall ruine of Ilium after many adventures and much varietie of fortune which he had endured together with the Trojanes his companions came by the instinct of the destinies to K. Latinus VVhose daughter Lavinia hee tooke to wife and so was by Latinus admitted into the societie and fellowship with him of the kingdome VVhen the Aborigines and the Trojans were thus linked and joined together hee called both nations by the name of Latines Then was Aeneas warred upon by Turnus for that he had married Lavinia who was espoused affianced to him before But Aeneas wan the victorie and in single combat slew Turnus At that time also Latinus died left his sonne in law Aeneas heir to the crowne Certaine yeeres after was Aeneas killed by Mezentius king of the Tuscanes and Ascanius his sonne succeeded in the kingdome He built the townes Lavinium and Alba and when hee departed this life made over the crowne to his brother Sylvius After him followed kings Aeneas Sylvius Latinus Sylvius Alba Atys Capys Capetus Tyberinus Agrippa Romulus Aventinus Procas and Amulius This Amulius usurped the kingdome by fraud which in right of eldership was due to his brother Numitor. And for feare least there might arise from his brothers of-spring some one to make claime and recover the roiall seat and thereby himselve be thrust out of his place the consecrated Rhea the daughter of Numitor to Vesta for to bee a professed Nun. Shee being thus made a votarie and devoted to perpetuall virginitie happened to be with child by Mars and was delivered of two botes twins namely Romulus and Remus Amulius advertised hereon commaunded both the babes to bee cast foorth to perish Found they were by Faustulus a shepheard upon the banke of the river Tyber and by his wife Faustulae fostered and brought up among other shepheards Remus being grown to mans estate was taken by certain theeves and robbers and brought to K. Amulius his great-unckle Accused he was for that hee used to raise booties and drive away whole droves of Numitor his cattell VVhereupon delivered hee was to Numitor for to bee punished according to his discretion But Remus after much discourse of speeches to and fro was by certaine tokens found and knowne to be Numitor his daughters son And at the very time came Romulus also with Faustulus in place purposing to rescue Remus his brother Soon they entered into a conspiracie and at unwares surprised and murdered Amulius and so restored their grandsire Numitor. In the second yeere of Numitor his reign Romulus and Remus built the citie of Rome in the very place where they had been laid forth to perish which was the 432 yeer after the winning of Troy and the twelfth day before the calends of May. Afterwards in a tray that arose betweene Romulus and Remus striving for the soveraignetie Remus came by his death and then Romulus gave name both to the cittie and citizens also of Rome CHAP. III. The forme and bignesse of the citie of Romulus ROmulus set
the Spâ—nish souldiours 405 a his vision ibidem f. passeth Iberus 406. b. transporteth his armie over the Rhosne 407. f. his oration to his souldiours 409. he composeth the discord of Allobroges at variance 410. k. approcheth the Alpes 411 c entreth into Italie 414. i. his oration to hisâ— souldiours before he encountred P. Scipio 417. c. promiseth them rewards and bound it with an oath 419. a. be discomfiteth the Romanes at Ticinus ibid. d Alexandria in Aegypt found 298 k Alexander the great companied with the Romans 323 a Alexander king of Epirus his unfortunate death 299 b Alexander king of Epirus arrived in Italie 282 b Alexander the great ibidem Alexander the Aetolians speech in the parley betweene Philip Quintius 850 h his words in the Diet of Corinth 867 a Alexander a polititian enterteined by Antiochus 898 l his oration ibid. a Alexander killeth Nabis 910. and seiseth Lacedemon ibid. murdered ibid. k Alexander the Acaernanian died of his hurt at Thermopyla 931 d Allia battaile 204 l Allensis dies 217 b AllutiusÌ„ honourably rewarded by Scipio 623 e Altinius offereth to betray Arpi 540 g his case debated in councell ibid. committed to prison and missed in Arpi ibid.k.his wife and children cruelly burnt quick by Anniball 540 m Ambition or suing for dignities restrained by a lawe 155 c de Ambitùlex 1073 b Ambracia the situation thereof 984.l valiantly defended against M. Fulvius the Romane Consull 985 c their stratageme against the pioners that undermined 986 m their complaints of M. Fulvius 1010 b Ambracia yeelded by composition 988 g Amilcar Annibals father died 394 b Amilcar the sonne of Gisgorendreth Melita to the Rom. 422 b Amilcar seizeth on Placentia and besiegeth Cremona 778.l slaine before Cremona 785 d Aminander recovereth the crowne againe of Athaniania 983 b.excuseth himselfe to the Romanes 984 b.invadeth Thessalonica 817 a Amulius usunpeth the kingdome of Alba,4 l.killed 5 e Ancilia 15 a.964 i Ancus Martius king of Rome 23 c Andronodorus seizeth insula part of Syracusa to his own use 523.b his oration to the people 324 i.he is chosen Pretor of Syracusa 254.l plotteth to be king 525 c slaine with Themistheus for treason ibidem e L. Anicius hath trumph graunted 1223 a L. Anicius triumpheth 1231 d Anniball disappointed of his cunning plots at Salapia 649 e.hee delivereth his speech to king Antiochus in counsell 922.i.his words to Antiochus 941.e.his saying for the losse of Tarentum 640.m his cunning practise by the Metapontines ibid.i hee victualleth Capua 556.h vanquished before Capua 587.d hee marcheth towards Rome 588.k.removeth from Rome 591 b.sweareth to be an enemie to Rome 394. â— sent into Spaine his vertues and vices 395 b c d e. forceth Carteia Hermandica Arbacula and subdueth the Carpetanes 396.g he besiegeth Saguntum 397 a wounded ibid. e.his pollicie and craftie devises at Trebia 424.g another of his stratagemes 438.h.his impositions upon the Romane prisoners at Cannae 664.i he is interteined at Capua 477.c.discomfited by Marcellus before Nola. 484.m wounded neere Placentia 426 h.be forceth Vicumme his cruelty there 426.i distressed for cold in Apenninus 426.k well enterteined by the Ligurians 427.d his apothegue of Fabius 451.c forelaid by the Gaules 431.c marcheth into Hetruria with great daunger 432.i.lost oneâ— of his eies 433.a his treacherie and falshood 435.f hee haÌ„getbsa guide for mistaking one word 440.h.his stratageme at Callicula 442.h he bringeth Fabius unto suspicion of treason 446.k.winneth Acerra 483.c besiegeth CasilinuÌ„ 486.g.he is repulsed from thence ib assaileth Cumes 499.e.his sharpe words to his souldiours before Nola. 505.b.discomfited there by Marcellus ibid.d.his rare gift of keeping his armies without mutinie 676.wounded before Locri. 774.l.his furious words wheÌ„ he was sent for out of Italie 754.h.he massacreth the Italians insanctuarie ibid.i he departeth out of Italie ibid.k.be and Scipioes enterview together his Oration to Scipio ibid.they embattaile their souldiours 763.b vanquished by Scipio 765.b his blunt usage of Gisgoin the Senat-house of Carthage 766.l complained of by the Carthaginians 849 â— he seeking to be popular at Carthage incurreth the malice of the no bles 850.g.h hee flieth secretly from Carthage into Africke 851.e enterteined at Tyrus ibid.commeth to Ephesus ibid.g enterteined by Antiochus 886.h his counsel to Antiochus is suspected of him he cleereth himself to him 899.b be drinketh poison and dieth 1056 i Annaria lex 1087 d L. Annius his speech in the Counsell of Latium 282.k his oration in the Sen. of Rome 283 c he contemneth the divine power and falleth downe the staires 284 g Antepilani 286 k Antiates live under Rom. government 328 l Antibyra woon by Valerius Levinus 1074 g Antigonus his lesson to his sonnes a faithful friend toking Philip. 1092 k Antiochus his fleet overthrowne at Myoncsus 962 b Antiochus sendeth P. Scipio his sonne unto him lying sicke 966 i he encampeth strongly neere Sypulum ibid.k his manner of embattailing against the Rom. 967.f vanquished and put to flight 970 g his embassage unto the Senat of Rome 978.m he sueth to Aemilius for peace 755.b sendeth embassadours to Prusias 958 m hercedifieth Lysimachia 846 k Antiochus sonne of Antiochus dieth 897 a Antiochus received at Lamia by the Aetolians 914 g. his speech to the Aetolians ibid. h. his embassadours glorious speech to the Achaeans in the counsel of Aegium 916 h.hee gathereth together the Macedonians bones slaine at Cynocephalae 923 a hee winneth Pharae and Scotusa 924.k.falleth in love with a maiden of Chalcis 925.c giveth himselfe to pleasure ibid surpriseth Medio by treason 926.i vanquished by Acilius Glabrio at Thermopyia 930.l.gapeth after the kingdome of Aegypt 1207.d.his embassadors courteously entertertained at Rome 1119 c Antiun woon 87 c 〈◊〉 besieged 177 b Colonie at Anxia 296 m 〈◊〉 908 â— Apollinar games and plaies 555.f.to be exhibited yeerely for ever 60â— d Apollonia besieged by Philip. 537 a Apollonides his speech to the Syracusians for maintenance of the Romane league 528 â— Appia Via 277 â— Appia via aqua Claudia 334 m Act of appealing to the people 49 b Appius Caecus his Censorship 334 m Appius 〈…〉 84 g Appius 〈…〉 raigned 85 b.died 91 d Appius Claudius 〈…〉 popular 109 f Appius Claudius his son 〈◊〉 to the commons 170h his 〈…〉 to Virginia 〈…〉 by Virginius â—â—5 f Appius Claudius killeth himselfe 128 g C. Appius slaine by the 〈◊〉 774 l Appius Claudius his oration against 〈…〉 245 d L. Apustius slaine by the Ligurians 954 g Aquilonia burnt 384 m Aquilae or Aeglerin the Romane armie 622 i Arae Maxinia reared 7 a Arches triumphant set up by 〈…〉 at Rome 840 g Archimedes 〈◊〉 killed 572 l Archimedes honoured by Marcellus after his death ibid. Arco his Oration in the counsell of Achaea for Perseus 1111 e Ardeates and Aricines at controversie about land 137 b Ardea made a colonie 147 b Areus and Alcibiades condemned to die in the Aechaean counsell 1046 g Argives expell the garison 877
with Romulus 11 a Taurilia plaies 1036 i Taxation or review taken of twelve colonies 731 g Tectosages Gallogretians their treacherie 998 m rewarded for their villanie 999 c Tempest extraordinarie at Rome 1088 b Dame Tullus or mother-earth 284 i Sext. Tempanius a valiant knight 163 c his modestie towards his Generall 165 h Terentius Varro his parent age behaviour rising 444 k. chosen Consul 453.f his bragging in the Senat. 455 e TereÌ„tius Varro received with thanksgiving after the battell at Cannae 472 b C. Terentius Varro his base mind shewed to the embassadours of Capua in his oration 475 d Straunge tempest at Rome 1060 i Tempe the discription thereof 1174 b Terentilla law proposed 93 e Q. Terentius Culleo honoureth the triumph of Scipio in his cap of libertie 772 l Thalassio 8 i Thaumaci besieged by Philip. 811 a the site thereof ibid. b Theatines enter into league with the Romanes 328 k Theodorus a conspiratour against Hicronymus executed 512 g hee appeacheth Thraso untruly ibid Theodorus and Sosis enter Syracusa and incite the cittizens to libertie 523 b Theoxena marieth her sisters husband 1061 b her resolution and manlike fact ibid. f Thessalonians complaints of king Philip. 1038 k Thracians set upon the armie of Cncus Manlius and rob them 1008.l Thraso innocent put to death with others 512 b Thoas his report of Antiochus forees 907 a Thoas disappointed of his plot for Chalcis 911 c hee leadeth Antiochus with his leasings 913 b suggesteth against Anniball ibd Thurus sideth to the Romanes 109 k Thuines yeeld the cittie to the Carthaginians 558 l Terminus god of bounds 38 l Terminalia 1162 l Timasitheus his religion iustice and courtesie 190 l Titienses 27. Toga Virilis 467 d Toga praetexta 7 c Treatie of peace betweene T. Quintius and Philip at the river Aous 814 k it turneth to a stay 815 b Treatie of peace betweene Philip and the Aetolians 651 b Trebius betraicth Consa to Anniball 473 a Tribes foure adioined to Rome 219. f Two tribes added to the rest 294 g Tribes added Aniensis and Tarentines 357 d Tribes 35 in all 219 f Tributes first devised 31 b Tributa Comitia 88 i Tribunes of commons created first 65 e Tribunes of commons created ten 108 i Tribunes militarie twentie chosen in an insurrection by souldiours 122 h Tribunes militarie chosen eight 119 f Tribunes of commons created againe 124 l Tribunes chosen out of Patritij 186 k Tribunes of commons continue five yeeres 242 g Law Trebonia 187 f L. Trebonius surnamed Asper 132 l Tribunes militar sixe in a legion chosen by the souldiours 232.l Trinundinum 110 k. Tripudium Solistimum 〈◊〉 Triumph graunted without the consent of the Senate 131 e Triumvirs for planting colonies 232 â— Triumviri Capitales first ordeined 388 â— Triumvirs for the night 349 e Triumviri mensarij 488 l Triumviri Epulones instituted at Rome 848 g Trientius and Tributus ager 787 e Triumvirs Capitall 1032 f Triumviri sacris faciundis 1080 l Lars Tolumnius king of the Veientians killeth the Roman embassadours 150. 〈◊〉 slaine by Aulus Cornelius Cossus 152 b Truce betweene Rome and Carthage broken by Asdruball 757 b Truce betweene Nabis and T. Quintius 877 b Truce betweene T. Quintius and Philip. 832 h Tuccia a vestall Nun executed 391 e Tullia the wife of Tarquinius Superbus 33 b she compasseth the kingdome for her husband ib. c rideth with her coach over her fathers dead corps 34 k Tullianum 727 a Tunes surprised by Scipio Africanus 745 b Tullus Hostilius created king of Rome 15 f Tumultus gallicus 255 a Turnus Herdonius put to death 36 k Tusculanes pollicie to avoid the Roman warre 235 a Tuscanes defeited by the Romanes at Sutrium 340 h.242.g 337.d Their language learned by the Romanes children 340 k Tyherinus drowned in Tybris 4 k Two tables of lawes added to the former ten 112 h Two fraternities of Triumvirs chosen 550 i Two Ternions of Triumvirs chosen to levie souldiours 548 i V VAcci prata 295 a Vadimon meere 343.d the battaile there ibid. Valeria law for appealing 357 b P. Valerius enterred at the citties charges 34 m Valerius Pulvillus and Horatius Barbatus mediatours betweene nobles and commons 122 g M. Valerius Corninus Consull at three and twentie yeeres of age 267 b his oration to the souldiours 271 c his good parts described 272 g Vanquisheth the Samnites ibid. l his speech to the rebels 278 g L. Valerius his oration in maintenance of womens bravery 856 i M. Valerius Corvinus triumpheth 293 c M. Valerius Maximus his pollicie 353 f C. Valerius Flaccus enstalled Flamen Dialis against his will and why 632 b upon his priesthood he became a new man ibid i M. Valerius Levinus his speech to sollicit the Aetolians to take part with the Romanes 602 g Valerius Flaccus his hardie exploit 557 b he and Vibius for their good service rewarded ibid. e Vaâ—â—â—â— amongst the captaines in Campe. 169 a â—â—â—iance about lands betweene Masanissa and Carthaginians 887 e Vaults in Rome made by Tarquinius Priscus 27 Vectius Metius his valour 157 e Veij first besieged 178 k woon by M. Furius Camillus 194 i Velites 532 k Venetians their beginning 3 b Venus Erycina 437 e her temple 1081 c Venus Cloacina 120 h Venusines courtesie to the reliques at Cannae 463 e Ver sacrum 849 a Vermina sendeth embassadours to Rome two 779 e Vestall virgines scourged for the fire going out 676g Vestines spoiled by the Romanes 328k Via Nomentana or Ficulenta 122l Vibius the Pelignian his valourous service 357b Vicessimaria gold 634m A Vicessime tribute of manumised persons 260i Goddesse Victoria her temple 376 g her image sent to Rome from king Hieronymus 454m The pitifull storie of Virginia .117.a.killed by her father 120 h Viridomarus slaine 391f Virius solliciteth the Campanes to revolt 476i Vibius Virius authour of the Capuans revolt from the Romanes 529 k his oration ibid. l.be with other principall nobles prison themselves 594b Visceration or dole of flesh 297A Visions appeare to the Consuls 284i Vitâ—uvius Vaccus discomfited 295.b.taken prisoner 296g Vmbrians discomfited by Fabius Consull 346g Vmbrians destroied by Romanes 351e Volones abandon their colonies 563c Voluntarie slaves for their good service made free by Gracchus 519b Volscians finally subdued by Camillus 218g Volscians in Spaine denie aid to Rome 404b Voltumnas temple 154i M. Volscius convicted for bearing false witnesse and banished 107f Vrbanae tribes foure 350i Vltro tributa 1052b Vssorie the occasion of an insurrection in Rome 58.b repressed by a law 259f Vscana valiantly defended against Perseus 1167b Vsurers fined at Rome 9121 Vsuarie repressed but cunningly practised 892h Vtica besieged by Scipio Africanus 736.i siege raised ibid. k War decreed at Rome against Macedonie 777c Winter extraordinarie cold 1088g 188k X XEnophanes a lying embassadour 497c Y YOke of servitude what it is 107e Z ZAcynthus given to Aminander by Philip. 917.a betraied by Hierodes to the Achaeans ibid
the Consull sped well in the battaile But all other writers both Greeke and Latin at leastwise whose Annales I have red report that Villius performed no memorable act and that the Consull T. Quintius who next succeeded tooke in hand the whole and entier warre himselfe Whiles things thus passed in Macedonie the other Consull L. Lentulus who staid behind at Rome held a generall assembly for the election of Censors And among many famous and noble personages who sued for the dignitie P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus and P. Aelius Patas were created Censors These two agreeing together in great concord both elected a Senat without diffaming any person and also fermed out the toll for portage of all things that were sold at Capua Item they set and to ferme let the custome for passage that way wheras the camp stood and where now there is a towne built and enrolled three hundred coloners for that number was limited by the Senat there to inhabit They sold also the lands of Capua lying under the hill Tifata About the same time L. Manlius Acidinus departed out of Spaine and was prohibited by M. Percius Lecca a tribune of the Commons to enter at his returne into the citie with the solemne pomp of an Ovation not with standing he had that honor graunted by the Senate So he came into Rome as a private person and brought into the chamber of the citie 1200 pound weight of silver and thirtie pound weight welneere of gold The same yeere Cn. Babius Tamphilus who had received the province of Fraunce from C. Aurelius the Consull of the former yeere engaged himselfe rashly within the marches of the French Insubrians and was environed and enclosed round about both he and in manner his whole armie He lost above 6600 men See what an overthrow was received in a warre whereof there was no reckning made and from whence no danger was feared any more This caused L. Lentulus the Consull to come out of the citie of Rome who being arrived into a province full of trouble and turnult after he had received the charge of a frighted and dismayed armie gave the Pretour a great check and rebuke and tooke him up roundly with reprochfull termes yea and commaunded him to get him gone out of the province and to repaire to Rome Neither performed the Consull himselfe any exploit worthie of remembrance by reason that he was called home to Rome for to hold the solemne election of Magistrates which also was stayed by M. Fulvius and M. Curius Tribunes of the Commons who likewise would not suffer T. Quintius Flamininus having ben but Quaestor for to stand for a Consulship Now a dayes say they the dignities of Aediles and Pretours are nought set by and not worth the seeking for and these noblemen will needs mount into the Consuls place not by steps and degrees of other offices wherein they should make prouse and geve good testimonie what their cariage is but leaping over those in the mids joyned the lowest and highest together This debate which began in Mars field in the assemblie of the people came at length to be decided before the Senat. And the LL. ordeined That for as much as lie which sued for that dignitie was by law capable thereof it was reason that the people should have plenarie and absolute power to create him or whomsoever else they pleased So the Tribunes submitted themselves under the authoritie of the Senatours And for Coss. were elected Sex Aclius Paetus and T. Quintius Flamininus Then ensued of the election of the Pretours In which were created L. Cornelius Merula M. Claudius Marcellus M. Porcius Cato and C. Helvius who had bene Aediles of the Commons By whom the Plebeian playes were renued and a solemne feast made in the honor of Iupiter in regard of those playes The Curule Aediles likewise C. Valerius Flaceus who also was the Flamine Dialis or Priest of Iupiter and C. Cornelius Cethegus exhibited the Romane games with great magnificence The great Pontifies or Bishops Servius Sulpitius and L. Calba dyedthat yeere In whose places were enstalled M. Aemylius Eepidus and Cn. Cornelius Scipio Now when Sex Aelius Paetus and Titus Quintius Flamininus the Coss. were entred into their Magistracie they assembled the Senate in the Capitoll where the LL. gave order that concerning the two provinces of Macedonie and Italie the Consuls should either agree between themselves or els cast lots whether of them should governe the one of the other And that he whose hap was to have the charge of Macedonie should enroll of Romanes three thousand footmen and three hundred horsemen Also of Latin allies five thousand foote and five hundred horse for to supplie and furnish out the legions And for the other Consull it was decreed that he should have an armie all entier and new L. Lentulus the Consull of the former yeere continued still Governor in the province with express commaundement that neither himselfe should leave the government nor withdraw his forces from thence before the Consull were come with the new legions So the Consuls referred themselves to the direction of the lots To Aelius fell Italie and Macedonie to Quintius As for the Pretours who also were guided by lots L. Cornelius Merula had the jurisdiction of the citie of Rome M. Claudius governed Sicilie To M. Porcius was allotted Sardinia and C. Helvius his lot was to be L. Deputie in Gaule After this they began to take musters For over and besides the Consular armies the Pretours also were charged to levie souldiours To Marcellus were assigned foure thousand footmen of Latin allies and three hundred horsemen to go into Sicilie And for Cato three thousand foote of the samekind of souldiours with two hundred horse to serve in Sardinia upon condition that when both these Pretours were come into their provinces they should discharge all the old souldiers there as well footmen as horsemen Then the Consuls graunted the Embassadours of king Attalus leave to come into the Senate house where having audience geven them after they had declared how their king and maister had assisted the State of Rome with his forces as well by sea as land and shewed himselfe cheerefull readie and obedient to this present day for to execute and performe whatsoever the Romane Consuls had enjoined him to do they said now that they much feared least from hence forward he should not be able to do the same by reason he was empeached by Antiochus For Antiochus taking his vantage and finding the realme of Attalus disfurnished of garisons and unprovided of forces both by sea and land had invaded the same For which occasion Attalus besought the LL. of the Senat there assembled that if they minded to use his navie and employ the meanes that he could make in the service of the Macedonian warre they would then send him a sufficient garison to defend his kingdome but if they thought not well thereof his request was to permit himselfe to returne with
his fleere and other forces to the defence of his owne The Senate gave order to returned this aunswere unto the Embassadours Whereas king Attalius had succoured the Romane Captaines with his Armada and other meanes of warre the Senate accepted thereof in the Best part But as touching Antiochus the king an allie and friend of the people of Rome they neither would send any aid against him not yet deteine the aids of king Attalus in any service of theirs longer than the king himselfe should thinke it stood with his owne commoditie For the manner of the people of Rome hath alwayes been to serve their owne turne with the help assistance of others but yet at the good pleasure and discretion of others And whosoever were willing to relieve the Romanes they were at their owne libertie to begin and end when they would themselves How be it they purposed to addresse their Embassadors unto Antiochus to advertise him and let him understand that the people of Rome employed the help of Attalus his ships and souldiers against Philip a common enemie and the Senat would take it kindly at his hands if for their sakes he forbare the realm of Attalus absteined from warre For meet and reason it was that the KK who were friends and allies to the people of Rome should likewise entertaine peace and amitie among themselves T. Quintius the Consull made hast to be gone into his province and when he had levied and mustered his souldiours so as that he had enrolled those old experienced servitours for the most part who had given good proof of their valour in the service of Spaine and Affricke he was deteined so long at Rome by occasion of certaine prodigious signes reported untill he had taken order for the appeasing of the gods and expiation of them The lightening scortched and blasted the great port way from Veij the common hall likewise of publicke assemblies and the temple of Iupiter in Lanuvium also the temple of Hercules in Ardea the walls besides and turrets of Capua and the temple there which is called Alba. At Arretium the skie appeared to be on a light fire At Velitra the earth setled and sunke downe leaving a great gaping chinke for the compasse of three acres of ground Word moreover was brought that in Suessa Aurunca a lâ—mbe was yeaned with two heads and in Sinuessa a porket with a mans head In regard of these prodigies there was a procession and supplication one whole day and the Consuls intended devoutly to their sacrifices and after they had pacified the gods they tooke their journey into their provinces Aelius together with C. Helvius the Pretor went into Fraunce and gave unto the said Pretor the armie which he received of L. Lentulus and should have dismissed and discharged of their service because he purposed himselfe to employ in his owne wars the fresh and new legions which hee brought with him but hee performed no action worth the report The other Consull T. Quintius having taken the sea and departed from Brundusium sooner than other Consuls were wont arrived at Corcyra with eight thousand foot and eight hundred horse From thence hee crossed the seas with a galleace of five rankes of oares directing his course for the nearest coasts of Epirus and by great journies made hast untill he was come to the Romane campe from whence after he had licenced Villius to depart and staied there some few daies untill his forces which were at Corcyra could overtake him he called his councell together to resolve Whether hee should keepe on his journey directly and make way through the middest of his enemies where they lay encamped or rather without any such attempt which could not but carrie with it great paine and perill fetch a compasse about with safetie and so enter into Macedonie by the way of the Dassaretians countrey and Lingus And verily this latter course of the twaine had taken place but that hee feared when hee were retired once farre from the sea and had let the enemie slip out of his hands if the king happily were minded as he had done before to defend himselfe within the desarts and forest that he should spend all the long sommer and doe no good Therefore come what would of it he resolved to assaile the enemie in that varie place as difficult as it was with all the disadvantage whatsoever But as they determined in their intention thus to doe so they were not so readie in the meanes to execute and effect the same Thus they sate still and spent sortie daies within the eye of the enemie and made no attempt Then Philip conceived some hope to assay a peace by the means and intercession of the Epirote nation And after consultation had there were certaine agents chosen for that purpose to wit Pausanias the Pretour and Alexander Generall of the horse who brought the Consull and the king together for to parle unto a place whereas the river Aous is narrowest and the bankes neerest together The demaunds of the Consull in summe were these That Philip should remoove his garrisons out of the cities Item That whose territories or townes he had pilled and spoiled he should make restitution againe unto them all those things that were extant and to be found as for the rest they should be prized and valued indifferently to their worth Philip made answere againe That all those peeces were not of like qualitie and condition As for such as here had taken himselfe he would be content to set them at libertie but for those that were left unto him by his progenitors and predecessors he would not for goe the possession thereof since hee held them lawfully in right of inheritance Finally if those cities wherewith hee had warred made complaint that they were every endamaged by him hee would report himselfe to what cities and states they would themselves and stand to their award so they were neuters or in peace as well with the one side as the other The Consull here unto replied and said That for this matter it was needlesse to referre themselves to the arbitrement or doome of any For who seeth not evidently quoth he that he hath done the wrong who first tooke arms And that Philip before ever that he was molested and troubled by any war from others offered violence first unto all After when it was debated what cities should be set free the Consull named first of all Thessalonica at which word the king was in such a heat of choller that he cryed out aloud What harder condition ô Quintius would you impose upon him that you had vanquished and with all he flang away in a chase from off the place of meeting and entervieu would no longer parle And much `adoe they had on both sides to hold their hands from shooting one at another for the river ran in the middest betweene them that they could not trie it out by the eares The morrow after there passed many light skirmishes
Consulship and who at that present had the governement of Gaule continued unto him To these delegates abovenamed men of Consular dignitie all by their calling were adjoined in commission Cn. Domitius Aenobarbus Ser. Cornelius Sylla L. lunius C. Antislius Labeo T. Numisius Tarquiniensis and Aulus Terentius Varro For Illyricum were these named P. Aelius Ligus one that had been Consull C. Cicereius and Cn. Baebius Tamphilus this Baebius had beene Pretour but the former yeere and Cicereius many yeeres past P. Terentius Tuscivicanus and P. Manilius Then the Consuls being advertised by the LL. of the Senat that for as much as one of them must succeed C. Lisinius in Gaule who was nominated one of the delegates they should part their provinces between them either by accord and agreement or by lot make choice of the fortune of lotterie So Pisae fell to M. Iunius but before he went into his province he had in charge to bring into the Senat those embassies which from all parts were come to Rome for to declare their joy in the behalfe of the people of Rome and Gaule to Q. Aelius Albeit such personages were sent as by whose sage counsell good hope there was that the cheese commaunders of the Romane armies would passe no decree unbeseeming either the clemencie or majestie of the people of Rome yet debated it was in the Senat about the summe and principall points of all their counsels and dessignes to the end that the said Legates might carie unto the Generals all things plotted alreadie and begun to their hands at home in the cittie In the first place ordained it was That the Macedonians and Illyrians remaine free and enjoy their liberties that all nations of the earth might see that the drift of the Romane armies and forces was not to bring free states into servitude but contrariwise to reduce those that were in bondage to to libertie to the end that those nations which now enjoined freedome might bee secured under their safegard and protection both of suretie of perpetuitie such as lived in subjection under the kings â—ight both mor the present time find their government more and mild and righteous for that expect which the kings have of the people of Rome and also if it fortuned hereafter that there should be warre betweene the people of Rome and their kings they might be assured that the issue of those warres would bring victorie to the Romanes and procure libertie to themselves Also agreed it was that there should be no more ferming out of the mettall mines in Macedonie albeit they yeelded a great revenue nor yet of publick lands possessions in the countrey for possible it was not that these matters should bee practised and followed without publicanes and where those intermeddle and have ought to doe then it must needs follow that either the publicke right and prerogative of the State be annulled or the libertie of allies come to nothing Neither were the Macedonians themselves able to exercise the same for looke where the miniâ—ters and managers of any thing see a bootie presented before their eies there occasions of sedition and contention will never be wanting Moreover concluded it was that there should be no common and generall counsell of the whole nation for feare least at anytime the leawd vulgar people having by the Senate libertie graunted unto them tending unto a good and holsome moderation and equalitie of the State should abuse the same and draw it to a mischievous and pestilent licentiousnesse But they thought it good policie to devide Macedonie into four quarters and countries that each one might have their severall counsel likewise it was supposed to stand with good reason and equitie that they should pay the one moitie of that tribute which they were wont to yeeld unto their KK Semblable commission and like directions they had for Illyricum As for all other matters referred they were to the discretion of the Generals and the Delegate commissioners who might bee better able to devise more certeinely of particulars according to the occurents presented unto them in the managing of their affaires Among many and sundrie embassadours of kings nations and states Attalus the brother of K. Eumenes most of all others amused mens minds and drew their eyes upon him for by them who had born arms togither with him in that war welcommed he was much more heartily and received with greater courtesie than if Eumenes the K. himselfe had come Two occasions there were outwardly pretended and those carrying a good shew of honestie credit which brought him to Rome the one a gratulation or testimonie of joy as meet it was for that victory wherin himselfe lent his helping hand the other a complaint of French tumultuous warres and the blondie hostilitie of Adverta their king by which meanes his brothers kingdome was in great jeopardie But there lay another thing hidden underneath namely an inward and secret hope that he conceived of honours and rewards from the Senat which hardly he could seeme to aime and reach unto without some unkindnesse and violence offered to brotherly duty and affection For some there were even of the Romanes also who did him no good but gave him bad counsell drew on his appetite with faire hopes and set him a longing feeding him with these and such like conceits That in Rome this was the opinion entertained of Attalus and Eumenes as if the one of them were a friend fast and sure to the Romanes the other an allie sound and faithfull neither to the Romans nor yet to Perseus and therefore hard it were to set downe and say Whether of the twaine would be more easily obtained at the Senates hands namely a suit made in his own name for his preferment or a demand of some hard course against his brother so bent were all men in general to grant any thing to Attalus to denie every thing to Eumenes Attalus as the sequell and proofeshewed was sib to those persons whose desires reach at all that hope promiseth had not the sage admonition of one friend come between to bridle his affections ravished and transported so as they were with the amiable aspect and fawning flatterie of his own good fortune He had about him at that time one Stratius a physician sent by Eumenes who rested not secure of his brothers loialtie to Rome of purpose for to lie in espial observe al that Attalus did and to advise him faithfully if he saw him tread awrie and practise ought against his dutie and allegeance When hee came unto him hee found his cares alreadie possessed and his spirite tempted and sollicited before hand howbeit taking his times and waiting opportunities he went roundly to worke and stucke to it close untill hee had set all up againe which was at the point to run on end and fal to the ground He alledged and laid these remonstrances before his eies saying That kingdomes have growne mightie some by one meanes some