Russia to Boghar in Bactria Anno 1558. 324. 24 The voyage of M. Anthony Ienkinson through Russia and ouer the Caspian sea into Persia Anno 1561. 343. 25 The voyage of Thomas Alcock George Wrenne and Richard Cheyney seruants vnto the Company of Moscouy Merchants in London into Persia Anno 1563. 353. 26 The voyage of Richard Iohnson Alexander Kitchin and Arthur Edwards seruants to the foresaid company into Persia Anno 1565. 354. 27 The voyage of Thomas Southam and Iohn Sparke by land and riuer from Colmogro to Nouogrod in Russia Anno 1566. 365. 28 The voyage of M. Anthony Ienkinson into Russia the third time Anno 1566. 372. 29 The voyage of Arthur Edwards Agent for the Moscouy company Iohn Sparke Laurence Chapman Christopher Faucet and Richard Pingle seruants into Persia An. 1568. 389. 30 The voyage of Thomas Banister and Geffrey Ducket Agents for the Moscouy Company into Persia the fift time Anno 1569. 394. 31 The voyage of William Burrough Captaine of 13. English ships to the Narue in Liefland Anno 1570. 401. 32 The voyage of M. Anthony Ienkinson into Russia the fourth time Anno 1571. 402. 33 The voyage of Christopher Burrough into Persia the sixt time Anno 1579. 419. 34 The voyage of Arthur Pet and Charles Iackman sent to discouer the Northeast seas beyond the Iland of Vaigats Anno 1580. 445. 35 The voyage of Master Ierome Horsey ouer land from Mosco in Russia to England Anno 1584. 469,470 36 A voyage to the Northeast performed by certaine Russes and translated out of Sigismundus ab Herberstein 492. 37 A voyage to Sibier and the Riuer of Ob by land declared in a letter written to Gerardus Mercator 510,511 512. 38 The vanquishing of the Spanish Armada Anno 1588. 591. 39 The honourable voyage to Cadiz Anno 1596. 607. ¶ The Ambassages Treatises Priuiledges Letters and other obseruations depending vpon the Voyages of this first Volume 1 TWo testimonies of Galfridus Monumetensis in his history of the Kings of Brittaine concerning the conquests of King Arthur pagina 1. 2 A testimony of M. Lambard in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 touching the right and appendances of the Crowne of the kingdome of Britaine pag. 2. 3 A Chronicle of the Kings of Man taken out of M. Camdens Chorographie 10. 4 The ancient state of the shipping of the Cinque Ports 17. 5 Libellus historicus Iohannis de Plano Carpini 21. 6 Part of the great Charter graunted by King Edward the first to the Barons of the Cinque Ports 117. 7 The rolle of the huge Fleete of Edward the thirde before Caleis 118. 8 The summe of expences layde out in the siege of Caleis 121. 9 A note of Thomas Walsingham touching King Edward the thirde his huge Fleete of 1100. ships wherewith he passed ouer vnto Caleis Anno 1359. 121. 10 Certaine verses of Geffrey Chaucer concerning the long Voyages and valiant exploits of the English knights in his dayes 124. 11 A testimonie out of Cornelius Tacitus prouing London to haue bene a famous Mart-towne in the raigne of Nero the Emperour 124. 12 A testimony out of venerable Beda proouing London to haue bene a Citie of great traffique in his time 125. 13 The league betweene Carolus Magnus and Offa King of Mercia concerning the safe trade of English Merchants 125. 14 An ancient testimony translated out of the olde Saxon Lawes conteyning the aduancement of Merchants for their thrice crossing the wide seas 120. 15 A testimony of certaine Priuileges obteined for the English and Danish Merchants by Canutus the King of England 126. 16 The flourâ—shing state of Merchandise in the City of London in the dayes of Wilhelmus Malmesburiensis 227. 17 A testimony of the said Wil. of Malmesbury concerning traffique to Bristow in his time 127. 18 The league betweene Henry the second and Frederick Barbarossa Emperour of Germany partly touching trade of Merchandise 128. 19 A generall safe conduct granted by King Iohn to all forreine Merchants 129. 20 The letters of King Henry the thirdâ— vnto Haquinus king of Norwey 129,130 21 A mandate for the king of Norway his ship called The Cog. 130. 22 A Charter granted for the behalfe of the Merchants of Colen in the 20. yeere of Henry the thirde 131. 23 The Charter of Lubeck granted for seuen yeeres in the time of Henry the third 131,132 24 A Charter of the Merchants of Almaine or the Stilyard-merchants 132. 25 A mandate of King Edward the first concerning outlandish Merchants 133. 26 King Edw. the first his great Charter granted to forreine Merchants Anno Dom. 1303. 133. 27 The letters of Edward the second vnto Haquinus King of Norway concerning certain English Merchants arrested in Norway 138. 28 Another letter of Edw. the second vnto the said Haquinus for the merchants aforesaid 139. 29 A third letter of King Edward the second to the said Haquinus in the behalfe of our English merchants 140. 30 An Ordinance for the Staple to be holden at one certaine place 142,143 31 A Catalogue of the great Masters of Prussia 144. 32 The Oration or speach of the Ambassadours sent from Conradus de Zolner Master generall of the land of Prussia vnto Richard the second king of England 148. 33 An agreement made by the Ambassadours of England and Prussia confirmed by king Richard the second 150. 34 The letters of Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of Prussia vnto Rich. the second 153. 35 A briefe relation of William Esturmy and Iohn Kington concerning their Ambassages into Prussia and to the Hans-townes 154. 36 Certaine Articles of complaint exhibited by the Liuonians 156. 37 Other complaints exhibited by the Cities of the Hans 156. 38 Compositions and Ordinances concluded betweene the Ambassadours of Prussia and the Chanceller and Treasurer of England Anno 1403. 157. 39 The letters of the Chanceller and Treasurer of England vnto Conradus de Iungingen master generall of Prussia 158. 40 The letters of king Henry the fourth vnto Conradus de Iungingen the master generall of Prussia for entercourse of traffique 159. 41 The letters of Conradus de Iungingen vnto king Henry the fourth 160. 42 An agreement made betweene king Henry the fourth and Conradus de Iungingen 161. 43 An agreement betweene king Henry the fourth and the Hans-townes 164. 44 A testimonie out of Albertus Krantzius concerning the surprise of Bergen in Norway wherein 21. houses of the English merchants were burnt 169. 45 The grieuances and offences whereat the merchants of the Hans found themselues agrieued 171. 46 A letter of Henry the fourth king of England vnto Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of Prussia 175. 47 A letter of Werneherus de Tettingen commander in Elbing vnto sir William Sturmy Ambassadour vnto king Henry the fourth Together with an other letter of king Henry the fourth vnto Vlricus de Iungingen master of Prussia 176. 48 The letters of Vlricus de Iungingen master generall of Prussia signifying vnto king Henry the 4. that he was contented
of the said Companie the summe of 23553. markes of debt made by certaine of their factors for the said company for paiment whereof their whole stocke was in danger of arrest by publike authoritie Further also 2140. rubbles for custome and houserent he obtained a rebatement of eighteene thousand one hundred fiftie and three marks of the sayd debt The said Ambassador M. Giles Fletcher as I vnderstand hath drawen a booke intituled Of the Russe Common wealth containing First a Cosmographicall description of the countrey which hath these chapters 1 Of the length and bredth of the countrey of Russia with the names of the shires 2 Of the soile and climate 3 Of the natiue commodities of the countrey Secondly a description of their policie contained in these Chapters viz. 1 Of the constitution or state of the Russe Common wealth 2 Of their Parliaments and maner of holding them 3 Of the Russe Nobilitie and meanes whereby it is kept in an vnder proportion agreeable to that state 4 Of the maner of gouerning their prouinces or shires 5 Of the Emperours priuie counsell 6 Of the Emperors customs their reuenues with the practises for the increase of them 7 Of the Russe communaltie and their condition 8 Of their publike iustice and maner of proceeding therein 9 Of the Emperors forces for his warres with the chiefe officers and their salarie or payâ— 10 Of their maner of mustering armour and prouision for victuall 11 Of their ordering maâ—ching charging and their martiall discipline 12 Of their colonies and policie in maintaining their purchases by conquest 13 Of their borderers with whom they haue most to doe in warre and peace 14 Of their church offices and degrees 15 Of their liturgie or forme of Church seruice 16 Of their maner of administring the Sacraments 17 Of the doctrine of the Russe church 18 Of the maner of solemnizing their mariages 19 Of the other ceremonies of the Russe church Thirdly the Oeconomie or priuate behauiour of the Russe containing these chapters 1 Of the Emperors houshold officers and order of his house 2 Of the priuate behauiour and maner of the Russe people The description of the countrey of Russia with the bredth length and names of the Shires THe countrey of Russia was somtimes called Sarmatia It changed the name as some do suppose for that it was parted into diuers smal and yet absolute gouernments not depending nor being subiect the one to the other For Russe in that tongue doeth signifie as much as to part or deuide The Russe reporteth that foure brethren Trubor Rurico Sinees and Variuus deuided among them the North parts of the country Likewise that the South parts were possessed by 4. other Kio Scieko Choranus and their sister Libeda each calling his territorie after his own name Of this partition it was called Russia about the yere from Christ 860. As for the coniecture which I find in some Cosmographers that the Russe nation borowed the name of the people called Roxellani were the very same nation with them it is without all good probabilitie both in respect of the etymologie of the word which is very far fet and especially for the seat and dwelling of that people which was betwixt the two riuers of Tanais and Boristhenes as Strabo reporteth quite another way from the countrey of Russia When it bare the name of Sarmatia it was deuided into two chiefe parts the White and the Black The white Sarmatia was all that part that lieth towards the North on the side of Liefland as the prouinces now called Dwina Vagha Vstiug Vologda Cargapolia Nouogrodia c whereof Nouogrod velica was the Metropolite or chiefe citie Black Sarmatia was al that countrey that lieth Southward towards the Euxin or Black sea as the dukedome of Volodemer of Mosco Rezan c. Some haue thought that the name of Sarmatia was first taken froÌ„ one Sarmates whom Moses Iosephus cal Asarmathes sonne to Ioktan nephew to Heber of the posteritie of Sem. But this seemeth to be nothing but a coniecture takeÌ„ out of the likenes of the name Asarmathes For the dwelling of all Ioktans posteritie is described by Moses to haue bene betwixt Mescha or Masius an hil of the Ammonites Sephace nere to the riuer Euphrates which maketh it very vnlikely that Asarmathes should plant any colonies so far off in y e North northwest countries It is bounded northward by the Lappes the North Ocean On the Southside by the Tartars called Crimmes Eastward they haue the Nagaian Tartar that possesseth all the countrey on the East side of Volga towards the Caspian sea On the West and Southwest border lieth Lituania Liuonia and Polonia The whole Countrey being nowe reduced vnder the gouernment of one conteineth these chiefe Prouinces or Shires Volodemer which beareth the first place in the Emperours stile because their house came of the Dukes of that Countrey Mosco Nisnouogrod Plesko Smolensko Nouogrod velica or Nouogrod of the low Countrey Rostoue Yaruslaue Bealozera Rezan Duyna Cargapolia Meschora Vagha Vstuga Ghaletsa These are the naturall shires perteyning to Russia but farre greater and larger then the shires of England though not so well peopled The other Countreys or prouinces which the Russe Emperours haue gotten perforce added of late to their other dominion are these which followe Twerra Youghoria Permia Vadska Boulghoria Chernigo Oudoria Obdoria Condora with a great part of Siberia where the people though they be not naturall Russes yet obey the Emperour of Russia and are ruled by the Lawes of his Countrey paying customes and taxes as his owne people doe Besides these he hath vnder him the kingdomes of Cazan and Astracan gotten by conquest not long since As for all his possession in Lituania to the number of 30. great Townes and more with Narue and Dorp in Liuonia they are quite gone being surprised of late yeeres by the Kings of Poland and Sweden These Shires and Prouinces are reduced all into foure Iurisdictions which they call Chetfyrds that is Tetrarchies or Fourth parts The whole Countrey is of great length and breadth From the North to the South if you measure from Cola to Astracan which bendeth somewhat Eastward it reacheth in length about 4260. verst or miles Notwithstanding the Emperour of Russia hath more territorie Northward farre beyond Cola vnto the Riuer of Tromschua that runneth a hundred verst welnigh beyond Pechinga neere to Wardhouse but not intire nor clearely limited by reason of the kings of Sweden and Denmarke that haue diuers Townes there aswell as the Russe plotted together the one with the other euery one of them clayming the whole of those North parts as his owne right The breadth if you go from that part of his territorie that lyeth farthest Westward on the Narue side to the parts of Siberia Eastward where the Emperour hath his garrisons is 4400. verst or thereabouts A verst by their reckoning is a 1000.
languages For I caused them to be translated at Acon into the character dialect of both the saide tongues And there were certain Armenian priests which had skil in the Turkish Arabian languages The aforesaid knight also of the order of the Temple had knowledge in the Syriake Turkish Arabian tongues Then we departed forth and put off our vestiments and there came vnto vs certaine Scribes together with the foresaid Coiat caused our letters to be interpreted Which letters being heard he caused our bread wine and fruits to be receiued And he permitted vs also to carie our vestiments and bookes vnto our owne lodging This was done vpon the feast of S. Peter ad vincula How they were giuen in charge to goe vnto Baatu the Father of Sartach Chap. 18. THe next morning betimes came vnto vs a certaine Priest who was brother vnto Coiat requesting to haue our boxe of Chrisine because Sartach as he said was desirous to see it and so we gaue it him About euentide Coiat sent for vs saying My lord your king wrote good words vnto my lord and master Sartach Howbeit there are certaine matters of difficulty in them concerning which he dare not determine ought without the aduise and counâ—ell of his father And therfore of necessitie you must depart vnto his father leauing behind you the two carts which you brought hither yesterday with vestiments and bookes in my custodie because my lorde is desirous to take more diligent view thereof I presently suspecting what mischiefe might ensue by his couetousnes said vnto him Sir we will not onely leaue those with you but the two other carts also which we haue in our possession will we commit vnto your custodie You shall not quoth he leaue those behinde you but for the other two carts first named we will satisfie your request I saide that this could not conueniently be done but needes we must leaue all with him Then he asked whether we meant to tarie in the land I answered If you throughly vnderstand the letters of my lorde the king you know that we are euen so determined Then he replied that we ought to bee patient and lowly and so we departed from him that euening On the morrowe after he sent a Nestorian Priest for the carts and we caused all the foure carts to be deliuered Then came the foresaid brother of Coiat to meet vs and separated all those things which we had brought the day before vnto the Court from the rest namely the bookes and vestiments and tooke them away with him Howbeit Coiat had commanded that we should carie those vestiments with vs which wee ware in the presence of Sartach that we might put them on before Baatu if neede should require but the said Priest tooke them from vs by violence saying thou hast brought them vnto Sartach and wouldest thou carie them vnto Baatu And when I would haue rendred a reason he answered be not too talkatiue but goe your wayes Then I sawe that there was no remedie but patience for wee could haue no accesse vnto Sartach himselfe neither was there any other that would doe vs iustice I was afraide also in regard of the interpreter least he had spoken other things then I saide vnto him for his will was good that we should haue giuen away all that wee had There was yet one comfort remaining vnto me for when I once perceiued their couetous intent I conueyed from among our bookes the Bible and the sentences and certaine other bookes which I made speciall account of Howbeit I durst not take away the Psalter of my soueraigne Lady the Queene because it was too wel known by reason of the golden pictures therein And so we returned with the two other carts vnto our lodging Then came he that was appointed to be our guide vnto the court of Baatu willing vs to take our iourney in all poste-haste vnto whom I said that I would in no case haue the carts to goe with me Which thing he declared vnto Coiat Then Coiat commaunded that we should leaue them and our seruant with him And we did as he commanded And so traueling directly Eastward towards Baatu the third day we came to Etilia or Volga the streams whereof when I beheld I wondered from what regions of the North such huge and mighty waters should descend Before we were departed from Sartach the foresaid Coiat with many other Scribes of the court said vnto vs doe not make report that our Lord is a Christian but a Moal Because the name of a Christian seemeth vnto them to be the name of some nation So great is their pride that albeit they beleeue perhaps some things concerniâ—g Christ yet will they not bee called Christians being desirous that their owne name that is to say Moal should be exalted aboue all other names Neither wil they be called by the name of Tartars For the Tartars were another nation as I was informed by them Howe Sartach and Mangu-Can and Ken-Can doe reuerence vnto Christians Chap. 19. AT the same time when the French-men tooke Antioch a certaine man named Con Can had dominion ouer the Northren regions lying thereabouts Con is a proper â—ame Can is a name of authority or dignitie which signifieth a diuiner or soothsayer All diuiners are called Can amongst them Whereupon their princes are called Can because that vntoâ— them belongeth the gouernment of the people by diuination Wee doe reade also in the historie of Antiochia that the Turkes seâ—t for aide against the French-men vnto the kingdome of Con Can. For out of those parts the whole nation of the Turkes first came The said Con was of the nation of Kara-Catayâ— Kara signifieth blacke and Catay is the name of a countrey So that Kara-Catay signifieth the blacke Catay This name was giuen to make a difference between the foresaid people and the people of Catay inhabiting Eastward ouer against y e Ocean sea concerning whom your maiesty shall vnderstand more hereafter These Catayans dwelt vpon certaine Alpes by the which I trauailed And in a certain plaine countrey within those Alpes there inhabited a Nestorian shepheard being a mighty gouernour ouer the people called Yayman which were Christians following the sâ—ct of Nestorius After the death of Con Can the said Nestorian exalted himselfe to the kingdome and they called him King Iohn reporting ten times more of him then was true For so the Nestorians which come out of those parts vse to doe For they blaze abroade great rumors and reports vpon iust nothing Whereupon they gaue out concerning Sartach that he was become a Christian and the like also they reported concerning Mangu Can and Ken Can namely because these Tartars make more account of Christians then they doe of other people and yet in very deede themselues are no Christians So likewise there went foorth a great report concerning the said king Iohnâ— Howbeit when I trauailed along by his
the terme prefired sel them imposing grieuous pecuniary mulets besides the forfeiture of the clothes so bought or sold vpon them that would attempt the contrary Item that after the said statute and ordinance the foresaide societie decreed that all marchants of the said companie hauing among their wares and marchandise any woollen clothes made in England should either sell the saide clothes or within a short space then limited should vnderpenaltie of forfeiting the said clothes vtterly renounce the vse and commoditie thereof NotwithstaÌ„ding a grieuous penaltie of money being imposed vpon the violaters of the same statute Item that the statutes and ordinances aforesaid might with more speed and celerity be put in execution the said authors and publishers thereof imagining according to their desire that by this meanes an vtter extirpation and ouerthrow of English marchants mightâ— yea of necessity must ensue vpon their serious long premeditated deliberation straitely commanded inioyned vnder pain of losing the benefit of all priuileges wheresoeuer or by the princes of what lands or the Magistrates of what Cities or townes soeuer vouchsafed vnto the said common societie that not only the aldermen of that society in al places throughout the realme of England but also al other marchants of the said company after the maner of marchants conuersing in the saide Realme should without exception of persons vtterly abstein from all intercourse of traffike with the marchants of the realme aforesaid yea and that they shoulde depart out of the said kingdome within a very short space limited For the dispatching of al which premisses without delay it was according to their commandement effectually prouided Item that the society aforesaid hath approued diuers very vnreasonable statutes ordinances made published by the marchants of the same society residing in the kingdoms of Norway and Swedland to the great preiudice of the kingdome of England and the marchants thereof and as yet both couertly and expresly do approue the same vniustly putting them in daily execution Item wheras in the priuileges indulgences granted by y e renoumed princes somtimes kings of EnglaÌ„d y e worthy progenitors of our souereign lord the king y t now is vnto the society aforesaid it is prouided y t the said marchants shal not auow any man which is â—ot of their company nor shal not colour his goods and marchandize vnder their company whereas also in the confirmation of the sayd priuiledges made by our soueraigne lord that nowe is it is manifestly prouided that the marchants of the Hans towns vnder the colour of their priuiledges in England shall not vpon paine of the perpetuall frustration and reuocation of the foresayd priuiledges receiue any stranger of any other towne in their liberties by whom the kings custome may in any sort be withholden or diminished yet the contrary vnto al these prouisoes hath bin euery yerâ— for these 20. yeres or thereabout notoriously practised and committed as well ioyntly by the generall counsell and â—oleration of the foresayd society as also seuerally by the aduise and permission of diuers particular cities of the foresayd Hans company to the great diminution of his maiesties custome the estimation whereof the foresayd ambassadors are not able at this present fully to declare But that all occasions of the last aboue mentioned diminution may bâ—e preuented for the time to come the sayd ambassadors doe demand to haue from the foresayd societie a declaration in writing what and what maner of territories cities townes villages or companies they be for which the sayd society challengeth and pretendeth that they ought to enioy the priuiledges granted vnto their marchants as is aboue mentioned Moreouer it is required by the foresaid ambassadors if the societie aforesayd hath not decreed nor ordayned the things aboue written that the names of the cities and places decreeing and ordaining such statutes ordinances may by the sayd common society either now or at some other times and places conuenient for the same purpose be expressed and set downe in writing A letter of Henry the fourth king of England c. vnto Frater Conradus de Iungingen the master generall of Prussia HEnrie c. to the most noble and mighty personage of sacred religion Fr Conradus de Iungingen Master general of the order of the Dutch knights of S. Marie our most deare friend greeting and continual perfection of amity When as your messengers and ambassadors were of late personally present in Holland and there expected the arriual of our ambassadors vntill the first day of the moneth of Nouember last expired that there might bee by way of friendly conference a remedie prouided in regard of certaine iniuries pretended to be offâ—â—ed by both our subiects one against anotherâ— for the publique commoditie of both parts we were determined to haue sent vnto Dordract at the foresaid daye our welbeloued and faithfull knight William Sturmy and our welbeloued clerke Iohn Kington vpon our ambassage-affayres hauing as yet in our desires for a peaceable ending of the matter which our foresayd ambassadors by reason of the shortnes of time or the finding out of some other remedie and happy conclusion of all and singular the foresaid attempts concerning the principall busines could by no meanes at that instant attaine vnto that vpon some other more conuenient day to the end your ambassadors might not returne home altogether frustrate of their expectation there might be after the wonted friendly maner a confereÌ„ce agreement with your foresayd ambassadors euen as by other letters of ours directed vnto your sayd ambassadors the second day of the moneth of Nouember aforesayd wee haue deliuered our mind vnto them But it fortuned not long before the departure of your ambassadors into their owne countrey that no sufficient shipping could be found wherein our sayd ambassadors might haue secure and safe passage vnto Dordract or Middleburgh neither was it thought that they should get any passage at all till the ships at Middleborough were returned into our kingdome by the force whereof they might be the more strongly wafted ouer And so by reason of the departure of your ambassadours all matters remaine in suspense till such time as the sayd ambassadors shall againe meete with ours to adde perfection vnto the busines as yet imperfect Wherefore our friend vnfainedly beloued desiring from the bottome of our heart that the integritie of loue which hath from auncient times taken place betweene our your subiects may in time to come also be kept inuiolable we haue thought good once again to send one of our foresaid ambassadors namely William Esturmy knight to Dordract giuing him charge thither to make haste and there to stay till some of your messengers at your commandement doe in time conuenient repayre vnto that place there by Gods assistance to bring the matter vnto an happy conclusion May it please you therefore of your vnfayâ—ed friendship without all inconuenience of delay to returne
not vnmindefull if it please God to send him good successe Wee commit a little money to the chaunce and hazard of Fortune He commits his life a thing to a man of all things most deare to the raging Sea and the vncertainties of many dangers We shall here liue and rest at home quietly with our friends and acquaintance but hee in the meane time labouring to keepe the ignorant and vnruly Mariners in good order and obedience with howe many cares shall hee trouble and vexe himselfe with how many troubles shall he breake himselfe and howe many disquietings shall hee bee forced to sustaine We shall keepe our owne coastes and countrey Hee shall seeke strange and vnknowen kingdomes He shall commit his safetie to barbarous and cruell people and shall hazard his life amongst the monstrous and terrible beastes of the Sea Wherefore in respect of the greatnesse of the dangers and the excellencie of his charge you are to fauour and loue the man thus departing from vs and if it fall so happily out that hee returne againe it is your part and duetie also liberally to reward him After that this noble yong Gentleman had deliuered this or some such like speech much more eloquently then I can possiblie report it the companie then present beganne one to looke vpon another one to question and conferre with another and some to whom the vertue and sufficiencie of the man was knowen began secretly to reioyce with themselues and to conceiue a speciall hope that the man would prooue in time very rare and excellent and that his vertues already appearing and shining to the world would growe to the great honour and aduancement of this kingdome After all this the companie growing to some silence it seemed good to them that were of greatest grauity amongst them to inquire search and seeke what might be learned knowen concerning the Easterly part or tract of the world For which cause two Tartarians which were then of the kings Sâ—abie were sent for an interpreter was gotten to be present by whom they were demaunded touching their Countrey and the maners of their nation But they were able to answere nothing to the purpose being in deede more acquainted as one there merily and openly said to tosse pottes then to learne the states and dispositions of people But after much adoe and many things passed about this matter they grewe at last to this issue to set downe and appoynt a time for the departure of the shippes because diuers were of opinion that a great part of the best time of the yeere was already spent and if the delay grewe longer the way would bee stopt and bard by the force of the Ice and the colde climate and therefore it was thought best by the opinion of them all that by the twentieth day of May the Captaines and Mariners should take shipping and depart from Radeliffe vpon the ebbe if it pleased God They hauing saluted their acquaintance one his wife another his children another his kinsfolkes and another his friends deerer then his kinsfolkes were present and ready at the day appoynted and hauing wayed ancre they departed with the turning of the water and sailing easily came first to Greenewich The greater shippes are towed downe with boates and oares and the mariners being all apparelled in Watchet or skie coloured cloth rowed amaine and made way with diligence And being come neere to Greenewich where the Court then lay presently vpon the newes therof the Courtiers came running out and the common people flockt together standing very thicke vpon the shoare the priuie Counsel they lookt out at the windowes of the Court and the rest ranne vp to the toppes of the towers the shippes hereupon discharge their Ordinance and shoot off their pieces after the maner of warre and of the sea insomuch that the tops of the hilles sounded therewith the valleys and the waters gaue an Eccho and the Mariners they shouted in such sort that the skie rang againe with the noyse thereof One stoode in the poope of the ship and by his gesture bids farewell to his friendes in the best maner hee could Another walkes vpon the hatches another climbes the shrowds another stands vpon the maine yard and another in the top of the shippe To be short it was a very triumph after a sort in all respects to the beholders But alas the good King Edward in respect of whom principally all this was prepared hee onely by reason of his sickenesse was absent from this shewe and not long after the departure of these ships the lamentable and most sorowfull accident of his death followed But to proceede in the matter The shippes going downe with the tyde came at last to Woolwich where they stayed and cast ancre with purpose to depart therehence againe as soone as the turning of the water and a better winde should drawe them to set saile After this they departed and came to Harwich in which porte they stayed long not without great losse and consuming of time yet at the last with a good winde they hoysed vp saile and committed themselues to the sea giuing their last adieu to their natiue Countrey which they knewe not whether they should euer returne to see againe or not Many of them looked oftentimes backe and could not refraine from teares considering into what hazards they were to fall and what vncertainties of the sea they were to make triall of Amongst the rest Richard Chanceler the Captaine of the Edward Bonauenture was not a little grieued with the feare of wanting victuals part whereof was found to be corrupt and putrified at Harwich and the hoggesheads of wine also leaked and were not stanch his naturall and fatherly affection also somewhat troubled him for he left behinde him his two little sonnes which were in the case of Orphanes if he spedde not well the estate also of his companie mooued him to care being in the former respects after a sort vnhappie and were to abide with himselfe euery good or badde accident but in the meane time while his minde was thus tormented with the multiplicitie of sorowes and cares after many dayes sayling they kenned land afarre off whereunto the Pilots directed the ships and being come to it they land and finde it to be Rost Island where they stayed certaine dayes and afterwards set saile againe and proceeding towards the North they espied certaine other Islands which were called the Crosse of Islands From which places when they were a litle departed Sir Hugh Willoughby the General a man of good foresight and prouidence in all his actions erected and set out his flagge by which hee called together the chiefest men of the other shippes that by the helpe and assistance of their counsels the order of the gouernement and conduction of the shippes in the whole voyage might bee the better who being come together accordingly they conclude and agree that â—f any great tempest should arise at any time and
they remained there for the space of three moneths and had gotten in that time some intelligence of the language of Moscouie The whole Countrey is plaine and champion and few hils in it and towards the North it hath very large spacious woods wherein is great store Firre trees a wood very necessarie and fit for the building of houses there are also wilde beastes bred in those woods as Buffes Beares and blacke Wolues and another kinde of beast vnknowen to vs but called by them Rossomakka and the nature of the same is very rare and wonderfull for when it is great with yong and ready to bring foorth it seeketh out some narrow place betweene two stakes and so going through them presseth it selfe and by that meanes is eased of her burden which otherwise could not be done They hunt their buffes for the most part a horsebacke but their Beares a foot with woodden forkes The north parts of the Countrey are reported to be so cold that the very ice or water which distilleth out of the moist wood which they lay vpon the fire is presently congealed and frozen the diuersitie growing suddenly to be so great that in one and the selfe same firebrand a man shall see both fire and ice When the winter doth once begin there it doth still more more increase by a perpetuitie of cold neither doth that colde slake vntill the force of the Sunne beames doth dissolue the cold and make glad the earth returning to it againe Our mariners which we left in the ship in the meane time to keepe it in their going vp onely from their cabbins to the hatches had their breath oftentimes so suddenly taken away that they eftsoones fell downe as men very neere dead so great is the sharpenesse of that colde climate but as for the South parts of the Countrey they are somewhat more temperate Of Mosco the chiefe Citie of the kingdome and of the Emperour thereof IT remaineth that a larger discourse be made of Mosco the principall Citie of that Countrey and of the Prince also as before we haue promised The Empire and gouernment of the king is very large and his wealth at this time exceeding great And because the citie of Mosco is the chiefest of al the rest it seemeth of it selfe to challenge the first place in this discourse Our men say that in bignesse it is as great as the Citie of London with the suburbes thereof There are many and great buildings in it but for beautie and fairenesse nothing comparable to ours There are many Townes and Uillages also but built out of order and with no hansomnesse their streetes and wayes are not paued with stone as ours are the walles of their houses are of wood the roofes for the most part are couered with shingle boords There is hard by the Citie a very faire Castle strong and furnished with artillerie whereunto the Citie is ioyned directly towards the North with a bricke wall the walles also of the Castle are built with bricke and are in breadth or thickenesse eighteene foote This Castle hath on the one side a drie ditch on the other side the riuer Moscua whereby it is made almost iâ—erpugnable The same Moscua trending towards the East doth admit into it the companie of the riuer Occa. In the Castle aforesaide there are in number nine Churches or Chappels not altogether vnhansome which are vsed and kept by certaine religious men ouer whom there is after a sort a Patriarke or Gouernour and with him other reuerend Fathers all which for the greater part dwell within the Castle As for the kings Court and Palace it is not of the nearest onely in forme it is foure square and of lowe building much surpassed and excelled by the beautie and elegancie of the houses of the kings of England The windowes are very narrowly built and some of them by glasse some other by leuisses admit the light and whereas the Palaces of our Princes are decked and adorned with hangings of cloth of gold there is none such there they build and ioyne to all their wals benches and that not onely in the Court of the Emperour but in all priuate mens houses Nowe after that they had remained about twelue dayes in the Citie there was then a Messenger sent vnto them to bring them to the Kings house and they being after a sort wearied with their long stay were very ready and willing so to doe and being entred within the gates of the Court there sate a very honorable companie of Courtiers to the number of one hundred all apparelled in cloth of golde downe to their ankles and there-hence being conducted into the chamber of presence our men beganne to wonder at the Maiestie of the Emperour his seate was aloft in a very royall throne hauing on his head a Diademe or Crowne of golde apparelled with a robe all of Goldsmiths worke and in his hand hee held a Scepter garnished and beset with precious stones and besides all other notes and apparances of honour there was a Maiestie in his countenance proportionable with the excellencie of his estate on the one side of him stood his chiefe Secretarie on the other side the great Commander of silence both of them arayed also in cloth of gold and then there sate the Counsel of one hundred and fiftie in number all in like sort arayed and of great state This so honorable an assemblie so great a Maiestie of the Emperour and of the place might very well haue amazed our men and haue dashâ— them out of countenance but not withstanding Master Chanceler being therewithall nothing dismaied saluted and did his duetie to the Emperour after the maner of England and withall deliuered vnto him the letters of our king Edward the sixt The Emperour hauing taken read the letters began a litle to question with them and to aske them of the welfare of our king whereunto our men answered him directly in few words hereupon our men presented some thing to the Emperour by the chiefe Secretary which at the deliuery of it put of his hat being before all the time couered and so the Emperour hauing inuited them to dinner dismissed them from his presence and going into the chamber of him that was Master of the Requests to the Emperour hauing stayed there the space of two howres at the last the Messenger commeth and calleth them to dinner they goe and being conducted into the golden Court for so they call it although not very faire they finde the Emperour sitting vpon an high and stately seate apparâ—lled with a robe of siluer and with another Diademe on his head our men being placed ouer against him sit downe in the middes of the roome stoode a mightie Cupboord vpon a square foote whereupon stoode also a round boord in manner of a Diamond broade beneath and towardes the toppe narrowe and euery steppe rose vp more narrowe then another Upon this Cupboorde was placed the
into his dominions and that obtained to haue returned againe with speede The same your seruaunt iourneying to the sayd Citie of Arrash and there finding certaine Merchants Armenians which promised to goe to the sayd City of Georgia comming to the borders thereof was perceiued by a Captaine there that he was a Christian and thereupon demaunded whither he went and vnderstanding that he could not passe further without great suspition answered that he came thither to buy Silkes and shewed the king of Hircanes letters which hee had with him and so returned backe againe and the fifteenth of April came to Shamachi from whence I departed the sixteene of the same moneth and the one and twentie therof comming to the Sea side and finding my barke in a readinesse I caused your goods to be laden and there attended a faire winde But before I proceede any further to speake of my returne I intend with your fauours somewhat to treate of the countrey of Persia of the great Sophie and of his countrey lawes and religion This land of Persia is great and ample deuided into many kingdomes and prouinces as Gillan Corasan Shiruan and many others hauing diuers Cities townes and castles in the same Euery prouince hath his seuerall King or Sultan all in obedience to the great Sophie The names of the chiefest Cities be these Teueris Casbin Keshan Yesse Meskit Heirin Ardouill Shamachi Arrash with many others The countrey for the most part toward the sea side is plaine and full of pasture but into the land high full of mountaines and sharpe To the South it bordereth vpon Arabia and the East Ocean To the North vpon the Caspian sea and the lands of Tartaria To the East vpon the prouinces of India and to the West vpon the confines of Chaldea Syria and other the Turkes lands All within these dominions be of the Sophies named Shaw Thamas sonne to Ismael Sophie This Sophie that now raigneth is nothing valiant although his power be great and his people martiall and through his pusillanimitie the Turke hath much inuaded his countreys euen nigh vnto the Citie of Teueris wherein hee was wont to keepe his chiefe court And now hauing forsaken the same is chiefly resident at Casbin aforesaide and alwayes as the said Turke pursueâ—h him he not being able to withstand the Turke in the fielde trusting rather to the mountaines for his safegard then to his fortes and castles hath caused the same to bee rased within his dominions and his ordinance to be molten to the intent that his enemies pursuing him they should not strengthen themselues with the same This prince is of the age of fiftie yeeres and of a reasonable stature hauing fiue children His eldest sonne he keepeth captiue in prison for that he feareth him for his valiantnesse and actiuitie he professeth a kinde of holynesse and saith that hee is descended of the blood of Mahâ—met and Murtezalli and although these Persians bee Mahometans as the Turkes and Tartars bee yet honour they this false fained Murtezalli saying that hee was the chiefest disciple that Mahomet had cursing and chiding dayly three other disciples that Mahomet had called Ouear Vsiran and Abebeck and these three did slay the saide Murtezalli for which cause and other differences of holy men and lawes they haue had and haue with the Turkes and Tartars mortall warres To intreat of their religion at large being more or lesse Mahomets lawe and the Alkaron I shall not need at this present These persons are comely and of good complexion proude and of good courage esteeming themselues to bee best of all nations both for their religion and holinesse which is most erroneous and also for all other their fashions They be martial delighting in faire horses and good harnesse soone angrie craftie and hard people Thus much I haue thought good to treate of this nation and nowe I returne to discourse the proceeding of the rest of my voyage My barke being ready at the Caspian sea as aforesaide hauing a faire winde and committing our selues vnto God the 30. day of May 1563. we arriued at Asâ—â—acan hauing passed no lesse dangers vpon the Sea in our returne then wee sustained in our going foorth and remayning at the said Astracan vntill the tenth day of Iune one hundred gunners being there admitted vnto mee for my safegard vp the riuer Volga the fifteenth of Iuly I arriued at the Citie of Cazan where the Captaine entertained me well and so dismissing mee I was conducted from place to place vnto the Citie of Mosco where I arriued the twentieth day of August 1563. in safetie thankes bee to God with all such goods merchandizes and iewels as I had prouided as well for the Emperours stocke and accompt as also of yours all which goods I was commaunded to bring into the Emperours treasurie before it was opened which I did and deliuered those parcels of wares which were for his Maiesties accompt videliceâ— precious stones and wrought silkes of sundry colours and sortes much to his highnesse contentation and the residue belonging to you viz. Crasko and rawe silkes with other merchandizes as by accompt appeareth were brought vnto your house whereof part there remained and the rest was laden in your shippes lately returned Shortly after my comming to the Mosco I came before the Emperours Maiestie and presented vnto him the apparell giuen vnto me by the Sophie whose highnesse conferred with mee touching the princes affaires which he had committed to my charge and my proceedings therein it pleased him so to accept that they were much to his contentation saying vnto mee I haue perceiued your good seruice for the which I doe thanke you and will recompence you for the same wishing that I would trauell againe in such his other affaires wherein hee was minded to employ mee to whom I answered that it was to my heartie reioycing that my seruice was so acceptable vnto his highnesse acknowledging all that I had done to bee but of duetie humbly beseeching his grace to continue his goodnesse vnto your worships and euen at that instant I humbly requested his Maiestie to vouchsafe to graunt vnto you a newe priuiledge more ample then the first which immediately was graunted and so I departed And afterwards hauing penned a briefe note howe I meant to haue the same priuiledges made I repaired dayly to the Secretary for the perfecting of the same and obtained it vnder his Maiesties broade seale which at my departure from thence I deliuered vnto the custody of Thomas Glouer your Agent there The copy whereof and also of the other priuiledges graunted and giuen by the king of Hircan I haue already deliuered vnto you Soiourning all that winter at Mosco and in the meane time hauing baâ—gained with the Emperours Maiestie I sent away your seruant Edward Clarke hither ouer-land with aduise and also made preparation for sending againe into Persia in meete time of the yeere And committing the charge thereof vnto
prouince is 35. thousand markes sterling being not the 5. part of his yerely reuenue Further he and his house be of such authoritie and power that in 40. dayes warning they are able to bring into the fielde 100. thousand Souldiers well furnished The conclusion of the Emperors Coronation was a peale of ordinance called a peale royall two miles without the citie being 170. great pieces of brasse of all sorts as faire as any can be made these pieces were all discharged with shot against bulwarkes made of purpose 20. thousand hargubusers standing in 8. rankes two miles in length appareled all in veluet coloured silke stammels discharged their shot also twise ouer in good order and so the Emperor accompanied with all his princes and nobles at the least 50. thousand horse departed through the City to his pallace This royall coronation would aske much time and many leaues of paper to be described particularly as it was performed it shal suffice to vnderstand that the like magnificence was neuer seene in Russia The coronation and other triumphes ended al the nobilitie officers and merchants according to an accustomed order euery one in his place and degree brought rich presents vnto the Emperor wishing him long life and ioy in his kingdome The sametime also Master Ierom Horsey aforesaid remayning as seruant in Russia for the Queenes most excellent Maiestie was called for to the Emperor as he sate in his imperiall seat and then also a famous Merchant of Netherland being newly come to Mosco who gaue him selfe out to be the king of Spaines subiect called Iohn de Wale was in like sort called for Some of the nobilitie would haue preferred this subiect of the Spaniard before Master Horsey seruant to the Queene of England whereunto Master Horsey would in no case agree saying he would haue his legges cut off by the knees before he would yeeld to such an indignitie offered to his Soueraigne the Queenes Maiesty of England to bring the Emperor a present in course after the King of Spaines subiect or any other whatsoeuer The Emperor and the Prince Boris Pheodorowich perceiuing the controuersie sent the Lord Treasorer Peter Iuanowich Galauyn and Vasili Shalkan both of the Counsell to them who deliuered the Emperor backe Master Horseys speech whereupon he was first in order as good reason admitted and presented the Emperor in the behalfe of the English Merchants trading thither a present wishing him ioy and long to raigne intranquilitie and so kissed the Emperors hand he accepting the present with good liking and auouching that for his sisters sake Queene Elizabeth of England he would be a gracious Lord to her Merchants in as ample maner as euer his father had ben and being dismissed he had the same day sent him 70. dishes of sundry kinds of meats with 3. carts laden with al sorts of drinks very bountifully After him was the foresayd subiect of the Spanish king admitted with his present whom the Emperor willed to be no lesse faithfull and seruiceable vnto him then the Queene of Englands subiects were had bene and then the king of Spaines subiects should receiue fauour accordingly All these things thus in order performed praises were sung in all the churches The Emperor and Empresse very deuoutly resorted on foote to many principal Churches in the Citie and vpon Trinitie Sunday betooke themselues to a progresse in order of procession to a famous monasterie called Sergius and the Trinitie 60. miles distant from the Citie of Mosco accompanied with a huge armie of Noblemen Gentlemen and others mounted vpon goodly horses with furniture accordingly The Empresse of deuotion tooke this iourney on foot all the way accompanied with her princesses and ladies no small number her guard and gunners were in number 20000. her chiefe counseller or attendant was a noble man of the blood Roial her vncle of great authoritie called Demetri Iuanowich Godonoua All this progresse ended both the Emperor and Empresse returned to Mosco shortly after the Emperor by the direction of the prince Boris Pheodorowich sent a power into the land of Siberia where all the rich Sables Furres are gotten This power conquered in one yeere and a halfe 1000. miles In the performance of this warre there was taken prisoner the Emperor of the countrey called Chare Sibersky and with him many other dukes and noble men which were brought to Mosko with a guard of souldiers and gunners who were receiued into the citie in very honorable maner and do there remaine to this day Hereupon the corrupt officers Iudges Iustices captains and lieutenants through the whole kingdom were remooued and more honest men substituted in their places with expresse commandement vnder seuere punishment to surcease their old bribing extortion which they had vsed in the old Emperors time and now to execute true iustice without respect of persons and to the end that this might be the better done their lands and yeerly stipends were augmented the great taskes customes and duties which were before layd vpon the people in the old Emperors time were now abated and â—ome wholy remitted and no punishments commanded to be vsed without sufficient and due proofe although the crime were capitall deseruing death many Dukes and noble men of great houses that were vnder displeasure and imprisoned 20. yeeres by the old Emperor were now set at libertie and restored to their lands all prisoners were set at libertie and their trespasses forgiuen In summe a great alteration vniuersally in the gouernment folowed and yet all was done quietly ciuilly peaceably without trouble to the Prince or offence to the Subiect and this bred great assurance and honour to the kingdom and all was accomplished by the wisedom especially of Irenia the Empresse These things being reported and caried to the eares of the kings and princes that were borderers vpon Russia they grew so fearefull and terrible to them that the Monarch of all the Scythians called the Crimme Tartar or great Can himselfe named Sopheâ— Keri Alli came out of his owne countrey to the Emperor of Russia accompanied with a great number of his nobilitie well horsed although to them that were Christians they seemed rude yet they were personable men and valiant their comming was gratefull to the Emperor and their entertainment was honourableâ— the Tartar prince hauing brought with him his wiues also receiued of the Russe Emperor entertainment and princely welcome according to their estates Not long after 1200. Polish gentlemen valiant Souldiors and proper men came to Mosko offring their seruice to the Emperor who were all entertained and in like sort many Chirkasses and people of other natioâ—s came and offred seruice And assoone as the report of this new created Emperor was spred ouer other kingdoms of Europe there were sent to him sundry Ambassadors to wish him ioy and prosperitie in his kingdom thither came Ambassadors from the Turke from the Persian the Boghariaâ— the Crimme the Georgian and many other Tartar
haue his springs in this lake is more then three moneths iourney From this lake come many blacke men lacking the vse of common speech They bring with them diuers wares and especially pearles and precious stones which they sell to the people called Grustintzi and Serponowtzi These haue their name of the Castle Serponow situate in the mountaines of Lucomoria beyond the riuer Obi. They say that to the men of Lucomoria chaunceth a marueilous thing and incredible For they affirme that they die yeerely at the xxvii day of Nouember being the feast of S. George among the Moscouites and that at the next spring about the xxiii day of Aprill they reuiue againe as doe Frogges With these also the people of Grustintzi and Serponowtzi exercise a new and strange kinde of trade For when the accustomed time of their dying or rather of sleeping approcheth they leaue their wares in certaine places appointed which the Grustintzi and Serponowtzi carry away leauing other wares of equall value in their places which if the dead men at the time of their reuiuing perceiue to be of vnequall price they require their owne againe by reason whereof much strife and fighting is betweene them From the riuer of Obi descending toward the left hand are the people called Calami which came thither from Obiowa and Pogosa Beneath Obi about Aurea Anus that is the golden old wife are the riuers Sossa Berezuua and Danadim all which spring out of the mountaines Camen Bolschega Poiassa and the rockes ioyning to the same All the nations that inhabite from these riuers to Aurea Anus are subiect to the prince of Moscouia Aurea Anus called in the Moscouites tongue Slara Baba is an idol at the mouthe of Obi in the prouince of Obdora standing on the furthest banke toward the sea Along by the bankes of Obi the riuers neare there about are here and there many castles and fortresses all the lordes whereof are subiect to the prince of Moscouia as they say They say also or rather fable that the idol called Aurea Anus is an image like vnto an old wife hauing a child in her lay and that there is now seene another infant which they say to be her nephew Also that there are certaine instruments that make a continuall sound like the noyse of Trumpets the which if it so be I thinke it to be by reason of the winde blowing continually into the holow places of those instruments The riuer Cossin falleth out of the mountaines of Lucomoria In the mouth of this is a castle whither from the springs of the great riuer Cossin is two monethes viage Furthermore from the springs of the same riuer the riuer Cassima hath his originall which running through Lucomoria falleth into the great riuer Tachnin beyond the which as is said dwell men of prodigious shape of whom some are ouergrowen with haire like wilde beastes other haue heads like dogges and their faces in their breasts without neckes and with long hands also and without feete There is likewise in the riuer Tachnin a certaine fish with head eyes nose mouth hands feete and other members vtterly of humane shape and yet without any voyce and pleasant to be eaten as are other fishes All that I haue hitherto rehearsed I haue translated out of the saide iourney which was deliuered me in the Moscouites tongue In the which perhaps some things may seeme fabulous and in maner incredible as of the dombe men and the dead reuiuing the Aurea Anus also and the monstrous shapes of men with the fish of humane fourme whereof although I haue made diligent inquisition yet could I knowe nothing certaine of any that had seene the same with their eyes neuerthelesse to giue further occasion to other to search the trueth of these things I haue thought good to make mencion hereof Noss in the Moscouites tongue signifieth a nose and therefore they call all capes or points that reach into the sea by the same name The mountaines about the riuer of Petzora are called Semnoi Poyas or Cingulus mundi that is the girdle of the world or of the earth Kithai is a lake of which the great Can of Cathay whom the Moscouians cal Czar Kithaiski hath his name For Can in the Tartars language signifieth A King The places of Lucomoria neare vnto the sea are saluage full of woods and inhabited without any houses And albeit that the author of this iourney said that many nations of Lucomoria are subiect to the prince of Moscouia yet for as much as the kingdome of Tumen is neare thereunto whose prince is a Tartar and named in their tongue Tumenski Czar that is a king in Tumen and hath of late done great domage to the prince of Moscouia it is most like that these nations should rather be subiect vnto him Neare vnto the riuer Petzora whereof mention is made in this iourney is the citie and castle of Papin or Papinowgorod whose inhabitants are named Papini and haue a priuate language differing from the Moscouites Beyond this riuer are exceeding high mountaines reaching euen vnto the bankes whose ridges or tops by reason of continuall windes are in maner vtterly barren without grasse or fruits And although in diuers places they haue diuers names yet are they commonly called Cingulus mundi that is the girdle of the world In these mountaines doe Ierfalcons breede whereof I haue spoken before There growe also Cedar trees among the which are found the best and blackest kinde of Sables and onely these mountaines are seene in all the dominions of the prince of Moscouia which perhaps are the same that the old writers call Rhipheos or Hyperboreos so named of the Greeke word Hyper that is Aboue and Boreas that is the North for by reason they are couered with continuall snow and frost they can not without great difficultie be trauayled and reach so farre into the North that they make the vnknowen land of Engronland The Duke of Moscouia Basilius the sonne of Iohn sent on a time two of his Captaines named Simeon Pheodorowich Kurbski Knes Peter Vschatoi to search the places beyond these mountaines and to subdue the nations thereabout Kurbski was yet aliue at my being in Moscouia declared vnto me that he spent xvii daies in ascending the mountaine yet could not come to the top therof which in their tongue is called Stolp that is a piller This mountaine is extended into the Ocean vnto the mouthes of the riuers of Dwina and Petzora But now hauing spoken thus much of the said iourney I will returne to the dominions of Moscouia with other regions lying Eastward South from the same toward the mighty Empire of Cathay But I will first speake somewhat briefly of the prouince of Rezan and the famous riuer of â—anais The prouince of Rezan situate
coine of Siluer and brasse to be stamped which on the one side contained the armes of Zeland with this inscription GLORY TO GOD ONELY and on the other side the pictures of certeine great ships with these words THE SPANISH FLEET and in the circumference about the ships IT CAME WENT AND WAS. Anno 1588. That is to say the Spanish fleet came went and was vanquished this yere for which glory be giuen to God onely Likewise they coined another kinde of money vpon the one side whereof was represented a ship fleeing and a ship sincking on the other side foure men making prayers and giuing thanks vnto God vpon their knees with this sentence Man purposeth God disposeth 1588. Also for the lasting memory of the same matter they haue stamped in Holland diuers such like coines according to the custome of the ancient Romans While this woonderfull and puissant Nauie was sayling along the English coastes and all men did now plainely see and heare that which before they would not be perswaded of all people thorowout England prostrated themselues with humble prayers and supplications vnto God but especially the outlandish Churches who had greatest cause to feare and against whom by name the Spaniards had threatened most grieuous torments enioyned to their people continuall fastings and supplications that they might turne away Gods wrath and fury now imminent vpon them for their sinnes knowing right well that prayer was the onely refuge against all enemies calamities and necessities and that it was the onely solace and reliefe for mankinde being visited with affliction and misery Likewise such solemne dayes of supplication were obserued thorowout the vnited Prouinces Also a while after the Spanish Fleet was departed there was in England by the commandement of her Maiestie and in the vnited Prouinces by the direction of the States a solemne festiuall day publikely appointed wherein all persons were enioyned to resort vnto the Church and there to render thanks and praises vnto God and the Preachers were commanded to exhort the people thereunto The foresayd solemnity was obserued vpon the 29 of Nouember which day was wholly spent in fasting prayer and giuing of thanks Likewise the Queenes Maiestie herselfe imitating the ancient Romans rode into London in triumph in regard of her owne and her subiects glorious deliuerance For being attended vpon very soleâ—â—ely by all the principall estates and officers of her Realme she was carried thorow her sayd City of London in a tryumphant chariot and in robes of triumph from her Palace vnto the Cathedrall Church of Saint Paul out of the which the ensignes and colours of the vanquished Spaniards hung displayed And all the Citizens of London in their Liâ—eries stood on either side the street by their seuerall Companies with their ensignes and banners and the streets were hanged on both sides with Blew cloth which together with the foresayd banners yeelded a very stately and gallant prospect Her Maiestie being entered into the Church together with her Clergie and Nobles gaue thanks vnto God and caused a publike Sermon to be preached before her at Pauls crosse wherein none other argument was handled but that praise honour and glory might be rendered vnto God and that Gods name might be extolled by thanksgiuing And with her owne princely voice she most Christianly exhorted the people to doe the same whereupon the people with a loud acclamation wished her a most long and happy life to the confusion of her foes Thus the magnificent huge and mighty fleet of the Spaniards which themselues termed in all places inuincible such as sayled not vpon the Ocean sea many hundreth yeeres before in the yeere 1588 vanished into smoake to the great confusion and discouragement of the authours thereof In regard of which her Maiesties happy successe all her neighbours and friends congratulated with her and many verses were penned to the honour of her Maiesty by learned men whereof some which came to our hands we will here annexe AD SERENISSIMAM ELIZABETHAM ANGLIAE REGINAM THEODOR BEZA STrauerat innumeris Hispanus nauibus aequor Regnis iuncturus sceptra Britanna suis. Tanti huius rogitas quae motus causa superbos Impulit Ambitio vexit Auaritia Quà m bene te ambitio mersit vanissima ventus Et tumidos tumidae vos superastis a quae Quà m bene totius raptores orbis auaros Hausit in exhausti iusta vorago maris At tu cui venti cui totum militat aequor Regina ô munditotius vna decus Sic regnare Deo perge ambitione remota Prodiga sic opibus perge iuuare pios Vt te Angli longùm longùm Anglis ipsa fruaris Quà m dilecta bonis tam metuenda malis The same in English THe Spanish Fleet did flote in narrow Seas And bend her ships against the English shore With so great rage as nothing could appease And with such strength as neuer seene before And all to ioyne the kingdome of that land Unto the kingdomes that he had in hand Now if you aske what set this king on fire To practise warre when he of peace did treat It was his Pride and neuer quencht desire To spoile that Islands wealth by peace made great His Pride which farre aboue the heauens did swell And his desire as vnsuffic'd as hell But well haue windes his proud blasts ouerblowen And swelling waues alayd his swelling heart Well hath the Sea with greedie gulfs vnknowen Deuoured the deuourer to his smart And made his ships a pray vnto the sand That meant to pray vpon anothers land And now O Queene aboue all others bless For whom both windes and waues are prest to fight So rule your owne so succour friends opprest As farre from pride as ready to do right That England you you England long enioy No lesse your friends delight then foes annoy THE SECOND VOLVME OF THE PRINCIPAL NAVIGATIONS VOYAGES TRAFfiques and Discoueries of the English Nation made by Sea or ouer-land to the South and South-east parts of the World at any time within the compasse of these 1600. yeres Diuided into two seuerall parts Whereof the first containeth the personall trauels c. of the English through and within the Streight of Gibraltar to Alger Tunis and Tripolis in Barbary to Alexandria and Cairo in AEgypt to the Isles of Sicilia Zante Candia Rhodus Cyprus and Chio to the Citie of Constantinople to diuers parts of Asia minor to Syria and Armenia to Ierusalem and other places in Indaea As also to Arabia downe the Riuer of Euphrates to Babylon and Balsara and so through the Persian gulph to Ormuz Chaul Goa and to many Islands adioyning vpon the South parts of Asia And likewise from Goa to Cambaia and to all the dominions of Zelabdim Echebar the great Mogor to the mighty Riuer of Ganges to Bengala Aracan Bacola and Chonderi to Pegu to Iamahai in the kingdome of Siam and almost to the very frontiers of China The second comprehendeth the Voyages Trafficks c. of
aliue which being once knowen in the citie of Achon as it was a great discomfort to them so it was a great helpe to the Christians for winning the citie The next day aster which was the seuenth of Iune king Richard came to Achon which at that time had bene long besieged by the Christians After whose comming it was not long but the Pagans within the citie seeing their wals to be vndermined and towers ouerthrowen were driuen by composition to escape with life and limme to surrender the citie to the two kings Another great helpe to the Christians in winning the citie was this In the said city of Achon there was a secret Christian among the Saracens who in time of the siege thereof vsed at sundry times to cast ouer the wals into the campe of the Christians certaine bils written in Hebrue Greeke and Latine wherein he disclosed to the Christians from time to time the doings and counsels of the enemies aduertising them how and what way they should worke and what to beware and alwayes his letters began thus In nomine Patris Filij Spiritus sancti Amen By reason whereof the Christians were much aduantaged in their proceedings but this was a great heauines vnto them that neither he would vtter his name nor when the citie was got did they euer vnderstand who he was To make of a long siege a short narration Upon the twelfth day of Iuly the yeere aforesaid the Princes and Captaines of the Pagans vpon agreement resorted to the tent of the Templaries to commune with the two kings touching peace and giuing vp of their citie the forme of which peace was thus 1 That the Kings should haue the citie of Achon freely and fully deliuered vnto them with all which was therein 2 That 500. captiues of the Christians should be restored to them which were in Achon 3 That the holy crosse should be to them rendred and a thousand Christian captiues with two hundreth horsemen whosoeuer they themselues would chose out of all them which were in the power of the Saladine 4 That they would giue vnto the Kings two hundreth thousand Bysants so that they themselues should remaine as pledges in the Kings hands for the performance hereof that if in fortie daies the aforesayd couenauts were not accomplished they should abide the Kings mercie touching life and limme These couenants being agreed vpon the Kings sent their souldiers and seruants into the citie to take a hundreth of the richest best of the city to close them vp in towers vnder strong keeping the residue they committed to be kept in houses and in streetes ministring vnto them according to their necessities to whom notwithstanding this they premitted that so many of them as would be baptized and receiue the faith of Christ should be free to goe whither they would wherupon many there were of the Pagans which for feare of death pretended to be baptized but afterward so soone as they could reuolted againe to the Saladine for the which it was afterward commauded by the Kings that none of them should be baptized against their wils The thirteenth day of the said moneth of Iuly King Philip of France and king Richard after they had obteined the possession of Achon deuided betweene them all things therein conteined as well the people as golde and siluer with all other furniture whatsoeuer was remaining in the citie who in deuiding the spoyle were so good caruers to themselues that the Knights and Barons had but litle to their share whereupon they began to shâ—w themselues somewhat discontented which being knowen of the kings they sent them answere that their wils should be satisfied The twentieth day of Iuly king Richard speaking with the French King desired him that they two with their armies would binde themselues by othe to remaine there stil in the land of Ierusalem the space of 3. yeeres for the winning and recouering againe of those countreys but he sayd he would sweare no such othe and so the next day after king Richard with his wife and sister entred into the citie of Achon and there placed himselfe in the kings pallace The French king remayning in the houses of the Templaries where he continued till the end of that moneth About the beginning of the moneth of August Philip the French king after that he and King Richard had made agreement betweene Guido Conradus the Marques about the kingdome of Ierusalem went from Achon to Tyrus notwithstanding king Richard all the Princes of the Christian armie with great intreatie desired him to tary shewing what a shame it were for him to come so farre and now to leaue vndone that for which he came and on the 3. day of August departed from Tyrus leauing the halfe part of the Citie of Achon in the hands of the aforesayd Conradus Marques After his departure the Pagans refused to keepe their couenants made who neither would restore the holy Crosse nor the money nor their captiues sending word to king Richard that if he beheaded the pledges left with him at Achon they would choppe off the heads of such captiues of the Christians as were in their hands Shortly after this the Saladine sending great gifts to king Richard requested the time limited for beheading of the captiues to be proroged but the king refused to take his gifts and to graunt his request whereupon the Saladine caused all the Christian captiues within his possession forthwith to be beheaded which was the 28. of August which albeit king Richard vnderstood yet would not he preuent the time before limitted for the execution of his prisoners being the 20. day of August vpon which day he caused the prisoners of the Saracens openly in the sight of the Saladines armie to loose their heads the number of whom came to two thousand and fiue hundreth saue onely that certaine of the principal of them he reserued for purposes and considerations especially to make exchange for the holy Crosse and certaine other of the Christian captiues After this king Richard purposed to besâ—â—ge the Citie of Ioppe where by the way betwene Achon and Ioppe neere to a towne called Assur Saladine with a great multitude of his Saracens came fiercely against the kings rereward but through Gods mercifull grace in the same battell the kings warriers acquited themselues so well that the Saladine was put to flight whom the Christians pursued the space of 3. miles he lost that same day many of his Nobles Captaines in such sort as it was thought that the Saladine was not put to such confusion 40. yeres before and but one Christian Captaine called Iames Auernus in that conâ—lict was ouerthrowen From thence king Richard proceeding further went to Ioppe and then to Ascalon where he found first the citie of Ioppe forsaken of the Saracens who durst not abide the kings comming Ascalon the Saladine threw downe to the ground likewise forsooke the whole land
many of them as he pleased and the rest the saide man carried vnto the place from whence he came In this citie lyeth the body of Athanasius vpon the gate of the citie And then I passed on further vnto Armenia maior to a certaine citie called Azaron which had bene very rich in olde time but nowe the Tartars haue almost layed it waste In the saide citie there was abundance of bread and flesh and of all other victuals except wine and fruites This citie also is very colde and is reported to be higher situated then any other city in the world It hath most holesome and sweete waters about it for the veines of the said waters seeme to spring and flow from the mighty riuer of Euphrates which is but a dayes iourney from the saide city Also the said citie stands directly in the way to Tauris And I passed on vnto a certaine mountaine called Sobissacalo In the foresaide countrey there is the very same mountaine whereupon the Arke of Noah rested vnto the which I would willingly haue ascended if my company would haue stayed for me Howbeit the people of that countrey report that no man could euer ascend the said mountaine because say they it pleaseth not the highest God And I trauailed on further vnto Tauris that great and royal city which was in old time called Susis This city is accompted for traffique of marchandize the chiefe city of the world for there is no kinde of victuals nor any thing else belonging vnto marchandize which is not to be had there in great abundance This city stands very commodiously for vnto it all the nations of the whole worlde in a maner may resort for traffique Concerning the said citie the Christians in those parts are of opinion that the Persian Emperour receiues more tribute out of it then the King of France out of all his dominions Neare vnto the said city there is a salt-hill yeelding salt vnto the city and of that salt ech man may take what pleaseth him not paying ought to any man therefore In this city many Christians of all nations do inhabite ouer whom the Saracens beare rule in all things Then I traueiled on further vnto a city called Soldania wherein the Persian Emperour lieth all Sommer time but in winter hee takes his progresse vnto another city standing vpon the Sea called Baku Also the foresaid city is very great and colde hauing good and holesome waters therein vnto the which also store of marchandize is brought Moreouer I trauelled with a certaine company of Carauans toward vpper India and in the way after many dayes iourney I came vnto the citie of the the three wisemen called Cassan which is a noble and renowmed city sauing that the Tartars haue destroyed a great part thereof and it aboundeth with bread wine and many other commodities From this city vnto Ierusalem whither the three foresaid wisemen were miraculously led it is fiftie dayes iourney There be many wonders in this citie also which for breuities sake I omit From thence I departed vnto a certaine city called Geste whence the Sea of Sand is distant one dayes iourney which is a most wonderfull and dangerous thing In this city there is abundance of all kinds of victuals and especially of figs reisins and grapes more as I suppose then in any part of the whole world besides This is one of the three principall cities in all the Persian Empire Of this city the Saracens report that no Christian can by any meanes liue therein aboue a yeere Then passing many dayes iourney on forward I came vnto a certaine citie called Comum which was an huge and mightie city in olde time conteyning well nigh fiftie miles in circuite and hath done in times past great damage vnto the Romanes In it there are stately palaces altogether destitute of inhabitants notwithstanding it aboundeth with great store of victuals From hence traueiling through many countreys at length I came vnto the land of Iob named Hus which is full of all kinde of victuals and very pleasantly situated Thereabouts are certaine mountaines hauing good pastures for cattell vpon them Here also Manna is found in great aboundance Foure partriges are here solde for lesse then a groat In this countrey there are most comely olde men Here also the men spin and card and not the women This land bordereth vpon the North part of Chaldea Of the maners of the Chaldaeans and of India FRom thence I traueled into Chaldea which is a great kingdome and I passed by the tower of Babel This region hath a language peculiar vnto it selfe and there are beautifull men and deformed women The men of the same countrey vse to haue their haire kempt and trimmed like vnto our women and they weare golden turbants vpon their heades richly set with pearle and pretious stones The women are clad in a course smock onely reaching to their knees and hauing long sleeues hanging downe to the ground And they got bare-footed wearing breeches which reach to the ground also They weare no attire vpon their heads but their haire hangs disheaueled about their â—â—res and there be many other strange things alâ—o From thence I came into the lower India which the Tartars ouerran and wasted And in this countrey the people eat dates for the most part whereof 42. li. are there sold for lesse then a groat I passed further also many dayes iourney vnto then Ocean sea and the first land where I arriued is called Ormes being well fortified and hauing great store of marchandize and treasure therein Such and so extreme is the heat in that countrey that the priuities of men come out of their bodies and hang downe euen vnto their mid-legs And therefore the inhabitants of the same place to preserue their owne liues do make a certaine ointment and anointing their priuie members therewith do lap them vp in certaine bags fastened vnto their bodies for otherwise they must needs die Here also they vse a kinde of Bark or shippe called Iase being compact together onely with hempe And I went on bourd into one of them wherein I could not finde any yron at all and in the space of 28. dayes I arriued at the city of Thana wherein foure of our Friers where martyred for the faith of Christ. This countrey is well situate hauing abundance of bread and wine and of other victuals therein This kingdome in olde time was very large and vnder the dominion of king Porus who fought a great battel with Alexander the great The people of this countrey are idolaters worshipping fire serpents and trees And ouer all this land the Saracens do beare rule who tooke it by maine force and they themselues are in subiection vnto king Daldilus There be diuers kinds of beasts as namely blacke lyons in great abundance and apes also and monkeis and battes as bigge as our doues Also there are mise as bigge as our
seeke the common commoditie and what way and by what meane that is to bee brought about is the point or summe of the matter since euery good man is ready to imploy his labour This is to bee done by an infinite sort of mèanes as the number of things bee infinite that may bee done for common benefite of the Realme And as the chiefe things so to bee done be diuers so are they to bee done by diuers men as they bee by wit and maner of education more fit or lesse fit for this and for that And for that of many things that tend to the common benefite of the State some tend more and some lesse I finde that no one thing after our other is greater then Clothing and the things incident to the same And vnderstanding that you are of right good capacitie and become a Factor at Constantinople and in other partes iâ— Turkie I finde no man fitter of all the English Factors there then you And therefore I am so bold to put you in minde and to tell you wherein with some indeuour you may chaunce to doe your Countrey much good and giue an infinite sorte of the poore people occasion to pray for you here throughout the Realme this that I meane is in matter of Cloth c. 1 FIrst you cannot denie but that this Realitie yeeldeth the most fiue Wooll the most soft the most strong Wooll the most durable in Cloth and most apte of nature of all other to receiue Die and that no Island or any one kingdome so small doeth yeeld so great abundance of the same and that no Wooll is lesse subiect to mothes or to fretting in presse then this as the old Parliament robes of Kings of many noble Peeres to be shewed may plainly restifie 2 There is no commoditie of this Realme that may set so many poore subiects on worke as this doeth that doeth bring in so much treasure and so much â—nrich the merchant and so much employ the Nauie of this Realme as this commoditie of our Wooll doeth Ample and full Uent of this noble and rich commoditie is it that the common weale of this realme doeth require Spaine nowe aboundeth with Wools and the same are Clothed Turkie hath Wools and so haue diuers prouinces of Christendome and of Heathenesse and cloth is made of the sâ—me in diuers places 1 But if England haue the most fine and the most excellent Wools of the world in all respects as it cannot bee denied but it hath 2 If there may bee added to the same excellent artificiall and true making and excellent dying 3 Then no doubt but that we shall haue vent for our Clothes although the rest of the world did abound much more with Wool then it doeth and although their workemanship and their dying were in degree equal with ours of England vnlesse the labour of our people imployed that way and the materials vsed in dying should be the cause of the contrary by dearth But if Forren nations turne their Wools inferiour to ours into truer and more excellent made cloth and shall die the same in truer surer and more excellent and more delectable colours then shall they sell and make ample vent of their Clothes when the English cloth of better wooll shall rest vnsold to the spoyle of the Merchant of the Clothier and of the breeder of the wooll and to the turning to bag and wallet of the infinite number of the poore people imploied in clothing in seuerall degrees of labour here in England Which things wayed I am to tell you what things I wish you in this Realme and after in Turkie to indeuour from time to time as your laisure may permit the same Before you goe out of the Realme that you learne 1 TO know wooll all kind of clothes made in this realme and all other employments of wooll home or forren be y e same in Felt clokes felt hats in the red knit cap for Barbarie called Bonettos rugios colorados or whatsoeuer c. All the deceits in Clothmaking as the sorting together of Wools of seuerall natures some of nature to shrinke some to hold out which causeth clothed to cockle and lie vneuen The euill sorting of threed of good or bad wooll some tootoo hard spun some tootoo soft spun deliuered to be wouen The faults in Weauing The faults in Walking Rowing and Burling and in Racking the Clothes aboue measure vpon the Teintors all which faults may be learned of honest men which faults are to be knowen to the merchant to be shunned and not to be vsed 2 Then to learne of the Diers to discerne all kind of colours as which be good and sure and which will not hold which be faire which not which colours by the dearth of the substances bee deare and which by reason of the cheapenesse of the Materials with which they be died be cheape colours 3 Then to take the names of all the materials and substaunces vsed in this Citie or in the realme in dying of cloth or silke To learne to know them as which be good which bad And what colours they die And what prices they be of And of them which bee the Naturals of this Realme and in what part of the Realme they are to be had And of all the forren materials vsed in dying to know the very naturall places of them and the plentie or the starcenesse of each of them These things superficially learned in the realme before you goe you are the sitter in forren parts to serue your Countrey for by this meanes you haue an enterie into the thing that I wish you to trauell in What you shall doe in Turkie besides the businesse of your Factorship 1 FOrasmuch as it is reported that the Woollen clothes died in Turkie bee most excellently died you shall send home into this realme certaine Mowsters or pieces of Shew to be brought to the Diershall there to be shewed partly to remoue out of their heads the too too great opinion they haue conceiued of their owne cunning and partly to mooue them for shame to endeuour to learne more knowledge to the honour of their countrey of England and to the vniuersall benefit of the realme 2 You shall deuise to amend the Dying of England by carying hence an apte yoong man brought vp in the Arte or by bringing one or other from thence of skill or rather to deuise to bring one for Silkes and another for Wooll and for Woollen cloth and if you cannot worke this by ordinarie meanes then to worke it by some great Bassas meane or if your owne credite there be not sufficient by meane of your small abode in those parties to worke it by the helpe of the French ambassador there resident for which purpose you may infinuate your selfe into his acquaintance and otherwise to leaue no meane vnsought that tendeth to this end wherein you are to doe as circumstances may permit 3 Then to learne to know all
of what broker they shall be serued Now euery fifteene dayes as abouesayd that the fleet of small shippes entreth into the port the Brokers come to the water side and these Marchants assoone as they are come on land do giue the cargason of all their goods to that Broker that they will haue to do their businesse for them with the marks of all the fardles and packs they haue and the marchant hauing taken on land all his furniture for his house because it is needfull that the Marchants that trade to the Indies cary prouision of housholde with them because that in euery place where they they come they must haue a new house the Broker that hath receiued his cargason commandeth his seruants to carry the Marchants furniture for his house home and load it on some cart and carry it into the city where the Brokers haue diuers empty houses meet for the lodging of Marchants furnished onely with bedsteds tables chaires and empty iarres for water then the Broker sayth to the Marchant Goe and repose your selfe and take your rest in the city The Broker carrieth at the water side with the cargason and causeth all his goods to be discharged out of the ship and payeth the custome and causeth it to be brought into the house where the marchant lieth the Marchant not knowing any thing thereof neither custome nor charges These goods being brought to this passe into the house of the Marchant the Broker demandeth of the Marchant if he haue any desire to sell his goods or marchandise at the prises that such wares are worth at that present time And if he hath a desire to sell his goods presently then at that instant the Broker selleth them away After this the Broker sayth to the Marchant you haue so much of euery sort of marchandise neat and cleare of euery charge and so much ready money And if the Marchant will imploy his money in other commodities then the Broker telleth him that such and such commodities will cost so much put aboord without any maner of charges The Marchant vnderstanding the effect maketh his account and if he thinke to buy or sell at the prises currant he giueth order to make his marchandise away and if he hath commodity for 20000 duckets all shal be bartred or solde away in fifteene dayes without any care or trouble and when as the Marchant thinketh that he cannot sell his goods at the prise currant he may tary as long as he will but they cannot be solde by any man but by that Broker that hath taken them on land and payed the custome and perchance tarying sometimes for sale of their commodity they make good profit and sometimes losse but those marchandise that come not ordinarily euery fifteene dayes in tarying for the sale of them there is great profit The barks that lade in Cambaietta go for Diu to lade the ships that go from thence for the streights of Mecca and Ormus and some go to Chaul and Goa and these ships be very wel appointed or els are guarded with the Armada of the Portugals for that there are many Corsaries or Pyrats which goe coursing alongst that coast robbing and spoâ—ling and for feare of these theeues there is no safe sailing in those seas but with ships very well appointed and armed or els with the fleet of the Portugals as is aforesayd In fine the kingdome of Cambaia is a place of great trade and hath much doings and traffique with all men although hitherto it hath bene in the hands of tyrants because that at 75 yeeres of age the true king being at the assault of Diu was there slaine whose name Sultan Badu At that time foure or fiue captaines of the army diuided the kingdome amongst themselues and euery one of them shewed in his countrey what tyranny he could but twelue yeeres ago the great Mogol a Moore king of Agra and Delly forty dayes iourny within the land of Amadauar became the gouernour of all the kingdome of Cambaia without any resistance because he being of great power and force deuising which way to enter the land with his people there was not any man that would make him any resistance although they were tyrants and a beastly people they were soone brought vnder obedience During the time I dwelt in Cambaietta I saw very maruellous things there were an infinite number of artificers that made bracelets called Mannij or bracelets of elephants teeth of diuers colours for the women of the Gentiles which haue their armes full decked with them And in this occupation there are spent euery yeere many thousands of crownes the reason whereof is this that when there dieth any whatsoeuer of their kindred then in signe and token of mourning and sorrow they breake all their bracelets from their armes and presently they go and buy new againe because that they had rather be without their meat then without their bracelets Daman Basan Tana HAuing passed Diu I came to the second city that the Portugals haue called Daman situate in the territory of Cambaia distant from Diu an hundred and twenty miles it is no towne of merchandise saue Rice and corne and hath many villages vnder it where in time of peace the Portugals take their pleasure but in time of warre the enemies haue the spoile of them in such wise that the Portugals haue little benefit by them Next vnto Daman you shall haue Basan which is a filthy place in respect of Daman in this place is Rice Corne and Timber to make shippes and gallies And a small distance beyond Basan is a little Iland called Tana a place very populous with Portugals Moores and Gentiles these haue nothing but Rice there are many makers of Armesine and weauers of girdles of wooll and bumbast blacke and redde like to Moocharies Of the cities of Chaul and of the Palmer tree BEyond this Iland you shall finde Chaul in the firme land and they are two cities one of the Portugals and the other of the Moores that city which the Portugals haue is situate lower then the other and gouerneth the mouth of the harbour and is very strongly walled and as it were a mile and an halfe distant from this is the city of Moores gouerned by their king Zamalluco In the time of warres there cannot any great ships come to the city of the Moores because the Portugals with their ordinance will sincke them for that they must perforce passe by the castles of the Portugals both the cities are ports of the sea and are great cities and haue vnto them great traffique and trade of merchandise of all sorts of spices drugges silke cloth of silke Sandols Marsine Versine Porcelane of China Ueluets and Scarlets that come from Portugall and from Meca with many other sortes of merchandise There come euery yeere from Cochin and from Cananor tenne or fifteene great shippes laden with great Nuts cured and with Sugar made of the selfe same Nuts
called Giagra the tree whereon these Nuts doe grow is called the Palmer tree and thorowout all the Indies and especially from this place to Goa there is great abundance of them and it is like to the Date tree In the whole world there is not a tree more profitable and of more goodnesse then this tree is neither doe men reape so much benefit of any other tree as they do of this there is not any part of it but serueth for some vse and none of it is woorthy to be burnt With the timber of this tree they make shippes without the mixture of any other tree and with the leaues thereof they make sailes and with the fruit thereof which be a kinde of Nuts they make wine and of the wine they make Sugar and Placetto which wine they gather in the spring of the yeere out of the middle of the tree where continually there goeth or runneth out white liquour like vnto water in that time of the yeere they put a vessell vnder euery tree and euery euening and morning they take it away full and then distilling it with fire it maketh a very strong liquour and then they put it into buts with a quantity of Zibibbo white or blacke and in short time it is made a perfect wine After this they make of the Nuts great store of oile of the tree they make great quantity of boordes and quarters for buildings Of the barke of this tree they make cables ropes and other furniture for shippes and as they say these ropes be better then they that are made of Hempe They make of the bowes bedsteds after the Indies fashion and Scauasches for merchandise The leaues they cut very small and weaue them and so make sailes of them for all maner of shipping or els very fine mats And then the first rinde of the Nut they stampe and make thereof perfect Ockam to calke shippes great and small and of the hard barke thereof they make spoones and other vessels for meat in such wise that there is no part thereof throwen away or cast to the fire When these Mats be greene they are full of an excellent sweet water to drinke and if a man be thirsty with the liquour of one of the Mats he may satisfie himselfe and as this Nut ripeneth the liquor thereof turneth all to kernell There goeth out of Chaul for Mallaca for the Indies for Macao for Portugall for the coasts of Melinde for Ormus as it were an infinite number and quantity of goods and merchandise that come out of the kingdome of Cambaia as cloth of bumbast white painted printed great quantity of Indico Opium Cotton Silke of euery sort great store of Boraso in Paste great store of Fetida great store of yron corne and other merchandise The Moore king Zamalluco is of great power as one that at need may command hath in his camp two hundred thousand men of warre and hath great store of artillery some of them made in pieces which for their greatnesse can not bee carried to and fro yet although they bee made in pieces they are so commodious that they worke with them maruellous well whose shotte is of stone and there hath bene of that shot sent vnto the king of Portugall for the rareness of the thing The city where the king Zamalluco hath his being is within the land of Chaul seuen or eight dayes iourney which city is called Abneger Threescore and tenne miles from Chaul towards the Indies is the port of Dabul an hauen of the king Zamallaco from thence to Goa is an hundred and fifty miles Goa GOa is the principall city that the Portugals haue in the Indies wherein the Uiceroy with his royall Court is resident and is in an Iland which may be in circuit fiue and twenty or thirty miles and the city with the boroughs is reasonable bigge and for a citie of the Indies it is reasonable faire but the Iland is farre more fairer for it is as it were full of goodly gardens replenished with diuers trees and with the Palmer trees as is aforesayd This city is of great trafique for all sorts of marchandise which they trade withall in those parts and the fleet which commâ—th euery yeere from Portugall which are fiue or sixe great shippes that come directly for Goa arriue there ordinarily the sixth or tenth of September and there they remaine forty or fifty dayes and from thence they goe to Cochin where they lade for Portugall and often times they lade one shippe at Goa and the other at Cochin for Portugall Cochin is distant from Goa three hundred miles The city of Goa is situate in the kingdome of Dialcan a king of the Moores whose chiefe city is vp in the countrey eight dayes iourney and is callâ—d Bisapor this king is of great power for when I was in Goa in the yeere of our Lord 1570 this king came to giue assault to Goa being encamped neere vnto it by a riuer side with an army of two hundred thousand men of warre and he lay at this siege foureteene moneths in which time there was peace concluded and as report went amongst his people there was great calamity and mortality which bred amongst them in the time of Winter and also killed very many elephants Then in the yeere of our Lord 1567 I went from Goa to Bezeneger the chiefe city of the kingdome of Narsinga eight dayes iourney from Goa within the land in the company of two other merchâ—nts which carried with them three hundred Arabian horses to that king because the horses of that countrey are of a small stature and they pay well for the Arabian horses and it is requisite that the merchants sell them well for that they stand them in great charges to bring them out of Persia to Ormus and from Ormus to Goa where the ship that bringeth twenty horses and vpwards payeth no custome neither ship nor goods whatsoeuer whereas if they bring no horses they pay 8 per cento of all their goods andâ— at the going out of Goa the horses pay custome two and forty pagodies for euery horse which pagody may be of sterling money sixe shillings eight pence they be piâ—ces of golde of that value So that the Arabian horses are of great value in those countreys as 300,400,500 duckets a horse and to 1000 duckets a horse Bezeneger THe city of Bezeneger was sacked in the yeere 1565 by foure kings of the Moores which were of great power and might the names of these foure kings were these following the first was called Dialcan the second Zamaluc the third Cotamaluc and the fourth Viridy and yet these foure kings were not able to ouercome this city and the king of Bezeneger but by treason This king of Bezeneger was a Gentile and had amongst all other of his captaines two which were notable and they were Moores and these two captaines had either of them in charge threescore and ten
round about the fornace throw after her into the caue great pieces of wood so by this meanes with the fire and with the blowes that she hath with the wood throwen after her she is quickly dead and after this there groweth such sorrow and such lamentation among the people that all their mirth is turned into howling and weeping in such wise that a man could scarse beare the hearing of it I haue seene many burnt in this maner because my house was neere to the gate where they goe out to the place of burning and when there dieth any great man his wife with all his slaues with whom hee hath had carnall copulation burne themselues together with him Also in this kingdome I haue seene amongst the base sort of people this vse and order that the man being dead hee is carried to the place where they will make his sepulchre and setting him as it were vpright then commeth his wife before him on her knees casting her armes about his necke with imbracing and clasping him vntill such time as the Masons haue made a wall round about them and when the wall is as high as their neckes there commeth a man behinde the woman and strangleth her then when she is dead the workemen finish the wall ouer their heads and so they lie buried both together Besides these there are an infinite number of beastly qualities amongst them of which I haue no desire to write I was desirous to know the cause why these women would so wilfully burne themselues against nature and law and it was tolde mee that this law was of an ancient time to make prouision against the slaughters which women made of their husbands For in those dayes before this law was made the women for euery little displeasure that their husbands had done vnto them would presently poison their husbands and take other men and now by reason of this law thâ—y are more faithfull vnto their husbands and count their liues as deare as their owne because that after his death her owne followeth presently In the yeere of our Lord God 1567 for the ill successe that the people of Bezeneger had in that their City was sacked by the foure kings the king with his Court went to dwell in a castle eight dayes iourney vp in the land from Bezeneger called Penegonde Also sixe dayes iourney from Bezeneger is the place where they get Diamants I was not there but it was tolde me that it is a grâ—at place compassed with a wall and that they sâ—ll the earth within the wall for so much a squadron and the limits are set how deepe or how low they shall digge Those Diamants that are of a certeine sise and bigger then that sise are all for the king it is many yeeres agone since they got any there for the troubles that haue beene in that kingdome The first cause of this trouble was because the sonne of this Temeragio had put to death the lawfull king which he had in prison for which cause the Barons and Noblemen in that kingdome would not acknowledge him to be their King and by this meanes there are many kings and great diuision in that kingdome and the city of Bezeneger is not altogether destroyed yet the houses stand still but empty and there is dwelling in them nothing as is reported but Tygers and other wilde beasts The circuit of this city is foure twentie miles about and within the walles are certeine mountaines The houses stand walled with earth and plaine all sauing the three palaces of the three tyrant brethren and the Pagodes which are idole houses these are made with lime and fine marble I haue seene many kings Courts and yet haue I seene none in greatnesse like to this of Bezeneger I say for the order of his palace for it hath nine gates or ports First when you goe into the place where the king did lodge there are fiue great ports or gates these are kept with Captaines and souldiers then within these there are foure lesser gates which are kept with Porters Without the first gate there is a little porch where there is a Captaine with fiue and twenty souldiers that keepeth watch and ward night and day and within that another with the like guard where thorow they come to a very faire Court and at the end of that Court there is another porch as the first with the like guard and within that another Court And in this wise are the first fiue gates guarded and kept with those Captaines and then the lesser gates within are kept with a guard of Porters which gates stand open the greatest part of the night because the custome of the Gentiles is to doe their businesse and make their feasts in the night rather then by day The city is very safe from theeues for the Portugall merchants sleepe in the streets or vnder porches for the great heat which is there and yet they neuer had any harme in the night At the end of two moneths I determined to go for Goa in the company of two other Portugall Marchants which were making ready to depart with two palanchines or little litters which are very commodious for the way with eight Falchines which are men hired to cary the palanchines eight for a palanchine foure at a time they carry them as we vse to carry barrowes And I bought me two bullocks one of them to ride on and the other to carry my victuals and prouision for in that countrey they ride on bullocks with pannels as we terme them girts and bridles and they haue a very good commodious pace From Bezeneger to Goa in Summer it is eight dayes iourney but we went in the midst of Winter in the moneth of Iuly and were fifteene dayes comming to Ancola on the sea coast so in eight dayes I had lost my two bullocks for he that carried my victuals was weake and could not goe the other when I came vnto a riuer where was a little bridge to passe ouer I put my bullocke to swimming and in the middest of the riuer there was a little Iland vnto the which my bullocke went and finding pasture there he remained still and in no wise we could come to him and so perforce I was forced to leaue him and at that time there was much raine and I was forced to go seuen dayes a foot with great paines and by great chance I met with Falchines by the way whom I hired to carry my clothes and victuals We had great trouble in our iourney for that euery day wee were taken prisoners by reason of the great dissension in that kingdome and euery morning at our departure we must pay rescat foure or fiue pagies a man And another trouble wee had as bad as this that when as wee came into a new gouernours countrey as euery day we did although they were al tributary to the king of Bezeneger yet euery one of them stamped a seueral
these thieues part the spoyles that they take on the Sea with the king of Calicut for hee giueth leaue vnto all that will goe a rouing liberally to goe in such wise that all along that coast there is such a number of thieues that there is no saillng in those Seas but with great ships and very well armed or els they must go in company with the army of the Portugals From Cranganor to Cochin is 15. miles Cochin COchin is next vnto Goa the chiefest place that the Portugales haue in the Indies and there is great trade of Spices brugges and all other sortes of merchandize for the kingdome of Portugale and there within the land is the kingdome of Pepper which Pepper the Portugales lade in their shippes by bulke and not in sackes the Pepper that goeth for Portugale is not so good as that which goeth for Mecca because that in times past the officers of the king of Portugale made a contract with the king of Cochin in the name of the king of Portugale for the prizes of Pepper and by reason of that agreâ—ment betweene them at that time made the price can neither rise nor fall which is a very lowe and base price and for this cause the villaines bring it to the Portugales greene and full of filthe The Moores of Mecca that giue a better price haue it cleane and drie and better conditioned All the Spices and drugs that are brought to Mecca are stollen from thence as Contrabanda Cochin is two cities one of the Portugales and another of the king of Cochin that of the Portugales is situate neerest vnto the Sea and that of the king of Cochin is a mile and a halfe vp higher in the land but they are both set on the bankes of one riuer which is very great and of a good depth of water which riuer commeth out of the mountaines of the king of the Pepper which is a king of the Gentiles in whose kingdome are many Christians of saint Thomas order the king of Cochin is also a king of the Gentiles and a great faithfull friend to the king of Portugale and to those Portugales which are married and are Citizens in the Citie Cochin of the Portugales And by this name of Portugales throughout all the Indies they call all the Christians that come out of the West whether they bee Italians Frenchmen or Almaines and all they that marrie in Cochin do get an office according to the trade he is of this they haue by the great priuileges which the Citizens haue of that city because there are two principal commodities that they deale withal in that place which are these The great store of Silke that commeth from China and the great store of Sugar which commeth from Bengala the married Citizens pay not any custome for these two commodities for all other commodities they pay 4. per cento custome to the king of Cochin rating their goods at their owne pleasure Those which are not married and strangers pay in Cochin to the king of Portugale eight per cento of all maner of merchandise I was in Cochin when the Uiceroy of the king of Portugale wrought what hee coulde to breake the priuilege of the Citizens and to make them to pay custome as other did at which time the Citizens were glad to waigh their Pepper in the night that they laded the ships withall that went to Portugale and stole the custome in the night The king of Cochin hauing vnderstanding of this would not suffer any more Pepper to bee weighed Then presently after this the marchants were licensed to doe as they did before and there was no more speach of this matter nor any wrong done This king of Cochin is of a small power in respect of the other kings of the Indies for hee can make but seuentie thousand men of armes in his campe hee hath a great number of Gentlemen which hee calleth Amochi and some are called Nairi these two sorts of men esteeme not their liues any thing so that it may be for the honour of their king they will thrust themselues forward in euery danger although they know they shall die These men goe naked from the girdle vpwardes with a clothe rolled about their thighs going barefooted and hauing their haire very long and rolled vp together on the toppe of their heads and alwayes they carrie their Bucklers or Targets with them and their swordes naked these Nairi haue their wiues common amongst themselues and when any of them goe into the house of any of these women hee leaueth his sworde and target at the doore and the time that hee is there there dare not any bee so hardie as to come into that house The kings children shall not inherite the kingdome after their father because they hold this opinion that perchance they were not begotten of the king their father but of some other man therefore they accept for their king one of the sonnes of the kings sisters or of some other woman of the blood roial for that they be sure they are of the blood roiall The Nairi and their wiues vse for a brauerie to make great holes in their eares and so bigge and wide that it is incredible holding this opinion that the greater the holes bee the more noble they esteeme themselues I had leaue of one of them to measure the circumference of one of them with a threed and within that circumference I put my arme vp to the shoulder clothed as it was so that in effect they are monstrous great Thus they doe make them when they be litle for then they open the eare hang a piece of gold or lead thereat within the opening in the hole they put a certaine leafe that they haue for that purpose which maketh the hole so great They lade ships in Cochin for Portugale and for Ormus but they that goe for Ormus carrie no Pepper but by Contrabanda as for Sinamome they easilie get leaue to carrie that away for all other Spices and drugs they may liberally carie them to Ormus or Cambaia and so all other merchandize which come from other places but out of the kingdom of Cochin properly they cary away with them into Portugale great abundance of Pepper great quantitie of Ginger dried and conserued wild Sinamom good quantitie of Arecca great store of Cordage of Cairo made of the barke of the tree of the great Nut and better then that of Hempe of which they carrie great store into Portugale The shippes euery yeere depart from Cochin to goe for Portugall on the fift day of December or the fift day of Ianuary Nowe to follow my voyage for the Indies from Cochin I went to Coulam distant from Cochin seuentie and two miles which Coulam is a small Fort of the king of Portugales situate in the kingdom of Coulam which is a king of the Gentiles and of small trade at that place they lade onely halfe a ship
almost there is not any passage From Cao Comori to the Iland of Zeilan is 120. miles ouerthwart Zeilan ZEilan is an Iland in my iudgement a great deale bigger then Cyprus on that side towards the Indies lying Westward is the citie called Columba which is a hold of the Portugales but without walles or enimies It hath towards the Sea a free port the lawfull king of that Iland is in Columbo and is turned Christian and maintained by the king of Portugall being depriued of his kingdome The king of the Gentiles to whom this kingdome did belong was called Madoni which had two sonnes the first named Barbinas the prince and the second Ragine This king by the pollicie of his yoonger sonne was depriued of his kingdome who because hee had entised and done that which pleased the armie and souldiours in despight of his father and brother being prince vsurped the kingdome and became a great warriour First this Iland had three kings the king of Cotta with his conquered prisoners the king of Candia which is a part of that Iland and is so called by the name of Candia which had a reasonable power ◠and was a great friend to the Portugals which sayd that hee liued secretly a Christian the third was the king of Gianifampatan In thirteene yeeres that this Ragine gouerned this Iland he became a great tyrant In this Iland there groweth fine Sinamom great store of Pepper great store of Nuttes and Arochoe there they make great store of Cairo to make Cordage it bringeth foorth great store of Christall Cats eyes or Ochi de Gati and they say that they finde there some Rubies but I haue sold Rubies well there that I brought with me from Pegu. I was desirous to see how they gather the Sinamom or take it from the tree that it groweth on and so much the rather because the time that I was there was the season which they gather it in which was in the moneth of Aprill at which time the Portugals were in armes and in the field with the king of the countrey yet I to satisfie my desire although in great danger tooke a guide with mee and went into a wood three miles from the Citie in which wood was great store of Sinamome trees growing together among other wilde trees and this Sinamome tree is a small tree and not very high and hath leaues like to our Baie tree In the moneth of March or Aprill when the sappe goeth vp to the toppe of the tree then they take the Sinamom from that tree in this wise They cut the barke of the tree round about in length from knot to knot or from ioint to ioint aboue and belowe and then easilie with their handes they take it away laying it in the Sunne to drie and in this wise it is gathered and yet for all this the tree dieth not but agaynst the next yeere it will haue a new barke and that which is gathered euery yeere is the best Sinamome for that which groweth two or three yeeres is great and not so good as the other is and in these woods groweth much Pepper Negapatan FRom the Iland of Zeilan men vse to goe with small shippes to Negapatan within the firme land and seuentie two miles off is a very great Citie and very populous of Portugals and Christians of the countrey and part Gentiles it is a countrey of small trade neither haue they any trade there saue a good quantitie of Rice and cloth of Bumbast which they carie into diuers partes it was a very plentifull countrey of victuals but now it hath a great deale lesse and that abundance of victuals caused many Portugales to goe thither and build houses and dwell there with small charge This Citie belongeth to a noble man of the kingdome of Bezeneger being a Gentile neuerthelesse the Portugales and other Christians are well intreated there and haue their Churches there with a monasterie of Saint Francis order with great deuotion and very well accommodated with houses round about yet for all this they are amongst tyrants which alwayes at their pleasure may doe them some harme as it happened in the yeere of our Lord God one thousand fiue hundred sixtie and fiue for I remember very well how that the Nayer that is to say the lord of the citie sent to the citizens to demaund of them certaine Arabian horses and they hauing denied them vnto him and gainesayd his demaund it came to passe that this lord had a desire to see the Sea which when the poore citizens vnderstood they doubted some euill to heare a thing which was not woont to bee they thought that this man would come to sacke the Citie and presently they embarked themselues the best they could with their mooueables marchandize iewels money and all that they had and caused the shippes to put from the shore When this was done as their euill chance would haue it the next night following there came such a great storme that it put all the shippes on land perforce and brake them to pieces and all the goods that came on land and were saued were taken from them by the souldiours and armie of this lord which came downe with him to see the Sea and were attendant at the Sea side not thinking that any such thing would haue happened Saint Thomas or San Tome FRom Negapatan following my voyage towards the East an hundred and fiftie miles I found the house of blessed Saint Thomas which is a Church of great deuotion and greatly regarded of the Gentiles for the great miracles they haue heard to haue bene done by that blessed Apostle neere vnto this Church the Portugals haue builded them a Citie in the countrey subiect to the king of Bezeneger which citie although it bee not very great yet in my iudgement it is the fairest in all that part of the Indies and it hath very faire houses and faire gardens in vacant places very well accommodated it hath streete◠large and streight with many Churches of great deuotion their houses be set close one vn 〈◊〉 other with little doores euery house hath his defence so that by that meanes it is of force sufficient to defend y e Portugals against the people of that countrey The Portugals there haue no other possession but their gardens and houses that are within the citie the customes belong to the king of Bezeneger which are very small and easie for that it is a countrey of great riches and great trade there come euery yeere two or three great ships very rich besides many other small ships one of the two great ships goeth for Pegu and the other for Malacca laden with fine Bumbast cloth of euery sort painted which is a rare thing because those kinde of clothes shew as they were gilded with diuers colours and the more they be washed the liuelier the colours will shew Also there is other cloth of Bumbast which is wouen with
diuers colours and is of great value also they make in Sant Tome great store of red Yarne which they die with a roote called Saia and this colour will neuer waste but the more it is washed the more redder it will shew they lade this yarne the greatest part of it for Pegu because that there they worke and weaue it to make cloth according to their owne fashion and with lesser charges It is a maruelous thing to them which haue not seene the lading and vulading of men and merchandize in S. Tome as they do it is a place so dangerous that a man cannot bee serued with small barkes neither can they doe their businesse with the boates of the shippes because they would be beaten in a thousand pieces but they make certaine barkes of purpose high which they call Masadie they be made of litle boards one board being sowed to another with small cordes and in this order are they made And when they are thus made and the owners will embarke any thing in them either men or goods they lade them on land and when they are laden the Barke-men thrust the boate with her lading into the streame and with great speed they make haste all that they are able to rowe out against the huge waues of the sea that are on that shore vntill that they carie them to the ships and in like maner they lade these Masadies at the shippes with merchandise and men When they come neere the shore the Barke-men leap out of the Barke into the Sea to keepe the Barke right that she cast not thwart the shore and being kept right the Suffe of the Sea setteth her lading dry on land without any hurt or danger and sometimes there are some of them that are ouerthrowen but there can be no great losse because they lade but a litle at a time All the marchandize they lade outwards they emball it well with Ore hides so that if it take wet it can haue no great harme In my voyage returning in the yeere of our Lord God one thousand fiue hundred sixtie and sixe I went from Goa vnto Malacca in a shippe or Gallion of the king of Portugal which went vnto Banda for to lade Nutmegs Maces from Goa to Malacca are one thousand eight hundred miles we passed without the Iland Zeilan and went through the chanell of Nicubar or els through the chanell of Sombrero which is by the middle of the Iland of Sumatra called in olde time Taprobana and from Nicubar to Pegu is as it were a rowe or chaine of an infinite number of Ilands of which many are inhabited with wilde people and they call those Ilands the Ilands of Andemaon and they call their people sauage or wilde because they eate one another also these Ilands haue warre one with another for they haue small Barkes and with them they take one another and so eate one another and if by euil chance any ship be lost on those Ilands as many haue bene there is not one man of those ships lost there that escapeth vneaten or vnslaine These people haue not any acquaintance with any other people neither haue they trade with any but liue onely of such fruites as those Ilands yeeld and if any ship come neere vnto that place or coast as they passe that way as in my voyage it happened as I came from Malacca through the chanell of Sombrero there came two of their Barkes neere vnto our ship laden with fruite as with Mouces which wee call Adams apples with fresh Nuts and with a fruite called Inani which fruite is like to our Turneps but is very sweete and good to eate they would not come into the shippe for any thing that wee could doe neither would they take any money for their fruite but they would trucke for olde shirtes or pieces of olde linnen breeches these ragges they let downe with a rope into their Barke vnto them and looke what they thought those things to bee woorth so much fruite they would make fast to the rope and let vs hale it in and it was told me that at sometimes a man shall haue for an old shirt a good piece of Amber Sumatra THis Iland of Sumatra is a great Iland and deuided and gouerned by many kings and deuided into many chanels where through there is passage vpon the headland towardes the West is the kingdom of Assi gouerned by a Moore king this king is of great force and strength as he that beside his great kingdom hath many Foists and Gallies In his kingdom groweth great store of Pepper Ginger Beniamin he is an vtter enemy to the Portugals and hath diuers times bene at Malacca to fight against it and hath done great harme to the boroughts thereof but the citie alway withstood him valiantly and with their ordinance did great spoile to his campe At length I came to the citie of Malacca The Citie Malacca MAlacca is a Citie of marueilous great trade of all kind of marchandize which come from diuers partes because that all the shippes that saile in these seas both great and small are bound to touch at Malacca to paie their custome there although they vnlade nothing at all as we doe at Elsinor and if by night they escape away and pay not their custome then they fall into a greater danger after for if they come into the Indies and haue not the seale of Malacca they pay double custome I haue not passed further then Malacca towards the East but that which I wil speake of here is by good information of them that haue bene there The sailing from Malacca towards the East is not common for all men as to China and Iapan and so forwards to go who will but onely for the king of Portugall and his nobles with leaue granted vnto them of the king to make such voiages or to the iurisdiction of the captaine of Malacca where he expecteth to know what voiages they make from Malacca thither these are the kings voiages that euery yere there departeth frō Malacca 2. gallions of the kings one of thē goeth to y e Moluccos to lade Cloues and the other goeth to Banda to lade Nutmegs and Maces These two gallions are laden for the king neither doe they carie any particular mans goods sauing the portage of the Mariners and souldiers and for this cause they are not voiages for marchants because that going thither they shal not haue where to lade their goods of returne and besides this the captaine will not cary any marchant for either of these two places There goe small shippes of the Moores thither which come from the coast of Iaua and change or guild their commodities in the kingdom of Assa and these be the Maces Cloues and Nutmegs which go for the streights of Mecca The voiages that the king of Portugall granteth to his nobles are these of China and Iapan from China to Iapan and from Iapan to
Zerzerline neere vnto the kingdome of Orisa and so wee came to Orisa with many sicke and more that were dead for want of water and they that were sicke in foure dayes dyed and I for the space of a yeere after had my throat so sore and hoarse that I could neuer satisfie my thirst in drinking of water I iudge the reason of my hoarsenesse to bee with soppes that I wet in vineger and oyle wherewith I susteyned my selfe many dayes There was not any want of bread nor of wine but the wines of that countrey are so hot that being drunke without water they will kill a man neither are they able to drinke them when we beganne to want water I sawe certaine Moores that were officers in the ship that solde a small dish full for a duckat after this I sawe one that would haue giuen a barre of Pepper which is two quintalles and a halfe for a litle measure of water and he could not haue it Truely I beleeue that I had died with my slaue whom then I had to serue mee which cost mee verie deare but to prouide for the daunger at hand I solde my slaue for halfe that he was worth because that I would saue his drinke that he drunke to serue my owne purpose and to saue my life Of the kingdome of Orisa and the riuer Ganges ORisa was a faire kingdome and trustie through the which a man might haue gone with golde in his hande without any daunger at all as long as the lawefull King reigned which was a Gentile who continued in the citie called Catecha which was within the land sixe dayes iourney This king loued strangers marueilous well especially marchants which has traffique in and out of his kingdome in such wise that hee would take no custome of them neither any other grieuous thing Onely the shippe that came thither payde a small thing according to her portage and euery yeere in the port of Orisa were laden fiue and twentie or thirtie ships great and small with ryce and diuers sortes of fine white bumbaste cloth oyle of Zerzeline which they make of a seed and it is very good to eate and to fry fish withal great store of butter Lacca long pepper Ginger Mirabolans dry and condite great store of cloth of herbes which is a kinde of silke which groweth amongst the woods without any labour of man and when the bole thereof is growen round as bigge as an Orenge then they take care onely to gather them About sixteene yeeres past this king with his kingdome were destroyed by the king of Patane which was also king of the greatest part of Bengala and when he had got the kingdome he set custome there twenty pro cento as Marchants paide in his kingdome but this tyrant enioyed his kingdome but a small time but was conquered by another tyrant which was the great Mogol king of Agra Delly and of all Cambaia without any resistance I departed from Orisa to Bengala to the harbour Piqueno which is distant from Orisa towardes the East a hundred and seuentie miles They goe as it were rowing alongst the coast fiftie and foure miles and then we enter into the riuer Ganges from the mouth of this riuer to a citie called Satagan where the marchants gather themselues together with their trade are a hundred miles which they rowe in eighteene houres with the increase of the water in which riuer it floweth and ebbeth as it doth in the Thamis and when the ebbing water is come they are not able to rowe against it by reason of the swiftnesse of the water yet their barkes be light and armed with oares like to Foistes yet they cannot preuaile against that streame but for refuge must make them fast to the banke of the riuer vntill the next flowing water and they call these barkes Bazaras and Patuas they rowe as well as a Galliot or as well as euer I haue seene any A good tides rowing before you come to Satagan you shall haue a place which is called Buttor and from thence vpwards the ships doe not goe because that vpwardes the riuer is very shallowe and litle water Euery yeere at Buttor they make and vnmake a Uillage with houses and shoppes made of strawe and with all things necessarie to their vses and this village standeth as long as the ships ride there and till they depart for the Indies and when they are departed euery man goeth to his plot of houses and there setteth fire on them which thing made me to maruaile For as I passed vp to Satagan I sawe this village standing with a great number of people with an infinite number of ships and Bazars and at my returne comming downe with my Captaine of the last ship for whom I carried I was al amazed to see such a place so soone razed and burnt nothing left but the signe of the burnt houses The small ships go to Satagan and there they lade Of the citie of Satagan IN the port of Satagan euery yeere lade thirtie or fiue and thirtie ships great and small with rice cloth of Bombast of diuerse sortes Lacca great abundance of sugar Mirabolans dried and preserued long pepper oyle of Zerzeline and many other sorts of marchandise The citie of Satagan is a reasonable faire citie for a citie of the Moores abounding with all things and was gouerned by the king of Patane and now is subiect to the great Mogol I was in this kingdome foure moneths whereas many marchants did buy or fraight boates for their benefites and with these barkes they goe vp and downe the riuer of Ganges to faires buying their commoditie with a great aduantage because that eueryday in the weeke they haue a 〈◊〉 now in one place and now in another and I also hired a barke and went vp and downe the riuer and did my businesse and so in the night I saw many strange things The kingdome of Bengala in times past hath bene as it were in the power of Moores neuerthelesse there is great store of Gentiles among them alwayes whereas I haue spoken of Gentiles is to be vnderstood Idolaters and wheras I speak of Moores I meane Mahomets sect Those people especially that be within the land doe greatly worship the riuer of Ganges for when any is sicke he is brought out of the countrey to the banke of the riuer and there they make him a small cottage of strawe and euery day they wet him with that water whereof there are many that die and when they are dead they make a heape of stickes and boughes and lay the dead bodie thereon and putting fire thereunto they let the bodie aâ—ne vntill it be halfe rosted and then they take it off from the fire and make an emptie iarre fast about his necke and so throw him into the riuer These things euery night as I passed vp and downe the riuer I saw for the space of two moneths as I passed to
the streits of Mecca for Ormus and other places and these be shippes of the Moores and of Christians But the Moores cannot passe except they haue a passeport from the Portugales Cambaietta is the chiefe citie of that prouince which is great and very populous and fairely builded for a towne of the Gentiles but if there happen any famine the people will sell their children for very little The last king of Cambaia was Sultan Badu which was killed at the siege of Diu and shortly after his citie was taken by the great Mogor which is the king of Agra and of Delli which are fortie dayes iourney from the country of Cambaia Here the women weare vpon their armes infinite numbers of rings made of Elepsants teeth wherein they take so much delight that they had rather be without their meate then without their bracelets Going from Diu we come to Daman the second towne of the Portugales in the countrey of Cambaia which is distant from Diu fortie leagues Here is no â—rade but of corne and rice They haue many villages vnder them which they quietly possesse in time of peace but in time of warre the enemie is maister of them From thence we passed by Basaim and from Basaim to Tana at both which places is small trade but only of corne and rice The tenth of Nouember we arriued at Chaul which standeth in the firme land There be two townes the one belonging to the Portugales and the other to the Moores That of the Portugales is neerest to the sea and commaundeth the bay and is walled round about A little aboue that is the towne of the Moores which is gouerned by a Moore king called Xa-Maluco Here is great traffike for all sortes of spices and drugges silke and cloth of silke sandales Elephants teeth and much China worke and much sugar which is made of the nutte called Gagara the tree is called the palmer which is the profitablest tree in the worlde it doth alwayes beare fruit and doth yeeld wine oyle sugar vineger cordes coles of the leaues are made thatch for the houses sayles for shippes mats to sit or lie on of the branches they make their houses and broomes to sweepe of the tree wood for shippes The wine doeth issue out of the toppe of the tree They cut a branch of a bowe and binde it hard and hange an earthen pot vpon it which they emptie euery morning and euery euening and still it and put in certaine dried raysins and it becommeth very strong wine in short time Hither many shippes come from all partes of India Ormus and many from Mecca heere be manie Moores and Gentiles They haue a very strange order among them they worshippe a cowe and esteeme much of the cowes doung to paint the walles of their houses They will kill nothing not so much as a louse for they holde it a sinne to kill any thing They eate no flesh but liue by rootes and ryce and milke And when the husbande dieth his wife is burned with him if shee be aliue if shee will not her head is shauen and then is neuer any account made of her after They say if they should be buried it were a great sinne for oâ— their bodies there would come many wormes and other vermine and when their bodies were consumed those wormes would lacke sustenance which were a sinne therefore they will be burned In Cambaia they will kill nothing nor haue any thing killed in the towne they haue hospitals to keepe lame dogs and cats and for birds They will giue meat to the Ants. Goa is the most principal citie which the Portugals haue in India wherin the Uiceroy remaineth with his court It standeth in an Iland which may be 25. or 30. miles about It is a fâ—â—e citie and for an Indian towne very faire The Iland is very faire full of orchards and gardens and many palmer trees and hath some villages Here bee many marchants of all nations And the Fleete which commeth euery yeere from Portugal which be foure fiue or sixe great shippes commeth first hither And they come for the most part in September and remaine there fortie or fiftie dayes and then goe to Cochin where they lade their Pepper for Portugall Oftentimes they lade one in Goa the rest goe to Cochin which is from Goa an hundred leagues southward Goa standeth in the countrey of Hidalcan who lieth in the countrey sixe or seuen dayes iourney His chiefe citie is called Bisapor At our comming we were cast into the prison and examined before the Iustice and demanded for letters and were charged to be spies but they could prooue nothing by vs. We continued in prison vntill the two and twentie of December and then we were set at libertie putting in sureties for two thousand duckats not to depart the towne which sureties father Steuens an English Iesuite which we found there another religious maÌ„ a friend of his procured for vs. Our sureties name was Andreas Taborer to whom we paid 2150. duckats and still he demaunded more whereupon we made sute to the Uiceroy and Iustice to haue our money againe considering that they had had it in their hands neere fiue moneths and could prooue nothing against vs. The Uiceroy made vs a very sharpe answere and sayd wee should be better sifted before it were long and that they had further matter against vs. Whereupon we presently determined rather to seeke our liberties then to bee in danger for euer to be slaues in the country for it was told vs we should haue y e strapado Wherupon presently the fift day of April 1585. in the morning we ranne from thence And being set ouer the riuer we went two dayes on foote not without feare not knowing the way nor hauing any guide for we durst trust none Oue of the first townes which we came vnto is called Bellergan where there is a great market kept of Diamants Rubies Saphires and many other soft stones From Bellergan we went to Bisapor which is a very great towne where the king doeth keepe his court Hee hath many Gentiles in his court and they bee great idolaters And they haue their idols standing in the Woods which they call Pagodes Some bee like a Cowe some like a Monkie some like Buffles some like peacockes and some like the deuill Here be very many elephants which they goe to warre withall Here they haue good store of gold and siluer their houses are of stone very faire and high From hence wee went for Gulconda the king whereof is called Cuâ—up de lashach Here and in the kingdome of Hidalcan and in the countrey of the king of Decan bee the Diamants found of the olde water It is a very faire towne pleasant with faire houses of bricke and timber it aboundeth with great store of fruites and fresh water Here the men and the women do go with a cloth bound about their middles without any more apparell
right way was full of thieues where we passed the countrey of Gouren where we found but few villages but almost all wildernes saw many buffes swine deere grasse longer then a mā and very many Tigers Not far from Porto Piqueno southwestward standeth an hauen which is called Angeli in the countrey of Orixa It was a kingdom of it selfe the king was a great friend to strangers Afterwards it was taken by the king of Patan which was their neighbour but he did not enioy it long but was taken by Zelabdim Echebar which is king of Agra Delli Cambaia Orixa standeth 6. daies iourney from Satagan southwestward In this place is very much Rice and cloth made of cotton great store of cloth which is made of grasse which they call Yerua it is like a silke They make good cloth of it which they send for India diuers other places To this hauen of Angeli come euery yere many ships out of India Negapatan Sumatra Malacca and diuers other places lade from thence great store of Rice much cloth of cotton wooll much sugar long pepper great store of butter other victuals for India Satagam is a faire citie for a citie of the Moores and very plentifull of all things Here in Bengala they haue euery day in one place or other a great market which they call Chandeau and they haue many great boats which they cal pericose wherewithall they go from place to place and buy Rice and many other things these boates haue 24. or 26. oares to rowe them they be great of burthen but haue no couerture Here the Gentiles haue the water of Ganges in great estimation for hauing good water neere them yet they will fetch the water of Ganges a great way off and if they haue not sufficient to drinke they will sprinkle a litle on them and then they thinke themselues well From Satagam I trauelled by the countrey of the king of Tippara or porto Grande with whom the Mogores or Mogen haue almost continuall warres The Mogen which be of the kingdom of Recon and Rame be stronger then the king of Tippara so that Chatigan or porto Grande is oftentimes vnder the king of Recon There is a country 4. daies iournie from Couche or Quicheu before mentioned which is called Bottanter and the citie Bottia the king is called Dermain the people whereof are very tall and strong and there are marchants which come out of China they say out of Muscouia or Tartarie And they come to buy muske cambals agats silke pepper and saffron like the saffron of Persia The countrey is very great 3. moneths iourney There are very high mountains in this countrey one of them so steep that when a man is 6. daies iourney off it he may see it perfectly Upon these mountains are people which haue eares of a spanne long if their eares be not long they call them apes They say that when they be vpon the mountaines they see ships in the Sea sayling to and fro but they know not from whence they come nor whether they go There are marchants which come out of the East they say from vnder the sunne which is from China which haue no beards and they say there it is something warme But those which come from the other side of the mountains which is from the North say there it is very cold These Northren merchants are apparelled with woollen cloth and hats white hosen close and bootes which be of Moscouia or Tartarie They report that in their countrey they haue very good horses but they be litle some men haue foure fiue or sixe hundred horses and kine they liue with milke and fleshe They cut the tailes of their kine and sell them very deere for they bee in great request and much esteemed in those partes The haire of them is a yard long the rumpe is aboue a spanne long they vse to hang them for brauerie vpon the heades of their Elephants they bee much vsed in Pegu and China they buie and sell by scores vpon the ground The people be very swift on foote From Chatigan in Bengala I came to Bacola the king whereof is a Gentile a man very well disposed and delighteth much to shoot in a gun His countrey is very great and fruitful and hath store of Rice much cotton cloth and cloth of silke The houses be very faire and high builded the streetes large the people naked except a litle cloth about their waste The women weare great store of siluer hoopes about their neckes and armes and their legs are ringed with siluer and copper and rings made of elephants teeth From Bacola I went to Serrepore which standeth vpon the riuer of Ganges the king is called Chondery They be all hereabout rebels against their king Zebaldim Echebar for here are are so many riuers Ilands that they flee from one to another whereby his horsemen cannot preuaile against them Great store of cotton cloth is made here Sinnergan is a towne sixe leagues from Serrepore where there is the best and finest cloth made of cotton that is in all India The chiefe king of all these countries is called Isacan and he is chiefe of all the other kings and is a great friend to all Christians The houses here as they be in the most part of India are very litle and couered with strawe and haue a fewe mats round about the wals and the doore to keepe out the Tygers and the Foxes Many of the people are very rich Here they will eate no flesh nor kill no beast they liue of Rice milke and fruits They goe with a litle cloth before them and all the rest of their bodies is naked Great store of Cotton cloth goeth from hence and much Rice wherewith they serue all India Ceilon Pegu Malacca Sumatra and many other places I went from Serrepore the 28. of Nouember 1586. for Pegu in a small ship or foist of one Albert Carauallos and so passing downe Ganges and passing by the Island of Sundiua porto Grande or the countrie of Tippera the kingdom of Recon and Mogen leauing them on our left side with a faire wind at Northwest our course was South by East which brought vs to the barre of Negrais in Pegu if any contrary wind had come we had throwen many of our things ouer-boord for we were so pestered with people goods that there was scant place to lie in From Bengala to Peguis 90. leagues We entred the barre of Negrais which is a braue barre hath 4. fadomes water where it hath least Three dayes after we came to Cosmin which is a very pretie towne and standeth very pleasantly very well furnished with all things The people be very tall well disposed the women white round faced with litle eies the houses are high built set vpon great high postes
meat is rice and salets and neere the sea side fish They feast one another many times wherein they vse great diligence especially in drinking one to another insomuch that the better sort least they might rudely commit some fault therein doe vse to reade certaine bookes written of duties and ceremonies apperteyning vnto banquets To be delicate and fine they put their meate into their mouthes with litle forkes accounting it great rudenesse to touch it with their fingers winter sommer they drinke water as hot as they may possibly abide it Their houses are in danger of fire but finely made and cleane layde all ouer with strawe-pallets whereupon they doe both sit in stead of stooles and lie in their clothes with billets vnder their heads For feare of defiling these pallets they goe either barefoote within doores or weare strawe pantofles on their buskins when they come abroad the which they lay aside at their returne home againe Gentlemen for the most part do passe the night in banketting musicke vaine discourses they sleepe the day time In Meaco and Sacaio there is good store of beds but they be very litle and may be compared vnto our pues In bringing vp their children they vse words only to rebuke them admonishing as diligently and aduisedly boyes of sixe or seuen yeeres of age as though they were olde men They are giuen very much to intertaine strangers of whom most curiously they loue to aske euen in trifles what for raine nations doe and their fashions Such arguments and reasons as be manifest and are made plaine with examples doe greatly perswade them They detest all kinde of theft whosoeuer is taken in that fault may be slaine freely of any bodie No publike prisons no common gayles no ordinary Iusticers priuately each householder hath the hearing of matters at home in his owne house and the punishing of greater crimes that deserue death without delay Thus vsually the people is kept in awe and feare About foure hundred yeeres past as in their olde recordes we finde all Iapan was subiect vnto one Emperour whose royall seat was Meaco in the Iaponish language called Cubucama But the nobilitie rebelling against him by litle and litle haue taken away the greatest part of his dominion howbeit his title continually remayneth and the residue in some respect dor make great account of him still acknowledging him for their superior Thus the Empyre of Iapan in times past but one alone is now diuided into sixtie sixe kingdomes the onely cause of ciuill warres continually in that Iland to no small hinderance of the Gospell whilest the kings that dwell neare together inuade one another each oue coueting to make his kingdome greater Furthermore in the citie Meaco is the pallace of the high Priest whom that nation honoureth as a God he hath in his house 366 Idoles one whereof by course is euery night set by his side for a watchman He is thought of the common people so holy that it may not be lawfull for him to goe vpon the earth if happily he doe set one foote to the ground he looseth his office He is not serued very sumptuously he is maintained by almes The heads and beards of his ministers are shauen they haue name Cangues and their authoritie is great throughout all Iapan The Cubucama vseth them for Embassadors to decide controuersies betwixt princes and to end their waâ—tes whereof they were wont to make very great gaine It is now two yeres since or there about that one of them came to Bungo to intreate of peace betwixt the king thereof and the king of Amanguzzo This Agent fauouring the king of Bungo his cause more then the other brought to passe that the foresayd king of Bungo should keepe two kingdomes the which he had taken in warres from the king of Amanguzzo Wherefore he had for his reward of the king of Bungo aboue 30000 ducats And thus farre hereof I come now to other superstitions and ceremonies that you may see deare brethren that which I said in the beginning how subtilly the deuill hath deceiued the Iaponish nation and how diligent and readie they be to obey worship him And first al remembrance and knowledge not onely of Christ our Redeemer but also of that one God the maker of all things is cleane extinguished and vtterly abolished out of the Iapans hearts Moreouer their superstitious sects are many whereas it is lawfull for each one to follow that which liketh him best but the principall sects are two namely the Amidans and Xacaians Wherefore in this countrey shall you see many monasteries not onely of Bonzii men but also of Bonziae women diuersly attired for some doe we are white vnder and blacke vpper garments other goe apparelled in ash colour and their Idole hath to name Denichi from these the Amidanes differ very much Againe the men Bonzii for the most part dwell in sumptuous houses and haue great reuenues These fellowes are chaste by commaundement marry they may not vpon paine of death In the midst of their Temple is erected an altar whereon standeth a woodden Idole of Amida naked from the girdle vpward with holes in his eares after the manner of Italian gentlewomen sitting on a woodden rose goodly to behold They haue great libraries and halles for them all to dine and sup together and bels wherwith they are at certaine houres called to prayers In the euening the Superintendent giueth each one a theame for meditation After midnight before the altar in their Temple they do say Mattens as it were out of Xaca his last booke one quier one verse the other quier an other Early in the morning each one giueth himselfe to meditation one houre they shaue their heads and beards Their cloysters be very large and within the precinct therof Chappels of the Fotoquiens for by that name some of the Iapanish Saints are called their holy daies yeerely be very many Most of these Bonzii be gentlemen for that the Iapanish nobility charged with many children vse to make most of them Bonzii not being able to leaue for each one a partrimony good enough The Bonzii most couetousâ—y bent know all the wayes how to come by money They sell vnto the people many scrolles of paper by the helpe whereof the common people thinketh it selfe warranted from all power of the deuils They borrow likewise money to be repayed with great vsury in an other worlde giuing by obligation vnto the lender an assurance thereof the which departing out of this life he may carry with him to hell There is another great company of such as are called Inambuxu with curled and staring haire They make profession to finde out againe things either lost or stolen after this sort They set before them a child whom the deuill inuadeth called vp thither by charmes of that child then doe they aske that which they are desirous to know These mens prayers both good and bad are thought greatly to preuaile insomuch
forme of a bruâ—e beast offring themselues vp to him Santianum is an I le neere vnto the hauen Cantan in the confines likewise of China famous for the death of that woorthy traueiler and godly professour and painfull doctor of the Indian nation in matters concerning religion Francis Xauier who after great labours many iniuries and calamities infinite suffred with much patience singular ioy and gladnesse of mind deparâ—ed in a cabben made of bowes and rushes vpon a desert mountaine no lesse voyd of all worldly commodities then endued with all spirituall blessings out of this life the 2 day of December the yeere of our Lord 1552. after that many thousand of these Easterlings were brought by him to the knowledge of Christ. Of this holy man his particular vertues and specially trauell and wonderfull works in that region of other many litle Iles yet not so litle but they may right wel be written of at laisure all the latter histories of the Indian regions are full An excellent treatise of the kingdome of China and of the estate and gouernment thereof Printed in Latine at Macao a citie of the Portugals in China An. Dom. 1590. and written Dialogue-wise The speakers are Linus Leo and Michael Linus COncerning the kingdome of China Michael which is our next neighbour we haue heard and â—aâ—ly do heare so many reports that we are to request at your hands rather a true then a large discourse and narration thereof And if there be ought in your knowledge besides that which by continual rumours is waxen staâ—e among vs we will right gladly giue diligent eare vnto it Michael Because the report of this most famous kingdome is growen so common among vs reducing diuers and maniâ—olo particulars into order I will especially aime at the trueth of things receiued from the fathers of the societie which euen now at this present are conuersant in China First of all therefore it is not vnknowen that of all parts of the maine continent this kingdom of China is situate most Easterly albeit certaine Ilands as our natiue Iapon the I le of Manilia stand more Easterly then China it selfe As touching the limites bounds of this kingdom we may appoint the first towards y e West to be a certaine I le commonly called Hainan which standeth in 19 degrees of Northerly latitude For the continent next adioining vnto this I le trendeth towardes the East and that especially where the promontorie of the citie called Nimpo or Liampo doeth extend it selfe Howbeit from that place declâ—ning Northward it stretcheth foorth an huge length insomuch that the farthest Chinian inhabitants that way doe behold the North pole eleuated at least 50 degrees and perhaps more also whereupon a man may easilie coniecture that I may speake like an Astronomer how large the latitude of this kingdom is when as it containeth about more then 540 leagues in direct extension towards the North. But as concerning the longitude which is accounted from East to West it is not so exactly found out that it may be distinguished into degrees Howbeit certaine it is that according to the Map wherein the people of China describe the forme of their kingdom the latitude thereof doeth not much exceed y e longitude This kingdom therfore is without all peraduenture of all earthly kingdoms the most large and spacious for albeit diuers other kings vnder their iurisdiction containing in dimensions more length breadth then all China do possesse very many kingdoms far distant asunder yet none of theÌ„ all enioieth any one kingdom so large and so ample as the most puissant king of China doeth Now if we shall make enquirie into his reuenues and tributes true it is that this king of all others is endued with the greatest and the richest both in regard of the fertilitie greatnes of his dominions also by reason of the seuere collection and exaction of his duties yea tributes are imposed vpon his subiects not onely for lands houses and impost of marchandise but also for euery person in each family It is likewise to be vnderstood that almost no lord or potentate in China hath authoritie to leuie vnto himselfe any peculiar reuenues or to collect any rents within the precincts of his seigniories al such power belonging onely vnto the king whereas in Europe the contrary is most commonly seen as we haue before signified In this most large kingdom are conteined 15 prouinces euery one of which were in it selfe sufficient to be made one great kingdom Six of these prouinces do border vpon the sea namely y t I may vse the names of the Chinians theÌ„selues Coantum Foquien Chequiam Nanquin Xantum Paquin the other 9 be in-land prouinces namely Quiansi Huquam Honan Xiensi Xansi Suchuon Queieheu Iâ—nan Coansi Amongst all the foresayd prouinces two are allotted for the kings court and seat roial that is to say Paquin for his court in the North and Nanquin for his court in the South For the kings of China were woont to be resident altogether at the South court but afterward by reason of the manifold and cruell warres mooued by the Tartars they were constrained to defixe their princely seate and habitation in that exâ—reme prouince of the North. Whereupon it commeth to passe that those Northren confines of the kingdom doe abound with many moe fortresses martiall engines and garrisons of souldiers Leo. I haue heard amongst those munitions a certaine strange and admirable wall reported of wherewith the people of China doe represse and driue backe the Tartars attempting to inuade their territories Michael Certes that wall which you haue heard tell of is most woorthie of admiration for it runneth alongst the borders of three Northerlie prouinces Xiensi Xansi and Paquin and is sayd to containe almost three hundred leagues in length and in such sort to bee built that it hindereth not the courses and streames of any riuers their chanels being ouer-thwarted and fortified with wonderfull bridges and other defences Yet is it not vnlikely that the sayd wall is built in such sort that onely lowe and easie passages bee therewith stopped and enuironed but the mountaines running betweene those lowe passages are by their owne naturall strength and inaccessible heigth a sufficient fortification agaynst the enemie Linus Tell vs Michael whether the kingdome of China be so frequented with inhabitants as wee haue often bene informed or no Michael It is Linus in very deed a most populous kingdom as I haue bene certified from the fathers of the societie who hauing seene sundry prouinces of Europe renoumed for the multitude of their inhabitants doe notwithstanding greatly admiâ—e the infinite swarmes of people in China Howbeit these multitudes are not pel-mel and confusiuely dispersed ouer the land but most conueniently and orderly distributed in their townes and famous cities of which assemblies there are diuers kindes among the Chinians For they haue certaine principal cities called
by the name of Fuâ— other inferior cities called Cheu and of a third kind also named Hien which be indeed walled townes but are not priuileged with the dignities and prerogatiues of cities To these may be added two other kindes of lesser townes which are partly villages and partly garrisons of souldiers Of the first and principall kind is that most noble citie standing neere vnto the port of Macao called by the Chinians Coanchefu but by the Portugals commonly termed Cantam which is rather the common name of the prouince theÌ„ a word of their proper imposition Unto the third kind appertaineth a towne which is yet nigher vnto the port of Macao called by the Portugals Ansam but by the Chinians Hiansanhien Aâ— the foresayd prouinces therefore haue their greater cities named Fu their lesser cities called Cheu vnto both of which the other townes may be added Moreouer in euery prouince there is a certain principal city which is called the Metropolitane thereof wherein the chief magistrates haue their place of residence as the principal citie by me last mentioned which is the head of the whole prouince called Coantum The number of the greater cities throughout the whole kingdom is more then 150â— and there is the same or rather a greater multitude of inferiour cities Of walled townes not endued with the priuileges of cities there are mo then 1120 the villages garrisons can scarce be numbred ouer besides the which conuents it is incredible what a number of couÌ„trie farmes or granges there be for it is not easie to find any place desert or void of inhabitants in all that land Now in the sea in riuers in barks there are such abundance of people and of whole families inhabiting that euen the Europaeans themselues doe greatly wonder thereat insomuch that some albeit beyond measure haue bene perswaded that there are as many people dwelling vpon the water as vpon the land Neither were they induced so to thinke altogether without probabilitie for whereas the kingdom of China is in all parts thereof interfused with commodious riuers in many places consisteth of waters barges boats being euery-where very common it might easily bee supposed that the number of water-men was equal vnto the land-inhabitants Howbeit that is to be vnderstood by amplification whereas the cities do swarme so ful with citizens the countrie with peasants Leo. The abundance of people which you tell vs of seemeth very strange whereupon I coniecture the soile to be fertile the aire to be holesome and the whole kingdom to be at peace Michael You haue friend Leo ful iâ—dicially coniectured those three for they do all so excel y t which of the three in this kingdom be more excellent it is not easie to discerne And hence it is that this common opinion hath bene rife among the Portugals namely that the kingdom of China was neuer visâ—â—ed with those three most heauy sharpe scourges of mankind warre famine pestilence But that opinion is more common then true sithens there haue bene most terrible intestine and ciuile warres as in many and most autenticall histories it is recorded sithens also that some prouinces of the sayd kingdom euen in these our dayes haue bene afflicted with pestilence and contagious diseases and with famine Howbeit that the foresaid three benefits do mightily flourish and abound in China it cannot be denied For that I may first speake of the salubritie of the aire the fathers of the societie themselues are witnesses that scarcely in any other realme there are so many found that liue vnto decrepite and extreme old age so great a multitude is there of ancient and graue personages neither doe they vse so many confections and medicines nor so manifold and sundry wayes of curing diseases as wee saw accustomed in Europe For amongst them they haue no Phlebotomie or letting of blood but all their cures as ours also in Iapon are atchieued by fasting decoctions of herbes light or gentle potions But in this behalfe let euery nation please themselues with their owne customes Now in fruitfulnes of soile this kingdom certes doth excel far surpassing all other kingdoms of the East yet is it nothing comparable vnto the plentie and abundance of Europe as I haue declared at large in the former treatises But the kingdom of China is in this regard so highly extolled because there is not any region in the East partes that aboundeth so with marchandise and from whence so much traffique is sent abroad For whereas this kingdome is most large full of nauigable riuers so that commodities may easilie be conueyed out of one prouince into antother the Portugals doe find such abundance of wares within one and the same Citie which perhaps is the greatest Mart throughout the whole kingdome that they are verily perswaded that the same region of all others most aboundeth with marchandise which notwithstanding is to be vnderstood of the Orientall regions albeit there are some kindes of marchandise wherewith the land of China is better stored then any other kingdom This region affordeth especially sundry kinds of mettals of which the chiefe both in excellencie in abundance is gold whereof so many Pezoes are brought from China to India and to our countrey of Iapon that I heard say that in one and the same ship this present yeere 2000 such pieces consisting of massie gold as the Portugals commonly call golden loaues were brought vnto vs for marchandise and one of these loaues is worth almost 100 duckats Hence it is that in the kingdom of China so many things are adorned with gold as for example beds tables pictures images litters wherein nice and daintie dames are caried vpon their seruaunts backes Neither are these golden loaues onely bought by the Portugals but also great plentie of gold-twine and leaues of gold for the Chinians can very cunningly beate and extenuate gold into plates and leaues There is also great store of siluer whereof that I may omit other arguments it is no small demonstration that euery yeere there are brought into the citie commonly called Cantam by the Portugal marchants to buie wares at the least 400 Sestertium thereof and yet nothing in a maner is conueied out of the Chinian kingdom because the people of China abounding with all necessaries are not greatly inquisitiue or desirous of any marchandise from other kingdomes I doe here omit the Siluer minesâ— whereof there are great numbers in China albeit there is much circumspection vsed in digging the siluer thereout for the king standeth much in feare least it may bee an occasion to stirre vp the couetous and greedie humour of many Nowe their siluer which they put to vses is for the most part passing fine and purified from all drosse and therefore in trying it they vse great diligence What should I speake of their iron copper lead tinne and other mettals and also of their quick-siluer Of all which
They all of them do weare long haire vpon their heads and after the maner of women do curiously keame their dainty locks hanging downe to the ground and hauing twined and bound them vp they couer them with calles wearing sundry caps thereupon according to their age and condition It seemeth that in olde time one language was common to all the prouinces notwithstanding by reason of variety of pronunciation it is very much altered and is diuided into sundry idiomes or proprieties of speech according to the diuers prouinces howbeit among the magistrates and in publike assemblies of iudgement there is one and the very same kinde of language vsed thorowout the whole realme from the which as I haue sayd the speech of ech prouince differeth not a little Moreouer this people is most loyall and obedient vnto the king and his magistrates which is the principall cause of their tranquillity peace For whereas the common sort doe apply themselues vnto the discretion and becke of inferiour magistrates and the inferiour magistrates of the superiour and the superiour magistrates of the king himselfe framing and composing all their actions and affaires vnto that leuell a world it is to see in what equability and indifferency of iustice all of them do leade their liues and how orderly the publike lawes are administred Which thing not withstanding shall be handled more at large when we come to intreat of the gouernment Linus Tell vs now Michael of the industry of that people whereof we haue heard great reports Michael Their industry is especially to be discerned in manuary artes and occupations and therein the Chinians do surpasse most of these Easterly nations For there are such a number of artificers ingeniously and cunningly framing sundry deuices out of golde siluer and other mettals as like wise of stone wood and other matters conuenient for mans vse that the streets of cities being replenished with their shops and fine workemanship are very wonderfull to beholde Besides whom also there are very many Painters vsing either the pensill or the needle of which the last sort are called Embrotherers and others also that curiously worke golde-twine vpon cloth either of linnen or of cotton whose operations of all kinds are diligently conueyed by the Portugals into India Their industry doth no lesse appeare in founding of gunnes and in making of gun-powder whereof are made many rare and artificiall fire-works To these may be added the arte of Printing albeit their letters be in maner infinite and most difficult the portraitures whereof they cut in wood or in brasse and with maruellous facilitie they dayly publish huge multitudes of books Unto these mechanicall illiberall crafts you may adde two more that is to say nauigation and discipline of warre both of which haue bene in ancient times most diligently practised by the inhabitants of China for as we haue before signified in the third dialogue the Chinians sailing euen as farre as India subdued some part therof vnto their owne dominion howbeit afterward least they should diminish the forces of their realme by dispersing them into many prouinces altering their counsell they determined to containe themselues within their owne limits within which limits as I haue sayd there were in olde time vehement and cruell warres both betweene the people of China themselues and also against the Tartarian king who inuaded their kingdome and by himselfe and his successours for a long season vsurped the gouernment thereof Howbeit the kings of the Tartarian race being worne out and their stocke and family being vtterly abolished the Chinians began to lift vp their heads and to aduance themselues inioying for these 200 yeeres last past exceeding peace and tranquillity and at this day the posterity of the same king that expelled the Tartars with great dignity weareth the crowne and wieldeth the royall scepter Albeit therefore the people of China especially they that inhabit Southerly from the prouince of Paquin are for the most part by reason of continuall ease and quiet growen effeminate and their courage is abated notwithstanding they would prooue notable and braue souldiers if they ioyned vse and exercise vnto their naturall fortitude As a man may easily obserue in them that maintaine continuall warres against the most barbarous and cruel Tartars Howbeit in this kingdome of China there is so great regard of military discipline that no city nor towne there is destitute of a garison the captaines and gouernours keeping ech man his order which all of them in euery prouince are subiect vnto the kings lieutenant generall for the warres whom they call Chumpin and yet he himselfe is subiect vnto the Tuâ—an or viceroy Let vs now come vnto that arte which the Chinians do most of all professe and which we may not vnfitly call literature or learning For although it be commonly reported that many liberall sciences and especially naturall and morall phylosophy are studied in China and that they haue Uniuersities there wherein such ingenuous artes are deliuered and caught yet for the most part this opinion is to be esteemed more popular then true but I will declare vpon what occasion this conceit first grew The people of China doe aboue all things professe the arte of literature and learning it most diligently they imploy themselues a long time and the better part of their age therein For this cause in all cities and townes yea and in pety villages also there are certaine schole-masters hired for stipends to instruct children and their literature being as ours in Iapon is also in maner infinite their children are put to schole euen from their infancy and tender yeeres from whence notwithstanding such are taken away as are iudged to be vnfit for the same purpose and are trained vp to marchandise or to manuary sciences but the residue do so dedicate themselues to the study of learning that a strange thing it is to consider being conuersant in the principall books they will easily tel you if they be asked the question how many letters be conteined in euery page and where ech letter is placed Now for the greater progresse and increase of learning they as the maner is in Europe do appoint three degrees to the attaining of noble sciences that is to say the lowest the middle degree and the highest Graduates of the first degree are called Siusai of the second Quiugin and of the the third Chinzu And in ech city or walled towne there is a publique house called the Schoole and vnto that all they doe resort from all priuate and peâ—y-schooles that are minded to obtaine the first degree where they do amplifie a sentence or theame propounded vnto them by some magistrate and they whose stile is more elegant and refined are in ech city graced with the first degree Of such as aspire vnto the second degree triall is made onely in the metropolitan or principall city of the prouince whereunto they
alluding thereunto he contradicteth the same and saith Nâ—c sit terris vltima Thule Yea Tertullian one of our most ancient and learned diuines in the beginning of his treatise de Pallio alludeth vnto Plato his Westerne Atlantis which there by another name he calleth Acon saying Aeon in Atlantico nunc quaeritur And in his 40. chapter de Apologetico he reporteâ—h the same to be bigger then all Africa and Asia Of this Newworld and euery speciall part thereof in this my third volume I haue brought to light the best most perfect relations of such as were chiefe actours in the particular discoueries and serches of the same giuing vnto euery man his right and leauing euery one to mainteine his owne credit The order obserued in this worke is farre more exact then heretofore I could attaine vnto for whereas in my two former volumes I was enforced foâ— lacke of sufficient store in diuers places to vse the methode of time onely which many worthy authors on the like occasion are enforced vnto being now more plentifully â—urnished with matter I alwayes follow the double order of time and place Wherefore proposing vnto my selfe the right situation of this New world I begin at the extreme Northerne limite and put downe successiuely in one ranke or classis according to the order aforesaide all such voyages as haue bene made to the said part which comming all together and following orderly one vpon another doe much more lighten the readers vnderstanding and confirme his iudgement then if they had bene scattered in sundry corners of the worke Which methode I obserue from the highest North to the lowest South Now where any country hath bene but seldome hanted or any extraordinary and chiefe action occurreth if I finde one voyage well written by two seuerall persons sometimes I make no difficultie to set downe both those iournals as finding diuers things of good moment obserued in the one which are quite omitted in the other For commonly a souldier obserueth one thing and a mariner another and as your honour knoweth Plus vident oculi quà m oculus But this course I take very seldome and sparingly And albeit my worke do carry the title of The English voyages aswell in regard that the greatest part are theirs and that my trauaile was chiefly vndertaken for preseruation of their memorable actions yet where our owne mens experience is defectiue there I haue bene careful to supply the same with the best and chiefest relations of strangers As in the discouery of the Grand Bay of the mighty riuer of S. Laurence of the countries of Canada Hochelaga and Saguenay of Florida and the Inland of Cibola Tiguex Cicuic and Quiuira of The gulfe of California the Northwesterne sea-coast to Cabo Mendoçino and Sierra Neuada as also of the late rich discouery of 15. prouinces on the backside of Florida and Virginia the chiefest wherof is called the kingdome of New Mexico for the wealth ciuil gouernment and populousnesse of the same Moreouer because since our warres with Spaine by the taking of their ships and sacking of their townes and cities most of all their secrets of the West Indies and euery part thereof are fallen into our peoples hands which in former time were for the most part vnknowen vnto vs I haue vsed the vttermost of my best endeuour to get and hauing gotten to translate out of Spanish and here in this present volume to publish such secrets of theirs as may any way auaile vs or annoy them if they driue and vrge vs by their sullen insolencies to coÌ„tinue our courses of hostilitie against them and shall cease to seeke a good and Christian peace vpon indifferent and equal conditions What these things be and of how great importance your honour in part maâ— vnderstand if it please you to vouchsafe to reade the Catalogues coÌ„teyning the 14. principal heads of this worke Whereby your honor may farther perceiue that there is no chiefe riuer no port no towne no citie no prouince of any reckoning in the West Indies that hath not here some good description thereof aswell for the inland as the seast-coast And for the knowledge of the true breadth of the Sea betweene Noua Albion on the Northwest part of America and the yle of Iapan lying ouer against the kingdomes of Coray and China which vntil these foure yeeres was neuer reueiled vnto vs being a point of exceeding great consequence I haue here inserted the voyage of one Francis Gualle a Spaniard made from Acapulco an hauen on the South sea on the coast of New Spaine first to the Philippinas and then to the citie of Macao in China and homeward from Macao by the yles of Iapan and thence to the back of the West Indies in the Northerly latitude of 37. degrees ½ In which course betweene the said ylands and the maine he found a wide and spacious open Ocean of 900. leagues broad which a little more to the Northward hath bene set out as a Streight and called in most mappes The Streight of Anian In which relation to the viceroy hee constantly affirmeth three seuerall times that there is a passage that way vnto the North parts of Asia Moreouer because I perceiue by a letter directed by her Maiestie to the Emperour of China and sent in the last Fleet intended for those parts by The South Sea vnder the charge of Beniamin Wood chiefly set out at the charges of sir Robert Duddeley a gentleman of excellent parts that she vseth her princely mediation for obtaining of freedome of traffique for her marchants in his dominions for the better instruction of our people in the state of those countries I haue brought to light certaine new aduertisements of the late alteration of the mightie monarchie of the confronting yle of Iapan and of the new conquest of the kingdome of Coray not long since tributarie to the king of China by Quabacondono the monarch of all the yles and princedomes of Iapan as also of the Tartars called Iezi adioyning on the East Northeast parts of Coray where I thinke the best vtterance of our natural and chiefe commoditie of cloth is like to be if it please God hereafter to reueile vnto vs the passage thither by the Northwest The most exact and true information of the North parts of China I finde in an history of Tamerlan which I haue in French set out within these sixe yeres by the abbat of Mortimer dedicated to the French king that now reigneth who confesseth that it was long since written in the Arabian tongue by one Alhacen a wise and valiant Captaine employed by the said mighty prince in all his conquests of the foresaid kingdome Which history I would not haue failed to haue translated into English if I had not found it learnedly done vnto my hand And for an appendix vnto the ende of my worke I haue thought it not impertinent to exhibite to the graue and discreet iudgements of those which haue
wrought aâ—tificially with feathers of diuers colours the chaines were made of a bony substance and few be the persons among them that are admitted to weare them and of that number also the persons are stinted as some ten some twelue c. Next vnto him which bare the scepter was the king himselfe with his Guarde about his person clad with Come skinnesâ— and other skinnes after them followed the naked common sort of people euery one hauing his face painted some with white some with blacke and other colours and hauing in their hands one thing or other for a present not so much as their children but they also brought their presents In the meane time our Generall gathered his men together and marched within his fenced place making against their approching a very warlike shewe They being trooped together in their order and a general salutation being made there was presently a generall silence Then he that bare the scepter before the king being informed by another whome they assigned to that office with a manly and loftie voice proclaimed that which the other spake to him in secret continuing halfe an houre which ended and a generall Amen as it were giuen the king with the whole number of men and women the childreâ— excepted came downe without any weapon who descending to the foote of the hill set themselues in order In comming towards our bulwarks and tents the scepter bearer began a song obseruing his measures in a dance and that with a stately countenance whom the king with his Garde and euery degree of persons following did in like maner sing and dance sauing onely the women which daunced and kept silence The General permitted them to enter within our bulwark where they continued their song and daunce a reasonable time When they had satisfied themselues they mad signes to our Generall to sit downe to whom the king and diuers others made seueral orations or rather supplicationâ— that he would take their prouince and kingdom into his hand and become their king making signes that they would resigne vnto him their right and title of the whole land and become his subiects In which to perswade vs the better the king and the rest with one consent and with great reuerence ioyfully singing a song did set the crowne vpon his head inriched his necke with all their chaines and offered vnto him many other things honouring him by the name of Hioh adding thereunto as it seemed a signe of triumph which thing our Generall thought not meete to reiect because hee knewe not what honour and profite it might bee to our countrey Wherefore in the name and to the vse of her Maiestieâ— he tooke the scepter crowne and dignitie of the said Countrey in his hands wishing that the riches treasure there of might so conueniently be transported to the inriching of her kingdome at home as it aboundeth in the â—ame The common sort of the people leauing the king and his Guarde with our Generall scattered themselues together with their sacrifices among our people taking a diligent viewe of euery person and such as pleased their fancie which were the yongest they inclosing them about offred their sacrifices vnto them with lamentable weeping scratching and tearing the flesh from their faces with their nayles whereof issued abundance of blood But wee vsed signes to them oâ— disliking this and stayed their hands from force and directed them vpwardes to the liuing God whome onely they ought to worshippe They shewed vnto vs their wounds and craued helpe of them at our handes whereupon wee gaue them lotions plaisters and emiments agreeing to the state of their griefes beseeching God to cure their deseases Euery thirde day they brought their sacrifices vnto vs vntill they vnderstoode our meaning that we had no pleasure in them yet they could not be long absent from vs but daily frequented our company to the home of our departure which departure seemed so grieuous vnto them that their ioy was turned into sorrow They intreated vs that bâ—ing absent wee would remember them and by stelth prouided a sacrifice which we misliked Our necessarie businesse being ended our Generall with his companie traueiled vp into the Countrey to their villages where we found heardes of Deere by a thousand in a companie being most large and fat of body We found the whole countrey to bee a warren of a strange kinde of Conies their bodyes in bignes as be the Barbary Conies their heads as the heades of ours the feet of a Want and the taile of a Rat being of great length vnder her chinne on either side a bagge into the which shee gathereth her meate when she hath filled her belly abroad The people eate their bodies and make great account of their skinnes for their Kings coate was made of them Our Generall called this countrey Noua Albion and that for two causes the one in respect of the white bankes and cliffes whichly towardes the sea and the other because it might haue some affinitie with our Countrey in name which sometime was so called There is no part of earth here to bee taken vp wherein there is not some speciall likelihood of gold or siluer At our departure hence our Generall set vp a monument of our being there as also of her Maiesties right and title to the same namely a plate nailed vpon a â—aire great posteâ— whereupon was ingrauen her Maiesties name the day and yeere of our arriuall there with the sree giuing vp of the Prouince and people into her Maiesties hands together with her higâ—nes picture and armes in a peice of sixe pence of current English money vnder the plate where vnder was also written the name of our Generall It seemeth that the Spaniards hitherto had neuer bene in this part of the countrey neither did euer discouer the land by many degrees to the Southwards of this place The true and perfect description of a voyage performed and done by Francisco de Gualle a Spanish Captaine and Pilot for the Vice-roy of New Spaine from the Hauen of Acapulco in New Spaine to the Islands of the Luçones or Philippinas vnto the Hauen of Manilla from thenâ— to the Hauen of Macao in Chiâ—na and from Macao backe againe to Acapulco accomplished in the yeere of our Lord 1584. Chap. I. THe tenth of March in the yeere of our Lorde 1582 wee set sayle out of the Hauen of Acapulco lying in the countrey of New Spaine directing our course towards the Islands of the Luçones or Philippinas West Southwest running in that maner for the space of twentie fiue leagues till wee came vâ—der sixteene degrees that so wee might shunne the calmes by sayling close by the shoare From thence forward we held our course West for the space of 30 leagues beiâ—g there we ran West and West by South for the space of 1800 leagues to the Island called â—â—la del Enganno which is the furthest Island lying in
in such a perplexitie and confusion that we know not what we shall doe I pray God his maiestie take not away our money which wee haue sent to Spaine in the fleete For here are marchants that haue sent some 200000. pezos some 100000. pezos some 60000. some more some lesse to haue it imployed in commodities of that countrey Although the king hath sâ—nt hither his scedule or bill of assignâ—ment signed and sealed by his maiestie which hath bene proclaimed here The contents whereof are That what man soeuer marchant or other will send their money into Spaine in that fleete his maiestie will not take away any part or portion thereof which in so doing will bee a great comfort vnto vs all yet here we were in doubt that hee would take it from vs all Newes from the citie of Lima as yet we haue none But I can certifie your worshippe that all things are very deere here and that we stand in great extremitie for want of victuals and likewise we haue great want of money Also here is order come from the king with certaine priuie seales for to lend his maiestie money for that hee hath great neede thereof This countrey at this instant very poore and there are none that can lend the king at this time any money at all by reason that this lande is left so vnprouided of money But wâ—e are looking for great store of money which is to come from Lima and from The Valles From Panama the 12. of August 1590. STEVEN de TRESIO A letter of the Licenciate Iohn de Labera to the Licenciate Alonso Sapata de Henao in Castile in Calamea de la Sorengo written from S. Fee de Bogota in the new kingdom of Granada the 10. of May 1590. touching the rich siluer mines of Marequita newly found out and the long way thither by the riuer of Magdalena WIth other letters which I dispatched froÌ„ heÌ„ce in August 1589. I wrote vnto your worship by 2. or 3. wayes but I know not whether you haue receiued them or no. Presently after I departed to the gouernment of Popayan which ioyneth with the citie of Quito in the coast of Peru in companie of the gouernors lieutenant Don Diego Ordonez de Lara of Salamanca But I was faine to forsake his companie by reason I fell sicke in the citie of Marequita where they haue discouâ—red the great siluer mines which citie is aboue 200. leagues from Cartagena where I remained a certâ—ine time very sicke And because this countrey is extreme hotte and I â—uery day grewe worse and worse I was faine to trauaile 30. leagues further vp into the maine land to a citie called S. Fee in the new kingdom of Granada bâ—ing on the coast of Peru which is a cold countrey where I am admitted a procurator for that the Roial audience is kept in this citie So I finde my selfe very healthy of bodie by reason this countrey is full of all kind of victuals very good and very plentifull as bread cheese bacon beefe great store of hâ—nnes and great store of comfeitures Onely here is want of golde â—o that this countrey will be vtterly vndone if the mines of Marequita help not to restore the same again whereof there is good hope for here is great store of metall already found and the workmen are in hand to refine the said metal so that we are in good hope that great store of siluer will be found in these mines of great value and profite to his maiestie This riuer is called The great riuer of Magdalena There is a fish in the riuer called Cayman which followeth after the canoas and if it can reach any man in the canoa it will haile him out and deuoure him All night they lie in the sand on shore In this riuer as we are going vp there is at certaine seasons great store of lightning and thunder with such abundance of raine as though the skies would fall downe and so it doth continue from midnight vntil morning so that we are faine to go aboord the canoas with certaine broad leaues which grow in the countrey the mariners make a couering to cast ouer the wares which are laden in the canoas and it doth keepe both the raine sunne from vs which are passengers The canoas are drawen vp this riuer of Magdalena by maine force of the mariners in â—owing and haling them with ropes There are 7. or 8. Indians commonly which guide these canoas besides the Master which keepeth the helme and the passengers We are commonly two moneths in going vp this riuer It is 150. leagues to the landing place And there the marchants vnlade their marchandise which serue for all the cities and townes which are in this newe kingdome of Granada And the marchants lade the canoas backe againe from thence with great store of siluer and golde which is gotten out of the mines for Cartagena and there it is shipped for Spaine And likewise here is great quantitie of treasure laden in thesayd canoas which is for the kings custome and other dueties which are paid But they are but a moneth or three weâ—kes going downe the riuer to Cartagena These are the richest mines in all Peru. And thus I rest From Santa Fee de Bogota in the new kingdome of Granada in Peru the 10. of May 1590. The Licenciate IOHN de LABERA A letter of Hieronymo de Nabares to the licenciat Iohn Alonso dwelling in Valladolid written from Panama to Siuil the 24. day of August 1590. touching the gainefulnes of the trade to the Philippinas and the extreme feare they haue of the Englishmen NOt long agone I wrote to your worship from Panama by the way of Hauana giuing you to vnderstand of my being here of the state of these countreys After I departed from Spaine in 37. dayes wee arriued at Cartagena and from thence I tooke shipping to goe to Nombre de Dios which is 80. leagues from Cartagena and in 4. dayes wee got thither And from thence I went to Panama where I haue remained these 20. dayes till the shippes goe for the Philippinas My meaning is to carie my commodities thither for it is constantly reported that for euery hundred ducats a man shall get 600. ducats cleerely Wee must stay here in Panama from August till it be Christmasse For in August September October and Nouember it is winter here and extreme foule weather vpon this coast of Peru and not nauigable to goe to the Philippinas nor to any place else in the South sea So that at Christmasse the ships begin to set on their voyage for those places and then in these parts the summer beginneth with very faire weather and alwayes we shall haue the windes with vs. For in Iuly vntil October here is terrible thundering and lightening with extreme raines so that it is not possible to go any way in this countrey Here are in Panama 10. great ships of
if they consider that the Spanish nation hath already conquered the two empires of Mexico and Peru with so many other kingdoms and prouinces wee may very well answere that his power is not infinite and that hee hath done well for the time And yet it is manifest that this very empire hath beene by all those seuerall Spaniardes the catalogue of whose names is by it selfe hereunto annexed at sundry times vndertaken and neuer perfourmed Howbeit the world hath reason to admire their constancie and their great labours and wee may well blush at our owne idle despaiâ—efull and loytering dispositions that can finde abilitie in another barren and sterued nation to possesse so much of the worlde and can doe nothing but frame arguments against our selues as vnfit and powerlesse to possesse one prouince already discouered and of which our nation hath assurance of the peoples loue and that all the Chieftaines and principals haue vowed their obedience to her Maiestie the nauigation being withall so short dangerlesse and free from infectious sickenesse If doubt of perils might moderate the mindes of our men once mooued with steadfast hope that golde shall bee the reward of their trauels it may easily bee perceiued that all those lets and hinderances that can any way bee alleaged or wrested so much as but to touch vs doe deepely and neerely concerne the Spanish king and in a maner violently withold him from that which hee notwithstanding carreith with successe whilest wee out of season do affect the bare stile to be named men stayed and circumspect in our proceedings It is reported that Calanus the Indian threw downe before Alexander the great a drie seare peece of leather then put his foot on one of the endes of it the leather being trode downe at that side â—ose on all parts else By this the wise man did shewe vnto him a figure and similitude of his kingdome which being exceeding large must of necessitie in all other parts excepting the place of the kings residence be alwayâ—s full of stiâ—s tumults and insurrections The end afterwards confirmed that this empire consisting of sundry nations could not keepe it selfe from dissolution No potentate liuing hath or can haue so faithfull and incorrupt counsellers as bee the examples and histories of forepassed times and ages Wee may therefore bee bolde to thinke that the Gouernours of the Spanish affaires â—hould minde it that their kings lustfull desire and ambitious thoughts to establish ouer all Europe one lawe one Lord one religion are built and erected on a dangerous vngrounded reâ—olution Considering that many of the neighbour kingdomes being of equall force in men or greater then hee can make are setled in a long continued estate are entire within themselues and hate to heare the voyce of a stranger It is not vnlikely that they in this case should lay before their king the fatall destinies of many worthies that haue beene constrained for wante of sufficient numbers of their naturall subiects after many yeeres spent in the warres to retire to their owne countreys and haue beene glad peaceably to holde their owne Signiories at home resigning all that vnto others which they haue gotten abroad by hard aduenture and much esâ—usion of blood The King of Spaine cannot but discerne that his spacious empires and kingdomes being so many and so farre diuided one from another are like the members of a monstrous bodie tyed together with cables onely For take away the traffique of vnnecessarie commodities transported â—ut of Spaine those huge countreys of the Indies hauing no common linke of affinitie lawe language or religion and being of themselues able to maintaine themselues without forreine commerce are not so simple as not to knowe thâ—ir owne strength and to finde that they doe rather possesse Spaniardes then that they are possessed by them Hee cannot bee ignorant that Spaine it selfe is on all sides enuironed with many puissant enemies mightie and great princes who knowing it to bee rich without men confident without reason proud and aduenturous without meanes sufficient may happily confederate to chastise him as an insolent intruder and disturber of all quietnesse and going no further then Spaine it selfe may euen there shake the foundation of his long contriued deuises and in one acte redeeme the time controll his aspiring humor and breake the bandes in sunder that import seruitude and subuersion to all the dominions of Christendome Againe his counsell may well informe him that to dispeople and disable himselfe at home in hope to obtaine Guiana being a countrey strong of it selfe and defended with infinite multitudes of Indian enemies being rich and by the inhabitants offered vnto the English his contempt towardes vs would seeme so intollerable and despightfull as might bee sufficient to prouoke vs though otherwise wee had no such inclination if hee vnprouided of able helpes to effect it should rest himselfe on a carelesse presumption that wee cannot wee dare not wee will not stirre in a matter that promiseth vs so great benefite and may so highly offend him Hee may bee perswaded that to leaue no other succour or safetie to his nakednesse but the olde stale practice of spreading rumours and giuing out false intelligences of preparations to inuade England thereby to keepe vs at home or els of hyring and suborning some Machauellian vnder hande by secret conueyance to stop the course of our proceedings or lastly of procuring some wilde outlaw to disquiet our tranquillitie is but a poore weake and vncertaine stay to vpholde his estate by And yet setting such like driftes aside what can bee imagined likely to hinder vs from preuailing in Guiana rather then him whose disaduantage is to bee encombred with the selfe same and manifolde more impediments then can any way bee supposed with â—ood cause to impeach or diuorce vs froÌ„ so profitable an attempt All this nothwithstanding if the Spanish king not being able to dissemble his desire or beare the losse of this one kingdome putting himselfe out of his strength at home and exposing his people to the hazard of all casualties abroad bee resolued whatsoeuer shall happen not to relinquish Guiana but to keepe this one yron more in the fire on no other assurance but a peremptorie disdaine of preuention If hee appeare so eagerly bent for Guiana as if it were enacted for a lawe amongst themselues Vâ—is modis to thrust for it and not to heare conceiue or beleeue any thing that may disswade or deterre from the conquest thereof it then appertaineth vnto vs not to inforce those obiections against our selues which hee with lesse reason reiecteth as friuolous since by howe much the more earnest hee is in following this purpose by so much the lesse cause haue wee to bee diuâ—rted from it To such as shall bee willing further to wade in this argument for breuities sake I doe propose onely this bare assertion that England and Guiana conioyned are stronger and more easily defended then if England alone should repose
person clad with Conie skins other skins after them followed the naked coÌ„mon sort of people euery one hauing his face paâ—nted some with white some with blacke and other colours hauing in their hands one thing or another for a present not so much as their children but they also brought their presents In the meane time our Generall gathered his men together and marched within his fenced place making against their approching a uery warre-like shew They being trooped together in their order and a generall salutation being made there was presently a generall silence Then he that bare the scepter before the King bâ—ing informed by another whom they assigned to that office with a manly and loftie voyce proclaymed that which the other spake to him in secrete continuing halfe an houre which ended and a ganeraâ—l Amen as it were giuen the King with the whole number of men and women the children excepted came downe without any weapon who descending to the foote of the hill set themselues in order In comming towards our bulwarks and tents the scepter-bearer began a song obseruing his measures in a daunce and that with a stately countenance whom the King with his Guarde and euery degree of persons following did in like maner sing and daunce sauing onely the women which daunced kept silence The General permitted them to enter within our bulwarke where they continued their song and daunce a reasonable time When they had satisfied themselues they made signes to our General to sit downe to whom the King and diuers others made seuerall orations or rather supplications that hee would take their prouince and kingdome into his hand and become their King making signes that they would resigne vnto him their right and title of the whole land and become his subiects In which to perswade vs the better the King and the rest with one consent and with great reuerence ioyfully singing a song did set the crowne vpon his head inriched his necke with all their chaines and offred vnto him many other things honouring him by the name of Hioh adding thereunto as it seemed a signe of triumphâ— which thing our Generall thought not meete to reiect because he knew not what honour and profit it might be to our Countrey Wherefore in the name and to the vse of her Maiestieâ— he tooke the scepter crowne and dignitie of the said Countrey into his hands wishing that the riches treasure thereof might so conueniently be transported to the inriching of her kingdom at home as it aboundeth in y e same The common sorte of people leauing the King and his Guarde with our Generall scattered themselues together with their sacrifices among our people taking a diligent viewe of euery person and such as pleased their fancie which were the yongest they inclosing them about offred their sacrifices vnto them with lamentable weeping scratching and tearing the flesh from their faces with their nailes whereof issued abundance of blood But wee vsed signes to them of disâ—iking this and stayed their hands from force and directed them vpwards to the liuing God whom onely they ought to worship They shewed vnto vs their wounds and craued helpe of them at our hands whereupon we gaue them lotions plaisters and oyntments agreeing to the state of their griefes beserching God to cure their diseases Euery third day they brought their sacrifices vnto vs vntill they vnderstood our meaning that we had no pleasure in them yet they could not be long absent from vs but dayly frequented our company to the houre of our departure which departure seemed so greeuous vnto them that their ioy was turned into sorow They intreated vs that being absent we would remember them and by stealth prouided a sacrifice which we misliked Our necessarie businesse being ended our Generall with his company trauailed vp into the Covntrey to their villages where we found herdes of Deere by 1000. in a company being most large and fat of body We found the whole Countrey to bee a warren of a strange kinde of Connies their bodies in bignesse as be the Barbary Connies their heads as the heads of ours the feete of a Want and the taile of a Rat being of great length vnder her chinne is on either side a bag into the which she gathereth her meate when she hath filled her bellie abroad The people eate their bodies and make great accompt of their skinnes for their Kings coate was made of them Our Generall called this Countrey Noua Albion and that for two causes the one in respect of the white bankes and cliffes which lie towards the sea and the other because it might haue some affinitie with our Countrey in name which sometime was so called There is no part of earth heere to bee taken vp wherein there is not some probable shew of gold or siluer At our departure hence our Generall set vp a monument of our being there as also of her Maiesties right and title to the same namely a plate nailed vpon a faire great poste whereupon was ingrauen her Maiesties name the day and yeere of our arriuall there with the free giuing vp of the prouince and people into her Maiesties hands together with her highnesse picture and armes in a peece of sixe pence of current English money vnder the plate whereunder was also written the name of our Generall It seemeth that the Spaniards hitherto had neuer bene in this part of the Countrey neither did euer discouer the land by many degrees to the Southwards of this place After we had set saile from hence wee continued without sight of land till the 13. day of October following which day in the morning wee fell with certaine Islands 8. degrees to the Northward of the line from which Islands came a great number of Canoas hauing in some of them 4. in some 6. and in some also 14. men bringing with them cocos and other fruites Their Canoas were hollow within and cut with great arte and cunning being very smooth within and without and bearing a glasse as if it were a horne daintily burnished hauing a prowe and a sterne of one sort yeelding inward circle-wise being of a great height and full of certaine white shels for a brauerie and on each side of them lie out two peeces of timber about a yard and a halfe long more or lesse according to the smalnesse or bignesse of the boate This people haue the nether part of their eares cut into a round circle hanging downe very lowe vpon their cheekes whereon they hang things of a reasonable weight The nailes of their hands are an ynche long their teeth are as blacke as pitch and they renew them often by eating of an herbe with a kinde of powder which they alwayes carrie about them in a cane for the same purpose Leauing this Island the night after we fell with it the 18. of October we lighted vpon diuers others some whereof
cape oâ— Good hopâ— Iune Port 〈◊〉 M. Thomaâ— Doughtie executed August The streighâ— of Mageliâ—â— The bredth of the streights of Magellan Abundance of foule in the streight September 57. Degrees and a terce of Southerly latitude Botero writeth that another hath found this place all Islands M. Winter separated and returned The trending of the coast of Câ—ili The Iâ—le la Mocha in 38. degrees and 30. minutes The port of Valparizo in 33. degrees 40 minutes Wine of Chili The towne oâ— S. Iago taken Wine of Chili Iohn Griego a Pilot taken Gold of Baldiuia Coquimbo in 29. degrees 30 minutes Tarapaâ—a Arica in 18. deg 30. min. Lima in 11. deg 50 minutes The rich ship called â—acaâ—uâ—go taken Cape de San â—â—ancisco in 1. degree to the North. China silks and Porcâ—llan Gâ—aâ—â—â—co The Portugal Pilot set on land The Island of Canno A ship with a gouernour for the Islands of Phâ—lippinâ—s Iune Sir Francis Drake sayled oâ— the backside of America â—â— 43. degrees of Northerly latitude 38. Degrees A description of the pâ—ople and Counâ—â—ey of Noua Albion A long oratioâ— Chaines like those of Canadâ—â— The King reâ—igâ—es his crowne and kingdome to Sir â—â—ancâ—â— Drake The like they did in Hochelâ—ga Great herdes of Deere Abundâ—nce of â—â—range coâ—iâ—s Noua Albion Golde and siluer in the earth of Noua Albion Their departure October Certaine Islands in 3. degrees Strange Canoas like those of â—aua Islandâ— Nouember The Isle of Ternate The king of Ternate offreth himselfe and his kingdome to the seruice of the Queene of England The great and strange Canoas of the King of Ternate The King of Ternate came to visite Sir Francis Drake 〈◊〉 a kindâ— of â—eale A castle in Ternate Romanes and Turkâ—â—igiers in Ternate The maiestie oâ— the King Ternate the chiefest of the Maluco-isles A litle Island to the Southward oâ— Celâ—bes Fiery worms Bats Crauisheâ— Ianuarie in anno 1579. Their danger vpon a rocke Cloues The helpe of â— current in the deliuerie Februarie Barateue Island Linen cloth good marchaÌ„dize Nutmegs and long Peper growing in Barateue Commendation of the Island of Barateue Iaua maior Red greene clothes mâ—â—â— estâ—emed The manners oâ— the people oâ— Iaua A strange fashion of boyling rice The French peâ—ks The Cape of Buena Eâ—peranza not so dangeâ—ous as the Portugals haue giuen oâ—t Sierra Leona Oister-trees 1579. Rio de Plataâ— Bay de las Islasâ— The description of The 〈◊〉 of Magellanâ— This was the Elizabeth M. Iohn Winters ship They were dâ—iuen vnto 57. degrees oâ— southerly latitude The Isle of Mocha in 38. deg 30. min. Sir Francis Drake wounded The hauen of S. Iago in 32. degrees and a halfe Aâ—â—â—â—â— Calao de Lima. Payta A preâ—ie deuies to make their ship â—aâ—â—e morâ— swiâ—tly Nicaragua The Island of Canno The first sight of Nueua Espanna They talâ—e and tâ—imme thâ—ir ship at the I le oâ— Canno cart against Nicaragua Sea charts of the South sea taken They arriâ—â— at Guatulco Aprill 13. Stila nouo Nuno da Silue set on land Then set forward from Plimmouth the 13. of December Cape Cantin Asaphi Mogador an Island on the coast of Baâ—baâ—y Foure loose Piâ—â—isseâ— brought out of England Mogador in 31 degrees and an halfe Cape de Guer in 30 degrees Cape Bojador in 27 degrees 4 min. Cape de las Barbas Cape Blanco in 20 degrees 30. min. The isle of Maio. Ripe grapes in Ianuarie The Cocos tree The isle of Fogo Braua Nonnez de Silua Flying fishes Continuall raine at certaine seasons neere the Equinoctial Land in 31 degrees 30 min. to the South of the Equinoctial Cape Sant Marie at the mouth of the Riuer of Plate Cape of Hope in 47 degrees Ostriches and sea foules The description of câ—rtaine Sauages The port of Sant Iulian. Two of our men slaine bâ— the Patagons The execution of M. Thomas Doughtie The entrance of the streight of Magellan Ordinarie flood and ebbe in the streight Abundance of Sea 〈◊〉 on S. George◠〈◊〉 in the streight of Magellan High hills on both sides of the streight Cape Deseado where they entred into the South sea They were diueÌ„ to 57 degrees Southward They loose M. Drakes company The voyage giuen ouer Then returned out of The streight the 11 of Nouember hauinâ— entred into â—he â—outh sea the 6 oâ— September Sant Vincent iâ— Brasil in 24 degrees A dangerous current Tanay a plaâ—â— in â—â—asil The isle of Sant Sebastianâ— aboue the Tropicke of Caprâ—corne Cape Sant Augustine The isle of Fernando de Loronâ—a The sea of Weedes neere the Tropicke of Cancer Their arriuall at â—â—tooâ—d-câ—mbe in Deuonshire M. Carlile vpon occasion was not in this voyage The gouernour oâ— tâ—â—â— companiâ— They are inâ—ormed to go by the Cape oâ— Buena Esperanza Strange people to be brought home M. Carlile vpon occasion was not in this voyage They arriue in the riuer of Sierra leâ—na Trees hung with oysters Their trafique here with the Portugals Sickenesse by eating some fruite in Guinea The Portugals presents M Euans oâ—â— of our maâ—chants Theâ— sâ—â—rch the countreyâ— They râ—turnâ— to Sierra lâ—oâ—â— againe Trafique wiâ—â— 3 othâ—r Poâ—â—ugals vâ—z 1 〈◊〉 Henriques a 〈…〉 20 〈◊〉 â— â— Mattheâ— Fâ—â—â—â—ndoâ— â—aptâ—â—â—e 3 Pedro 〈…〉 Thâ—â—â—ntâ—r vâ— to 〈◊〉 the couâ—â—â—rey A sword 〈◊〉 killed A strange fisâ— taken 1â— degrees of Southerly latitude Cold euening◠〈◊〉 Iâ—â—lands The latitude of 27 degrees 50 minutes A bay Wels madâ— bâ— our men An exceeding great draught of fish The woods sâ— on fire by ouâ— mâ—â— A saile seeâ—â— and takâ—â— Richard Carâ—â—â— an EnglishmaÌ„ taken in the 〈◊〉 The numâ—â—â— of 21 in th◠〈◊〉 The Spanish barke dismissed Spanish presentâ—â— Things found in the island They leaue the harbour in 27 degrees and 50 min. Richard Câ—rtâ—â— the English man taken iâ— the prize caried along witâ— themâ— They returâ—â— in the latitudâ— of 33. Iohn Drake in y e Francis wenâ— to the riuer of Plate wherein his ship was cast away but the men gat to land and liued 15 moneths among the Sauages Infinitâ—â—â—â—ber of fishâ— A small island which our meÌ„ called Faulcon isle Citron isle Their arriuall at S. Vincent Three canoas of Portugals Indians A castle A canoa with ten Indians and two Christians whereof one was an old Genouois Iohn Whithall an EnglishmaÌ„ which dwelleth at Santos hath married this Ioseph Doâ—ieâ— daughter Santos The Indians presents The chanell of S. Vincent soâ—â—ded Portable ouens to bakâ— in Iohn Whithalâ— Good counselâ— by the foresayâ— Englishman giuen to ouâ— men The Minion oâ— London sometime in Brasiâ— for traffiqâ—â— Three Spâ—nish ships diâ—â—couered The fight betwixt the English Spanish shipe at S. Vincent The Spanish viceadmirall sunke by the English This Greeke tolde the Generall y t there were 600 and odde in the 3 Spanish ships Here the gallion and the Edward â—onauenture were seuered and neuer met afterward M. Walke◠〈◊〉 pâ—eacher dieâ—â— Mariaâ—ton of the comâ—asâ—â— Treason of â—he Indianâ— Iaques Humfâ—â—â— a
the Whale 413. 113 The deposition of William Burrough to certeine Interrogatories mooued vnto him concerning the Narue and Kegor 414. 114 The reasons of M. William Burrough to disswade the vse of a trade to the Narue by the way through Sweden 416. 115 A remembrance of aduise giuen to the Moscouie merchants touching a voyage for Cola abouesaid 416. 116 An Epistle dedicatorie vnto the Queenes most excellent Maiestie written by M. William Burrough 417. 117 The Queenes Maiesties letters to Shaugh Thamas the great Sophy of Persia. 418. 118 The Latitudes and Meridian Altitudes of diuers places in Russia from the North to the South 431. 119 Directions giuen by M. Richard Hakluyt Esquire to Morgan Hubblethorne Dier sent into Persia. 432. 120 A Commission giuen by sir Rowland Heyward knight and George Barne Aldermen and gouernours of the Moscouie Companyâ— to Arthur Pet and Charles Iackman for the discouery by Sea towards Cathay 433. 121 Rules and orders giuen to be obserued by them in that Discouery 435. 122 Briefe aduises giuen by M. Iohn Dee to that purpose 437. 123 Instructions giuen them by Richard Hakluyt Esquire to that purpose also 437,438 124 The letter of Gerard. Mercator to Richard Hakluyt of Oxford touching that discouery 443. 125 Instructions giuen by the Moscouie Company vnto Richard Gibbs William Biggat Iohn Backhouseâ— c. Masters of their ships 453. 126 The opinion of M. William Burrough sent to a friend requiring his iudgement for the fittest time of the departure of our ships toward S. Nicolas in Russia 455. 127 The Queenes Maiesties Commission giuen to sir Ierome Bowes authorizing him her highnesse Ambassadour with the Emperour of Moscouie 455. 128 The Queenes Maiesties letters written to the Emperour by sir Ierome Bowes in his commendation 457. 129 The discourse of the Ambassage of sir Ierome Bowes to the aforesaid Emperour 458. 130 The maner of preferring suites in Russia 463. 131 A letter of M. Henry Lane to M. William Sanderson merchant of London conteyning a briefe discourse of all things passed in our Northren discoueries for the space of 33. yeeres 464. 132 The most solemne and magnificent Coronation of Pheodor Iuanowich Emperour of Russia set downe by M. Ierome Horsey 466. 133 The Priuileges graunted by the newe Emperour to the English merchants and obteined by the foresaid Ierom Horsey 470. 134 The Ambassage of M. Giles Fletcher Doctor of the Ciuil lawe from her Maiestie to the Emperour of Russia 473. 135 A notable description of Ruâ—â—ia 475 c. 136 A speciall note gathered by the excellent Venetian Cosmographer M. Iohn Baptista Ramusius concerning the Northeast passage 495. 137 The Lord Boris Pheodorowich his letter to the right honourable William Burghley Lord high Treasurer of England 498. 138 The Queenes Maiesties letter to Pheodor Iuanowich Emperour of Russia 499. 139 The Queenes Maiesties letters to the Lord Boris Pheodorowich 501. 140 The L. Treasurer sir William Cecil his letter to the Lord Boris Pheodorowich 502. 141 A letter of Pheodor Iuanowich to the Queenes Maiestie 502. 142 An other letter to the Queenes most excellent Maiestie from the Lord Boris Pheodorowich 503. 143 A second letter from the Lord Boris Pheodorowich to the L. William Burghley 504. 144 A most gracious letter of Priuileges giuen to the English merchants by Pheodor Iuanowich 505. 145 The contents of M. Garlands Commission vnto Thomas Simkinson for the bringing of M. Iohn Dee to the Emperour of Russia his Court. 508. 146 A letter to the right worsh. M. Iohn Dee Esquier conteyning the summe and effect of M. Garland his message 508. 147 A branch of a letter from Iohn Merick touching the death of Pheodor Iuanowich 509. 148 A learned Epistle written vnto the famous Cosmographer M. Gerardus Mercator concerning the Countreys Riuers and Seas towards the Northeast 510. 149 The honourable testimonies of diuers strangers touching the notable discoueries of the English made in the North-east parts 513. 150 A briefe Commentarie of the true state of Island 515. 550. 151 A letter written by the graue and learned Gudbrandus Thorlacius Bishop of Holen in Island concerning the ancient state of Island and Gronland 590. THE FIRST VOLVME OF THE principall Nauigations Voyages Traffiques and Discoueries of the English nation made to the North and Northeast quarters of the World with the directions letters priuiledges discourses and obseruations incident to the same Certeine testimonies concerning K. Arthur and his conquests of the North regions taken out of the historie of the Kings of Britaine written by Galfridus Monumetensis and newly printed at Heidelberge Anno 1587. Lib. 9. cap. 10. ANno Christi 517. Arthurus secundo regni sui anno subiugatis totius Hyberniae partibus claslem suam direxit in Islandiam eámque debellato populo subiugauit Exin diuulgato per caeteras insulas rumore quod eâ— nulla Prouincia resistere poterat Doldauius rex Gotlandiae Gunfacius râ—x Orcadum vltrò venerunt promissoque vectigali subiectionem feceiunt Emensa deinde hyeme reuersus est in Britanniam statúmque regni in firmam pacem renouans moram duodecim annis ibidem fecit The same in English IN the yere of Christ 517. king Arthur in the second yeere of his reigne hauing subdued all parts of Ireland sailed with his fleet into Island and brought it and the people thereof vnder his subiection The rumour afterwards being spread thorowout all the other Islands that no countrey was able to withstand him Doldauius the king of Gotland and Gunfacius the king of Orkney came voluntarily vnto him and yeelded him their obedience promising to pay him tribute The Winter being spent he returned into Britaine and establishing his kingdome in perfect peace he continued there for the space of twelue yeres Lib. 9 cap. 12. MIssis deinde in diuersa regna Legatis inuitantur tam ex Gallijs quà m ex collatetalibus Insulis Oceani qui ad curiam venire deberent c. Et paulò post Ex collateralibus autem Insulis Guillaumurius rex Hyberniae Maluasius rex Islandiae Doldauius rex Gotlandiae Gunnasius rex Orchadum Lot rex Noruegiae Aschilius rex Danorum The same in English AFter that king Arthur sending his messengers into diuers kingdomes he summoned such as were to come to his Court aswell out of France as out of the adiacent Islands of the sea c. and a little after From those adiacent Islands came Guillaumurius king of Ireland Maluasius king of Island Doldauius king of Gotland Gunnasius king of Orkney Lot the king of Norway and Aschilius the king of Denmarke Lib. 9 cap. 19. AT reges caeterarum Insularum quoniam non duxerant in morem equites habere pedites quot quisque debebat promittunt ita vt ex sex Insulis videlicet Hyberniae Islandiae Gotlandiae Orcadum Noruegiae atque Daciae sexies viginti millia essent annumerata The same in English BUt the kings of the other Islands because it was not their custome
to breed vp horses promised the king as many footmen as euery man was bound to send so that out of the six Islands namely of Ireland Island Gotland Orkney Norway and Denmarke the king had sixe score thousand souldiers sâ—nt him A testimonie of the right and appendances of the crowne of the kingdome of Britaine taken out of M. Lambard his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fol. 137. pag. 2. ARthurus qui fuit quondam inclytissimus Rex Britonum vir magnus suit animosus miles illustris Parum fuit ei regnum istud non fuit animus eius contentus regno Britanniae Subiugauit igitur sibi strenuè Scantiam totam quae modo Norweia vocatur omnes insulas vltra Scantiam sâ—z Islandiam Grenlandiam quae sunt de appendicijs Norweiae Suechordam Hyberniam â—uâ—landiam Daciam Semelandiam Winlandiam Curlandiam Roe Femelandiam Wirelandiam Flandriam Cherelam Lappam omnes alias terras insulas Orientalis Oceani vsque Russiam in Lappa scilicet posuit Orientalem metam regni Britanniae multas insulas vltra Scantiam vsque dum â—ub Septentrione quae sunt de appendicibus Scantiae quae modo Norweia vocatur Fuerunt autem ibi Christiani occultè Arthurus autem Christianus optimus fuit fecit eos baptizari vnum Deum per totam Norweiam venerari vnam fidem Chriâ—ti semper inuiolatam custodire suscipere Ceperunt vniuersi proceres Norweiae vxores suas de nobili gente Britonum tempore illo vnde Norwegienses dicunt se exijsse de gente sanguine regni huius Impetrauit enim temporibus illis Arthurus rex à domino Papa à Curia Romana quod confirmata sit Norweia in perpetuum coronae Britanniae in augmentum regni huius vocauÃtque illam dictus Arthurus Cameram Britannie Hac verò de causa dicunt Norwegienses se debere in regno isto cohabitare dicunt se esse de corpore regni huius scilicet de corona Britannie Maluerunt enim manere in regno isto quà m in terra eorum propria Terra enim eorum arida est montuosa sterilis non sunt ibi segetes nisi per loca Ista verò opulenta est fertilis crescunt hic segetes caetera vniuersa Qua ex causa saepius per vices gesta sunt bella atrocissima inter Anglos Norwegienses interfecti sunt innumerâ—biles Occupauerunt verò Norwegienses terras multas insulas regni huius quas adhuc detinent occupatas nec potuerunt vnquam postea penitus euelli Tandem modò confederati sunt nobis fide sacramento per vxores suas quas postea ceperunt de sanguine nostro per affinitates coniugia Ita demum constituit eis concessic bonus rex Edouardus propinquus noster qui fuit optimus filius pacis per commune confilium totius regni Qua de causa possent debent predicti de caetero nobiscum cohabitare remanere in regno sicut coniurati fratres nostri The same in English ARthur which was sometimes the most renowmed king of the Britains was a mightie and valiant man and a famous warriour This kingdome was too litle for him his minde was not conteated with it He therefore valiantly subdued all Scantia which is now called Norway and all the Islands beyond Norway to wit Island and Greenland which are apperteining vnto Norway Sweueland Ireland Gotland Denmarke Semeland Windland Curland Roe Femeland Wireland Flanders Cherilland Lapland and all the other lands Islands of the East sea euen vnto Russia in which Lapland he placed the Easterly bounds of his Brittish Empire and many other Islands beyond Norway euen vnder the North pole which are appendances of Scantia now called Norway These people were wild and sauage and had not in them the loue of God nor of their neighbors because all euill commeth from the North yet there were among them certeine Christians liuing in secret But king Arthur was an exceeding good Christian and caused them to be baptized and thorowout all Norway to worship one God and to receiue and keepe inuiolably for euer faith in Christ onely At that time all the noble men of Norway tooke wiues of the noble nation of the Britaines whereupon the Norses say that they are descended of the race and blood of this kingdome The aforesayd king Arthur obteined also in those dayes of the Pope court of Rome that Norway should be for euer annexed to the crowne of Britaine for the inlargement of this kingdome and he called it the chamber of Britaine For this cause the Norses say that they ought to dwell with vs in this kingdome to wit that they belong to the crowne of Britaine for they had rather dwell here then in their owne natiue countrey which is drie and full of mountaines and barren and no graine growing there but in certeine places But this countrey of Britaine is fruitfull wherein corne and all other good things do grow and increase for which cause many cruell battels haue bene oftentimes fought betwixt the Englishmen and the people of Norway and infinite numbers of people haue bene slaine the Norses haue possessed many lands and Islands of this Empire which vnto this day they doe possesse neither could they euer afterwards be fully expelled But now at length they are incorporated with vs by the receiuing of our religion and sacraments and by taking wiues of our nation and by affinitie and mariages For so the good king Edward who was a notable mainteiner of peace ordeined and granted vnto them by the generall consent of the whole kingdome so that the people may and ought from hencefoorth dwell and remaine in this kingdome with vs as our louing sworne brethren A testimonie out of the foresayd Galfridus Monumetensis concerning the conquests of Malgo king of England Lib. 11. cap. 7. VOrtiporio successit Malgo omnium ferè Britanniae pulcherrimus multorum tyrannorum depulsor robustus armis largior caeteris vltra modum probitate praeclarus Hic etiam totam Insulam obtinuit sex conprouinciales Oceani Iusulas Hyberniam videlicet atque Islandiam Gotlandiam Orcades Noruegiam Daciam adiecit dirissimis praelijs potestati suae The same in English MAlgo succeeded Vortiporius which was the goodliest man in person of all Britaine a prince that expulsed many tyrants He was strong and valiant in warre taller then most men that then liued and exceeding famous for his vertues This king also obteined the gouernment of the whole Island of Britaine and by most sharpe battailes he recouered to his Empire the sixe Islands of the Ocean sea which before had bene made tributaries by king Arthur namely Ireland Island Gotland Orkney Norway and Denmarke The conquest of the Isles of Anglesey and Man by Edwin the Saxon king of Northumberland written in the second Booke and fift Chapter of Beda his Ecclesiasticall historie
of the English nation EDuinus Nordanhumbrorum gentis id est eius quae ad borealem Humbri fluminis plagam inhabitat maiore potentia cunctis qui Britanniam incolunt Anglorum pariter Britonum populis praefuit praeter Cantuarios tantùm necnòn Menauias Britonum insulas quae inter Hiberniam Britanniam sitae sunt Anglorum subiecit potestati The same in English EDwin king of the people of Northumberland that is to say of them which inhabit to the North of the riuer Humber being of greater authoritie then any other potentate in the whole Isle of Britaine bare rule aswell ouer the English as the British nation except onely the people of Kent who also brought in subiection vnder the English the Isles of Man and Anglesey and the other Northwesterne Isles of the Britons which are situate betweene Britaine and Ireland Another testimonie alledged by Beda to the same purpose Lib. 2. cap. 9. ANno ab incarnatione Domini sexcente simo vicesimo quarto gens Nordanhumbrorum hoc est ea natio Anglorum quae ad aquilonarem Humbri fluminis plagam habitat cum rege suo Eduino verbum fidei praedicante Paulino cuius supra meminimus suscepit cui videlicèt regi in auspicium suscipiendae fidei regni coelestis potestas terreni creuerat imperij ita vt quod nemo Anglorum ante eum fecit omnes Britanniae fines qua velipsorum vel Britonum Prouinciae habitabantur sub ditione acceperit Quin Menauias insulas sicut supra docuimus imperio subiugauit Anglorum Quarum prior quae ad austrum est situ amplior frugum prouentu atque vbertate foelicior nongentarum sexaginta familiarum mensuram iuxta aestimationem Anglorum secunda trecentarum vltrà spatium tenet The same in English IN the yeere from the incarnation of our Lord sixe hundreth twentie and foure the people of Northumberland to wit those English people which inhabit on the North side of the riuer of Humber together with their king Edwin at the Christian preaching and perswasion of Paulinus aboue mentioned embraced the Gospel Under which king after he had once accepted of the Christian faith the power both of the heauenly of his earthly kingdome was inlarged insomuch that he which no English king had done before him brought vnder his subiection all the prouinces of Britaine which were inhabited either by the English men themselues or by the Britons Moreouer he subdued vnto the crowne of England as we haue aboue signified the Hebrides commonly called the Westerne Islands The principall wherof being more commodiously and pleasantly seated towards the South and more abounding with corne then the rest conteineth according to the estimation of the English roome enough for 960. families and â—he second for 300. and aboue The voyage of Bertus generall of an armie sent into Ireland by Ecfridus king of Northumberland in the yere of our Lord 684 out of the 4. Booke and 26. Chapter of Beda his Ecclesiasticall Hystorie ANno Dominicae incarnationis sexcentesimo octogesimo quarto Ecfridus rex Nordanhumbrorum misso Hiberniam cum excercitu duce Berto vastauit miserè gentem innoxiam nationi Anglorum semper amicissimam ita vt nec ecclesijs quidem aut monasterijs manus parceret hostilis At insulani quantum valuere armis arma repellebant inuocantes diuinae auxilium pietatis coelitus â—e vindicari continuis diù imprecationibus postulabant Et quamuis maledici regnum Dei possidere non possint creditum tamen est quòd hi qui merito impietatis suae maledicebantur ocyùs Domino vindice poenas sui reatus luerent The same in English IN the yeere of our Lord 684 Ecfrid the king of Northumberland sent captaine Bert into Ireland with an armie which Bert miserably wasted that innocent nation being alwayes most friendly vnto the people of England insomuch that the fury of the enemy spared neither churches nor monasteries Howbeit the Islanders to their power repelled armes with armes and crauing Gods aid from heauen with continuall imprecations and curses they pleaded for reuenge And albeit cursed speakers can by no meanes inherit the kingdome of God it was thought notwithstanding that they which were accursed for their impiety did not long escape the vengeance of God imminent for their offences The voyage of Octher made to the Northeast parts beyond Norway reported by himselfe vnto Alfred the famous king of England about the yere 890. OCther said that the countrey wherein he dwelt was called Helgoland Octher tolde his lord king Alfred that he dwelt furthest North of any other Norman He sayd that he dwelt towards the North part of the land toward the West coast and affirmed that the land notwithstanding it stretcheth marueilous farre towards the North yet it is all desert and not inhabited vnlesse it be very few places here and there where certeine Finnes dwell vpon the coast who liue by hunting all the Winter and by fishing in Summer He said that vpon a certeine time he fell into a fantasie and desire to prooue and know how farâ—e that land stretched Northward and whether there were any habitation of men North beyond the desert Whereupon he tooke his voyage directly North along the coast hauing vpon his sâ—eereboord alwayes the desert land and vpon the leereboord the maine Ocean and continued his course for the space of 3. dayes In which space he was come as far towards the North as commonly the whale hunters vse to trauell Whence he proceeded in his course still towards the North so farre as he was able to saile in other 3. dayes At the end whereof he perceiued that the coast turned towards the East or els the sea opened with a maine gulfe into the land he knew not how farre Well he wist and remembred that he was faine to stay till he had a Westerne winde and somewhat Northerly and thence he sailed plaine East along the coast still so far as he was able in the space of 4. dayes At the end of which time he was compelled againe to stay till he had a full Northerly winde â—orsomuch as the coast bowed thence directly towards the South or at least wise the sea opened into the land he could not tell how farre so that he sailed thence along the coast continually full South so farre as he could trauaile in 5. dayes and at the fifth dayes end he discouered a mightie riuer which opened very farre into the land At the entrie of which riuer he stayed his course and in conclusion turneâ— backe againe for he durst not enter thereinto for feare of the inhabitants of the land perceiuing that on the other side of the riuer the countrey was thorowly inhabited which was the first peopled land that he had found since his departure from his owne dwelling whereas continually thorowout all his voyage he had euermore on his steereboord a wildernesse and desert countrey except
wit or industrie can be contriued to al purposes sufficient but only by our seaforces preuailing and so by our inuincible enioying al within the sea limites of our British royaltie contained To which incredible political mysterie attaining no easier readier or perfecter plat and introduction is as yet come to my imagination then is the present and continuall seruice of threescore good and tall warlike ships with twentie smaller barkes and those 80. ships great and smal with 6660. apt men furnished and all singularly well appointed for seruice both on sea and land faithfully and diligently to be done in such circumspect and discreet order as partly I haue in other places declared and further vpon good occasion offered may declare This grand nauie of peaceable king Edgar of so many thousand ships and they furnished with an hundred thousand men at the least with all the finall intents of those sea forces so inuincible continually mainteined the order of the execution of their seruice the godly and Imperial successe thereof are in a maner kingly lessons and prophetical incouragements to vs left euen now to bee as prouident for publique securitie as he was to be as skilful of our sea right and royal limits and wisely to finde our selues as able to recouer and enioy the same as he was who could not chuse but with the passing and yeerely sayling about this Brittish Albion with all the lesser Isles next adiacent round about it he could not chuse I say but by such ful and peaceable possession find himselfe according to right and his hearts desire the true and soueraigne Monarch of all the British Ocean enuironing any way his empire of Albion and Ireland with the lesser Islands next adiacent with memorial whereof as with one very precious iewel Imperial hee adorned the title and crowne of his regalitie as with the testimonie annexed of the states and nobles of his Empire to commit to perpetuall memorie the stile of his chiefe worldly dignitie in this very tenor of words before also remembred Ego AEdgarus Anglorum Basileus omniúmque Regum Insularum Oceanique Britanniam circumiacentis cunctarúmque nationum quae infra eam includuntur Imperator Domiâ—us The voyage of Edmund and Edward the sonnes of King Edmund Ironside into Hungarie Anno D. 1017. Recorded by Florentius Wigâ—rniensis pag. 391. DEdit consilium Edricus Canuto regi vt clitunculos Eadwardum Eadmundum regis Eadmundifilios necaret Sed quia magnum dedecus sibi videbatur vtin Anglia perimerentur paruo elapso tempore ad regem Suauorum occidendos misit Qui licèt foedus esset inter cos precibus illius nullatenùs voluit acquiescere sedillos ad regem Hungarorum Salomonem nomine misit nutriendos vitae que reseruandos Quorum vnus scilicet Eadmundus processu temporis ibidem vitam finiuit Eadwardus verò Agatham filiam Germani Imperatoris Henriciin matrimonium accepit ex qua Margaretam Scotorum reginam Christinam Sanctimonialem Clitonem Eadgarum suscepit The same in English EDric counselled king Kanutus to murther the yong princes Edward and Edmund the sonnes of King Edmund But because it seemed a thing very dishonourable vnto him to haue them put to death in England hee sent them after a short space vnto the king of Sweden to be slaine Who albeit there was a league betweene them would in no case condescend vnto Canutus his bloody request but sent them vnto Salomon the king of Hungarie to be nourished and preserued aliue The one whereof namely Edmund in processe of time there deceased But Edward receiued to wife Agatha daughter vnto the Germane Emperour Henry of whom he begot Margaret the Queene of the Scots and Christina a Nunne and Clito Edgar A Chronicle of the Kings of Man taken out of M. Camdens Chorographie IN the yeere of our Lord 1066. Edward King of England of famous memory deceased whom Harald sonne of Godwin succeeded in his kingdome against which Harald the king of Norwaie called Harald Harfager fought a battel at Stainford bridge where the English winning the fielde put all the Noruegians to flight out of which flight one Godredus sirnamed Crouan the sonne of Harald the blacke who had before time fled out of Island repaired vnto Godred sonne of Syrric who then reigned in Man and was right friendly and honourably enterteined by him In the very same yeere William the Conquerour subdued England and Godred the sonne of Syrric king of Man deceased after whom succeeded his sonne Fingal In the yeere 1066. Godredus Crouan gathered a fleete of ships and sailed vnto Man and giuing battell vnto the people of the countrey was vanquished and put to flight The second time also hauing gathered his armie and ships together hee came vnto Man fought with the inhabitants lost the victorie and was chaced away Yea the third time he assembled a great multitude and comming by night vnto the port which is called Ramsa hid 300. of his men in a wood standing vpon the side of the hill called Scacasel The Sunne was no sooner vp but the Mannians arranged themselues and with great furie set vpon Godred And in the midst of the skirmish the foresaid 300. men rising out of their ambush and comming vpon the backes of the Mannians molested them so sore that they were enforced to flie But when they saw y t they were ouercome and had no place of refuge to retire vnto for the tide of the sea had filled the chanel of the riuer of Ramsa and seeing the enemie so fiercely pursuing them on the other side they which remained with lamentable outcries beseeched Godred to spare their liues Then hee being mooued with compassion and pitying their extreme calamitie because hee had bene of late sustained and nourished among them sounded a retreat and forâ—ad his souldiers to make any longer pursuit The day following Godred put his souldiers to their choice whether they would diuide Man among themselues and inhabite it or whether they would take the wealth of the countrey and so returne vnto their owne home Howbeit it pleased them better to waste the whole Island and to enrich themselues with the commodities thereof and so to returne from whence they came Nowe Godred himselfe with a fewe Islanders which had remained with him tooke possession of the South part of the Island and vnto the remnant of the Manâ—ians he granted the North part thereof vpon condition that none of them should at any time afterward dare once to chalenge any parcell of the said ground by title of inheritance Whereupon it commeth to passe that vnto this day the whole Island is the kings owne Fee-simple and that all the reuenues thereof pertaine vnto him Also Godredus subdued Dublin vnto himselfe a great part of Lainestir And he so tamed the Scots that none of them durst build a ship or a boate with aboue three yron nailes in it Hee reigned 16. yeeres and died in the Island called
Yle He left behinde him three sonnes Lagman Harald and Olauus Lagman being the eldest chalenged the kingdome and reigned seuen yeeres Howbeit Harald his brother rebelled against him a long time but being at length taken by Lagman hee was gelt and had his eyes put out Afterward Lagman repenting him that he had put out the eyes of his brother did of his owne accord relinquish his kingdome and taking vpon him the badge of the crosse he went on pilgrimage to Ierusalem in which iourney also he died In the yeere 1075. all the principall men of the Islands hauing intelligence of the death of Lagman sent messengers vnto Murecardus O-Brien King of Irland requesting him that hee would send some wel-disposed person of his owne kinred and blood royall vntill Olauus sonne of Godred were come to full age The king most willingly condescended vnto their request and sent vnto them one Dopnald the sonne of Tade charging and commaunding him that with all meekenesse and modestie hee should gouerne that kingdome which of right belonged not vnto him Howbeit he after he had once attained vnto the kingdome neglecting the commaundement of his lord vsurped the gouernment with great tyrannie committing many heinous crimes and so he reigned very disorderly for the space of three yeeres Then all the princes of the Islands making a generall conspiracie banded themselues against him and expelled him out of their dominions And he flying into Irland returned no more vnto them In the yeere 1077. one Ingemundus was sent from the king of Norway to take possession of the kingdome of the Islands And being come vnto the Island of Leodus hee sent messengers vnto all the princes of the Islands to come vnto him commaunding them to assemble themselues and to appoint him to be their King In the meane season he and his companions spent their time in robbing and rioting rauished women and virgines and addicted themselues to filthy pleasures and to the lustes of the flesh And when these things were reported vnto the princes of the Islands who had assembled themselues to chuse him king being mightely incensed thereat they made haste towards him and comming vpon him in the night they burnt the house wherein hee was and slue both him and the rest of his company partly with sword and partly with fire In the yeere 1098. the abbey of S. Maries at Cistertium was founded In the same yeere also Antiochia was taken by the Christians and a Comet appeared Moreouer the same yeere there was a battel fought betweene the inhabitants of Manâ— at Santwat and they of the North obtained the victory In which battell were slaine Earle Othor and Mac-Maras chieftaines of both parts The same yeere Magnus king of Norway sonne of Olauus sonne of Harald Harfagre being desirous to view the corps of S. Olauus king and Martyr gaue commaundement that his monument should be opened But the Bishop and the Clergie withstanding this his attempt the king went very boldly and by his kingly authoritie caused the cophin to be opened And when hee had seene with his eyes and handled with his hands the incorrupt body of the foresaid King and Martyr a sudden feare came vpon him and he departed with great haste The night following Olauus king and Martyr appeared vnto him in a vision saying Chuse I say vnto your selfe one of these two either within 30. dayes to lose your life with your kingdome or else to depart from Norway and neuer to see it againe The King so soone as he was awaked out of sleepe called his Princes and Senatours and expounded the foresaide vision vnto them And they also being astonished thereat gaue him this counsell that with all speed he should depart out of Norway Then he without any further delay caused a Nauie of 160. ships to be prouided and so sailed vnto the Islands of Orkney which hee presently subdued and passing along through all the Islands and conquering them at length he came vnto the Isle of Man where he was no sooner arriued but hee went vnto the Isle of S. Patric to see the place of battell where the inhabitants of Man had of late fought because many of the dead bodies were as yet vnburied And seeing that it was a most beautifull Island it pleased him exceeding well and therefore hee made choice to inhabite therein his owne selfe and built forts there which are at this day called by his owne name He had the people of Galway in such awe that he constrained them to cut downe their owne timber and to bring it vnto his shore for the building of his fortes Hee sailed on further vnto the Isle of Anglesey neere vnto Wales and finding two Earles therein either of them being called by the name of Hugo he slue the one and the other hee put to flight and so subdued the Island But the Welshmen presented many gifts vnto him and so bidding them farewell he returned vnto Man Unto Murecard king of Irland he sent his shooes commaunding him that he should cary them on his shoulders vpon the birth-day of our Lord through the midst of his Palace in the sight of his Embassadours that thereby it might appeare vnto them that he was subiect vnto king Magnus Which when the Irishmen heard they tooke it grieuously and disdeined much thereat But the King being better aduised I had rather said he not only beare his shooes but eate his shooes then that king Magnus should destroy any one prouince in Irland Wherefore he fulfilled his commaundement and honourably enterteined his Embassadours Many gifts also he sent vnto king Magnus by them and concluded a league But the messengers returning vnto their lord tolde him of the situation of Irland of the beautie thereof of the fruitfulnesse of the soile and of the holesonmesse of the aire Magnus hearing these things was fully resolued to conquer all Irland vnto himselfe And for the same purpose he commaunded that a Fleet should be made ready But he taking his voyage with sixteene ships being desirous to view the land when he had vndiscreetly departed from his Nauie he was suddenly inuironed by the Irish and was himselfe slaine together with all that were with him almost Hee was interred neere vnto the Church of S. Patric in Armagh Hee reigned sixe yeeres After his death the Princes of the Islands sent for Olauus the sonne of Godredus Crouan who liued in the Court of Henry King of England son vnto William the Conquerour In the yeere 1102. Olauus sonne of Godredus Crouan beganne his reigne and reigned fourtie yeeres he was a peaceable man being in league with all the Kings of Scotland and Irland in his time He tooke to wife Affrica the daughter of Fergusius of Galway of whom he begat Godredus Of his concubines he begat Regnaldus Lagmannus and Haraldus and many daughters whereof one married vnto Sumerledus king of Herergaidel which afterward occasioned the ouerthrow of the whole kingdome of the Islands He begat
foure sonnes by her namely Dulgallus Raignaldus Engus and Olauus In the yeere 1134. Olauus gaue vnto Yuo the Abbat of Furnes a portion of his owne ground in Man to build an Abbey in the place which is called Russâ—n Also hee inriched with reuenues and indued with priuiledges al places of religion within his Islands In the yere 1142. Godredus y e son of Olauus sailed vnto the K. of Norway called Hinge and doing his homage vnto him he remained with him was by him honorably enterteined The same yere the 3. sonnes of Harald brother vnto Olauus who were brought vp at the citie of Dublin gathering together a great multitude of people and all the fugitiues and vagabonds of the kingdome resorted vnto Man and demaunded of the said king the one halfe of al the kingdome of the Islands Which thing when the king heard being desirous to pacifie them he anâ—wered that he would consult about that matter And a day and place being appointed where the consultation should bee kept in the meane time those miscreants coÌ„spired together about the murthering of the King And when the day appointed was come both companies assembled themselues vnto the hauen towne called Ramsa and they sate in order the king with his nobilitie on the one side and they with their confederates on the other side Howbeit Regnaldus who had an intention to slay the king stoode a-side in the midst of the house talking with one of the Princes of the lande And being called to come vnto the king he turned himselfe about as if hee would haue saluted him and lifting vp his glittering axe he chopt the kings head quite off at a blow Nowe hauing committed this outragious vilanie within a short space they diuided the Island betweene themselues and gathering an armie together sailed vnto Galway intending to subdue that also howbeit the people of Galway assembled themselues and with great furie encountred with them Then they immediately turning their backs with great confusion fled vnto Man And as touching all the Galwedians which inhabited in the said Island some of them they slue and the residue they vanished In the yeere 1143. Godredus sonne of Olauus returning out of Norway was created king of Man who in reuenge of his fathers death put out the eyes of two of Haralds sonnes and slue the thirde In the yeere 1144. Godredus began his reigne and hee reigned thirtie yeeres In the thirde yeere of his reigne the citizens of Dublin sent for him and treated him king of Dublin against whom Murecaâ—dos king of Irland made warre and encamping himselfe at the citie called Coridelis he sent his brother Osibel with 3000. horsemen vnto Dublin who was slaine by Godred and the Dubliners the rest of his company being put to flight These things being thus finished Godredus returned vnto Man and began to exercise tyrannie disinheriting certaine of his nobles of whom one called Thorfinus the sonne of Oter being mightier then the rest went vnto Sumerledus and named Dubgal the sonne of Sumerledus king of the Islands and subdued many of the said Islands on his behalfe Whereof when Godred had intelligence by one Paulus prouiding a Nauie hee went to meete Sumerledus comming against him with 80. ships and in the yeere 1156. vpon the night of the feast of Epiphanie there was a Sea-battell fought and many being slaine on both parts the day folowing they were pacified and diuided the kingdome of the Islands among themselues and it continued two kingdomes from that day vnto this present time And this was the cause of the ruine of the monarchie of the Islands from which time the sonnes of Sumerled inioyed the one halfe thereof In the yeere 1158. Sumerled came vnto Man with 53. ships putting Godred to flight and wasting the Island and Godred sailed vnto Norway to seeke for aide against Sumerled In the yere 1164. Sumerled gathered a fleete of 160. ships together and arriued at Rhinfrin intending to subdue all Scotland vnto himselfe howbeit by Gods iust iudgement being ouercome by a few together with his sonne and an innumerable multitude of people he was slaine The very same yere there was a battel fought aâ— Ramsa betweene Reginald the brother of Godred and the inhabitants of Man but by the stratageme of a certaine Earle the Mannians were put to flight Then began Reginald to vsurpe the kingly authoritie Howbeit his brother Godred within foure dayes after comming out of Norway with a great power of armed men apprehended his brother Reginald gelt him and put out his eyes The same yeere deceased Malcolme the king of Scots and his brother William succeeded in the kingdome In the yeere 1166. two Comets appeared in the moneth of August before the rising of the Sunne one to the South and another to the North. In the yeere 1171. Richard earle of Penbroke sailed into Irland and subdued Dublin with a great part of Irland In the yere 1176. Iohn Curcy conquered Vlster vnto himselfe And at the same time also Viuianus legate froÌ„ the sea of Rome came into Man caused king Godred to bee lawfully wedded vnto his wife Phingola daughter of Maclotlen son of Murkartac king of IrlaÌ„d mother of Olauus who was then 3. yeeres old Siluanus the abbat married them vnto whom the very same day king Godred gaue a portion of ground in Mirescoge where he built a Monastery howbeit in processe of time the said land with the monkes was granted vnto the abbey of Russin In the yere 1172. Reginaldus the son of Eacmarcat a man descended of the blood royal comming into Man with a great multitude of people in the absence of the king at the first conflict hee put to flight certaine watchmen which kept the shoare slue about 30. persons Whereupon the very same day the Mannians arranging themselues put him almost al his folowers to the sword In the yere 1183. O. Fogolt was vicount of Man In the yere 1185. the Sunne was ecclipsed vpon the feast of S. Philip and Iacob In the yere 1187. deceased Godred king of the Islands vpoÌ„ the 4. of the Ides of Nouember and the next sommer his body was translated vnto the island of Hy. He left 3. sonnes behinde him Reginaldus Olauus and Yuarus In his life time he ordeined his sonne Olauus to be his heire apparant because he onely was borne legitimate But the Mannians when Olauus was scarce ten yeeres olde sent vnto the islands for Reginald and created him king In the yeere 1187. began Reginald the sonne of Godred to reigne ouer the islands and Murchardus a man of great power throughout all the kingdome of the islands was put to death In the yere 1192. there was a battel fought betweene Reginald and Engus the two sonnes of Sumerled but Engus obtained the victory The same yere was the abbey of Russin remooued vnto Dufglus howbeit within foure yeeres after the monkes returned vnto Russin In the yere 1203. Michael bishop of the islands deceased
at Fontanas and Nichoâ—as succeeded in his roome In the yere 1204. Hugo de Lacy inuaded Vlster with an armie and encountered with Iohn de Curcy tooke him prisoner subdued Vlster vnto himselfe Afterward he permitted the said Iohn to goe at libertie who comming vnto king Reginald was honourably enterteined by him because he was his sonne in lawe for Iohn de Curcy had taken to wife Affrica the daughter of Godredus which founded the abbey of S. Mary de iugo domini and was there buried In the yeere 1205. Iohn de Curcy Reginald king of the islands inuading Vlster with a hundreth ships at the port which is called Stranfeord did negligently besiege the castle of Rath but Walter de Lacy coÌ„ming vpoÌ„ them with his armie put them to flight from that time Curcy neuer recouered his land In the yere 1210. Eâ—gus the son of Sumerled his 3. sonnes were slaine At the same time Iohn king of England conducted a fleet of 500. ships into Irland and subdued it vnto himselfe and sending a certaine earle named Fulco vnto the isle of Man his souldiers almost vtterly wasted it in the space of 15. dayes and hauing taken pledges they returned home into their owne countrey King Reginald and his nobles were at this time absent from Man In the yere 1217. deceased Nicolas bishop of the islands and was buried in Vlster in the house of Benchor whom Reginald succeeded I thinke it not amisse to report somewhat more concerning the two foresaid brethren Reginaldus and Olauus REginald gaue vnto his brother Olauus the island called Lodhus or Lewes which is saide to be larger then the rest of the islands but almost destitute of inhabitants because it is so ful of mountaines quarreis being almost no where fit for tillage Howbeit the inhabitants thereof do liue for the most part vpon hunting and fishing Olauus therefore went to take possession of this Island and dwelt therein leading a poore life and when he saw that it would by no meanes suffice for the sustentation of himselfe his folowers hee went boldly vnto his brother Reginald who as then remained in the islands spake on this wise vnto him My brother said he and my lord and king you know that the kingdom of the islands pertained vnto me by right of inheritance howbeit because the Lord had chosen you to beare the scepter I doe not enuie that honour vnto you neither doeth it any whit grieue mee that you are exalted vnto this royall dignitie Nowe therefore I beseech you to prouide mee some portion of land in the islands whereby I may honestly liue For the Island of Lewis which you gaue me is not sufficient for my maintenance Which his brother Reginald hearing said that he would consult about the premisses And on the morow when Olauus was sent for to parle Reginald coÌ„manded him to be attached and to be caried vnto William king of Scotland and with him to remaine prisoner and Olauus remained in prison almost for the space of 7. yeres But at the 7. yeres end William king of Scots deceased and Alexander his sonne reigned in his stead The foresaid William before his death commanded that all prisoners should be set at libertie Olauus therefore being at libertie came vnto Man and immediatly with a great company of nobles tooke his iourney vnto S. Iames and his brother Reginald caused the said Olauus to take vnto wife the daughter of a certaine noble man of Kentyre cousine german vnto his owne wife by name being called Lauon and he granted vnto him the possession of Lewis After a few dayes Reginald the bishop of the Islands hauing gathered a Synod separated Olauus and Godred his sonne and Lauon his wife namely because shee was cousin german vnto his former wife Afterward Olauus maried Scristina daughter vnto Ferkarus earle of Rosse Hereupon the wife of Reginald Queene of the Islands being incensed sent letters vnto the Island of Sky in K. Reginald his name to her sonne Godred willing him to take Olauus Which coÌ„mandement Godred putting in practise entring the isle of Lewis for y e same purpose Olauus fled in a litle skiffe vnto his father in law the earle of Rosse in the meane time Godred wasted the isle of Lewis At the very same time Pol the son of Boke vicount of Sky being a man of power in al the Islands because he would not consent vnto Godred fled dwelt together with Olauus in the dominions of the earle of Rosse making a league with Olauus they went both in a ship vnto Sky To be short sending certaine spies they were informed that Godred remained secure with a smal company in a certaine Isle called y e isle of S. Columba And vniting vnto themselues their friends and acquaintance others that would goe voluntarily with them in the dead of the night hauing lanched 5. ships from the next sea-shore which was distant about the space of 2. furlongs from the foresaid Island they enuironed the said Island on all sides Now Godred and his company rising early in the morning and seeing themselues beset with their enemies on all sides they were vtterly astonied Howbeit arming themselues they began stoutly to make resistance but altogether in vaine For about 9. of the clocke in the morning Olauus and the foresaid vicount Pol with al their souldiers entred the Island and hauing slaine all whom they found without the precincts of the Church they apprehended Godred gelding him and putting out his eyes Unto which action Olauus gaue not his coÌ„sent neither could he withstand it by reason of the forenamed vicount the son of Boke This was done in the yere of Christ 1223. The next sommer folowing Olauus hauing receiued pledges from all the chiefe men of the Islands with a fleet of 32. ships sailed vnto Man and arriued at Rognolfwaht At the same time Reginald and Olauus diuided the kingdome of the Islands betweene themselues Man being granted vnto Reginald besides his portion the name of a king also Olauus hauing receiued certaine victuals of the people of Man returned together with his company vnto his owne portion of Islands The yeere folowing Reginald taking vnto him Alanus lord of Galway together with his subiects of Man sailed vnto the Islands that hee might take away that portion of ground from his brother Olauus which he had granted vnto him and subdue it vnto himselfe Howbeit by reason that the people of Man had no list to fight against Olauus or the Islanders because they bare good will towards them Reginald and Alanus lord of Galway being defeated of their purpose returned home vnto their owne Within a short space after Reginald vnder pretense of going vnto the Court of his lord the king of England receiued an 100. markes of the people of Man and tooke his iourney vnto Alanus lord of Galway Which the people of Man hearing tooke great indignation thereat insomuch that they sent for
Olauus and appointed him to be their king In the yeere 1226. Olauus recouered his inheritance that is to say the kingdome of Man and of the Islands which Reginald his brother had gouerned for the space of 38. yeeres and he reigned two yeeres in safetie In the yeere 1228. Olauus with all his nobles of Man and the stronger part of his people sailed vnto the Islands A short space after Alanus lord of Galway Thomas earle of Athol king Reginald came vnto Man with a mightie army and wasted all the South part of Man spoiled the Churches and slue all the men whom they coulde take insomuch that the Southpart of the saide Island was brought almost into desolation And then Alanus returned with his army into his owne land leauing behind him bailiffes and substitutes in Man which should gather vp and render vnto him the tribute of the countrey Howbeit king Olauus came suddenly vpon them chaced them away and recouered his kingdome And the Mannians which of late were dispersed and scattered abroad began to vnite themselues and to inhabite without feare The same yeere in the time of Winter vpon the sudden and in the very dead of the night came king Reginald out of Galway with fiue ships and burnt all the ships of his brother Olauus and of the nobles of Man at the Isle of S. Patric concluding a peace with his brother remained at the port of Ragnolwath 40. dayes in the meane while hee allured vnto himselfe all the Islanders vpon the South part of Man who sware that they would aduenture their liues vntill hee had gotten the one halfe of his kingdome contrarywise Olauus ioyned vnto himselfe them of the North part vpon the 14. of February in the place called Tingualla a field was fought betweene the two brothers wherein Olauus got the victory and Reginald the king was by certaine souldiers slaine without the knowledge of his brother Also certaine pirates comming to the south part of Man wasted spoiled it The monkes of Russin conueyed the body of K. Reginald vnto the abbey of S. Mary of Fournes there he was interred in the place which his owne selfe had chosen for the purpose After these things Olauus traueiled vnto the king of Norway but before he was arriued there Haco king of Norway appointed a certaine noble man named Husbac the son of Owmund to be king of the Islands of the Hebrides called his name Haco Then came the said Haco with Olauus Godred Don the son of Reginald and a multitude of Noruegians vnto the islands and while they were giuing an assault vnto a castle in the island of Both Haco being hit with a stone died and was buried in Iona. In the yere 1230. came Olauus with Godredus Don certeine Noruegians vnto Man and they parted the kingdome among themselues Olauus stil receiuing Man Godred as he was going vnto the islands was slaine in the isle of Lewis Olauus inioyed the kingdome of the islands also In the yere 1237. vpon the 12. of the Kalends of Iune Olauus sonne of Godred king of Man deceased in the isle of S. Patric and was interred in the abbey of Russin He reigned 11. yeres two while his brother was aliue and nine after his death Haraldus his sonne being of the age of 14. yeres succeeded and he reigned 12. yeeres The first yere of his reigne taking his iourney vnto the islands he appointed one Loglen his kinsman to be his deputie in Man The Autumne folowing Haraldus sent the three sonnes of Nel namely Dufgaldus Torquellus Molmore and his friend Ioseph vnto Man that they might enter into coÌ„sultation together Wherfore the 25. day they assembled themselues at Tingualla and malice growing betweene the sonnes of Nel and Loglen they fel to blowes and skirmished sore on both parts Molmore Dufgald and the foresaid Ioseph being all slaine in the fray The Spring folowing king Harald came into the isle of Man and Loglen fleeing into Wales was himselfe together with Godred the sonne of Olauus his pupil and 40. others drowned by shipwracke In the yere 1238. Gospatricius and Gillescrist sonne of Mac-Kerthac came from the king of Norway vnto Man expelling Harald out of the said island and taking tribute on the behalfe of the Noruegian king because the said Harald refused to come vnto his Court. In the yere 1240. Gospaâ—ricius deceased and was buried in the abbey of Russin In the yere 1239. Haraldus went vnto the king of Norway who within two yeres conâ—irmed vnto him his heires and successors vnder seale all the islands which his predecessors enioyed In the yeere 1242. Haraldus returned out of Norway vnto Man and being honourably receiued by the inhabitants he liued in peace with the kings of England and Scotland In the yeere 1247. Haraldus like as his father also before him was knighted by the king of England and so being rewarded with many gifts he returned home The same yere he was sent for by the king of Norway and he maried his daughter And in the yere 1249. as he was returning home with his wife with Laurence the elect of Man and with many other nobles neere vnto the confines of Radland he was drowned in a tempest In the yere 1249. Reginald the sonne of Olauus and brother vnto Harald began to reigne the day next before the Nones of May and vpon the 30 day of the same moneth he was slaine by Yuarus a souldier and other of his complices in the South part of a certaine medow neere vnto the Church of the holy Trinitie and he was buried at the Church of S. Marie at Russin The same yere Alexander king of Scots prouided a great nauie of ships that he might conquere the islands vnto himselfe howbeit falling into an ague at the isle of Kerwary he deceâ—sed Then Haraldus the sonne of Godred Don vsurped the name of a king ouer the islands hee banished also all the princes of Harald the sonne of Olauus and ordeined his fugitiues to bee princes and nobles in their stead In the yere 1250. Haraldus the son of Godred Don being summoned by letters went vnto the king of Norway who deteined him in prison because he had vniustly possessed the kingdome The same yeere Magnus the sonne of Olauus and Iohn the sonne of Dugalt arriued at Roghalwaht which Iohn named himselfe king but the Mannians taking it grieuously that Magnus was not nominated draue them from their shoare and many of the company perished by shipwracke In the yeere 1252. came Magnus the sonne of Olauus vnto Man and was ordeined king The yere folowing he tooke his iourney vnto the king of Norway there he remained one whole yere In the yeere 1254. Haco king of Norway ordeined Magnus the sonne of Olauus king of the Islands confirming them to him and to his heires and by name vnto Harald his brother In the yere 1256. Magnus tooke his iourney into England and was by the king of England
created knight In y e yere 1257. the Church of S. Maries of Russin was dedicated by Richard bishop of Soder In the yeere 1260. Haco king of Norway came into the parts of Scotland and without atchieuing ought turning his course towards the Orcades he there deceased at Kirwas and was buried at Bergen In the yeere 1265. Magnus the sonne of Olauus king of Man and of the Islands died at the castle of Russin and was buried at the Church of S. Mary at Russin In the yere 1266. the kingdome of the Islands was translated vnto Alexander king of Scots That which followeth was written in a new character or letter and of a diuers kinde from the former IN the yeere 1270. vpon the seuenth day of October the Fleete of Alexander king of Scots arriued at Roghalwath and the next day before the Sunne rising there was a battell fought betweene the Mannians and the Scots in the which conflict there were slaine 535. Mannians whereupon a certaine versifier writeth to this effect Fiue hundreth fourtie men are slaine against ill haps Yee Mannians arme your selues for feare of afterclaps In the yeere 1313. Robert king of Scots besieged the castle of Russin which Dingawy Dowil held against him howbeit at the last the king tooke the castle In the yeere 1316. vpon the feast of Ascension Richard le Mandeuile and his brethren with diuers great personages of Irland arriued at Ramaldwath demaunding to haue victuals and money ministred vnto them because they had bene spoyled by their enemies which made continuall warre vpon them But when the whole company of the Mannians answered that they would giue nothing they proceeded against them in warlike maner with two bands till they were come vnder the side of the hill called Warthsel in the fielde where Iohn Mandeuile remained and there hauing fought a battell the Irish ouercame the people of Man and spoiled the Island and the Abbey of Russin also and when they had reueled a whole moneth in the Island lading their ships they returned home The mariage of the daughter of Harald slaine by VVilliam the Conquerour vnto Ieruslaus duke of Russia taken out of the 9. Booke of the Danish historie written by Saxo Grammaticus An. D. 1067. HAraldo caefo filij eius duo confestim in Daniam cum sorore migrarunt Quos Sweno paterni illorum meriti oblitus consanguineae pietatis more accepit puellamque Ruthenorum regi Waldemaro qui ipse Iarislaus a suis est appellatus nuptum dedit Eidem postmodùm nostri temporis dux v◠sanguinis ita nominis haeres ex filia nepos obuenit Itaque hinc Britannicus indè Eous sanguis in salutarem nostri principis ortum confluens communem stirpem duarum gentium ornamentum effecit The same in English HArald being slaine his two sonnes with their sister sped themselues immediatly into Denmarke Whom Sweno forgetting their fathers deserts receiued in most kinde and friendly maner and bestowed the yong damosell in mariag◠vpon Waldemarus king of Russia who was also called by his subiects Iarislaus Afterward the said Waldemarus had by his daughter a nephew being duke at this present who succeeded his predecessour both in line al descent and in name also Wherefore the English blood on the one side and the Russian on the other side concurring to the ioyfull birth of our prince caused that mutual kinred to be an ornament vnto both nations The state of the shipping of the Cinque ports from Edward the Confessour and William the Conquerour and so downe to Edward the first faithfully gathered by the learned Gentleman M. William Lambert in his Perambulation of Kent out of the most ancient Records of England I Finde in the booke of the generall suruey of the Realme which William the Conquerour caused to bee made in the fourth yeere of his reigne and to be called Domesday because as Matthew Parise saith it spared no man but iudged all men indifferently as the Lord in that great day wil do that Douer Sandwich and Rumney were in the time of K. Edward the Confessour discharged almost of all maner of impositions and burdens which other townes did beare in consideration of such seruice to bee done by them vpon the Sea as in their special titles shall hereafter appeare Whereupon although I might ground reasonable coniecture that the immunitie of the hauen Townes which we nowe call by a certaine number the Cinque Ports might take their beginning from the same Edward yet for as much as I read in the Chartre of K. Edward the first after the conquest which is reported in our booke of Entries A recitall of the graunts of sundry kings to the Fiue Ports the same reaching no higher then to William the Conquerour I will leaue my coniecture and leane to his Chartre contenting my selfe to yeelde to the Conquerour the thankes of other mens benefits seeing those which were benefited were wisely contented as the case then stood to like better of his confirmation or second gift then of K. Edwards first graunt and endowment And to the ende that I may proceed in some maner of array I will first shewe which Townes were at the beginning taken for the Fiue Ports and what others be now reputed in the same number secondly what seruice they ought and did in times passed and lastly what priuiledges they haue therefore and by what persons they haue bene gouerned If I should iudge by the common and rude verse Douer Sandwicus Ry Rum Frigmare ventus I must say that Douer Sandwich Rie Rumney and Winchelsey for that is Frigmare ventus be the Fiue Ports Againe if I should be ruled by the Rolle which reciteth the Ports that send Barons to the Parliament I must then adde to these Hastings and Hyde for they also haue their Barons as well as the other and so should I not onely not shew which were the first Fiue but also by addition of two others increase both the number and doubtfulnesse Leauing the verse therefore for ignorance of the authour and suspition of his authoritie and forsaking the Rolle as not assured of the antiquitie I will flee to Henry Bracton a man both ancient learned and credible which liued vnder K. Henry the thirde and wrote aboue three hundreth yeeres since learnedly of the lawes of this Realme He I say in the third booke of his worke and treatise of the Crowne taking in hand to shewe the articles inquirable before the Iustice in Eire or Itinerent as we called them because they vsed to ride from place to place throughout the Realme for administration of iustice setteth forth a special fourme of writs to be directed seuerally to the Bailifes of Hastings Hithe Rumney Douer and Sandwich commanding them that they should cause twentie foure of their Barons for so their Burgesses or townesmen and the citizens of London likewise were wont to be termed to appeare before the Kings Iustices at Shipwey in
hauing sent certaine of their factors and seruants with three shippes into your dominions there to exercise traffique and the sayd ships being laden in the hauen of your towne of Tonnesbergh with Herrings and other commodities to a great value and also the said mariners men and seruants of the foresayd shippes being licenced by vertue of the safe conduct which you had granted them freely to returne from your kingdome vnto the parts of England with their ships and goods aforesayd but afterward not being able to depart out of your hauen by reason of contrary windes certaine of your bayliffes vpon occasion of the slaughter of a knight being himselfe also of late your bayliffe of Vikia committed by malefactors and Pirates vpon the sea whilest the sayd shippes remained in the hauen aforesayd did at your commandement as they say arrest and for along season also deâ—eiâ—ed vnder that arrest the foresaid ships with all the men and goods that were in them namely vntill such time as the men and mariners aforesaide beeing driuen perforce and constrained thereunto should lay in sufficient securitie for the payment of fortie pounds sterling vpon a certain day appointed vnto your vse for euery of the foresaide ships and also vntill they had moreouer deliuered three pledges for the bringing of the saide ships and men backe againe into the foresaid hauen before the feast of the natiuitie of S. Iohn the Baptist next ensuing then and there to stand vnto your fauour and curtesie as touching the said persons and those ships of theirs which dealing the parties themselues take very grieuously yea and all others that heare thereof thinke it to be a strange and vnwonted course And because it is most vndoubtedly contrary to all reason equitie iustice and lawe that the faults or demerits of offenders should in any sort be punished in such persons or in their goods as neither haue bene accessory nor partakers in the crime nor haue had any society with the saide offenders we doe heartily intreat and request your Highnes that weighing and pondering the matter in the balance of iustice you would of your loue and friendship command the foresaid pledges to be set at libertie and the said securitie vtterly to bee released and acquited And know you this for a certaintie that if the foresaide malefactors who as it is reported slewe your Knight aforesaide shall any where within our realme and dominions be found we wil cause iustice and iudgement to bee executed vpon them according to the Lawe and custome of our sayde Realme For we cannot in these times conueniently and well indure that the ships aforesaide or any other ships of our kingdome which ought alwayes to be in a readinesse for our seruice should without speciall licence depart out of our saide kingdome vnto forreine dominions Nowe what you shall think good at this our request to performe in the premisses may it please you by the bearer of these presents to returne an answere vnto vs. Geuen at Windsore the 16. of April Another Letter of Edward the second to Haquinus King of Norway in the behalfe of certaine English Marchants MAgnifico Principi Dom. Haquino Dei gratia regi Norwegiae illustri amico suo charissimo Edwardus eadem Dei gratia Rex Angliae dominus Hyberniae dux Aquitaniae salutem cum dilectione sincera Querelam dilectorum Mercatorum nostroâ—um Thomae de Swyn de Waynfleâ—te Simonis filij Alani de eadem recepimus continentem Quod cùm ipsi nuper quosdam seruientes suos infrà regnum vestrum pro suis ibidem exercendis mercimonijs transmisissent Thesaurarius vester bona mercimonia praedictorum Thomae Simonis ad valenciam quadraginta librarum quae seruientes praedicti in villa de Northberne in sua custodia habuerunt die Sancti Michaelis vltimò praeterita fecit absque causa rationabili arestari ea adhuc taliter arestata detinet iniustè in ipsorum Thomae Simonis damnum non modicum depauperationem manifestam Et quia eisdem mercatoribus nostris subuenire volumus quatenus suadente iustitia poterimus in hac parte vestram amicitiam requirimus cum affectu quatenus audita querela praedictorum Thomae Simonis vel ipsorum atturnatorum super restitutione bonorum mercimoniorum praedictorum impendere velitis eisdem celeris iustitiae complementum Iâ—a quod pro defectu exhibitions iustitiae super arestatione praedicta non oporteat nos pro mercatoribus nostris praedictis de alio remedio prouidere Nobis autem quid ad hanc nostram instantiam duxeritis faciendum rescribere velitis per presentium portitorem Datae vt suprà The same in English TO the mightie Prince Lord Haquinus by the grace of God the famous King of Norway his most deare friend Edward by the same grace of God king of England Lorde of Ireland and Duke of Aquitaine greeting and sincere loue Wee receiued the complaint of our welâ—elo-Merchants Thomas de Swyn of Waynfleet and Simon the sonne of Alanus of the same towne the contents whereof are that whereas of late the saide parties sent certaine of their seruants to traffike in your kingdome your Treasurer vpon the feast of S. Michael last past without any iust or reasonable occasion caused the goods and merchandise of the foresaide Thomas and Simon to the value of fortie pound which their said seruants had vnder their custodie at the towne of Northberne to be arrested and as yet also iniuriously deteineth the same vnder the same arrest to the great damage and impouerishing of the sayd Thomas and Simon And for asmuch as our desire is to succour these our marchants so far foorth as we can Iustice requiring no lesse in this behalfe wee doe right earnestly request you that hauing hearde the complaint and supplication of the foresayde Thomas and Simon or of their Atturneyes you woulde of your loue and friendship vouchsafe them speedie administration of Iustice about the restitution of their goods and merchandise aforesaide least that for want of the exhibiting of Iustice about the foresaid arrest we be constrained to prouide some other remedie for our marchants aforesaid Our request is that you would by the bearer of these presents returne an answere vnto vs what you are determined to doe at this our instant motion Giuen as aboue A third letter of King Edward the second to Haquinus King of Norway in the behalfe of certaine English Marchants MAgnifico Principi Domino Haquino Dei gratia Regi Norwegiae illustri amico suo charissimo Edwardus eadem Dei gratia Rex Angliae dominus Hyberniae dux Aquitaniae salutem cum dilectione sincera Pro mercatoribus nostris Lennae partium vicinarum quos Balliuus Officiarij vestri ciuitatis vestrae Bergen dudum ceperunt stricto carceri manciparunt quorum multi vt iam intelleximus propter alimentorum subtractionem duritiam ac asperitatem carceris perierunt vt ipsorum bonorum
beene accustomed in times past and from ancient times Also it is farther concluded and agreed vpon that all lawfull marchants of England whosoeuer shall haue free licence and authority with all kindes of shippes goods and marchandises to resorte vnto euery port of the land of Prussia and also to transport all such goods and marchandises vp farther vnto any other place in the sayde land of Prussia and there with all kindes of persons freely to bargaine and make sale as heretofore it hath from auncient times bene accustomed Which priuiledge is granted in all things and by all circumstances vnto the Prussians in England And if after the date of these presents betweene the sayd kingdome of England and land of Prussia any dissension or discorde which God forefend should arise then the foresayd souereigne prince and king of England and the sayd right reuerend lord the Master generall are mutually by their letters and messengers to giue certificate and intimation one vnto another concerning the matter and cause of such dissension and discord which intimation on the behalfe of the foresaid souereigne prince king of England shall be deliuered in the forenamed castle of Marienburg but on the behalfe of the sayd right reuerend lord the Master generall such intimation shall be giuen in the citie of London aforesayd vnto the Maior of the said city that then such a denunciation or intimation being made the marchants of England and the subiects of the land of Prussia may within the space of one yeere next following freely and safely returne home with al their goods marchandises if at the least in the mean while some composition friendly league betweene the two forâ—sayd countreis be not in some sorte concluded And that all the premisses may more firmely and faithfully be put in due practise aâ—d execution on both partes for the strong and inuiolable keeping of peace and tranquillity and also for the full confirmation and strengthening of all the sayde premisses the three foresayd honourable and religious personages being by the said right reuereÌ„d lord the Master general appointed as coÌ„missioners to deale in the aboue written ordination and composition haue caused their seales vnto these presents to be put and the sayd ordination also and letter in the same tenour word for word and in all points euen as it is inserted into these presents they haue mutually receiued froÌ„ the abouenamed three ambassadours of the right soueraigne king of England vnder their seales Giuen at the castle of Marienburg in the yeare of our lord aforesayd vpon the twentieth day of the moneth of August And we therefore doe accept approue ratifie and by the tenour of these presents doe confirme the composition ordination concorde and treaty aforesayd In testimony whereof we haue caused these our letters to be made patents Witnesse our selues a Westminster the 22. of October in the thirteenth yeare of our reigne By the king and his counsell Lincolne The letters of Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of Prussia written vnto Richard the second king of England in the yeere 1398 for the renouncing of a league and composition concluded betweene England and Prussia in regard of manifold iniuries offered vnto the Prussians OUr humble commendations with our earnest prayers vnto God for your Maiestie premised Most renowmed prince and mighty lord it is not we hope out of your Maiesties remembrance how our famous predecessour going immediately before vs sent certaine letters of his vnto your highnesse effectually contayning sundry complaints of grieuances iniuries and losses wherewith the marchants of his lande and Order being woont in times past to visite your kingdome with their goods and marchandises haue bene contrary to their liberties and priuiledges annoyed with manifold iniuries and wrongs Especially sithens they haue beene molested in your realme being contrary to the friendly composition made and celebrated by the hono personages master Nicholas Stocket Thomas Graa and Walter Sibil in the yeare 1388 with the assistance of their coarbiters on our part and contrary to God and all iustice oppressed with manifold damages losses and grieuances as in certaine articles exhibited vnto our predecessors aforesayd it doeth more manifestly appeare In consideration whereof being vehemently moued by the damnified parties he humbly besought your highnesse by his messengers and letters for complement and execution of iustice About the which affayres your Maiestie returned your letters of answere vnto our sayd predecessor signifying that the sayd businesse of articles concerned al the communalty of your realme and that your highnesse purposed after consultation had in your parliament to send a more deliberate auswere concerning the premisses vnto our predecessour aforesayd Howbeit he being by death translated out of this present world and our selues by the prouidence of God succeeding in his roome and also long time expecting an effectuall answere from your highnesse are not yet informed as we looked for albeit the complaints of iniuries and losses offered vnto our subiects doe continually increase But from hencefoorth to prouide a remedie and a caueat for the time to come the sayd complaynt doeth vpon great reasons mooue and inuite me Sithens therefore in regard of the sayd composition neither you nor your subiects may be iudged in the empire and sithens plaine reason requireth that the one be not inriched by the others losse as vndoubtedly our subiects should sustaine great damage by the composition aforesayd by vertue whereof your subiects doe enioy all commodities in our lande and contrariwise our subiects in your realme haue suffered as yet sundrie wayes do suffer manifold discommodities losses and iniuries Wherefore most soueraigne prince and mighty lord being reasonably mooued vpon the causes aforesayd we doe by the aduise of our counsellers reuoke and repeale the sayd composition concluded as is aboue written together with the effect thereof purely and simply renouncing the same by these prefents refusing hereafter to haue either our selues or our subiects in any respect to stand bound by the vertue of the sayd composition but from henceforth and for the times heretofore also bee it altogether voide and of none effect Prouided notwithstanding that from the time of the notice of this denunciation giuen vnto the hono Maior of your citie of London for the space of a yeare next ensuing it shall be lawfull for all marchants of your kingdome whatsoeuer with their goods and marchandises to returne home according to the forme in the foresayd compoâ—ition expressed conditionaly thaâ— our subiects may euen so in all respects be permitted to depart with the safety of their goods and liues out of your dominions this present renunâ—iation reuocation and retractation of the order and composition aforesayd notwithstanding Howbeit in any other affayres whatsoeuer deuoutly to submit our selues vnto your highnesse pleasure and command both our selues and our whole order are right willing and desirous and also to benefite and promote your subiects we wil indeuour to the vtmost of our ability
right honorable William lord de Roos high treasurer of England both of them counsellers vnto the sayd soueraigne king on the one party and the right worshipfull Iohn Godeke and Henrie Moneke sent as messengers by the right reuerend and religious personage Frater Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of the Dutch knights of the Order of S. Mary on the other party it was at the request and instancie of the sayd messengers appoynted and mutually agreed vpon that all the liege people and subiects of the sayd soueraigne lord and king shall haue free licence and liberty vntill the feast of Easter next ensuing safely to trauel vnto the land of Prussia aforesayd there to remaine and thence with their ships marchandises other their goods whatsoeuer to returne vnto their owne home which on the other side all the subiects of the sayd Master general may within the terme prefixed likewise doe in the foresaid realme of England Prouided alwaies that after the time aboue limited neither the sayd marchants of the realme of England may in the land of Prussia nor the marchants of that land in the realme of England exercise any traffique at al vnles it be otherwise ordained by some composition betweene the foresaid king of England the said Master general in the meane time concluded In witnesse wherof one part of this present Indenture is to remaine in the custodie of the foresaid messengers Giuen in the Chapter-house of the Church of S. Paul at London the day and yere aboue written The letters of the chancelor and treasurer of England vnto Frater Conradus de Iungingen master generall of Prussia 1403. RIght reuerend and mighty lord your honorable messengers Iohn Godeke and Henry Moneke the bearers hereof comming of late before the presence of our most souereigne lord the king of England and of France and being welcomed by our said lord with a chearefull and fauourable countenance they presented certaine letters on your behalfe vnto the kings Maiestie with that reuerence which be seemed them expounding vnto his highnes sundry piracies molestations offered of late vpon the sea by his liege people subiects vnto yours contrary to the leagues of peace and amitie which hitherto by Gods grace haue bene maintained and continued on both parts In consideration of which piracies and molestations your messengers demanded full restitution and recompeâ—se to be made either vnto the damnified parties or vnto their procurators We therefore at that time especially being in the presence of our soueraigne who with his puissant army tooke his progresse towards the remote part of Wales being subiect vnto his dominion to see iustice executed vpon his people of those parts who very rashly haue presumed to rebell against him their souereigne contrary to their allegeance right well perceiued that it was his hignesse intention that euery one should haue due iustice faithfully administred vnto him especially your subiects and that with all fauour whom he hath alwayes in times past right graciously intreated as if they had bene his owne liege subiects and natiue countrey men whome also hee purposeth hereafter friendly to protect insomuch that betweene him and his subiects on the one party and betweene you and yours on the other party great abundance and perfection of mutuall amity may increase And therefore we offered vnto your foresayd messengers after they had particularly declared vnto vs such piracies and wrongs to sende the kings letters vnto them of whom complaint was made firmely inioyning them vnder grieuous penalties that without delay they restore or cause to bee restored vnto the parties damnified or vnto their procuratours all ships marchandises wares and goods by them taken or violently stolne from your subiects And that your said messengers may partly attaine their desire we haue commaunded certaine ships marchandises wares and goods found in certaine hauens to be deliuered vnto them Howbeit as touching other goods which are perhaps perished or wanting by infortunate dissipation or destruction and for the which the said messengers of yours demand satisfaction to be made vnto them within a certain time by vs limited may it please your honor to vnderstand that in the absence of our sayd souereigne lord the king being as yet farre distant from vs wee can in no wise limit or set downe any such terme of time Notwithstanding at the prosperous returne of our soueraigne we are determined to commune with him about this matter Of whose answere so soone as we be certified we purpose to signifie his intention vnto you by our letters Sithens also right reuerend and mighty lord your sayd messengers are contented for the present to accept of our offer aforesayde as indeede by all reason they ought thereat to rest content especially whereas by this meanes they shall the more speedily attaine vnto the effect of their purposes to the shorte and wished execution and performance of which offer we will by Gods helpe endeuour to the vtmost of our ability may it be your will and pleasure that as in the kingdome of England your marchants and subiects are courteously intreated euen so the marchants and liege people of our soueraigne lord the king and of his kingdomes peaceably frequenting your parts either in regard of traffique or of any other iust occasion may there in like manner friendly bee vsed and with your marchants and subiects suffered to communicate and to haue intercourse of traffique inioying the commodities of the ancient league By this also the feruent zeale and affection which you beare vnto the royall crowne of England shall vndoubtedly appeare albeit betweene the famous houses of England and of Prussia the bandes of vnfained loue and friendship haue bin successiuely confirmed and kept inuiolable in times past And thus right reuerend and mighty lord wishing vnto you increase of honour and prosperity wee take our leaues Written at London the fift of October in the yeare of our lord 1403 By the chancelor the treasurer and other lords of the hono counsell of the king of England and France being personally present at London The letters of king Henry the 4. vnto Conradus de Iungingen the master general of Prussia for mutual conuersation and intercourse of traffique to continue between the marchants of England and of Prussia for a certaine terme of time HEnry by the grace of God king of England France and lord of Ireland to the noble and mighty personage of sacred religion Frater Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of the Order of the Dutch knights of S. Marie c. our most deare and welbeloued friend greeting and continuall increase of our auncient and sincere amity By the grieuous complaynts of our liege subiects concerning traffique as it were circular wise too fro both our dominions we haue often bene aduertised that in regard of diuers iniuries and damages which as well our as your marchants who by their dealings in marchandise were woont peaceably to vse mutual conuersation together
and like marchants to buy sell together one of and vnto another euen as in times past namely in the yeere 1400. and before that time also they haue bin accustomed to exercise mutuall traffike and marchandiseâ— and to buy and sell. Also the saide William and Iohn agreed and consented that they themselues or some other perhaps to be appointed in this behalfe by their saide lord the king in their stead shall vpon the first day of the moneth of May next to come with the continuation of the dayes following at the towne of Dordract in Holland or vpon any other terme or termes then perhaps to bee limited competently satisfie and performe conuenient recompence vnto the saide common societie citizens people and inhabitants of the cities aforesaide and also of other cities townes and villages of theâ— Hans of and for all iniuries damages grieuances and drownings or manslaughters done and committed as they alleage against them deliuered and exhibited in written articles vnto the aboue named William and Iohn or els heereafter to bee deliuered and exhibited either by the same procurators or by some others which shall perhaps be authorized in their stead or by the messengers procurators and commissioners of other cities townes and places of the Hans in equall and like maner and forme euen as at the saide terme limited or then perhaps to be proroged there is appointed by the said William and Iohn reparation reformation and recompence vnto the inhabitants of Prussia and Liuonia for the iniuries damages and grieuances uniustly done and committed against them by the liege people and subiects of the saide soueraigne lord the king in the presence of the mightie lord the Master general of Prussia in his land of Prussia as in certain letters indented bearing date in the castle of Marienburgh in Prussia the eight day of the moneth of October in the yeere of our lord 1405. and being made and written about the reparation reformation and recompence of such like iniuries c. the tenour whereof ought here to be vnderstood as if it were inserted it is more manifestly contained It was furthermore promised by the said William and Iohn that they should not inforce nor compell the citizens people or inhabitants of the common society of the Hans or of the aboue named cities or of any other cities of the Hans aforesaid hauing receiued sufficient information of their dwelling and place of abode to more difficult or district proofes of their Articles of complaints alreadie exhibited and in the foresaide termes to come to bee exhibited then vnto the inhabitants of the lands of Prussia and Liuonia according to the forme of the Indentures aboue mentioned Moreouer the saide William and Iohn doe promise that so soone as they shall come into the kingdome of England and before the presence of their king they shall prouide that all and singular the priuiledges graunted vnto the marchants of the saide Hans by the renowmed kings of England and confirmed by the said Soueraigne lord the king that now is must according to al their contents be inuiolably obserued by the said soueraigne king and his subiects and also that from henceforth nothing is vniustly to be attempted vpon any occasion pretense or colour by the saide Soueraigne Prince and the inhabitants of the realme of England to the preiudice of the sayde priuiledges They shall prouide also that all things heretofore attempted and practised against the saide priuiledges shall by reasonable amendement and iust reformation vtterly be abolished But if after the date of these presents which God forfend within the space of the said one yere and seuen moneths prescribed any damages iniuries or grieuances in ships goods or persons should either by the English and the inhabitants of England be vniustly inflicted vpon the cities and marchants of the cities townes and places of the Hans aforesaid or by any marchants or others of the cities or townes of the saide Hans either vnto the English or vnto any of the inhabitants of that Realme vpon any fained pretense whatsoeuer all and singular the foresaide messengers commissioners ambassadours and procurators haue promised that all such damages iniuries and molestations so inflicted by them who shall offer and commit them must bee reformed and amended after the very same forme and manner that in the like case reformation reparation and amends of iniuries damages and molestations committed by the English against them of Prussia is to be performed according vnto a certaine clause contained in the letters aboue mentioned which beginneth Ceterum ne per c. In English Howbeit least that c. continuing vnto that clause Et vt praescripta omnia c. In English And that all the couenants aboue written c. It was also concluded betweene the foresaide messengers commissioners and procurators and with one generall consent agreed vpon that if from the first day of the moneth of May next to come within one whole yeere following some conuenient iust and reasonable reformation be not performed vnto the parties iniuried and damnified generally aboue mentioned in regard of their damages molestations and iniuries then within three moneths after the saide yeere bee expired the marchants of the Hans cities aforesaid are bound without any molestation perturbation and impediment whatsoeuer none other intimation or admonition being necessarie in this behalfe to auoyde and if no lawfull impediment shall hinder them to abstaine and depart from the Realmes and dominions of the said Soueraigne king of England with their marchandize and other goods bought or gotten within the space of the saide three moneths and also the English likewise in all respects shall auoide abstaine and depart from the territories and dominions of the Hans cities aforesaide Also it was promised by the saide William and Iohn that at the terme appointed namely vpon the first of May next following or at some other terme or termes then limited or to bee limited there must be made a due recompense and a proportionall satisfaction for all those persons of the land of Prussia Liuonia and of the cities townes and other places of the Hans who haue vniustly bene drowned and slaine by the English and that according to the tenour of a certain schedule written concerning a recompense to be had in regarde of the saide persons drowned and slaine and presented vnto them by Albertus Rode consul of the citie of Thoren and by the forenamed procurators and messengers of the cities aforesaid they must faithfully and effectually to the vtâ—ost of their abilitie indeuour for the obtaining of the saide recompense and amends In witnesse whereof these letters of Indenture remaining in the possession of the saide William and Iohn the messengers procurators commissioners of England aforesaid and left in their custodie by the aboue named procurators and messengers Henrie Rimarus Thedericus Simon and Iohn Sotebotter of their certaine knowledge and assurance and for the full confirmation and testimonie of al the premisses the foresaid procurators
or impeachment to him and his during our pleasure And also we will that the sayd William Obray ouer and aboue that which is sayd shall take gather and receiue of our sayd subiects from henceforth yearely during our pleasure all such and like wages and profits as he had and receiued of our sayd subiects in the yeare 1458 when hee held and exercised the said office of gouernour without diminishing or rebating any thing thereof notwithstanding this present augmentation made increased and done vnto him of our grace and fauour and that hee shall gather take and receiue the same in such forme and manner as the other money aboue mentioned is to be gathered And to the ende that the sayd William Obray may haue and take possession season and enterance of the said office of gouernour in our name we haue and doe place him by the deliuery of these presents in possession season and entrance of the said office and of the rights profits stipends wages and moneis aforesayd to begin to exercise the sayd office of gouernour in our name the first day of May next ensuing after the date of these presents for the sayd William Obray to hold and exercise practise and vse the same during our pleasure with the sayd wages moneys rights and profites aboue mentioned without any contradiction or impeachment And all and singular our subiects the common marchants and mariners which shall be contrary rebellious and disobedient to the said gouernour so ordayned by vs to his said lieutenants to the sayd iusticers so chosen or to any of them or to any of the statutes lawes decrees sentences ordinances and customes offices gifts and grants abouesayd let them grieuously be punished by the sayd gouernour or his lieutenants in this behalfe according to the quantity of their offences and the exigencie of the cases We doe sommon commaund straitly and expresly enioine by these presents all and euery our saide subiects that vnto the sayd gouernour so by vs ordained to his lieutenants attorneis or deputies and also to the said iusticers officers and ministers in all and euerie the things aforesaid and others any waie concerning in this behalfe our said ordinances their gouernmeÌ„t and rule the circumstances and dependances theron that they giue their attendance counsayle comfort oâ—edience and aide diligently without fault or difficulty surely safely fully and peaceably without doing inferring or inflicting or suffering to be done inferred or inflicted to them or any of them in body or goods any disturbance or impeachment in any maner whatsoeuer but rather if any thing bee done vnto them contrary and to the preiudice of these presents they shall remoue and cause the same to be remooued and that which shall be hindered they shall set at free deliuerance vpon payne to fall into and to incurre our high displeasure For such is our pleasure and so will wee haue it notwithstanding anie letters falsely crept in obtayned or to be obtayned contrary hereunto And you our subiects the common marchants and mariners so behaue your selues that you may receiue commendation of vs for your good obedience knowing that such as shall be found doing or to haue done the contrary we will see them so punished without redemption that they shall bee an example to all rebellious persons We pray and most instantly require in the ayde of equitie all others our friends allies and well-willers aswell princes and potentates as their iusticers officers lieutenants deputies commissaries and subiects and euery of them in regard of equitie that they would vouchsafe and that it would please them to giue doe and lend comfort ayde assistance and prisons if neede require to our sayd gouernour his lieutenants commissaries deputies iusticers others our officers and ministers aforesayd and herein wee pray them on our behalfe and in our owne name And it may please them herein to doe so much that we may haue occasion to thanke them and to accompt our selues beholding for the same and as they would that we should do for them in the like matter or in a greater which we will willingly doe if we be required thereunto by them In witnesse whereof we haue caused these our letters to bee made patents Witnes our selues at Westminster the sixteenth of April in the second yere our reigne A declaration of the Indies and lands discouered and subdued vnto the Emperour and the king of Portingal And also of other partes of the Indies and rich countries to be discouered which the worshipfull M. Robert Thorne merchant of London who dwelt long in the citie of Siuil in Spaine exhorted king Henrie the eight to take in hand MOST EXCELLENT PRINCE EXperience prooueth that naturally all princes bee destrous to extend and enlarge their dominions and kingdomes Wherefore it is not to be marueileâ— to see them euery day procure the same not regarding any cost perill and labour that may thereby chance but rather it is to be maruelled if there be any prince content to liue quiet with his owne dominions For surely the people would thinke he lacketh the noble courage and spirit of all other The world knoweth that the desires of Princes haue bene so feruent to obtaine their purpose that they haue aduentured and prooued things to mans coniecture impossible the which they haue made possible and also things difficult haue made facill and thus to obtaine their purpose haue in maner tnrned vp and downe the whole world so many times that the people inhabiting in the farthest region of the Occident haue pursued with great distresse labours and perils to penetrate and enter into the farthest regions of the Orient and in likewise those people of the said parts of the Orient haue had no lesse labour and desire to enter and penetrate into the farthest land of the Occident and so following their purchase haue not ceased vntill they could passe no farther by reason of the great seas This naturall inclination is cause that scarsely it may be said there is any kingdome stable nor king quiet but that his owne imagination or other princes his neighbours doe trouble him God and nature hath prouided to your Grace and to your gracious progenitors this Realme of England and set it in so fruitfull a place and within such limites that it should seeme to be a place quiet and aparted from all the foresayd desire One speciall cause is for that it is compassed with the Sea by reason therof it seemes this notwithstanding their desires and noble courages haue beene most commonly like vnto others and with marueilous great labours costes and perils they haue traueiled and passed the Seas making warre not onely with Kings and dominions nigh neighbours but also with them of farre countries and so haue woonne and conquered many rich and fayre dominions and amplified this your Graces Realme with great victory and glory And also now of late your Grace hauing like courage and desire and not without iust cause to enlarge this your kingdome and
demaund your limits and tribute of the French king which at that present he restrained your Grace in person passed with a great power into France putting your Graces person to great paine and labour and without doubt victoriously you had conquered the sayd Realme of France as ye began if your aduersary had not reconciled himselfe and knowledged your Graces right and title and so promised truly to pay the tribute then due fulfill your request in all things and also desired your Grace for peace the which of your clemencie you could not refuse Now I considering this your noble courage and desire and also perceiuing that your Grace may at your pleasure to your greater glory by a godly meane with little cost perill or labour to your Grace or any of your subiects amplifie and inrich this your sayd Realme I know it is my bounden duety to manifest this secret vnto your Grace which hitherto as I suppose hath beene hid which is that with a small number of ships there may bee discouered diuers New lands and kingdomes in the which without doubt your Grace shall winne perpetuall glory and your subiectes infinite profite To which places there is left one way to discouer which is into the North for that of the foure partes of the worlde it seemeth three parts are discouered by other Princes For out of Spaine they haue discouered all the Indies and Seas Occidentall and out of Portingall all the Indies and Seas Orientall so that by this part of the Orient Occident they haue compassed the world For the one of them departing toward the Orient and the other toward the Occident met againe in the course or way of the middest of the day and so then was discouered a great part of the same Seas and coastes by the Spaniards So that now rest to be discouered the sayd North parts the which it seemeth to mee is onely your charge and duety Because the situation of this your Realme is thereunto neerest and aptest of all other and also for that you haue already taken it in hand And in mine opinion it will not seeme well to leaue so great and profitable an enterprise seeing it may so easily and with so little cost labour and danger be followed and obtayned though heretofore your Grace hath made thereof a proofe found not the commodity thereby as you trusted at this time it shall be no impediment For there may be now prouided remedies for things then lacked and the inconueniences and lets remooued that then were cause that your Graces desire tooke no full effect which is the courses to be changed followed the foresaid new courses And concerning the mariners shippes and prouision an order may be deuised and taken meete and conuenient much better then hitherto By reason wherof and by Gods grace no doubt your purpose shall take effect Surely the cost herein will be nothing in comparison to the great profit The labour is much lesse yea nothing at all where so great honour and glory is hoped for and considering well the courses truely the danger way is shorter to vs then to Spaine or Portingall as by euident reasons appereth And now to declare something of the commodity and vtilitie of this Nauigation and discouerie it is very cleere and certaine that the Seas that commonly men say without great danger difficulty and perill yea rather it is impossible to passe that those same Seas be nauigable and without anie such danger but that shippes may passe and haue in them perpetuall clerenesse of the day without any darkenesse of the night which thing is a great commoditie for the nauigants to see at all times round about them as well the safegards as dangers and how great difference it is betweene the commoditie and perils of other which leese the most part of euery foure and twentie houres the said light and goe in darkenesse groping their way I thinke there is none so ignorant but perceiueth this more plainely then it can be expressed Yea what a vantage shal your Graces subiects haue also by this light to discouer the strange lands countries and coastes For if they that be discouered to saile by them in darkenesse is with great danger much more then the coastes not discouered be daungerous to trauell by night or in darkenesse Yet these dangers or darkenesse hath not letted the Spanyards and Portingals and other to discouer many vnknowen Realmes to their great perill Which considered and that your Graces subiects may haue the same light it will seeme your Graces subiects to be without actiuity or courage in leauing to doe this glorious and noble enterprise For they being past this litle way which they named so dangerous which may be two or three leagues before they come to the Pole and as much more after they passe the Pole it is cleere that from thence foorth the seas and landes are as temperate as in these partes and that then it may be at the will and pleasure of the mariners to choose whether they will sayle by the coastes that be colde temperate or hote For they being past the Pole it is plaine they may decline to what part they list If they will goe toward the Orient they shall inioy the regions of all the Tartarians that extend toward the midday and from thence they may goe and proceede to the land of the Chinas and from thence to the land of the Cathaio Orientall which is of all the maine land most Orientall that can be reckoned from our habitation And if from thence they doe continue their nauigation following the coasts that returne toward the Occident they shall fall in with Malaca and so with all the Indies which we call Orientall and following the way may returne hither by the Cape of Buona Speransa and thus they shall compasse the whole worlde And if they will take their course after they be past the Pole toward the Occident they shall goe in the backe side of the new found land which of late was discouered by your Graces subiects vntill they come to the backe side and South Seas of the Indies Occidentall And so continuing their voyage they may returne thorow the streight of Magellan to this countrey and so they compasse also the world by that way and if they goe this third way and after they be past the Pole goe right toward the Pole Antarctike and then decline toward the lands and Islands situated between the Tropikes and vnder the Equinoctiall without doubt they shall finde there the richest landes and Islands of the world of golde precious stones balmes spices and other thinges that we here esteeme most which come out of strange countries and may returne the same way By this it appeareth your Grace hath not onely a great aduantage of the riches but also your subiects shall not trauell halfe of the way that other doe which goe round about as aforesayd The
such good and profitable things as are found in their Countries to remote regions and kingdomes and againe to bring from the same such things as they find there commodious for their owne Countries both aswell that the people to whom they goe may not be destitute of such commodities as their Countries bring not foorth to them as that also they may be partakers of such things whereof they abound For the God of heauen and earth greatly prouiding for mankinde would not that all things should be found in one region to the ende that one should haue neede of another that by this meanes friendship might be established among all men and euery one seeke to gratifie all For the establishing and furtherance of which vniuersall amitie certaine men of our Realme mooued heereunto by the said desire haue instituted and taken vpon them a voyage by sea into farre Countreis to the intent that betweene our people and them a way may bee opened to bring in and cary ouâ— marchandizes desiring vs to further their enterprise Who assenting to their petition haue licensed the right valiant and worthy Sir Hugh Willoughby knight and other our trusty and faithfull seruants which are with him according to their desire to goe to countreis to them heeretofore vnknowen aswell to seeke such things as we lacke as also to cary vnto them from our regions such things as they lacke So that hereby not onely commoditie may ensue both to them and vs but also an indissoluble and perpetuall league of friendship be established betweene vs both while they permit vs to take of their things such whereof they haue abundance in their regions and we againe grant them such things of ours whereof they are destitute We therfore desire you kings princes and al other to whom there is any power on the earth to permit vnto these our seruants free passage by your regions and dominions for they shall not touch any thing of yours vnwilling vnto you Consider you that they also are men If therefore they shall stand in neede of any thing we desire you of all humanitie and for the nobilitie which is in you to ayde and helpe them with such things as they lacke receiuing againe of them such things as they shall bee able to giue you in râ—compense Shew your selues so towards them as you would that we and our subiects should shewe our selues towards your seruants if at any time they shall passe by our regions Thus doing we promise you by the God of all things that are contained in heauen earth and the Sea and by the life and tranquillitie of our kingdomes that we will with like humanitie accept your seruants if at any time they shall come to our kingdomes where they shall as friendly and gently bee entertained as if they were borne in our Dominions that wee may hereby recompence the fauour and benignitie which you haue shewed to our men Thus after we haue desired you Kings and princes c. with all humanity and fauour to entertaine our welbeloued seruants we will pray our Almighty God to graunt you long life and peace which neuer shall haue ende Written in London which is the chiefe Citie of our kingdome in the yeere from the creatâ—on of the world 5515. in the moneth of Iiar the foureteenth day of the moneth and seuenth yeere of our reigne This letter was written also in Greeke and diuers other languages The true copie of a note found written in one of the two ships to wit the Speranza which wintred in Lappia where sir Hugh Willoughby and all his companie died being frozen to death Anno 1553. THe voiage intended for the discouerie of Cathay and diuers other regions dominioâ—s Islands and places vnknowen set forth by the right worshipful master Sebastian Cabota Esquire and Gouernour of the mysterie and company of the Marchants Aduenturers of the citie of London which fleete being furnished did set forth the tenth day of May 1553. and in the seuenth yeere of our most dread Soueraigne Lord and King Edward the sixt The names of the shippes of the fleete and of their burden together with the names of the Captaines and Counsellors Pilot Maior Masters of the ships Marchants with other officers and Mariners as hereafter followeth The Bona Esperanza Admirall of the fleete of 120. tunnes hauing with her a pinnesse and a boate Sir Hugh Willoughby knight Captaine generall of the fleete William Gefferson Master of the shippe Roger Wilson his Mate William Gittons Charles Barret Gabriel Willoughby Iohn Andrews Alexander Woodfoord Ralph Chatterton Marchants Mariners and officers according to the custome and vse of the Seas Iohn Brooke Master Gunner Nicholas Anthony Boateswaine Iohn Web his Mate Christopher Banbrucke Thomas Dauison Robert Rosse Thomas Simpson quarter Masters William White Iames Smith Thomas Painter Iohn Smith their Mates Richard Gwinne George Goiswine Carpenters Robert Gwinne Purser Laurence Edwards his Mate and Couper Richard Morgan Cooke Thomas Nashe his Mate William Light Iohn Brande Cutbert Chelfie George Blage Thomas Walker Thomas Allen Edward Smith Edward Hunt Iohn Fawkner Rowland Brooke Alexander Gardiner Richard Molton Surgeons which two were taken in at Harwich Discharged at Harwich by reason of sicknes George Blake Nicholas Anthony For pickerie ducked at the yards arme and so discharged Thomas Nash. The Edward Bonauenture of 160. tunnes with her a pinnesse and a boate Richard Chancelor Captaine and Pilot maior of the fleete Stephen Borowgh Master of the ship Iohn Buckland his Mate George Burton Arthur Edwards Marchants Iohn Stafford Minister Iames Dallaber Nicholas Newborrow Iohn Segswike Thomas Francis Iohn Hasse Richard Iohnson William Kempe Mariners and officers according to the custome and vse of the Seas Robert Stanton Master Gunner Iohn Walker his Mate Iames Long Iohn Cocks Gunners Thomas Walter Surgeon Peter Palmer Boateswaine Richard Strowde his Mate Iohn Robinson Iohn Carowe Thomas Stone Roger Lishbie quarter Masters Iohn Austen Steward Patricke Steuens his Mate Austen Iacks Cooke William Euery Cowper Griffin Wagham Carpenter Thomas Stelston Thomas Townes Iohn Robinson Iohn White William Laurence Miles Butter Iohn Browne William Morren William Watson Thomas Handcocks Edward Pacie Thomas Browne Arthur Pet George Phibarie Edward Patterson William Beare Iohn Potter Nicholas Lawrence William Burrough Roger Welford Iohn Williams The Bona Confidentia of 90. tunnes hauing with her a pinnesse and a boate Cornelius Durfoorth Master of the shippe Richard Ingram his Mate Thomas Langlie Edward Keuer Henrie Dorset Marchants Mariners and officers according to the vse and custome of the Sea Henrie Tailer Master Gunner George Thurland his Mate Wiliam Hamane Boateswaine Iohn Edwards his Mate Thomas Kirbie Henrie Dickenson Iohn Haye William Shepwash quarter Masters Iohn Reyne Steward Thomas Hante Cooke William Lassie his Mate Nicholas Knight Carpenter Peter Lewike Nicholas Wiggleworth Iohn Moore William Chapman Brian Chester William Barrie Richard Wood Clement Gibson Iohn Clarocke Erasmus Bently Iohn Duriforth The
happen to disperse and scatter them euery shippe should indeuour his best to goe to Wardhouse a hauen or castell of some name in the kingdome of Norway and that they that arriued there first in safetie should stay and expect the comming of the rest The very same day in the afternoone about foure of the clocke so great a tempest suddenly arose and the Seas were so outragious that the ships could not keepe their intended course but some were perforce driuen one way and some another way to their great perill and hazard The generall with his lowdest voyce cried out to Richard Chanceler and earnestly requested him not to goe farre from him but hâ—e neither would nor could keepe companie with him if he sailed still so fast for the Admirall was of better saile then his shippe But the said Admirall I knowe not by what meanes bearing all his sailes was caried away with so great force and swiftnesse that not long after hee was quite out of sight and the third ship also with the same storme and like rage was dispersed and lost vs. The shippe boate of the Admirall striking against the shippe was ouerwhelmed in the fight and viewe of the Mariners of the Bonauenture and as for them that are already returned and arriued they know nothing of the rest of the ships what was become of them But if it be so that any miserable mishap haue ouertaken them If the rage and furie of the Sea haue deuoured those good men or if as yet they liue and wander vp and downe in strange Countreys I must needs say they were men worthy of better fortune and if they beliuing let vs wish them safetie and a good returne but if the crueltie of death hath taken holde of them God send them a Christian graue and Sepulchre Nowe Richard Chanceler with his shippe and company being thus left alone and become very pensiue heauie and sorowfull by this dispersion of the Fleete hee according to the order before taken shapeth his course for Wardhouse in Norway there to expect and abide the arriuall of the rest of the shippes And being come thither and hauing stayed there the space of 7. dayes and looked in vaine for their comming hee determined at length to proceede alone in the purposed voyage And as hee was preparing himselfe to depart it happened that hee fell in company and speech with certaine Scottishmen who hauing vnderstanding of his intention and wishing well to his actions beganne earnestly to disswade him from the further prosecution of the discouerie by amplifying the dangers which hee was to fall into and omitted no reason that might serue to that purpose But hee holding nothing so ignominious and reprochfull as inconstancie and leuitie of minde and perswading himselfe that a man of valour coulde not commit a more dishonourable part then for feare of danger to auoyde and shunne great attempts was nothing at all changed or discouraged with the speeches and words of the Scots remaining stedfast and immutable in his first resolution determining either to bring that to passe which was intended or els to die the death And as for them which were with Master Chanceler in his shippe although they had great cause of discomfort by the losse of their companie whom the foresaid tempest had separated from them and were not a little troubled with cogitations and perturbations of minde in respect of their doubtfull course yet notwithstanding they were of such consent and agreement of minde with Master Chanceler that they were resolute and prepared vnder his direction and gouernment to make proofe and triall of all aduentures without all feare or mistrust of fuâ—ure dangers Which constancie of minde in all the companie did exceedingly increase their Captaines carefulnesse for hee being swallowed vp with like good will and loue towards them feared lest through any errour of his the safetie of the companie should bee indangered To conclude when they sawe their desire and hope of the arriuall of the rest of the shippes to be euery day more and more frustrated they prouided to sea againe and Master Chanceler held on his course towards that vnknowen part of the world and sailed so farre that hee came at last to the place where hee found no night at all but a continuall light and brightnesse of the Sunne shining clearely vpon the huge and mightie Sea And hauing the benefite of this perpetuall light for certaine dayes at the length it pleased God to bring them into a certaine great Bay which was of one hundreth miles or thereabout ouer Whereinto they entred and somewhat farre within it cast ancre and looking euery way about them it happened that they espied a farre off a certaine fisher boate which Master Chanceler accompanied with a fewe of his men went towards to common with the fishermen that were in it and to knowe of them what Countrey it was and what people and of what maner of liuing they were but they being amazed with the strange greatnesse of his shippe for in those partes before that time they had neuer seene the like beganne presently to auoyde and to flee but hee still following them at last ouertooke them and being come to them they being in great feare as men halfe dead prostrated themselues before him offering to kisse his feete but hee according to his great and singular courtesie looked pleasantly vpon them comforting them by signes and gestures refusing those dueties and reuerences of theirs and taking them vp in all louing sort from the ground And it is strange to consider howe much fauour afterwards in that place this humanitie of his did purchase to himselfe For they being dismissed spread by and by a report abroad of the arriuall of a strange nation of a singular gentlenesse and courtesie whereupon the common people came together offering to these newe-come ghests victuals freely and not refusing to traffique with them except they had bene bound by a certaine religious vse and custome not to buy any forreine commodities without the knowledge and consent of the king By this time our men had learned that this Countrey was called Russia or Moscouie and that Iuan Vasiliwich which was at that time their Kings name ruled and gouerned farre and wide in those places And the barbarous Russes asked likewise of our men whence they were and what they came for whereunto answere was made that they were Englishmen sent into those coastes from the most excellent King Edward the sixt hauing from him in commâ—ndement certaine things to deliuer to their King and seeking nothing els but his amitie and friendship and traffique with his people whereby they doubted not but that great commoditie and profit would grow to the subiects of both kingdomes The Barbarians heard these things very gladly and promised their aide and furtherance to acquaint their king out of hand with so honest and a reasonable request In the meane time Master Chanceler intreated victuals for his money
of the gouernour of that place who together with others came aboord him and required hostages of them likewise for the more assurance of safetie to himselfe and his company To whom the Gouernours answered that they knewe not in that case the will of their king but yet were willing in such things as they might lawfully doe to pleasure him which was as then to affoord him the benefit of victuals Nowe while these things were a doing they secretly sent a messenger vnto the Emperour to certifie him of the arriuall of a strange nation and withall to knowe his pleasure concerning them Which message was very welcome vnto him insomuch that voluntarily hee inuited them to come to his Court But if by reason of the tediousnesse of so long a iourney they thought it not best so to doe then hee graunted libertie to his subiects to bargaine and to traffique with them and further promised that if it would please them to come to him hee himselfe would beare the whole charges of poste horses In the meane time the gouernours of the place differred the matter from day to day pretending diuers excuses and saying one while that the consent of all the gouernours and another while that the great and waightie affaires of the kingdome compelled them to differ their answere and this they did of purpose so long to protract the time vntill the messenger sent before to the king did returne with relation of his will and pleasure But Master Chanceler seeing himselfe held in this suspense with long and baine expectation and thinking that of intention to delude him they posted the matter off so often was very instant with them to performe their promise Which if they would not doe hee tolde them that hee would depart and proceede in his voyage So that the Moscouites although as yet they knew not the minde of their king yet fearing the departure in deede of our men who had such wares and commodities as they greatly desired they at last resolued to furnish our people with all things necessarie and to conduct them by land to the presence of their king And so Master Chanceler beganne his iourney which was very long and most troublesome wherein hee had the vse of certaine sleds which in that Countrey are very common for they are caried themselues vpon sleds and all their carriages are in the same sort the people almost not knowing any other maner of carriage the cause wherof is the exceeding hardnesse of the ground congealed in the winter time by the force of the colde which in those places is very extreme and horrible whereof hereafter we will say something But nowe they hauing passed the greater part of their iourney mette at last with the Sleddeman of whom I spake before sent to the king secretly from the Iustices or gouernours who by some ill happe had lost his way and had gone to the Sea side whâ—ch is neere to the Countrey of the Tartars thinking there to haue found our ship But hauing long erred and wandered out of his way at the last in his direct returne hee met as hee was comming our Captaine on the way To whom hee by and by deliuered the Emperours letters which were written to him with all courtesie and in the most louing maner that could be wherein expresse commandement was giuen that post horses should bee gotten for him and the rest of his company without any money Which thing was of all the Russes in the rest of their iourney so willingly done that they began to quarrell yea and to fight also in striuing and contending which of them should put their post horses to the sledde so that after much aâ—oe and great paines taken in this long and wearie iourney for they had trauailed very neere fifteene hundred miles Master Chanceler came at last to Mosco the chiefe citie of the kingdome and the seate of the king of which citie and of the Emperour himselfe and of the principall cities of Moscouie wee will speake immediatly more at large in this discourse Of Moscouie which is also called Russia MOscouie which hath the name also of Russia the white is a very large and spacious Countrey euery way bounded with diuers nations Towards the South and the East it is compassed with Tartaria the Northren side of it stretcheth to the Scytian Ocean vpon the West part border the Lappians a rude and sauage nation liuing in woods whose language is not knowen to any other people next vnto these more towards the South is Swecia then Finlandia then Liuonia and last of all Lituania This Countrey of Moscouie hath also very many and great riuers in it and is marish ground in many places and as for the riuers the greatest and most famous amongst all the rest is that which the Russes in their owne tongue call Volga but others know it by the name of Rha. Next vnto it in fame is Tanais which they call Don and the third Boristhenes which at this day they call Neper Two of these to wit Rha and Boristhenes yssuing both out of one fountaine runne very farre through the land Rha receiuing many other pleasant riuers into it running from the very head or spring of it towards the East after many crooked turnings and windings dischargeth it selfe and all the other waters and riuers that fall into it by diuers passages into the Caspian Sea Tanais springing from a fountaine of great name in those partes and growing great neere to his head spreds it selfe at length very largely and makes a great lake and then growing narrowe againe doth so runne for certaine miles vntill it fall into another lake which they call Iuan and therehence fetching a very crooked course comes very neere to the riuer Volga but disdaining as it were the company of any other riuer doth there turne it selfe againe from Volga and runnes toward the South and fals at last into the Lake of Moeotis Boristhenes which comes from the same head that Rha doth as wee sayde before carieth both it selfe and other waters that are neere vnto it towards the South not refusing the mixture of other small riuers and running by many great and large Countreys fals at last into Pontus Euxinus Besides these riuers are also in Moscouie certaine lakes and pooles the lakes breede fish by the celestiall influence and amongst them all the chiefest and most principall is called Bealozera which is very famous by reason of a very strong towre built in it wherein the kings of Moscouie reserue and repose their treasure in all time of warre and danger Touching the Riphean mountaines whereupon the snow lieth continually and where hence in times past it was thought that Tanais the riuer did spring and that the rest of the wonders of nature which the Grecians fained and inuented of olde were there to be seene our men which lately came from thence neither sawe them nor yet haue brought home any perfect relation of them although
Emperour to rule at Astracan who beeing arriued and hauing the number of 500. great boates vnder his conduct some laden with victuals souldiers and munition and other some with merchandise departed altogether the said 19. day from the said Nyse Nouogrod and the 22. we came vnto a castle called Vasiliagorod distant 25. leagues which we left vpon our right hand This towne or castle had his name of this Emperours father who was called Vasilius and gorod in the Russe tongue is as much to say as a castle so that Vasiliagorod is to say Vasilius castle and it was the furthest place that the said Emperour conquered from the Tartars But this present Emperour his sonne called Iuan Vasiliwich hath had great good successe in his warres both against the Christians and also the Mahometists and Gentiles but especially against the Tartars inlarging his Empire euen to the Caspian sea hauing conquered the famous riuer of Volga with all the countreis thereabout adiacent Thus proceeding on our iourney the 25. day of May aforesaide wee came to another castle called Sabowshare which wee left on our right hand distant from Vasiliagorod 16. leagues The countrey heereabout is called Mordouits and the habitants did professe the law of the Gentiles but nowe beeing conquered by this Emperour of Russia most of them are christened but lie in the woods and wildernesse without towne or habitation The 27. day we passed by another castle called Swyasko distant from Shabowshare aforesaid 25. leagues we left it on our right hand and the 29. came vnto an Island one league from the citie of Cazan from which falleth downe a riuer called Cazankareca entreth into the foresaide Volga Cazan is a faire town after the Russe or Tartar fashion with a strong castle situated vpon a high hill and was walled round about with timber earth but now the Emperour of Russia hath giuen order to plucke downe the old walles and to builde them againe of free stone It hath bene a citie of great wealth and riches and being in the hands of the Tartars it was a kingdome of it selfe and did more vexe the Russes in their warres then any other nation but 9. yeres past this Emperour of Russia conquered it and tooke the king captiue who being but young is nowe baptised and brought vp in his court with two other princes which were also kings of the said Cazan and being ech of thē in time of their raignes in danger of their subiects through ciuil discord came and rendred themselues at seueral times vnto the said Emperor so that at this present there are three princes in the court of Russia which had bene Emperours of the said Cazan whom the Emperour vseth with great honour We remained at Cazan till the 13. day of Iune and then departed from thence and the same day passed by an Island called the Island of merchants because it was woont to be a place where all merchants as well Russes and Cazanites as Nagayans and Crimmes and diuers other nations did resort to keepe mart for buying and selling but nowe it is forsaken and standeth without any such resort thither or at Cazan or at any place about it from Mosco vnto Mare Caspium Thus proceeding forward the 14. day we passed by a goodly riuer called Cama which we left on our left hand This riuer falleth out of the countrey of Permia into the riuer of Volga and is from Cazan 15. leagues and the countrey lying betwixt the said Cazan and the said riuer Cama on the left hand of Volga is called Vachen and the inhabitants be Gentiles and liue in the wildernesse without house or habitation and the countrey on the other side of Volga ouer against the said riuer Cama is called the land of Cheremizes halfe Gentiles halfe Tartars and all the land on the left hand of the said Volga from the said riuer vnto Astracan and so following the North and Northeast side of the Caspian sea to a land of the Tartars called Turkemen is called the countrey of Mangat or Nagay whose inhabitants are of the law of Mahomet and were all destroyed in the yeere 1558 at my being at Astracan through ciuill warres among them accompanied with famine pestilence and such plagues in such sort that in the said yeere there were consumed of the people in one sort and another aboue one hundred thousand the like plague was neuer seen in those parts so that the said countrey of Nagay being a countrey of great pasture remaineth now vnreplenished to the great contentation of the Russes who haue had cruel warres a long time together The Nagayans when they flourished liued in this maner they were diuided into diuers companies called Hords and euery Hord had a ruler whom they obeyed as their king and was called a Murse Towne or house they had none but liued in the open fields euery Murse or King hauing his Hords or people about him with their wiues children and cattell who hauing consumed the pasture in one place remooued vnto another and when they remooue they haue houses like tents set vpon wagons or carts which are drawen from place to place with camels therin their wiues children and all their riches which is very litle is caried about and euery man hath at the least foure or fiue wiues besides concubines Use of money they haue none but doe barter their cattell for apparell and other necessaries They delight in no arte nor science except the warres wherein they are expert but for the most part they be pasturing people and haue great store of cattel which is all their riches They eate much flesh and especially the horse and they drinke mares milke wherewith they be oftentimes drunke they are seditious inclined to theft and murther Corne they sowe not neither doe eate any bread mocking the Christians for the same and disabling our strengths saying we liue by eating the top of a weede and drinke a drinke made of the same allowing their great deuouring of flesh and drinking of milke to be the increase of their strength But now to proceed forward to my iourney All the countrey vpon our right hand the riuer Volga from ouer against the riuer Cama vnto the towne of Astracan is the land of Crimme whose inhabitants be also of the lawe of Mahomet and liue for the most part according to the fashions of the Nagayes hauing continual wars with the Emperour of Russia and are valiant in the fielde hauing countenance and support from the great Turke The 16. day of Iune we passed by certaine fishermens houses called Petowse twenty leagues from the riuer Cama where is great fishing for sturgeon so continuing our way vntill the 22. day and passing by another great riuer called Samar which falleth out of the aforesaide countrey and runneth through Nagay and entreth into the saide riuer of Volga The 28. day wee came vnto a great hill where was in times past
that an vniuersall peace with our Christian neighbours will cut off the emploiment of the couragious increasing youth of this realme he is much deceiued For there are other most conuenient emploiments for all the superfluitie of euery profession in this realme For not to meddle with the state of Ireland nor that of Guiana there is vnder our noses the great ample countrey of Virginia the In-land whereof is found of late to bee so sweete and holesome a climate so rich and abundant in siluer mines so apt and capable of all commodities which Italy Spaine and France can affoord that the Spaniards themselues in their owne writings printed in Madrid 1586 and within few moneths afterward reprinted by me in Paris and in a secret mappe of those partes made in Mexico the yeere before for the king of Spaine which originall with many others is in the custodie of the excellent Mathematician M. Thomas Hariot as also in their intercepted letters come vnto my hand bearing date 1595. they acknowledge the In-land to be a better and richer countrey then Mexico and Nueua Spania it selfe And on the other side their chiefest writers as Peter Martyr ab Angleria and Francis Lopez de Gomara the most learned Venetian Iohn Baptista Ramusius and the French Geographers as namely Popiliniere and the rest acknowledge with one consent that all that mightie tract of land from 67. degrees Northward to the latitude almost of Florida was first discouered out of England by the commaundement of king Henry the seuenth and the South part thereof before any other Christian people of late hath bene planted with diuers English Colonies by the royal consent of her sacred Maiestie vnder the broad seale of England whereof one as yet remaineth for ought we know aliue in the countrey Which action if vpon a good godly peace obtained it shal please the Almighty to stirre vp her Maiesties heart to continue with her fauourable countenance as vpon the ceasing of the warres of Granada hee stirred vp the spirite of Isabella Queene of Castile to aduaunce the enterprise of Columbus with transporting of one or two thousand of her people and such others as vpon mine owne knowledge will most willingly at their owne charges become Aduenturers in good numbers with their bodies and goods she shall by Gods assistance in short space worke many great and vnlooked for effects increase her dominions enrich her cofers and reduce many Pagans to the faith of Christ. The neglecting hitherto of which last point our aduersaries daily in many of their bookes full bitterly lay vnto the charge of the professors of the Gospell No sooner should we set footing in that pleasant and good land and erect one or two conuenient Fortes in the Continent or in some Iland neere the maine but euery step we tread would yeeld vs new occasion of action which I wish the Gentrie of our nation rather to regard then to follow those soft vnprofitable pleasures wherein they now too much consume their time and patrimonie and hereafter will doe much more when as our neighbour warres being appeased they are like to haue lesse emploiment then nowe they haue vnlesse they bee occupied in this or some other the like expedition And to this ende and purpose giue me leaue I beseech you to impart this occurrent to your honourable and prouident cōsideration that in the yere one thousand fiue hundred eighty and seuen when I had caused the foure voyages of Ribault Laudonniere and Gourges to Florida at mine owne charges to bee printed in Paris which by the malice of some too much affectioned to the Spanish faction had bene aboue twentie yeeres suppressed assoone as that booke came to the view of that reuerend and prudent Counseller Monsieur Harlac the lord chiefe Iustice of France and certaine other of the wisest Iudges in great choler they asked who had done such intollerable wrong to their whole kingdome as to haue concealed that woorthie worke so long Protesting further that if their Kings and the Estate had throughly followed that action France had bene freed of their long ciuill warres and the variable humours of all sortes of people might haue had very ample and manifold occasions of good and honest emploiment abroad in that large and fruitfull Continent of the West Indies The application of which sentence vnto our selues I here omit hastening vnto the summarie recapitulation of other matters contained in this worke It may please your Honour therefore to vnderstand that the second part of this first Treatise containeth our auncient trade and traffique with English shipping to the Ilands of Sicilie Candie and Sio which by good warrant herein alleaged I find to haue bene begun in the yeere 1511. and to haue continued vntill the yeere 1552. and somewhat longer But shortly after as it seemeth it was intermitted or rather giuen ouer as is noted in master Gaspar Campions discreet letters to master Michael Lock and master William Winter inserted in this booke first by occasiō of the Turkes expelling of the foure and twentie Mauneses or gouernours of the Genouois out of the I le of Sio and by taking of the sayd Iland wholie into his owne hand in Aprill 1566. sending thither Piali Basha with fourescore gallies for that purpose and afterward by his growing ouer mightie and troublesome in those Seas by the cruell inuasion of Nicosia and Famagusta and the whole I le of Cyprus by his lieutenant Generall Mustapha Basha Which lamentable Tragedie I haue here againe reuiued that the posteritie may neuer forget what trust may bee giuen to the oath of a Mahumetan when hee hath aduauntage and is in his choler Lastly I haue here put downe at large the happie renuing and much increasing of our interrupted trade in all the Leuant accomplished by the great charges and speciall industrie of the worshipfull and worthy Citizens Sir Edward Osborne Knight M. Richard Staper and M. William Hareborne together with the league for traffike onely betweene her Maiestie and the Grand Signior with the great priuileges immunities and fauours obteyned of his imperiall Highnesse in that behalfe the admissions and residencies of our Ambassadours in his stately Porch and the great good and Christian offices which her Sacred Maiestie by her extraordinary fauour in that Court hath done for the king and kingdome of Poland and other Christian Princes the traffike of our Nation in all the chiefe Hauens of Africa and Egypt the searching and haunting the very bottome of the Mediterran Sea to the ports of Tripoli and Alexandretta of the Archipelagus by the Turkes now called The white sea euen to the walles of Constantinople the voyages ouer land and by riuer through Aleppo Birrha Babylon and Balsara and downe the Persian gulfe to Ormuz and thence by the Ocean sea to Goa and againe ouer-land to Bisnagar Cambaia Orixa Bengala Aracan Pegu Malacca Siam the Iangomes Quicheu and euen to the Frontiers of the Empire of China the former performed
commodities 3 5 The commodities and wares that are most desired in Guinea betwixt Sierra Leona and the furthest place of the Mina 52 6 Certaine articles of remembrance deliuered to M. Iohn Lok touching a voyage to Guinea Anno 1561. 52 7 A letter of M. Iohn Lok to the worshipfull company of marchants aduenturers of Guinea Anno 1561. 53 8 The relation of one William Rutter concerning a voyage set out to Guinea Anno 1562. Described also in verse by Robert Baker 54 9 A meeting at Sir William Gerards house for the setting foorth of a voyage to Guinea with the Minion of the Queenes The Iohn Baptist of London and the Merline of M. Gorson Anno 1564. 55 10 A relation of the successe of the same voyage taken out of a voyage of Sir Iohn Haukins to the West Indies 56 11 Certaine reports of the mighty kingdome of China deliuered by Portugales which were there imprisoned 68 12 A discourse of the Isle of Iapan and of other Isles in the East Ocean c. 80 13 An excellent description of the kingdome of China and of the estate and gouernement thereof pag. 88 14 A briefe relation of the great magnificence and rich trafficke of the kingdom of Pegu beyond the East India 102 15 Certaine remembrances of a voyage intended to Brasil and to the riuer of Plate but miserably ouer throwen neere Rio grande in Guinea in the yeere 1583. 110,111 16 The escape of the Primrose a ship of London from before the towne of Bilbao in Biscay and the taking of the Corrigidor Anno 1585. 112 17 The king of Spaines Commission for the generall imbargment or arrest of the English c. Anno 1585. 114 18 The Letters patents granted by her Maiestie to certaine noblemen and merchants of London for a trade to Barbary Anno 1585. 114 19 An edict from the Emperour of Maâ—occo in fauour of all Englishmen trading throughout his dominions Anno 1587. 118 20 A letter of the sayd emperour written to the Erle of Leicester in the yeare 1587. 118 21 A letter of the Queenes Maiestie written to the emperour of Marocco in the yere 1587. 119 22 A patent graunted to certaine merchants of Exceter and others of the VVest parts and of London for a trade to the riuers of Senega and Gambra in Guinea Anno 1588. 123 23 A relation concerning a voyage set foorth by M. Iohn Newton and M. Iohn Bird merchants of London to the kingdome and citie of Benin written by Antony Ingram An. 1588. 129 24 An aduertisement to king Philip the 2. of Spaine from Angola touching the state of the same countrey An. 1591. 133 25 A particular note of the VVest Indian fleete expected to haue arriued in Spaine An. 1592 with the number of ships of the same fleete that perished and suffered shipshrack c. 175 26 A large testimony of Iohn Huighen van Linâ—choten concerning the worthy exploits atchieued by the right hon the erle of Cumberland by Sir Martin Frobisher Sir Richard Grinuile and diuers other English Captains about the Isles of the Açores and vpon the coastes of Spaine and Portugale in the yeares 1589,1590,1591 178 27 A relation concerning the estate of the Island and Castle of Arguin and touching the rich and secret trade from the inland of Africa thither written in the yere 1491. 188 28 Two briefe relations concerning the Cities and Prouinces of Tombuto and Gago and concerning the exceeding great riches of the sayd Prouinces and the conquest thereof by the king of Marocco and of the huge masse of gold which he yerely receiueth thence for tribute VVritten Anno 1594. 192 29 A briefe extract of a patent granted to M. Thomas Gregory of Tanton and others for traffick betweene the riuer of Nonnia and the riuers of Madrabumba and Sierra Leona on the coast of Guinea An. 1592. 193 30 A report of the casting away of the Tobie a ship of London neere Cape Espartel on the coast of Barbary without the Streight of Gibraltar in the yere of our Lord 1593. 201 31 The letters of the Queens Maiestie sent by Laurence Aldersey vnto the Emperour of Ethiopia Anno 1597. 203 THE SECOND VOLVME OF THE principall Nauigations Voyages Traffiques and Discoueries of the English nation made to the South and Southeast quarters of the world within the Straight of Gibraltar with the Directions Letters Priuiledges Discourses and Obseruations incident to the same That the Brittons were in Italie and Greece with the Cimbrians and Gaules before the incarnation of Christ. M. Wil. Camden pag. 33. BRitannos autem cum Cimbris Gallis permistos fuisse in expeditionibus illis in Italiam Graeciam videtur Nam praeter nomen commune in Britannico Triadum libro vetustissimo vbi tres maximi exercitus qui è Britannis conscripti erant memorantur proditum est exterum quendam ducem longè maximum exercitum hinc contraxisse qui populata magna Europae parte tandem ad Graecum mare forsitan Gallatiam innuit confederit Britomarum item ducem inter illos militarem cuius meminit Florus Appianus Britonem fuisse nomeÌ„ euincit quod Britonem magnum significat Nec torquebo illud Strabonis qui Brennum natione Praâ—sum fuisse scribit vt natione Britonem faciam The same in English IT is not vnlike that the Britons accompanied the Cimbrians and Gaules in those expeditions to Italy and Greece For besides the common name it is recorded in that most ancient British booke called Liber Triadum wherein also mention is made of three huge armies that were leuied out of Britaine that a certaine outlandish Captaine gathered from hence a mightie armie who hauing wasted a great part of Europe at length tooke vp his abode perhaps the Author meaneth in Gallatia neere vnto the sea of Greece Likewise that the warrelike captaine Britomarus of whom Florus and Appian doe make report was himselfe a Briton his very name doeth testifie which signiâ—ieth A great Briton Neither will I wrest that testimonie of Strabo who reporteth Brennus to haue bene a Prause by birth that I may prooue him also to haue bene a Briton borne ¶ The trauaile of Helena HElena Flauia Augusta serenissimi Coelâ— Britannici Regis Haeres vnica filia Magni Constantini Caesaris mater incomparabili decôre fide religione bonitate ac magnificentiâ piâ Eusebio etiam teste per totum resplenduit orbem Inter omnes aetatis suae soeminas nulla inueniebatur eà in liberalibus artibus doctior nulla in instrumentis musicis peritior aut in linguis nationum copiosior Innatam habebat ingenij clariâ—udinem oris facundiam ac morum ornatissimam compositionem Hebraicè Graecè Latinè erudita Caruerat pater alia sobole inquit Virumnius quae Regni solio potiretur Illam propterea his instrui fecit per optimos preceptores vt eò commodius Regni tractaret negotia Vnde ob incredibilem eius pulchritudinem atque alias eximias animi
Archbishop of Tyre lib. 3. cap. 17. hist. belli sacri The same author in the 10. booke first chapter of the same historie concerning the same English Lady writeth further as followeth Baldwine hauing folowed the warres for a time gaue his minde to marriage so that being in England he fell in loue with a very honourable and noble Lady named Gutuere whom he married and caried with him in that first happy expedition wherin he accompanied his brethren the Lords duke Godfrey and Eustace persons very commendable in all vertues and of immortall memorie But he had hard fortune in his iourney because his foresaid wife being wearied with a long sicknes finished her life with a happie end neere the citie of Marasia before the Christian armie came vnto Antioch where she was honourably buried as we haue declarâ—d before ¶ Chronicon Hierosolymitanum in lib. 3. cap. 27. maketh also mention of this English Lady which he calleth Godwera in this maner HAc in regione Maresch vxor Baldewini nobilissima quam de regno Angele eduxit diutina corporis molestia aggrauata duci Godefrido commendata vitam exâ—alauit sepulta Catholicis obsequijs cuius nomen erat Godwera The same in English IN this prouince of Maresch the most noble wife of Baldwine which he caried with him out of England being visited with dayly sicknesses and infirmities of body and commended to the custody of duke Godfrey departed out of this life and was buried after the Christian maner Her name was Godwera ¶ The voyage of Edgar the sonne of Edward which was the sonne of Edmund surnamed Ironside brother vnto K. Edward the confessor being accompanied with valiant Robert the sonne of Godwin vnto Ierusalem in the yeere of our Lord 1102. Recorded by William of Malmesburie lib. 3. histo fol. 58. SVbsequenti tempore cum Roberto filio Godwini milite audacissimo Edgarus Hierosolymam pertendit Illud fuit tempus quo Turci Baldwinum regem apud Ramas obsederunt qui cum obsidionis iniuriam ferre nequiret per medias hostium acies effugit solius Roberti opera liberatus praeeuntis euaginato gladio dexâ—ra leuaque Turcos caedentis Sed cum successu ipso truculentior alacritate nimia procutreret ensis manu excidit Ad quem recolligendum cum se inclinasset omnium incursu oppressus vinculis palmas dedit Inde Babyloniam vt aiunt ductus cum Christum abnegare nollet in medio foro ad signum positus sagittis terebratus martyrium consecrauit Edgarus amisso milite regressus multaque beneficia ab Imperatoribus Graecorum Alemannorum adeptus quippè qui etiam cum retinere pro generis amplitudine tentassent omnia pro natalis soli desiderio spreuit Quosdam enim profectò fallie amor patriae vt nihil eis videatur iucundum nisi consuetum hauserint coelum Vndè Edgarus fatua cupidine illusus Angliam redijt vbi vt superius dixi diuerso fortunae ludicro rotatus nunc remotus tacitus canos suos in agro consumit The same in English AFterward Edgar being sonne vnto the nephewe of Edward the confessour traueiled with Robert the sonne of Godwin a most valiant knight vnto Ierusalem And it was at the same time when the Turkes besieged king Baldwin at Rama who not being able to endure the straight siege was by the helpe of Robert especially going before him and with his drawen sword making a lane and slaying the Turkes on his right hande and on his left deliuered out of that danger and escaped through the midst of his enemies campe But vpon his happie successe being more eager and fierce as hee went forward somewhat too hastily his sworde fell out of his hand Which as he stouped to take vp being oppressed with the whole multitude hee was there taken and bound From whence as some say being carried vnto Babylon or Alcair in Egypt when he would not renounce Christ he was tyed vnto a stake in the midst of the market place and being shot through with arrowes died a martyr Edgar hauing lost his knight returned and being honoured with many rewards both by the Greekish and by the Germaine Emperour who both of them would right gladly haue entertained him stil for his great nobilitie contemned all things in respect of his natiue soile For in very deede some are so inueagled with the loue of their countrey that nothing can seeme pleasant vnto them vnlesse they breath in the same aire where they were bred Wherefore Edgar being misledde with a fond affection returned into England and afterward being subiect vnto diuers changes of fortune as we haue aboue signified he spendeth now his extreeme olde age in an obscure and priuate place of the countrey ¶ Mention made of one Godericus a valiant Englishman who was with his ships in the voyage vnto the Holy land in the second yeere of Baldwine King of Ierusalem in the third yere of Henry the first of England CHronicon Hierosolymitanum lib. 9. cap. 9. Verùm dehinc septem diebus euolutis rex ab Assur exiens nauem quae dicitur Buza ascendit cum eo Godericus pirata de regno Angliae ac vexillo hastae praefixo elato in aëre ad radios solis vsque Iaphet cum paucis nauigauit vt hoc eius signo ciues Christiani recognito fiduciam vitae regis haberent non facile hostiuÌ„ minis pauefacti turpiter diffugium facerent aut vrbem reddere cogerentur Sciebat enim eos multum de vita salute eius desperare Saraceni auteÌ„ viso eius signo recognito ea parte que vrbem nauigio cingebat illi in galeis viginti Carinis tredecim quas vulgo appellant Câ—zh occurrerunt volentes Buzam regis coronare Sed Dei auxilio vndis maris illis exaduerso tumescentibus ac reluctantibus Buza autem regis facili agili cursu inter procellas labente ac volitante in portu Ioppae delusis hostibus subitò affuit sex ex Saracenis in arcu suo in nauicula percussis ac vulneratis Intrans itaque ciuitatem dum incolumis omnium pateret oculis reuixit spiritus cunctorum gementium de eius morte hactenus dolentium eo quòd caput rex Christianorum princeps Hierusalem adhuc viuus incolumis receptus sit The same in English BUt seuen dayes afterward the King comming out of the towne of Assur entred into a shippe called a Busse and one Godericke a pirate of the kingdome of England with him and fastening his banner on the toppe of a speare and holding it vp aloft in the aire against the beames of the Sunne sailed vnto Iâ—phet with a small company That the Christian Citizens there seeing this his banner might conceiue hope that the King was yet liuing and being not easâ—ily terrified with the threates of the enemies might shamefully runne away or be constrained to yeeld vp the citie For hee knew that they were very much out
of hope of his life and safetie The Saracens seeing and knowing this his banner that part of them which enuironed the Citie by water made towards him with twentie Gallies and thirteene shippes which they commonly cal Cazh seeking to inclose the Kings shippe But by Gods helpe the billowes of the Sea swelling and raging against them and the Kings shippe gliding and passing through the waues with an easie and nimble course arriued suddenly in the hatten of Ioppa the enemies frustrated of their purpose and sixe of the Saracens were hurt and wounded by shot out of the Kings shippe So that the King entering into the Citie and nowe appearing in safetie in all their sightes the spirits of all them that mourned for him and vntil then lamented as though hee had bene dead reuiued because that the head and King of the Christians and prince of Ierusalem was yet aliue and come againe vnto them in perfect health ¶ Mention made of one Hardine of England one of the chiefest personages and a leader among other of two hundred saile of ships of Christians that landed at Ioppa in the yeere of our Lord God 1102. CHronicon Hierosolymitanum libro 9. cap. 11. Interea dum haec obsidio ageretur 200. naues Christianorum nauigio Ioppen appulsae sunt vt adorarent in Hierusalem Horum Bernardus Witrazh de terra Galatiae Hardinus de Anglia Otho de Roges Hadewerck vnus de praepotentibus Wesifalorum primi ductores fuisse referuntur c. Erat autem tertia feria Iulij mensis quando hae Christianorum copiae Deo protegente huc nauigio angustiatis obsessis ad opem collatae sunt Sarracenorum autem turmae videntes quia Christianorum virtus audacter facie ad faciem vicino sibi hospitio proximè iungebatur media nocte oâ—biincumbente amotis tentorijs amplius milliari subtractae consederunt dum luce exorta consilium inirent vtrum Ascalonem redirent aut ciues Iaphet crebris assultibus vexarent The same in English VVHile the Sarazens continued their siege against Ioppa two hundred saile of Christian ships arriued at Ioppa that they might performe their deuotions at Hierusalem The chiefe men and leaders of these Christians are reported to haue bene Bernard Witrazh of the land of Galatia Hardine of England Otho of Roges Haderwerck one of the chiefe noble men of Westphalia c. This Christian power through Gods speciall prouision arriued here for the succour and reliefe of the distressed besieged Christians in Ioppa the third day of Iuly 1102. and in the second yeere of Baldwine king of Ierusalem Whereupon the multitude of the Sarazens seeing that the Christian power ioyned themselues boldly close by them euen face to face in a lodging hard by them the very next night at midnight remooued their tents and pitched them more then a mile off that they might the next morning bee aduised whether they should returne to Ascalon or by often assaults vexe the citizens of Iaphet Chronicon Hierosolymitanum eodem libro 9. cap. 12. continueth this historie of these two hundreth saile of ships and sheweth how by their prowesse chiefly the multitude of the Sarazens were in short space vanquished and ouerthrowen The words are these Ab ipso verò die terriae feriae dum sic in superbia elatione suae multitudinis immobiles Saraceni persisterent multis armorum terroribus Christianum populum vexarent sexta feria appropinquance Rex Baldwinus in tubis cornibus a Iaphet egrediens in manu robusta equitum peditum virtutem illorum crudeli bello est aggressus magnis hinc hinc clamoribus intonantes Christiani quoque qui nauigio appulsi sunt horribili pariter clamore cum Rege Baldwino graui strepitu vociferantes Babylonios vehementi pugna sunt aggressi saeuissimis atque mortiferis plagis eos affligentes donec bello fatigati vltra vim non sustinentes fugam versus Ascalonem inierunt Alij verò ab insecutoribus eripi existimantes marâ— se credentes intolerabili procellarum fluctuatione absorpti sunt Et sic ciuitas Ioppe cum habitatoribus suis liberata est Ceciderunt hac die tria millia Sarracenorum Christianorum verò pauci perijsse inuenti sunt The same in English YEt notwithstanding after the said third day of Iuly the Sarazens persisted high minded and insolent by reason of their great multitude and much annoied the Christian people with their many forceable and terrible weapons whereupon on the sixt day of Iuly early in the morning king Baldwine issued out of Iaphet his trumpets and cornets yeelding a great and lowd sound and with a very strong armie as well of horsemen as footemen who on euery side making great shoutes and outcries with fierce and sharpe battell set on the maine power of their enemies The Christians also who arriued in the nauie rearing great clamours and noyses with loud voices and shoutings in horrible wise together with king Baldwine assaulted likewise with strong battell the Babylonians and afflicted them with most sore and deadly wounds vntill the Sarazens being wearied with fighting nor able longer to endure and hold out against the valure of the Christians fled towards Ascalon And other of them hoping to escape from them that pursued them lept into the sea and were swalowed vp in the waues thereof And so the citie of Ioppa with the inhabitants thereof were freed of their enemies There were slaine this day three thousand Sarazens and but a few of the Christians perished ¶ A Fleete of Englishmen Danes and Flemmings arriued at Ioppa in the Holy land the seuenth yeere of Baldwine the second king of Hierusalem Written in the beginning of the tenth booke of the Chronicle of Hierusalem in the 8. yeere of Henry the first of England Cap. 1. AT the same time also in the seuenth yeere of the raigne of Baldwine the Catholike king of Hierusalem a very great warrelike Fleete of the Catholike nation of England to the number of about seueÌ„ thousand hauing with them more men of warre of the kingdom of Denmarke of Flanders and of Antwerpe arriued with ships which they call Busses at the hauen of the citie of Iaphet determining there to make their abode vntill they hauing obtained the kings licence and safe conduct might safely worship at Hierusalem Of which nauie the chiefest and best spoken repairing to the king spake to him in this maner Christ preserue the Kings life and prosper his kingdome from day to day Wee being men and souldiours of Christian profession haue through the helpe of God sayled hither through mightie and large seas from the farre countreys of England Flanders and Denmarke to worship at Ierusalem and to visit the sepulchre of our Lord. And therefore we are assembled to intreat your clemency touching the matter that by your fauour and safe conduct we may peaceably goe vp to Ierusalem and worship there and so returne Chap. 2. THe king fauourably hearing their whole
making great mone for the ships of his sister and Berengaria his wife that should be not knowing where they were become after the tempest was ouerblowen sent forth his gallies diligently to seeke the rest of his Nauie dispersed but especially the shippe wherein his sister was and the maiden whom he should marry who at length were found safe and merry at the port of Lymszem in the I le of Cyprus notwithstanding the two other ships which were in their company before in the same hauen were drowned with diuers of the kings seruants and men of worship among whom was M. Roger called Malus Caâ—ulus the kings Uicechancellour who was found with the kings seale hanging about his necke The king of Cyprus was then Isakius called also the Emperour of the Gryffons who tooke and imprisoned all Engliâ—h men which by shipwracke were cast vpon his land also inuegled into his hands the goods and prises of them which were found drowned about his coastes neither would suffer the ships wherein the two ladies were to enter within the port The tidings of this being brought to king Richard he in great wrath gathering his gallies and ships together boordeth the land of Cyprus where he first in gentle wise signifieth to king Isakius how he with his English men comming as strangers to the supportatiâ—n of the holy land were by distresse of weather driuen vpon his bounds and therefore with all humble petition besought him in Gods behalfe and for reuerence of the holy crosse to let go such prisoners of his as he had in captiuitie and to restore againe the goods of them that were drowned which he deteined in his hands to be employed for the behoofe of their soules And this the king once twise and thrise desired of the Emperour but he proudly answering againe sent the king word that he neither would let the captiues go nor tender the goods of them which were drowned When king Richard heard this how light the Emperour Isakius made of his so humble and hoâ—est petition how that nothing could be gotten without violent force eftsoones giueth commandement thorowout all his hoste to put themselues in armour and follow him to reuenge the iniuries receiued of that proud and cruell king of Cyprus willing them to put their trust in God and not to misdoubt but that the Lord would stand with them and giue them the victory The Emperour in the meane time with his people stood warding the Sea coasts where the English men should arriue with swords billes and lances and such other weapons as they had setting boordes stooles and chestes before them as a wall few of them were harnessed and for the most part all vnexpert and vnskilfull in the feates of warre Then king Richard with his souldiers issuing out of their ships first set his bowemen before who with their shot made a way for others to followe The Englishmen thus winning the land vpon them so fiercely pressed vpon the Gryffons that after long fighting and many blowes at last the Emperour was put to flight whom king Richard valiantly pursued and slue many and diuers he tooke aliue and had gone neere also to take the Emperour had not the night come on and parted the battell And thus king Richard with much spoyle and great victory returning to the port Towne of Lymszem which the Townesmen had left for feare found there great abundance of corne wine oyle and victuals The day after the victory gotten Ioanna the Kings sister and Berengaria the mayden entred the Porte and Towne of Lymszem with 50. great ships and 14. galliots so that all the whole Nauie there meeting together were 254. tall shippes and aboue threescore galliots Then Isakius the Emperour seeing no way for him to escape by Sea the same night pitched his tentes fiue miles off from the English army swearing that the third day after he would surely giue battell to king Richard but he preuenting him before suddenly the same morning before the day of battell should be setteth vpon the tentes of the Gryffons early in the morning they being vnawares and a sleepe and made of them a great slaughter insomuch that the Emperour was fame to runne away naked leauing his tents and pauilions to the Englishmen full of horses and rich treasure also with the Imperial standerd the lower part whereof with a costly streamer was couered and wrought all with golde King Richard returning with victorie and triumph to his sister and Berengaria shortly after in the moneth of May next following and the 12. day of the said moneth married the said Berengaria daughter of Zanctius king of Nauarre in the yle of Cyprus at Lymszem The king of Cyprus seeing himselfe ouermatched was driuen at length to yeelde himselfe with conditions to giue king Richard 20000. markes in golde for amends of such spoyles as he had gotten of them that were drowned also to restore all the captiues againe to the king and furthermore he in his owne person to attend vpon the king to the lande of Ierusalem in Gods seruice and his with 400. horsemen and 500. footemen in pledge whereof he would giue to his hands his castles and his onely daughter and would hold his kingdome of him This done and the Emperour swearing fidelitie to king Richard before Guido king of Ierusalem and the prince of Antioche who were come thither to king Richard a little before peace was taken and Isakius committed to the warde of certaine keepers Notwithstanding shortly after he breaking from his keepers was againe at defiance with the King whereupon king Richard besetting the Iland of Cyprus round about with shippes and gallies did in such sort preuaile that the subiects of the land were constrained to yeelde themselues to the King and at last the daughter of the Emperour and the Emperour himselfe whom king Richard caused to be kept in fetters of gold and siluer and to be sent to the citie of Tripolis These things thus done and all set in order touching the possession of the I le of Cyprus the keeping whereof he committed to Radulphe sonne of Godfrey Lord Chamberlaine being then the first day of Iune vpon the fift of the saide moneth king Richard departed from the I le of Cyprus with his shippes and gallies toward the siege of Achon and on the next morrowe came to Tyrus where by procurement of the French king he was restrained by the Citizens to enter The next day after which was the first day of Iune crossing the seas he met with a great carak fraught with souldiers and men of warre to the number of a thousand and fiue hundred which pretending to be Frenchmen and setting foorth their flagge with the French armes were indeede Saracens secretly sent with wilde fire and certaine barrels of vnknowen serpents to the defence of the towne of Achon which king Richard at length perceiuing eftsoones set vpon them and so vanquished them of whom the most were drowned and some taken
of Syria through all which land the king had free passage without resistance neither durst the Saracenâ— Prince encounter after that with K. Richard Of all which his atchâ—uances the sayd K. Richard sent his letters of certificate as well into England as also to the Abbot of Clara valle in France well hoping y t he God willing should be able to make his repaire againe to them by Easter next Many other famous acts were done in this voyage by these two Kings and moe should haue bene had not they falling into discorde disseuered themselues by reason whereof Philip the French king returned home againe within short space who being returned againe eftsoones inuaded the countrey of Normandy exciting also Iohn the brother of king Richard to take on him the kingdome of Englande in his brothers absence who then made league vpon the same with the French king and did homage vnto him which was about the fourth yeere of king Richard Who then being in Syria and hearing thereof made peace with the Turkes for three yeeres and not long after king Richard the next spring following returned also who in his returne driuen by distresse of weather about the parts of Histria in a towne called Synaca was there taken by Lympold Duke of the same countrey and so solde to the Emperour for sixtie thousand Markes who for no small ioy thereof writeth to Philip the French king these letters here following The letter of the Emperour to Philip the French king concerning the taking of King Richard HEnricus Dei gratia Romanorum Imperator semper Augustus Dilecto speciali amico suo Philippo illustri Francorum Regi salutem sincerae dilectionis affectum Quoniam Imperatoria Celsitudo non dubitat Regalem Magnificentiam tuam latiorem effici de vniuersis quibus omnipotentia creatoris nostri nos ipsos Romanum Imperâ—um honorauerit exaltauerit nobilitati tuae tenore praesentium declarare duximus quod inimicus Imperij nostri â—urbator Regni tui Rex Angliae quam esset in transeundo mare ad partes suas reuer surus accidit vt ventus rupta naui sua in qua ipse erat induceret eum in partes Histriae ad locum qui est inter Aquileiam Venetias Vbi Rex Dei permissione passus naufragium cum paucis euasit Quidam itaque fidelis noster Comes Maynardus de Grooxâ—e populas regionis illius audito quod in terra erat considerato diligentiùs qualem nominatus Rex in terra promissionis proditionem traditionem perditionis suae cumulum exercuerat insecuti sunt intendentes eum captiuare Ipso autem Rege in fugam conuerso ceperunt de suis octo milites Postmodum processit Rex ad Burgum in Archiepâ—scopatu Salseburgensi qui vocatur Frisorum vbi Fridericus de Betesow Rege cum tribus tantum versus Austriam properante noctu sex milites de suis coepit Dilectus autem Consanguineus noster Lympoldus Dux Austriae obseruata strata saepè dictum Regemiuxta Denam in villa viciniori in domo despecta captiuaâ—â—t Cumitaque in nostra nunc habeatur Potestate ipse semper tua molestauit turbationis operam praestiterit ea quae praemisimus nobilitati tuae insmuare curaâ—imus scientes ea dilectioni tuae beneplacita existere animo tuo vberrimam importare laetitiam Datum apud Ritheountum 5. Kalendas Ianua King Richard being thus traiterously taken and solde to the Emperour by the Duke of Austridge for 60000. markes was there kept in custodie a yeere and 3. moneths In some stories it is affirmed that King Richard returning out of Asia came to Italy with prosperous winde where he desired of the Pope to be absolued of an othe made against this will and could not obteine it and so setting out from thence towards England passing by the Countrey of Conradus the Marques whose death he being slaine a litle before was falsâ—y imputed by the French king to the king of England there traiterously was taken as is aforesayde by Limpoldus duke of Austridge Albeit in another storie I finde the matter more credibly set forth which saith thus That king Richard slewe the brother of this Limpoldus playing with him at Chesse in the French Kings Court and Limpoldus taking his vantage was more cruel against him and deliuered him as is sayde to the Emperour In whose custodie he was deteined during the time aboue mentioned a yeere 3. moneths During which time of the kings endurance the French king in the meane season stirred warre in Normandie and Earle Iohn the Kings brother made stirre and inuaded England but the Barons and Bishops of the land mightily withstood him At length it was so agreed and concluded with the Emperour that king Richard should be released for a hundreth and foure thousand pound of which money part should remaine to the Duke of Austridge the rest should be the Emperours The summe of which money was here gathered and made in England of chalices crosses shrines candlestickes and other Church plate also with publike contribution of Friers Abbots and other subiects of the Realme whereof part was presently paid and for the residue remaining hostages and pledges were taken which was about the fift yeere of his reigne and then it was obteined of the Pope that Priestes might celebrate with Chalices of latten and tinne At what time this aforesaide money was payde and the hostages giuen for the ransome of the King I haue an olde historie which saith that the aforesaid Duke of Austridge was shortly after plagued by God with 5. sundry plagues First with the burning of his chiefe Townes 2 With drowning of tenne thousand of his men in a flood happening no man can tell how 3 By turning all the eares of his corne fieldes into wormes 4. By taking away almost all the Nobles of his land by death 5. By breaking his owne leg falling from his horse which leg he was compelled to cut off with his owne hands and afterwards died of the same who then at his death is reported to forgiue K. Richard 50000. marks and sent home the hostages that were with him And further a certaine booke intituled Eulogium declareth that the sayd Limpoldus duke of Austrich fell in displeasure with the bishop of Rome and died excommunicate the next yeere after Anno 1196. But thus as you haue heard Richard the King was ransomed deliuered from the couetous captiuitie of the Emperor and returning home made an ende of his voyage for Asia which was both honourable to himselfe and to all Christian states but to the Saracens the enemies of Christianitie terrible and dishonourable This historie of King Richards voiage to Ierusalem is very excellently and largely written in Latine by Guilielmus Neobrigensis and Roger Houeden Epitaphium Richardi primi regis Anglorum apud fontem Ebraldi SCribitur hoc auro rex auree laus tua tota aurea materiae conueniente nota
Laus tua prima fuit Siculi Cyprus altera Dromo tertia Caruanna quarta suprema Iope Retrusi Siculi Cyprus pessundata Dromo mersus Caruanna capta retenta Iope Epitaphium eiusdem vbi viscera eius requiescunt VIscera Kareolum corpus fons seruat Ebraldi cor Rothomagus magne Richarde tuum The life and trauailes of Baldwinus Deuonius sometime Archbishop of Canterbury BAldwinus Deuonius tenui loco Excestriae natus vir ore facundus exactus Philosophus ad omne studiorum genus per illos dies aptissimus inuenie batur Scholarum rector primùm erat tum postea Archidiac onus eruditione ac sapientia in omni negotio celebris fuit praeterâ—à Cisterciensis Monachus Abbas Fordensis Coenobij magnus suorum aestimatione ac vniuersae eorum societati quasi Antesignanus fuit deinde Wigoâ—niensis praesul fuit mortuo demùm Richardo Cantuariorum Archiepiscopus ac totius Angliae Primas Cui muneri Baldwinus sollicitè inuigilans egregium se pastorem exhibuit dominicum semen quantum patiebatur eius temporis iniquitas vnique locorum spargens Richardus Anglorum rex acceptis tunc regui insignijs summo studio classem ac omnia ad Hierosolymitanum bellum gerendum necessaria parauit Secutus est illicò regem in Syriam Palestinam vsque Baldwinus vt esset in tam Sancto vt ipse putabat iâ—inere laborum dolorum ac periculorum particeps Prefuit Cantuariensi Ecclesie ferè 6. annis Richardum regem in Syriam secutus anno Salutis nostrae 1190. Tyri vitam finiâ—it vbi sepultus est The same in English BAldwine a Deuonshire man borne in Exceter of mean parentage was a very eloquent man an exact Philosopher and in those dayes very excellent in all kind of studies He was first of all a Schoolemaster afterwards he became an Archdeacon very famous for his learning wisdom in all his doings He was also a Cistercian Monke and Abbot of Foord Monasterie and the chiefe of all those that were of his order he grew after this to be bishop of Worâ—ester and at last after the death of Archb. Richard he was promoted made Archbishop of Canterbury and Primate of all England In the discharge of which place he being very vigilant shewed himselfe a worthy Pastor sowing the feed of Gods word in euery place as farre foorth as the iniquitie of that time permitted In his time king Richard with all indeuour prepared a Fleet and all things necessary for waging of warre against the Infidels at Ierusalem taking with him the standerd and ensignes of the kingdome This Baldwine â—ftsoones folowed the king into Syria and Palestina as one desirous to be partaker of his trauailes paines and perils in so holy a voyage Hee was Archbishop of Canterburie almost sixe yeres but hauing followed the king into Syria in the yeere 1190â— he died at Tyrâ— where he was also buried ¶ An annotation concerning the trauailes of the sayd Baldwine taken out of Giraldus Cambrensis in his Itinerarium Cambriae lib. â— Cap. 14. Fol. 229. INter primos Thomae Becketi successor hic secundus audita saluatoris salutiâ—â—rae Crucis iniuria nostris proh dolor diebus per Saladinum irrogata cruce â—ignatus in eiusdem obsequâ—js tam remotis finibus quà m propinquis praedicationis officium virilâ—ter assumpsit Et post-modùm iter accipiens nauigiâ—que fungens apud Marsiham transcurso tandem pelagi profundo in portu Tyrensâ—incolumis applicuit inde ad exercitum nostrum obsidentem pariter obsessum Aconem transiuit vbi multos ex nostris inueniens ferè cunctos principum defectu in summa desolatione iam positos desperatione alios quidem longa expectatione fatigatos alios fame inopia grauiter afflictos quosdam verò aëris inclementia distemperatos diem foelicitèr in terra sacra clausurus extremum singulos pro posse vinculo charitat is amplectens sumptibus impensis verbis vitae meritis confirmauit The same in English THis Baldwine being the second successor vnto Thomas Becket after he had heard y e wrong which was done to our Sauiour and the signe of the Crosse by Saladine the Sultan of Egypt taking vpon him the Lords Character he couragiously perfourmed his office of preaching in the obedience thereof as well in farre distant Countreis as at home And afterwards taking his iourney and imbarking himselfe at Marseils hauing at length passed y e Leuant sea he arriued safely in the Hauen of Tyrus and from thence went ouer to Achon vnto our armie besieging the Towne and yet as it were besieged it selfe where finding many of our Countreymen and almost all men remaining in wonderfull pensiuenesse and despaire through the withdrawing of the Princes some of them tyred with long expectation others grieuously afflicted with hunger and pouertie and others distempered with the heate of the weather being ready happily to ende his dayes in the Holy land embracing euery one according to his abilitie in the bond of loue he ayded them at his costes and charges and strengthened them with his wordes and good examples of life ¶ A note drawen out of a very ancient booke remaining in the hands of the right worshipfull M. Thomas Tilney Esquire touching Sir Frederike Tilney his ancestor knighted at Acon in the Holy land for his valour by K. Richard the first as foloweth PErtinult iste liber prâ—ùs Frederico Tilney de Boston in comitatu Lincolniae militi facto apud Acon in terra Iudae ae anno regis Richardi primi tertio Vir erat iste magnae staturae potens in corpore qui cum patribus suis dormit apud Titrington iuxta villam sui nominis Tilney in Mershland Cuius altitudo in salua custodia permanet ibidem vsque in hunc diem Et post eius obitum sexdecem militibus eius nominis Tilney haereditas illa successiuè obuenit quorum vnus post alium semper habitabat apud Boston praedictum dum fratris senioris haereditas haeredi generali deuoluta est quae nupta est Iohanni duci Norfolciae Eorum miles vltimus â—uit Philippus Tilney nuper de Shelleigh in Comitatu Suffolciae pater genitor Thomae Tilney de Hadleigh in Comltatu praedicto Armigeri cui modò artineâ— iste liber Anno aetatis suae 64. Anno Domini 1556. ¶ The same in English THis booke pertained in times past vnto Sir Frederick Tilney of Boston in the Countie of Lincolne who was knighted at Acon in the land of Iurie in the third yeere of the reigne of king Richard the first This knight was of a tall stature and strong of body who resteth interred with his fore fathers at Tirrington neere vnto a towne in Marshland called by his owne name Tilney The iust height of this knight is there kept in safe custody vntill this very day Also after this mans decease the inheritance of his landes fell successiuely vnto sixteene sundry knights called all
sayles for their ships and litle houses and many other necessaries From thence after many dayes trauell I arriued at another kingdome called Campa a most beautiful and rich countrey abounding with all kind of victuals the king wherof at my being there had so many wiues concubines that he had 300 sonnes daughters by theÌ„ This king hath 10004 tame Elephants which are kept euen as we keepe droues of oxâ—n or flocks of sheepe in pasture Of the abundance of fishes which cast theÌ„selues vpon the shore IN this countrey there is one strange thing to be obserued y t euery seueral kind of fishes in those seas come swimming towards the said countrey in such abundance that for a great distance into the sea nothing can be seene by y e backs of fishes which casting theÌ„selues vpon the shore when they come neere vnto it do suffer men for the space of 3. daies to come to take as many of theÌ„ as they please then they returne againe vnto the sea After that kind of fishes comes another kind offering it selfe after the same maner and so in like sort all other kinds whatsoeuer notwithstanding they do this but once in a yere And I demaunded of the inhabitants there how or by what meanes this strange accident could come to passe They answered that fishes were taught euen by nature to come to do homage vnto their Emperour There be Tortoises also as bigge as an ouen Many other things I saw which are incredible vnlesse a man should see them with his own eies In this country also dead men are burned their wiues are burned aliue with them as in the city of Polumbrum aboue mentioned for the men of that country say that she goeth to accompany him in another world that he should take none other wife in mariage Moreouer I traueled on further by the ocean-sea towards the south passed through many countries and islands wherof one is called Moumoran it coÌ„taineth in compasse ii M. miles wherin men women haue dogs faces and worship an oxe for their god and therefore euery one of them cary the image of an oxe of gold or siluer vpon their foreheads The men and the women of this country go all naked sauing that they hang a linen cloth before their priuities The men of the said country are very tall and mighty and by reason that they goe naked when they are to make battell they cary yron or steele-targets before them which do couer and defend their bodies from top to toe and whomsoeuer of their foes they take in battel not being able to ransom himselfe for money they presently deuoure him but if he be able to redeeme himselfe for money they let him go free Their king weareth about his necke 300. great and most beautifull vnions and saith euery day 300. prayers vnto his god He weareth vpon his finger also a stone of a span long which seemeth to be a flame of fire and therefore when he weareth it no man dare once approch vnto him and they say that there is not any stone in the whole world of more value then it Neither could at any time the great Tartarian Emperour of Katay either by force money or poliâ—ie obtaine it at his hands notwithstanding that he hath done the vemost of his indeuour for this purpose Of the island of Sylan and of the mountaine where Adam mourned for his sonne Abel I Passed also by another island called Sylan which contâ—ineth in coÌ„passe aboue ii M. miles wherin are an infinit number of sâ—rpents great store of lions beares al kinds of rauening wild beasts and especially of elephants In the said country there is an huge mountaine whereupon the inhabitants of that regioÌ„ do report that Adam mourned for his son Abel y e space of 500. yeres In the midst of this mouÌ„tain there is a most beautiful plain wherin is a litle lake coÌ„teining great pleÌ„ty of water which water y t inhabitants report to haue procâ—edâ—d froÌ„ the teares of Adam Eue howbeit I proued that to be false because I saw the water flow in the lake This water is ful of hors-leeches blood-suckers of precious stones also which precious stones the king taketh not vnto his owne vse buâ— once or twise euery yere he permitteth certaine poore people to diue vnder the water for y e said stones al that they can get he bestoweth vpon them to the end they may pray for his soule But y t they may with lesse danger diue vnder the water they take limons which they pil anointing themselues throughly with the iuice therof so they may diue naked vnder y e water the hors-leâ—ches not being able to hurt them From this lake the water runneth â—uâ—n vnto the sea and at a low ebbe the inhabitants dig rubies diamonds pearls other precious stones out of the shore wherupon it is thought that y e king of this island hath greater abuÌ„dance of pretious stones then any other monarch in the whole earth besids In the said country there be al kinds of beasts and foules the people told me that those beasts would not inuade nor hurt any stranger but only the natural inhabitants I saw in this island fouls as big as our country geese hauing two heads and other miraculous things which I will not here write off Traueling on further toward the south I arriued at a certain island called Bodin which signifieth in our language vnclean In this island there do inhabit most wicked persons who deuour eat raw flesh coÌ„mitting al kinds of vncleannes abominations in such sort as it is incredible For the father eateth his son the son his father the husband his owne wife the wife her husband and that after this maner If any mans father be sick the son straight goes vnto the sooth-saying or prognosticating priest râ—questing him to demand of his god whether his father shall recouer of that infirmity or no Then both of them go vnto an idol of gold or of siluer making their praiers vnto it in maner folowing Lord thou art our god thee we do adore beseeching thee to resolue vs whether such a man must die or recouer of such an infirmity or no Then the diuel answereth out of y e foresaid idol if he saith he shal liue then returneth his son and ministreth things necessary vnto him til he hath attained vnto his former health but if he saith he shal die then goes y e priest vnto him putting a cloth into his mouth doth strangle him therewith which being done he cuts his dead body into morsels al his friends and kinsfolks are inuited vnto the eating thereof with musique and all kinde of mirth howbeit his bones are solemnely buried And when I found fault with that custome demanding a reason thereof one of them gaue me this answere this we doe least the wormes should eat his flesh
lost of the Venetians the 15 of August last past 1571 the chiefe gouernors captaines of theÌ„ being hewen in sunder by the coÌ„mandement of that tyrant Mustafa Basha but all the whole Iland also to be conquered by those cruell Turks ancient professed enemies to all Christian religion In the which euill successe comming to vs as I take it for our offences as I lament the generall losse so I am surely pensiue to vnderstand by this too true a report of the vile death of two particular noble gentlemen of Venice Sig. M. Lorenzo Tiepolo and Sig. M. Giouanni Antonio Querint of both the which I in my trauaile was very courteously vsed the former of them being then as now also he was in this ouerthrow gouernour of Baffo in Cyprus the other captaine of one of the castels at Corcyra in Greece now called Corfu But things past are past amendment and they could neuer die more honourably then in the defence of their countrey Besides that the late blowes which the Turks haue receiued since this their fury in token of Gods wrath against them do much comfort euery Christian heart Moreouer this vniforme preparation which is certainly concluded and forthwith looked for by very many Christian Princes would God by all generally against these barbarous Mahometists whose cruelty and beastly behauiour I partly know and am able to iudge of hauing bene in Turky amongst them more then eight moneths together Whose vnfaithfulnesse also and breach of promise as the Venetians manly courage in defence of themselues and their fortresse your honour may easily reade in this short treatise and small handfull of leaues I hauing set downe also a short description of the Iland of Cyprus for the better vnderstanding of the whole matter The which I not onely most humbly beseech your honour now fauourably to accept as an earnest peny of more to come and of my present good will but with your accustomed goodnesse towards me to defend the same against such persons whose tongues too readily roule sometime against other mens painfull trauels perswading themselues to purchase the sooner some credit of learning with the ruder sort by controlling and ouerdaintie sifting of other mens laboured tasks For I know in all ages to be found as well Basilisks as Elephants Thus nothing doubting of your ready ayd heerein as I assuredly trust of your honours fauourable acceptation of this my poore present wishing long life with the increase of Gods holy spirit to your lordship and to all your most honourable familie vnto whom I haue wholly dedicated my selfe by mine owne choise and election for euer I crauing pardon for my former boldnesse most humbly thus take my leaue From Lambhith the 23 of March Ann. 1572. Your honours most humble and faithfull seruant for euer William Malim A briefe description of the Iland of Cyprus by the which not onely the Venetians title why they haue so long enioyed it but also the Turks whereby now he claimeth it may plainly appeare THe Iland of Cyprus is inuironed with diuers seas for Westward it is washed with the sea called Pamphilium Southward with the sea AEgyptium on the East part with the sea Syrium and Northward with the sea called Cilicium The which Iland in time past had diuers names called once Acamantis as Sabellicus witnesseth Philonides maketh mention that it was called sometime Cerasis Xenogoras writeth that is was named Aspelia Amathusa Macaria There were in times past fifteene cities or famous townes in it but now very few amongst the which Famagusta is the chiefest strongest situated by the sea side There is also Nicosia which was woont by the traffike of Marchants to be very wealthy besides the city of Baffo Arnica Saline Limisso Melipotamo Episcopia Timosthenes affirmeth that this Iland is in compasse 429 miles and Arthemidorus writeth the length of the same to be 162 miles measuring of it from the East to the West betwixt two promontories named Dinaretta and Acamanta This Iland is thought to be very rich abundant of Wine Oile Graine Pitch Rozin Allum Salt and of diuers precious stones pleasant profitable and necessary for mans vse and much frequented of Marchants of Syria vnto the which it lieth very nere It hath bene as Plinie writeth ioyned sometime with Syria as Sicilia hath beene also with Italy It was a long time subiect vnto the Romans after to the Persians and to the Soldan of AEgypt The selfesame Iland was sometime also English being conquered by king Richard the first in his voyage to Hierusalem in the yeere of our Lord 1192. Who as Polydore writeth in his fourteenth booke of our English historie being prohibited by the Cypriottes from arriuall there inuaded and conquered the same soone after by force and hauing left behinde him sufficient garrisons to keepe the same departed from thence to Ptolemayda who afterward exchanged the same with Guy of Lusignan that was the last christened king of Hierusalem for the same kingdome For the which cause the kings of England were long time after called kings of Hierusalem And last of all the Venetians haue enioyed it of late a long time in this order following In the yeere of our Lord 1470 Iohn king of the sayd Iland â—onne to Ianus of Lusignan had by Helen his wife which was of the Emperiall house of Paleologus one daughter only called Charlotta and a bastard called Iames the which Iames was afterward consecrated Bishop of Nicosia This Charlotta was married first to the king of Portingall of whom he had no issue so that he being dead Lewes Duke of Sauoy to whom shee was the second time married sonne to Lewes the second of that name vnto whom the said Iland by the right of this his wife Charlotta did appertaine had the possession of the same Iames the bastard assoone as his father was dead of a Bishop became a souldiour and with an army wanne the Iland making it his owne by force This Duke of Sauoy hearing these newes with a number of well appointed souldiers arriued shortly after in Cyprus and recouering againe the Iland compelled the bastard to flie foorthwith ouer to the Soldan of AEgypt Who making himselfe his subiect in time so wrought and tempered the matter that the Soldan in person at his request passed ouer into Cyprus besieged Duke Lewes in the castle of Nicosia and at length compelled him to depart leauing his kingdome So that this Bishop became againe King of this Iland who shortly after cleauing to the Venetians hauing made a league of friendship with them married by their consent one Catherina the daughter of Marco Cornaro which Catherin the Senate of Venice adopted vnto them soone after as their daughter This Bishop not long after sickened and died leauing this his wife with child who liued not long after his fathers death By the which meanes the Venetians making themselues the next heires to Catherina by the law of adoption tooke vnto them the possession of
causam quorundam subditorum nostrorum qui captiui triremibus vestris detinentur interpellemus rogemúsque vt quoniam nullo in celsitudinem vestram peccato suo siuè arma in eam â—erendo siuè iniquiùs praeter fas ius gentium se gerendo in suos subditos in hanc calamitatem inciderint soluti vinculis libertate donati nobis pro sua fide obsequio inseruientes causam vberiorem praebeant vestrae Celsitudinis in nos humanitatem praedicandi Deum illum qui solus supra omnia omnes est acertimus idolatriae vindicator suÃque honoris contra Gentium aliorum falsos Deos Zelotes precabimur vt vestram inuictissimam Caesaream Celsitudinem omni beatitate eorum donorum fortunet que sola summè iure merito habentur desideratissima Darae è Regia nostra Grenouici prope ciuitattem nostram Londinum quintodecimo Mensis Octobris Anno Iesu Christi Saluatoris nostri 1579 Regni verò nostri vicesimo primo The same in English ELizabeth by the grace of the most mightie God and onely Creatour of heauen and earth of England France and Ireland Queene the most inuincible and most mighty defender of the Christian faith against all kinde of idolatries of all that liue among the Christians and fasly professe the Name of Christ vnto the most Imperiall and most inuincible prince Zuldan Murad Can the most mightie ruler of the kingdome of Turkie sole and aboue all and most souereigne Monarch of the East Empire greeting and many happy and fortunate yeeres with abundance of the best things Most Imperiall and most inuincible Emperour wee haue receiued the letters of your mightie highnesse written to vs from CoÌ„stantinople the fifteenth day of March this present yere whereby we vnderstand how gratiously and how fauorably the humble petitions of one William Hareborne a subiect of ours resident in the Imperial citie of your highnes presented vnto your Maiestie for the obteining of accesse for him and two other Marchants more of his company our subiects also to come with marchandizes both by sea and land to the countreis and territories subiect to your gouernment and from thence againe to returne home with good leaue and libertie were accepted of your most inuincible Imperiall highnesse and not that onely but with an extraordinarie speed and worthy your Imperiall grace that which was craued by petition was granted to him and his company in regard onely as it seemeth of that opinion which your highnesse conceiued of vs and our amitie which singular benefit done to our aforesaid subiects wee take so thankefully and in so good part yeelding for the same our greatest thanks to your highnesse that we will neuer giue occasion to your said highnesse according as time and the respect of our affaires will permit once to thinke so great a pleasure bestowed vpon an vngratefull Prince For the Almighty God by whom and by whose grace we reigne hath planted in vs this goodnesse of nature that wee deâ—est and abhorre the least suspition of ingratitude and hath taught vs not to suffer our selues to bee ouermatched with the good demerits of other Princes And therefore at this time wee doe extende our good minde vnto your highnesse by well conceiuing and publishing also abroad how much we repute our selfe bound in an euerlasting remembrance for this good pleasure to our Subiects meaning to yeelde a much more large and plentifull testification of our thankefulnesse when time conuenient shall fall out and the same shall bee looked for at our handes But whereas that graunt which was giuen to a fewe of our Subiects and at their onely request without any intercession of ours standeth in as free a libertie of comming and going to and from all the lands and kingdoms subiect to your Maiestie both by land sea with marchandizes as euer was granted to any of your Imperiall highnesse confederates as namely to the French the Polonians the Venetians as also to the subiects of the king of the Romanes wee desire of your highnesse that the commendation of such singular courtesie may not bee so narrowly restrained to two or three men onely but may be inlarged to all our subiects in generall that thereby your highnesse goodnesse may appeare the more notable by reason of the graunting of the same to a greater number of persons The bestowing of which so singular a benefit your highnesse shall so much the lesse repent you of by howe much the more fit and necessary for the vse of man those commodities are wherewith our kingdomes doe abound and the kingdomes of other princes doe want so y t there is no nation that can be without them but are glad to come by them although by very long and difficult trauels and when they haue them they sell them much deerer to others because euery man seeketh to make profite by his labour so that in the getting of them there is profit but in the buying of them from others there is losse But this profite will be increased to the subiects of your highnesse by this free accesse of a few of our subieâ—ts to your dominions as also the losse and burden wil be eased by the permission of generall accesse to all our people And furthermore we will graunt as equall and as free a libertie to the subiects of your highnesse with vs for the vse of traffique when they wil end as often as they wil to come and go to and from vs and our kingdomes Which libertie wee promise to your highnesse shal be as ample and as large as any was euer giuen or granted to your subiects by the aforesaide princes your confederats as namely the king of the Romanes of France of Poland and the common wealth of Venice In which matter if your most inuincible Imperiall highnesse shall vouchsafe to incline to our reasonable request and shall giue order vpon these our letters that wee may haue knowledge how the same is accepted of you and whether it wil be granted with sufficient securitie for our subiects to go and returne safe and secure from all violences and iniuries of your people we on the other side wil giue order that those commodities which Almighty God hath bestowed vpon our kingdomes which are in deed so excellent that by reason of them all princes are drawen to enter and confirme leagues of amitie and good neighborhood with vs by that meanes to enioy these so great blessings of God which we haue and they can in no case want our subiects shall bring them so abundantly and plentifully to the kingdomes and dominions of your highnesse that both the former inconueniences of necessitie and losse shall most sufficiently be taken away Moreouer the signification and assurance of your highnesse great affection to vs and our nation doeth cause vs also to intreat and vse mediation on the behalfe of certaine of our subiects who are deteined as slaues and captiues in your Gallies for whom we craue that forasmuch
pidimos a Dios omnipotente prospere y accrescente con toda felicitad y honra De la ciudad de Londres a los veynte dias de Iulio del mil y quinientos y ochenta y quatro annos Al seruitio de vuestra Alteza per y en nombre de todos les tratantes en Turquia Io el Mayor de Londres Edward Osborne The same in English RIght high and mightie king May it please your highnesse to vnderstand that the most high and most mightie maiestie of the Grand Signor hath confirmed certaine articles of priuileges with the most excellent maiestie of our Queene of England that her subiects may freely go and come and traffike by sea and land in the dominions of his most mighty maiesty as appeareth more at large by y e said articles whereof we haue sent the copy vnto M. Ioh. Tipton our Commissarie to shew the same vnto your highnes Against the tenor of which articles one of our ships which came from Patras which is in Morea laden with corants and other merchandizes which were bought in those parts was sunke by 2. gallies of your citie of Alger and the greatest number of the men thereof were slain and drowned in the sea the residue being detained as slaues An acte very contrary to the meaning of the aforesaid articles and priuileges which is the occasiō that by these presents we beseech your highnesse very humbly that since it hath pleased the most mightie maiestie of the Grand Signor to fauour vs with the sayd priuileges it would please your Highnesse in like maner to assist vs in the same graunting vs by your authoritie your ayde and fauour according as our hope is that these poore men so detained in captiuitie as is aforesaid may be set at libertie returne into their countrey And likewise that your highnesse would send to giue order to the captaines masters and people of your gallies that from hencefoorth they would suffer vs to vse our traffique with sixe ships yerely into Turkie vnto the dominions of the Grand Signor in peace and safetie that they do not withstand those our said priuileges euery one of our foresaid ships carying with them a passeport of his most high and most mightie maiestie to be knowen by And for that your so singular fauour and curtesie which in so doing we shall receiue we on our part with all bounden duetie vnto your highnesse will seeke to honour you in that behalfe according as the sayd master Iohn Tipton to whom wee referre our selues touching all other circumstances shall more at large enforme your highnesse whose most excellent person and estate we pray and beseech almightie God to prosper and increase with all felicitie and honour From the Citie of London the 20. of Iuly 1584. At the seruice of your highnesse for and in the name of our whole company trading into Turkie I Maior of London Edward Osburne Notes concerning the trade of Alger THe money that is coined in Alger is a piece of gold called Asiano Doublaes and two Doublaes make an Asiano but the Doubla is most vsed for all things be sold by Doublaes which Doubla is fiftie of their Aspers there The Asper there is not so good by halfe more as that in Constantinople for the Chekin of gold of the Turkes made at Constantinople is at Alger worth an 150. Aspers and at Constantinople it is but 66. Aspers The pistolet and roials of plate are most currant there The said pistolet goeth for 130. Aspers there the piece of 4. roials goeth for 40. Aspers but oftentimes is sold for more as men need them to cary vp into Turkie Their Asianos and Doublaes are pieces of course gold worth here but 40. s. the ounce so the same is currant in no place of Turkie out of the kingdom of Alger neither the Aspers for that they be lesse then others be for they coine them in Alger The custome to the king is inward 10. per centum to the Turke to be paid of the commoditie it selfe or as it shall be rated There is another custome to the Ermine of one an halfe per centum which is to the Iustice of the Christians the goods for this custome are rated as they are for the kings custome Hauing paid custome inwards you pay none outwards for any commoditie that you doe lade more then a reward to the gate keepers The waight there is called a Cantare for fine wares as mettals refined and spices c. which is here 120. li. subtil Mettall not refined as lead iron and such grosse wares are sold by a great Cantare which is halfe as big againe so it is 180. li. subtil of ours here The measure of corne is by a measure called a Curtia which is about 4. bushels of our measure and corne is plentiful there and good cheape except when there hapneth a very dry yeere The surest lodging for a Christian there is in a Iewes house for if he haue any hurt the Iew and his goods shall make it good so the Iew taketh great care of the Christian and his goods that lieth in his house for feare of punishment An Englishman called Thomas Williams which is M. Iohn Tiptons man lieth about trade of merchandize in the streete called The Soca of the Iewes Notes concerning the trade in Alexandria ALexandria in Egypt is a free port and when a man commeth within the castles presently the Ermyn sends aboord to haue one come and speake with him to know what goods are aboord and then hee will set guards aboord the ship to see all the goods discharged And then from the Ermin you goe to the Bye onely for that he will inquire newes of you and so from thence to the Consuls house where you lie The Uenetians haue a Consul themselues But all other nations goe to the French nations Consul who will giue you a chamber for your selues apart if you will so haue it The customs inward of all commodities are ten in the hundred the custome is paid in wares also that you buy for the same wares in barter you pay also ten in the hundred at the lading of the wares But if you sell for mony you pay no more custome but the ten aforesaid and one and a half in the hundred which is for the custome of the goods you lade for the sayd mony for more custome you pay not But for all the money you bring thither you pay nothing for the custome of the same And if you sell your wares for mony and with the same money buy wares you pay but two in the hundred for the custome thereof And if you steale any custome if it be taken you pay double custome for that you steale The weight of Alexandria is called Pois Forforeine which is a kintal in that place which maketh at Marseils 109. li. of Marseils waight at 15 ounces the pound which is
or fourescore thousand men These two captaines being of one religion with the foure kings which were Moores wrought meanes with them to betray their owne king into their hands The king of Bezeneger esteemed not the force of the foure kings his enemies but went out of his city to wage battell with them in the fieldes and when the armies were ioyned the battell lasted but a while not the space of foure houres because the two traitourous captaines in the chiefest of the fight with their compaines turned their faces against their king and made such disorder in his army that as astonied they set themselues to flight Thirty yeeres was this kingdome gouerned by three brethren which were tyrants the which keeping the rightfull king in prison it was their vse euery yeere once to shew him to the people and they at their pleasures ruled as they listed These brethren were three captaines belonging to the father of the king they kept in prison which when he died left his sonne very yong and then they tooke the gouernment to themselues The chiefest of these three was called Ramaragio and sate in the royall throne and was called the king the second was called Temiragio and he tooke the gouernment on him the third was called Bengatre and he was captaine generall of the army These three brethren were in this battell in the which the chiefest and the last were neuer heard of quicke nor dead Onely Temiragio fled in the battel hauing lost one of his eyes when the newes came to the city of the ouerthrow in the battell the wiues and children of these three tyrants with their lawfull king kept prisoner fâ—ed away spoiled as they were the foure kings of the Moores entred the city Bezeneger with great triumph there they remained sixe moneths searching vnder houses in all places for money other things that were hidden and then they departed to their owne kingdomes because they were not able to maintaine such a kingdome as that was so farre distant from their owne countrey When the kings were departed from Bezeneger this Temiragio returned to the city and then beganne for to repopulate it and sent word to Goa to the Merchants if they had any horses to bring them to him and he would pay well for them and for this cause the aforesayd two Merchants that I went in company withall carried those horses that they had to Bezeneger Also this Tyrant made an order or lawe that if any Merchant had any of the horses that were taken in the aforesayd battell or warres although they were of his owne marke that he would giue as much for them as they would and beside he gaue generall safe conduct to all that should bring them When by this meanes he saw that there were great store of horses brought thither vnto him hee gaue the Merchants faire wordes vntill such time as he saw they could bring no more Then he licenced the Merchants to depart without giuing them any thing for their horses which when the poore men saw they were desperate and as it were mad with sorrow and griefe I rested in Bezeneger seuen moneths although in one moneth I might haue discharged all my businesse for it was necessary to rest there vntill the wayes were cleere of theeues which at that time ranged vp and downe And in the time I rested there I saw many strange and beastly dâ—eds done by the Gentiles First when there is any Noble man or woman dead they burne their bodies and if a married man die his wife must burne herselfe aliue for the loue of her husband and with the body of her husband so that when any man dieth his wife will take a moneths leaue two or three or as shee will to burne her selfe in and that day being come wherein shee ought to be burnt that morning shee goeth out of her house very earely either on horsebacke or on an eliphant or else is borne by eight men on a smal stage in one of these orders she goeth being apparelled like to a Bride carried round about the City with her haire downe about her shoulders garnished with iewels and flowers according to the estate of the party and they goe with as great ioy as Brides doe in Venice to their nuptials shee carrieth in her left hand a looking glasse and in her right hand an arrow and singeth thorow the City as she passeth and sayth that she goeth to sleepe with her deere spowse and husband She is accompanied with her kindred and friends vntill it be one or two of the clocke in the afternoone then they goe out of the City and going along the riuers side called Nigondin which runneth vnder the walles of the City vntill they come vnto a place where they vse to make this burning of women being widdowes there is prepared in this place a great square caue with a little pinnacle hard by it foure or fiue steppes vp the foresayd caue is full of dried wood The woman being come thither accompanied with a great number of people which come to see the thing then they make ready a great banquet and she that shall be burned eateth with as great ioy and gladnesse as though it were her wedding day and the feast being ended then they goe to dancing and singing a certeine time according as she will After this the woman of her owne accord commandeth them to make the fire in the square caue where the drie wood is and when it is kindled they come and certifie her thereof then presently she leaueth the feast and taketh the neerest kinseman of her husband by the hand and they both goe together to the banke of the foresayd riuer where shee putteth off all her iewels and all her clothes and giueth them to her parents or kinsefolke and couering herselfe with a cloth because she will not be seene of the people being naked she throweth herselfe into the riuer saying O wretches wash away your â—innes Comming out of the water she rowleth herselfe into a yellow cloth of foureteene braces long and againe she taketh her husbands kinseman by the hand and they go both together vp to the pinnacle of the square caue wherein the fire is made When she is on the pinnacle shee talketh and reasoneth with the people recommending vnto them her children and kindred Before the pinnacle they vse to set a mat because they shall not see the fiercenesse of the fire yet there are many that will haue them plucked away shewing therein an heart not fearefull and that they are not affrayd of that sight When this silly woman hath reasoned with the people a good while to her content there is another woman that taketh a pot with oile and sprinckleth it ouer her head and with the same she anoynteth all her body and afterwards throweth the pot into the fornace and both the woman and the pot goe together into the fire and presently the people that are
coine of Copper so that the money that we tooke this day would not serue the next at length by the helpe of God we came safe to Ancola which is a country of the queene of Gargopam tributary to the king of Bezeneger The marchandise that went euery yere from Goa to Bezeneger were Arabian Horses Ueluets Damasks and Sattens Armesine of Portugall and pieces of China Saffron and Skarlets and from Bezeneger they had in Turky for their commodities iewels aâ—d Pagodies which be ducats of golde the apparâ—ll that they vse in Bezeneger is Ueluet Satten Damaske Scarlet or white Bumbast cloth according to the estate of the person with long hats on their heads called Colae made of Ueluet Satten Damaske or Scarlet girding themselues in stead of girdles with some fine white bombast cloth they haue breeches after the order of the Turks they weare on their feet plaine high things called of them Aspergh and at their eares they haue hanging great plenty of golde Returning to my voyage when we were together in Ancola one of my companions that had nothing to lose tooke a guide and went to Goa whither they goe in foure dayes the other Portugall not being disposed to go taried in Ancola for that Winter The Winter in those parts of the Indies beginneth the fifteenth of May and lasteth vnto the end of October and as we were in Ancola there came another Marchant of horses in a palanchine and two Portugall souldiers which came from Zeilan and two cariers of leâ—ters which were Christians borne in the Indies all these consorted to goe to Goa together and I determined to goe with them and caused a pallanchine to be made for me very poorely of Canes and in one of them Canes I hid priuily all the iewâ—ls I had and according to the order I tooke eight Falchines to cary me and one day about elâ—uen of the clocke wee set forwards on our iourney and about two of the clocke in the afternoone as we passed a mountaine which diuideth the territory of Ancola and Dialcan I being a little behinde my company was assaulted by eight theeues foure of them had swordes and targets and the other foure had bowes and arrowes When the Falchines that carried me vnderstood the noise of the assault they let the pallanchine and me fall to the ground and ranne away and left me alone with my clothes wrapped about me presently the theeues were on my necke and rifeling me they stripped me starke naked and I fained my selfe sicke because I would not leaue the pallanchine and I had made me a little bedde of my clothes the theeues sought it very narrowly and subtilly and found two pursses that I had well bound vp together wherein I had put my Copper money which I had changed for foure pagodies in Ancola The theeues thinking it had beene so many duckats of golde searched no further then they threw all my clothes in a bush and hied them away and as God would haue it at their departure there fell from them an handkercher and when I saw it I rose from my pallanchine or couch and tooke it vp and wrapped it together within my pallanchine Then these my Falchines were of so good condition that they returned to seeke mee whereas I thought I should not haue found so much goodnesse in them because they were payed their mony aforehand as is the vse I had thought to haue seene them no more Before their comming I was determined to plucke the Cane wherein my iewels were hidden out of my coutch and to haue made me a walking staffe to carry in my hand to Goa thinking that I should haue gone thither on foot but by the faithfulnes of my Falchines I was rid of that trouble and so in foure dayes they carried me to Goa in which time I made hard fare for the theeues left me neither money golde nor siluer and that which I did eat was giuen me of my men for Gods sake and after at my comming to Goa I payed them for euery thing royally that I had of them From Goa I departed for Cochin which is a voyage of three hundred miles and betweene these two cities are many holdes of the Portugals as Onor Mangalor Barzelor and Cananor The Holde or Fort that you shall haue from Goa to Cochin that belongeth to the Portugals is called Onor which is in the kingdome of the queene of Battacella which is tributary to the king of Bezenegar there is no trade there but onely a charge with the Captaine and company he keepeth there And passing this place you shall come to another small castle of the Portugals called Mangalor and there is very small trade but onely for a little Rice and from thence you goe to a little fort called Barzelor there they haue good store of Rice which is carried to Goa and from thence you shall goe to a city called Cananor which is a harquebush shot distant from the chiefest city that y e king of Cananor hath in his kingdome being a king of the Gentiles and he his are very naughty malicious people alwayes hauing delight to be in warres with the Portugales and when they are in peace it is for their interâ—st to let their merchandize passe there goeth out of this kingdom of Cananor all the CardamomuÌ„ great store of Pepper Ginger Honie ships laden with great Nuts great quantitie of Archa which is a fruit of the bignesse of Nutmegs which fruite thâ—y eate in all those partes of the Indies and beyond the Indies with the leafe of an Herbe which they call Bettell the which is like vnto our Iuie leafe but a litle lesser and thinner they eate it made in plaisters with the lime made of Oistershels and thorow the Indies they spend great quantitie of money in this composition and it is vsed daily which thing I would not haue beleeued if I had not seene it The customers get great profite by these Herbes for that they haue custome for them When this people eate and chawe this in their mouthes it maketh their spittle to bee red like vnto blood and they say that it maketh a man to haue a very good stomacke and a sweete breath but sure in my iudgement they eate it rather to fulfill their filthie lustes and of a knauerie for this Herbe is moyst and hote maketh a very strong expulsion FroÌ„ Cananor you go to Cranganor which is another smal Fort of the Portugales in the land of â—he king of Cranganor which is another king of the Gentiles and a countrey of small importance and of an hundreth and twentie miles full of thieues being vnder the king of Calicut a king also of the Gentiles and a great enemie to the Portugales which when hee is alwayes in warres hee and his countrey is the nest and resting for stranger theeues and those bee called Moores of Carposa because they weare on their heads long red hats and
falchines of the king of Pegu which chaunced about a moneth after the king of Pegu was gone with a million and foure hundred thousand men to conquere the kingdome of Sion They haue for custome in this Countrey and kingdome the king being wheresoeuer his pleasure is to bee out of his kingdome that euery fifteene dayes there goeth from Pegu a Carouan of Falchines with euery one a basket on his head full of some fruites or other delicates of refreshings and with cleane clothes it chaunced that this Carouan passing by Martauan and resting themselues there a night there happened betweene the Portugales and them wordes of despight and from wordes to blowes and because it was thought that the Portugales had the worse the night following when the Falchines were a sleepe with their companie the Portugales went and cut off fiue of their heads Now there is a lawe in Pegu that whosoeuer killeth a man he shall buy the shed blood with his money according to the estate of the person that is slaine but these Falchines being the seruants of the king the Retors durst not doe any thing in the matter without the consent of the king because it was necessarie that the king should knowe of such a matter When the king had knowledge thereof he gaue commaundement that the male factors should be kept vntill his comming home and then he would duely minister iustice but the Captaine of the Portugales would not deliuer those men but rather set himselfe with all the rest in armes and went euery day through the Citie marching with his Drumme and ensignes displayd For at that time the Citie was emptie of men by reason they were gone all to the warres and in businesse of the king in the middest of this rumour wee came thither and I thought it a strange thing to see the Portugales vse such insolencie in another mans Citie And I stoode in doubt of that which came to passe and would not vnlade my goods because that they were more sure in the shippe then on the land the greatest part of the lading was the owners of the shippe who was in Malacca yet there were diuerse marchants there but their goods were of small importance all those marchants tolde me that they would not vnlade any of their goods there vnlesse I would vnlade first yet after they left my counsell and followed their owne and put their goods a lande and lost euery whit The Rector with the customer sent for mee and demaunded why I put not my goods a lande and payed my custome as other men did To whom I answered that I was a marchant that was newly come thither and seeing such disorder amongst the Portugales I doubted the losse of my goods which cost me very deare with the sweate of my face and for this cause I was determined not to put my goods on lande vntill such time as his honour would assure me in the name of the king that I should haue no losse and although there came harme to thē Portugales that neither I nor my goods should haue any hurt because I had neither part nor any difference with them in this tumult my reason sounded well in the Retors eares and so presently he sent for the Bargits which are as Counsellers of the Citie and there they promised mee on the kings head or in the behalfe of the king that neither I nor my goods should haue any harme but that we should be safe and sure of which promise there were made publike notes And then I sent for my goods and had them on land and payde my custome which is in that countrey ten in the hundreth of the same goods and for my more securitie I tooke a house right against the Retors house The Captaine of the Portugales and all the Portugall marchants were put out of the Citie and I with twentie and two poore men which were officers in the shippe had my dwelling in the Citie After this the Gentiles deuised to be reuenged of the Portugales but they would not put it in execution vntill such time as our small shippe had discharged all her goods and then the next night following came from Pegu foure thousand souldiers with some Elephants of warre and before that they made any tumult in the citie the Retor sent and gaue commaundement to all Portugales that were in the Citie when they heard any rumour or noyse that for any thing they should not goe out of their houses as they tendered their owne health Then foure houres within night I heard a great rumour and noyse of men of warre with Elephants which threw downe the doores of the ware-houses of the Portugales and their houses of wood and strawe in the which tumult there were some Portugales wounded and one of them slaine and others without making proofe of their manhoode which the day before did so bragge at that time put themselues to flight most shamefully and saued themselues a boord of litle shippes that were at an anker in the harbour and some that were in their beds fled away naked and that night they caried away all the Portugalles goods out of the suburbes into the Citie and those Portugales that had their goods in the suburbes also After this the Portugales that were fledde into the shippes to saue themselues tooke a newe courage to themselues and came on lande and set fire on the houses in the suburbes which houses being made of boorde and strawe and the winde blowing fresh in small time were burnt and consumed with which fire halfe the Citie had like to haue beene burnt when the Portugales had done this they were without all hope to recouer any part of their goods againe which goods might amount to the summe of sixteene thousand duckats which if they had not set fire to the towne they might haue had againe withont any losse at all Then the Portugales vnderstanding that this thing was not done by the consent of the king but by his Lieutenant and the Retor of the citie ware very ill content knowing that they had made a great fault yet the next morning following the Portugales beganne to bende and shoot their ordinance against the Citie which batterie of theirs continued foure dayes but all was in vaine for the shotte neuer hit the Citie but lighted on the top of a small hill neere vnto it so that the citie had no harme When the Retor perceiued that the Portugales made battery against the Citie hee tooke one and twentie Portugales that were there in the Citie and sent them foure miles into the Countrey there to tarry vntill such time as the other Portugales were departed that made the batterie who after their departure let them goe at their owne libertie without any harme done vnto them I my selfe was alwayes in my house with a good guard appointed me by the Retor that no man should doe me iniurie nor harme me nor my goods in such wise that hee perfourmed all
also the greedinesse of the Captaine that would make an extraordinary gaine of his fraight thinking â—o haue the wind alwayes to serue their turne they stay so long that at sometimes the winde turneth For in those parts the windes blow firmely for certaine times with the which they goe to Pegu with the winde in poope and if they arriue not there before the winde change and get ground to anker perforce they must returne backe againe for that the gales of the winde blowe there for three or foure moneths together in one place with great force But if they get the coast anker there then with great labour they may saue their voyage Also there goeth another great shippe from Bengala euery yeere laden with fine cloth of bombast of all sorts which arriueth in the harbour of Pegu when the ship that commeth from S. Tome departeth The harbour where these two ships arriue is called Cosmin From Malaca to Martauan which is a port in Pegu there come many small ships and great laden with pepper Sandolo Procellan of China Camfora Bruneo and other marchandise The ships that come from Mecca enter into the port of Pegu and Cirion and those shippes bring cloth of Wooll Scarlets Ueluets Opium and Chickinos by the which they lose and they bring them because they haue no other thing that is good for Pegu but they esteeme not the losse of them for that they make such great gaine of their commodities that they cary from thence out of that kingdome Also the king of Assi his ships come thither into the same port laden with peper from the coast of S. Tome of Bengala out of the Sea of Bara to Pegu are three hundreth miles and they go it vp the riuer in foure daies with the encreasing water or with the flood to a City called Cosmin and there they discharge their ships whither the Customers of Pegu come to take the note and markes of all the goods of euery man take the charge of the goods on them and conuey them to Pegu into the kings house wherin they make the custome of the marchandize When the Customers haue taken the charge of the goods put them into barks the Retor of the City giueth licence to the Marchants to take barke and goe vp to Pegu with their marchandize and so three or foure of them take a barke and goe vp to Pegu in company God deliuer euery man that hee giue not a wrong note and entrie or thinke to steale any custome for if they do for the least trifle that is he is vtterly vndone for the king doeth take it for a most great affront to bee deceiued of his custome and therefore they make diligent searches three times at the lading and vnlading of the goods and at the taking of them a land In Pegu this search they make when they goe out of the ship for Diamonds Pearles and fine cloth which taketh little roome for because that all the iewels that come into Pegu and are not found of that countrey pay custome but Rubies Safyres and Spinels pay no custome in nor out because they are found growing in that Countrey I haue spoken before how that all Marchants that meane to goe thorow the Indies must cary al maner of houshold stuffe with them which is necessary for a house because that there is not any lodging nor Inues nor hostes nor chamber roome in that Countrey but the first thing a man doth when he commeth to any City is to hier a house either by the yeere or by the moneth or as he meanes to stay in those parts In Pegu their order is to hire their houses for sixe moneths Nowe from Cosmin to the Citie of Pegu they goe in sixe houres with the flood and if it be ebbing water then they make fast their boate to the riuer side and there cary vntil the water flow againe It is a very commodious and pleasant voyage hauing on both sides of the riuers many great villages which they call Cities in the which hennes pigeons egges milke rice and other things be very good cheape It is all plaine and a goodly Countrey and in eight dayes you may make your voyage vp to Macceo distant froÌ„ Pegu twelue miles there they discharge their goods lade them in Carts or waines drawen with oxen and the Marchants are caried in a closet which they call Deling in the which a man shall be very well accommodated with cushions vnder his head and couered for the defence of the Sunne and raine and there he may sleepe if he haue wil thereunto and his foure Falchines cary him running away changing two at one time and two at another The custome of Pegu and fraight thither may amount vnto twentie or twentie two per cento and 23. according as he hath more or lesse stolen from him that day they custome the goods It is requisite that a man haue his eyes watchfull and to be carefull and to haue many friendes for when they custome in the great hall of the king there come many gentlemen accompanied with a number of their slaues and these gentlemen haue no shame that their slaues rob strangers whether it be cloth in shewing of it or any other thing they laugh at it And although the Marchants helpe one another to keepe watch looke to their goods they cannot looke therto so narrowly but one or other wil rob something either more or lesse according as their marchandise is more or lesse and yet on this day there is a worse thing then this although you haue set so many eyes to looke there for your benefit that you escape vnrobbed of the slaues a man cannot choose but that he must be robbed of the officers of the custome house For paying the custome with the same goods oftentimes they take the best that you haue not by rate of euery sort as they ought to do by which meanes a man payeth more then his dutie At length when the goods be dispatched out of the custome house in this order the Marchant causeth them to be caried to his house and may do with them at his pleasure There are in Pegu 8. brokers of the kings which are called Tareghe who are bound to sell all the marchandize which come to Pegu at the common or the currant price then if the marchants wil sell their goods at that price they sel them away and the brokers haue two in the hundreth of euery sort of marchandise and they are bound to make good the debts of those goods because they be sold by their hands or meanes on their wordes and oftentimes the marchant knoweth not to whom he giueth his goods yet he cannot lose any thing thereby for that the broker is bound in any wise to pay him and if the marchant sel his goods without the consent of the broker yet neuerthelesse he must pay him two per cento and be in danger
of his money but this is very seldom seene because the wife children and slaues of the debtor are bound to the creditor and when his time is expired and paiment not made the creditor may take the debtor and cary him home to his house and shut him vp in a Magasin whereby presently he hath his money and not being able to pay the creditor he may take the wife children and slaues of the debtor and sel them for so is the lawe of that kingdome The currant money that is in this city and throughout all this kingdom is called Gansa or Ganza which is made of Copper and leade It is not the money of the king but euery man may stamp it that wil because it hath his iust partition or value but they make many of them false by putting ouermuch lead into them and those will not passe neither will any take them With this money Ganza you may buy golde or siluer Rubies and Muske and other things For there is no other money currant amongst them And Golde siluer and other marchandize are at one time dearer then another as all other things be This Ganza goeth by weight of Byze this name of Byza goeth for y e accompt of the weight and commonly a Byza of a Ganza is worth after our accompt halfe a ducat litle more or lesse and albeit that Gold and siluer is more or lesse in price yet the Byza neuer changeth euery Byza maketh a hundreth Ganza of weight and so the number of the money is Byza He that goeth to Pegu to buy Iewels if he wil do well it behoueth him to be a whole yere there to do his businesse For if so be that he would return with the ship he came in he caÌ„not do any thing so coÌ„ueniently for the breuitie of the time because that when they custome their goods in Pegu that come from S. Tome in their ships it is as it were about Christmas and when they haue customed their goods then must they sell them for their credits sake for a moneth or two and then at the beginning of March the ships depart The Marchants that come from S. Tome take for the paiment of their goods gold and siluer which is neuer wanting there And 8. or 10. dayes before their departure they are all satisfied also they may haue Rubies in paiment but they make no accompt of them and they that will winter there for another yere it is needfull that they be aduertized that in the sale of their goods they specifie in their bargaine the terme of two or 3. moneths paiment that their paiment shal be in so many Ganza and neither golde nor siluer because that with the Ganza they may buy sel euery thing with great aduaÌ„tage And how needful is it to be aduertized when they wil recouer their paiments in what order they shal receiue their Ganza Because he that is not experienced may do himselfe great wrong in the weight of the Gansa as also in the falsenesse of them in the weight he may be greatly deceiued because that from place to place it doth rise and fall greatly and therefore when any wil receiue money or make paiment he must take a publique wayer of money a day or two before he go about his businesse and giue him in paiment for his labour two Byzaes a moneth and for this he is bound to make good all your money to maintaine it for good for that hee receiueth it and seales the bags with his seale and when hee hath receiued any store then hee causeth it to bee brought into the Magason of the Marchant that is the owner of it That money is very weightie for fourtie Byza is a strong Porters burden and also where the Marchant hath any payment to be made for those goods which he buyeth the Common wayer of money that receiueth his money must make the payment thereof So that by this meanes the Marchant with the charges of two Byzes a moneth receiueth and payeth out his money wiâ—hout losse or trouble The Marchandizes that goe out of Pegu are Gold Siluer Rubies Saphyres Spinelles great store of Beniamin long peper Leade Lacca rice wine some sugar yet there might be great store of sugar made in the Countrey for that they haue aboundance of Canes but they giue them to Eliphants to eate and the people consume great store of them for food and many more doe they consume in vaine things as these following In that kingdome they spend many of these Sugar canes in making of houses and tents which they call Varely for their idoles which they call Pagodes whereof there are great aboundance great and smal and these houses are made in forme of little hilles like to Sugar loaues or to Bells and some of these houses are as high as a reasonable steeple at the foote they are very large some of them be in circuit a quarter of a mile The saide houses within are full of earth and walled round about with brickes and dirt in steade of lime and without forme from the top to the foote they make a couering for them with Sugar canes and plaister it with lime all ouer for otherwise they would bee spoyled by the great aboundance of raine that falleth in those Countreys Also they consume about these Varely or idol houses great store of leafe-gold for that they ouerlay all the tops of the houses with gold and some of them are couered with golde from the top to the foote in couering whereof there is great store of gold spent for that euery 10. yeeres they new ouerlay them with gold from the top to the foote so that with this vanitie they spend great aboundance of golde For euery 10. yeres the raine doeth consume the gold from these houses And by this meanes they make golde dearer in Pegu then it would bee if they consumed not so much in this vanitie Also it is a thing to bee noted in the buying of iewels in Pegu that he that hath no knowledge shall haue as good iewels and as good cheap as he that hath bene practized there a long time which is a good order and it is in this wise There are in Pegu foure men of good reputation which are called Tareghe or brokers of Iewels These foure men haue all the Iewels or Rubies in their handes and the Marchant that wil buy commeth to one of these Tareghe and telleth him that he hath so much money to imploy in Rubies For through the hands of these foure men passe all the Rubies for they haue such quantitie that they knowe not what to doe with them but sell them at most vile and base prices When the Marchant hath broken his mind to one of these brokers or Tareghe they cary him home to one of their Shops although he hath no knowledge in Iewels and when the Iewellers perceiue that hee will employ a good round summe they will
coppy of your will and Testament which you must alwayes cary about you and chiefly when you go into the Indies In the countrey of the Moores and Gentiles in those voyages alwayes there goeth a Captaine to administer Iustice to all Christians of the Portugales Also this captaine hath authoritie to recouer the goods of those Marchants that by chance die in those voyages and they that haue not made their Wills and registred them in the aforesaide schooles the Captaines wil consume their goods in such wise that litle or nothing will be left for their heires and friends Also there goeth in these same voyages some marchants that are commissaries of the schoole of Sancta misericordia that if any Marchant die and haue his Wil made and hath giuen order that the schoole of Misericordia shall haue his goods and sell them then they sende the money by exchange to the schoole of Misericordia in Lisbone with that copie of his Testament then from Lisbon they giue intelligence thereof into what part of Christendome soeuer it be and the heires of such a one comming thither with testimoniall that they be heires they shall receiue there the value of his goods in such wise that they shall not loose any thing But they that die in the kingdome of Pegu loose the thirde part of their goods by ancient custome of the Countrey that if any Christian dieth in the kingdome of Pegu the king and his officers rest heires of a thirde of his goods and there hath neuer bene any deceit or fraude vsed in this matter I haue knowen many rich men that haue dwelled in Pegu and in their age they haue desired to go into their owne Countrey to die there and haue departed with al their goods and substance without let or trouble In Pegu the fashion of their apparel is all one as well the Noble man as the simple the onely difference is in the finenes of the cloth which is cloth of Bombast one finer then another and they weare their apparell in this wise First a white Bombast cloth which serueth for a shirt then they gird another painted bombast cloth of foureteene brases which they binde vp betwixt their legges and on their heads they weare a small tock of three braces made in guize of a myter and some goe without tocks and cary as it were a hiue on their heades which doeth not passe the lower part of his eare when it is lifted vp they goe all bare footed but the Noble men neuer goe on foote but are caried by men in a seate with great reputation with a hat made of the leaues of a tree to keepe him from the raine and Sunne or otherwise they ride on horsebacke with their feete bare in the stirops All sorts of women whatsoeuer they be weare a smocke downe to the girdle and from the girdle downewards to the foote they weare a cloth of three brases open before so straite that they cannot goe but they must shewe their secret as it were aloft and in their going they faine to hide it with their hand but they caÌ„not by reason of the straitnes of their cloth They say that this vse was inuented by a Queene to be an occasion that the sight thereof might remoue from men the vices against nature which they are greatly giuen vnto which sight should cause them to regard women the more Also the women goe bare footed their armes laden with hoopes of golde and Iewels And their fingers full of precious rings with their haire rolled vp about their heads Many of them weare a cloth about their shoulders in stead of a cloacke Now to finish that which I haue begunne to write I say that those parts of the Indies are very good because that a man that hath litle shall make a great deale thereof alwayes they must gouerne themselues that they be taken for honest men For why to such there shal neuer want helpe to doe wel but he that is vicious let him tary at home and not go thither because he shall alwayes be a begger and die a poore man Letters concerning the voyage of M. Iohn Newbery and M. Ralph Fitch made by the way of the Leuant Sea to Syria and ouerland to Balsara and thenâ—e into the East Indies and beyond In the yeere 1583. ¶ A letter written from the Queenes Maiestie to Zelabdim Echebar King of Cambaia and sent by Iohn Newbery In February Anno 1583. ELizabeth by the grace of God c. To the most inuincible and most mightie prince lord Zelabdim Echebar king of Cambaya Inuincible Emperor c. The great affection which our Subiects haue to visit the most distant places of the world not without good will and intention to introduce the trade of marchandize of al nations whatsoeuer they can by which meanes the mutual and friendly trafique of marchandize on both sides may come is the cause that the bearer of this letter Iohn Newbery ioyntly with those that be in his company with a curteous and honest boldnesse doe repaire to the borders and countreys of your Empire we doubt not but that your imperial Maiestie through your royal grace will fauourably and friendly accept him And that you would doe it the rather for our sake to make vs greatly beholding to your Maiestie wee should more earnestly and with more wordes require it if wee did think it needful But by the singular report that is of your imperial Maiesties humanitie in these vttermost parts of the world we are greatly eased of that burden and therefore we vse the fewer and lesse words onely we request that because they are our subiects they may be honestly intreated and receiued And that in respect of the hard iourney which they haue vndertaken to places so far distant it would please your Maiestie with some libertie and securitie of voiage to gratifie it with such priuileges as to you shall seeme good which curtesie if your Imperiall maiestie shaâ— to our subiects at our requests performe wee according to our royall honour wil recompence the same with as many deserts as we can And herewith we bid your Imperial Maiestie to farewel A letter written by her Maiestie to the King of China In Februarie 1583. ELizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England c. Most Imperial and inuincible prince our honest subiect Iohn Newbery the bringer hereof who with our fauour hath taken in hand the voyage which nowe hee pursueth to the parts and countreys of your Empire not trusting vpon any other ground then vpon the fauour of your Imperiall clemencie and humanitie is mooued to vndertake a thing of so much difficultie being perswaded that hee hauing entred into so many perils your Maiestie will not dislike the same especially if it may appeare that it be not damageable vnto your royall Maiestie and that to your people it will bring some profite of both which things he not doubting with more willing minde hath prepared himselfe
quae omnes supplices exaudite dignata est supplicatione Regis Polonie non accepta iterùm in regem Polonie exercitum suum mittere Creatoris omnipotentis auxilio regnum eius subuertere constituerat Verum Legato Serenitatis vestre in porta beata fulgida Caesareae celsitudinis residente sese interponente Et quòd Serenitati vestre ex partibus Poloniae fruges puluis arbores nauiuÌ„ tormenta alia necessaria suppeditarentur significante pacem pro regno rege Poloniae petente neuâ— regnum Poloniae ex parte Caesareae celsitudinis turbaretur vel infestaretur intercedente Serenitatisque vestrae hane singularem esse voluntatem exponente Legati serenitatis vestrae significatio intercessio cùm Caesaree celsitudini â—ignificata fuisset In â—auorem serenitatis vestrae cui omnis honos gratia debetur iuxta modum predictum vt Cosacifacinorosi exquirantur poena perfecta puniantur aut ratione muneris aliquantuli eorum delicta coÌ„donentur hac inquam conditione literae Cesareae celsitudinis ad Regem Poloniae sunt datae Si autem ex parte Serenitatis vestre foedus pax sollicitata non fuisset nulla ratione Caesarea celsitudo foedus cum regno Polonie inijsset In fauorem autem Serenitatis vestrae regno Regi Poloniae singularem gratiam Caesarea celsitudo exhibuit Quod tà m Serenitas vestra quà m etiam Rex regnum Polonie sibi certò persuadere debent Serenitatem vestram benè foelicissiméque valere cupimus Datum Constantinopoli in fine mensis Sabaum nuncupati Anno prophetae nostri sacrati Maâ—umedi nongentesimo nonagesimo octauo IESV vero Anno millesimo quingentesimo nonagesimo die duodecimo mensis Iunij The same in English MOst glorious and the most resplendent of women most select Princesse most gratious Elizabeth Queene of the valiant followers of Iesus in the famous kingdom of England most wise gouernesse of all the affaires and businesses of the people and family of the Nazarens most sweet fountaine of brightnesse and glory most acceptable cloud of raine inheritresse Ladie of the blessednesse and glory of the renowmed kingdome of England to whom in humble wise all men offer their petitions wishing of the almightie Creator most happie increase and prosperous successe vnto all your Maiesties affaires and actions and offering vp mutuall perpetuall vowes worthy of our familiarity with eternall prayses In most friendly manner we signifie vnto your princely Highnesse that certaine yeeres past the most mightie Cesarlike maiestie of the Grand Signor waged vnspeakeable warres with Casul-bas the Prince of the Persians in regarde of which warres he would not goe in battell against any other places and for that cause certaine theeues in the partes of Polonia called Cosacks and other notorious persons liuing in the same partes ceased not to trouble and molest the subiects of our most mightie Emperour But now hauing finished and brought to some good issue his affaires in Persia determining to punish the saide malefactors of Poland and for that purpose committing an army vnto the Beglerbeg of Grecia and the yeere last past sending his imperiall commaundement vnto the Prince of the Tartars he hath forraged molested and layed waste some part of the kingdome of Poland and the Cosacks and other notorious offenders haue receiued condigue punishment Which the king of Poland perceiuing sent two Embassadours to his imperiall Highnesse signifying that he would hunt out the said malefactors and inflict most seuere punishments vpon them and also that he would better his gift which he hath for many yeeres heretofore ordinarily sent vnto the porch of his imperiall Highnesse Howbeit his imperiall maiestie vpon whom the almightie creator hath bestowed so great power and who vouchsafeth to giue eare vnto all humble suppliants reiecting the supplication of the King of Poland determined againe to send his armie against the said king and by the helpe of the Almightie creator vtterly to subuert and ouerthrowe his kingdome But your Maiesties Embassadour resident in the blessed and glorious porch of his imperiall Highnesse interposing himselfe as a mediatour signifying that from the partes of Poland you were furnished with corne gun-powder mastes of ships guns and other necessaries and crauing peace on the behalfe of the kingdome and king of Poland and making intercession that the said king might not be molested nor troubled by the meanes of the Grand Signor declaring that this was your Maiesties most earnest desire so soone as the report and intercession of your Maiesties Embassadour was signified vnto the Grand Signor for your sake vnto whom all honour and fauourable regard is due vpon the condition aforesaid namely that the wicked Cosacks might be sought out and grieuously punished or that their offences might be remitted for the value of some small gift vpon this condition I say the letters of his imperiall Highnesse were sent vnto the king of Poland Howbeit had not this conclusion of league and amitie beene sollicited on the behalfe of your Maiestie his imperiall Highnesse would neuer haue vouchsafed the same vnto the kingdome of Poland But for your Maiesties sake his imperiall Highnesse hath exhibited this so singular a fauour vnto the said king and kingdome of Poland And hereof your Maiestie and the king of Poland ought certainely to be perswaded We wish your Maiestie most happily and well to fare Giuen at Constantinople in the ende of the moneth called SabauÌ„ in the yeare of our sacred prophet Mahomet 998 and in the yeere of Iesus 1590 the 12 of Iune The second letters Patents graunted by the Queenes Maiestie to the Right worshipfull companie of the English Marchants for the Leuant the seuenth of Ianuarie 1592. ELizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Irelande defender of the faith c. To all our Officers ministers and subiects and to all other people aswell within this our Realme of England as else where vnder our obeysance and iurisdiction or otherwise vnto whom these our letters shal be seene shewed or read greeting Where our welbeloued subiects Edward Osborne knight Alderman of our citie of London William Hareborne Esquire and Richard Staper of our saide citie Marchant haue by great aduenture and industrie with their great cost and charges by the space of sundry late yeeres trauelled and caused trauell to be taken aswell by secrete and good meanes as by daungerous wayes and passages both by lande and sea to finde out and set open a trade of marchandize and traffike into the landes Ilandes Dominions and territories of the great Turke commonly called the Grand Signor not before that time in the memorie of any man now liuing knowen to be commonly vsed and frequented by way of marchandize by any the marâ—hantes or other subiectes of vs or our progenitors And also haue by their like good meanes and industrie and great charges procured of the sayde Grand Signor in our name amitie safetie and freedome for trade and traffike of
sword and he tooke their city which was very mighty seated vpon the sea which is called Ceuta in their language Confirmatio treugarum inter Regem Angliae Eduardum quartum Ioannem secundum Regem Portugalliae datarum in oppido montis Maioris 8 Februarij apud Westmonasterium 12 Septembris 1482 anno regni 22 Regis Eduardi quarti lingua Lusitanica ex opere sequenti excerpta Libro das obras de Garcia de Resende que tracta da vida è feitos del Rey dom Ioham secundo Embaixada que el Rey mandou à el Rey d' Inglaterra cap. 33. EDa qui de Monte Mor mandou el Rey por embaixadores à el rey dom Duarte de Inglaterra Ruy de Sousa pessoa principal è de muyto bon saber é credito de que el Rey muyto confiaua é ho doutor Ioam d' Eluas é Fernam de Pina por secretario E for am por mar muy honradamente com may boa companhia hos quaes foram en nome del Rey confirmar as ligas antiquas com Inglaterra que polla condisan dellus ho nouo Rey de hum reyno é do outro era obrigado à mandar confirmar é tambien pera mostrarem ho titolo que el rey tinha no senhorio de Guinee pera que depois de visto el rey d'Inglaterra defendesse em todos seus reynos que ninguen armassenem podesse mandar à Guinee é assi mandasse desfazer huna armada que pera laa faziam per mandado do Duque de Medina Sidonia hum Ioam Tintam é bum Guilherme Fabiam Ingreses Com ha qual embaixada el rey d' Inglaterra mostrou receber grande contentamento é foy delle com muyta honra recebida é em tudo fez inteiramente ho que pellos embaixadores Ibe foy requerido De que elles trouxeran autenticas escrituras das diligencias que con pubricos pregones fizeram é assi as prouisones das aprouasones que eran necessarias é com tudo muyto ben acabado é ha vontade del rey se vieram The Ambassage which king Iohn the second king of Portugall sent to Edward the fourth king of England which in part was to stay one Iohn Tintam and one William Fabian English men from proceeding in a voyage which they were preparing for Guinea 1481 taken out of the booke of the workes of Gracias de Resende which intreateth of the life and acts of Don Iohn the second king of Portugall Chap. 33. ANd afterwards the king sent as Ambassadours from the towne of Monte maior to king Edward the fourth of England Ruy de Sonsa a principall person and a man of great wisedome and estimation and in whom the king reposed great trust with doctor Iohn d'Eluas and Ferdinand de Pina as secretarie And they made their voyage by sea very honourably being very well accompanied These men were sent on the behalfe of their king to confirme the ancient leagues with England wherein it was conditioned that the new king of the one and of the other kingdome should be bound to send to confirme the olde leagues And likewise they had order to shew and make him acquainted with the title which the king held in the segneury of Ginnee to the intent that after the king of England had seene the same he should giue charge thorow all his kingdomes that no man should arme or set foorth ships to Ginnee and also to request him that it would please him to giue commandement to dissolue a certaine fleet which one Iohn Tintam and one William Fabian English men were making by commandement of the duke of Medina Sidonia to goe to the aforesayd parts of Ginnee With which ambassage the king of England seemed to be very well pleased and they were receiued of him with very great honour and he condescended vnto all that the ambassadours required of him at whose hands they receiued authenticall writings of the diligence which they had performed with publication thereof by the heralds and also prouisoes of those confirmations which were necessary And hauing dispatched all things well and with the kings good will they returned home into their countrey A briefe note concerning an ancient trade of the English Marchants to the Canarie-ilands gathered out of an olde ligier booke of M. Nicolas Thorne the elder a worshipfull marchant of the city of Bristoll IT appeareth euidently out of a certaine note or letter of remembrance in the custody of me Richard Hakluyt written by M. Nicolas Thorne the elder a principall marchant of Bristoll to his friend and factour Thomas Midnall and his owne seruant William Ballard at that time resident at S. Lucar in Andeluzia that in the yeere of our Lord 1526 and by all circumstances and probabilities long before certaine English marchants and among the rest himselfe with one Thomas Spacheford exercised vsuall and ordinary trade of marchandise vnto the Canarie Ilands For by the sayd letter notice was giuen to Thomas Midnall and William Ballard aforesayd that a certaine ship called The Christopher of Cadiz bound for the West Indies had taken in certaine fardels of cloth both course and fine broad and narrow of diuers sorts and colours some arouas of packthreed sixe cerons or bagges of sope with other goods of M. Nicolas Thorne to be deliuered at Santa Cruz the chiefe towne in Tenerifa one of the seuen Canary-ilands All which commodities the sayd Thomas and William were authorised by the owner in the letter before mentioned to barter sell away at Santa Cruz. And in lieu of such mony as should arise of the sale of those goods they were appointed to returne backe into England good store of Orchell which is a certaine kinde of mosse growing vpon high rocks in those dayes much vsed to die withall some quantity of sugar and certaine hundreds of kid-skinnes For the procuring of which and of other commodities at the best and first hand the sayd Thomas and William were to make their abode at Santa Cruz and to remaine there as factours for the abouesayd M. Nicolas Thorne And here also I thought good to signifie that in the sayd letters mention is made of one Thomas Tison an English man who before the foresayd yere 1526 had found the way to the West Indies and was there resident vnto whom the sayd M. Nicolas Thorne sent certaine armour and other commodities specified in the letter aforesayd A description of the fortunate Ilands otherwise called the Ilands of Canaria with their strange fruits and commodities composed by Thomas Nicols English man who remained there the space of seuen yeeres together MIne intent is particularly to speake of the Canaria Ilands which are seuen in number wherein I dwelt the space of seuen yeres and more because I finde such variety in sundry writers and especially great vntruths in a booke called The New found world Antarctike set out by a French man called Andrew Theuet the which
toward the North are the kingdoms of Gambra and Budomel not farre from the riuer of Senega And from hence toward the inland regions and along by the sea coast are the regions of Ginoia or Guinea which we commonly call Ginnee On the Westside of these regions toward the Ocean is the cape or point called Cabo verde or Caput viride that is the greene cape to the which the Portugals first direct their course when they saile to America or the land of Brasile Then departing from hence they turne to the right hand toward the quarter of the winde called Garbino which is betweene the West and the South But to speake some what more of AEthiopia although there are many nations of people so named yet is Aethiopia chiefly diuided into two parts whereof the one is called Aethiopia vnder Aegypt a great rich region To this perteineth the Island Meroe imbraced round about with the stremes of the riuer Nilus In this Island women reigned in old time Iosephus writeth that it was sometime called Sabea and that the Queene of Saba came from thence to Ierusalem to heare the wisedom of Salomon FroÌ„ hence toward the East reigneth the said Christian Emperor Prester Iohn whom some cal Papa Iohannes other say that he is called Pean Iuan that is great Iohn whose Empire reacheth far beyond Nilus and is extended to the coasts of the Red sea Indian sea The middle of the region is almost in 66. degrees of longitude and 12. degrees of latitude About this region inhabite the people called Clodi Risophagi Babylonij Axiunitae Molili and Molibae After these is the region called Troglodytica whose inhabitantsâ— dwel in caues and dennes for these are their houses the flesh of serpents their meat as writeth Plinie and Diodorus Siculus They haue no speachâ— but rather a grinning and chattering There are also people without heads called Blemines hauing their eyes and mouth in their breast Likewise Strucophagi and naked Ganphasantes Satyrs also which haue nothing of men but onely shape Moreouer Oripei great hunters Mennones also and the region of Smyrnophora which bringeth foorth myrthe After these is the region of Azania in the which many Elephants are found A great part of the other regions of Africke that are beyond the Aequinoctiall line are now ascribed to the kingdome of Melinde whose inhabitants are accustomed to trafique with the nations of Arabia and their king is ioyned in friendship with the king of Portugal and payeth tribute to Prester Iohn The other Ethiope called AEthiopia interior that is the inner Ethiope is not yet knowne for the greatnesse thereof but onely by the sea coastes yet is it described in this maner First from the Aequinoctiall toward y e South is a great region of Aethiopians which bringeth forth white Elephants Tygers and the beastes called Rhinocerotes Also a region that bringeth foorth plenty of cynamoâ—e lying betweene the branches of Nilus Also the kingdome of Habech or Habasia a region of Christian men lying both on this side and beyond Nilus Here are also the Aethiopians called Ichthiophagi that is such as liue onely by fish and were sometimes subdued by the warres of great Alexander Furthermore the Aethiopians called Rhapsij Anthropophâ—gi y t are accustomed to eat mans flesh inhabite the regions neere vnto the mountains called Monteâ— Lunae that is the mountaines of the Moone Gazatia is vnder the Tropike of Capricorne After this followeth the front of Afrike the Cape of Buena Speranza or Caput Bonae Spei that is the Cape of good hope by the which they passe that saile from Lisbon to Calicut But by what names the Capes and gulfes are called forasmuch as the same are in euery globe and card it were here superfluous to rehearse them Some write that Africa was so named by the Grecians because it is without colde For the Greeke letter Alpha or A signifieth priuation voyd or without and Phrice signifieth colde For in deed although in the stead of Winter they haue a cloudy and tempestuous season yet is it not colde but rather smoothering hote with hote showres of raine also and somewhere such scorching windes that what by one meanes and other they seeme at certaine times to liue as it were iâ— fornaces and in maner already halfe way in Purgatorie or hell Gemma Phrisius writeth that iâ— certaine parts of Africa as in Atlas the greater the aire in the night season is seene shining with many strange fires and flames rising in maner as high as the Moone and that in the element are sometime heard as it were the sound of pipes trumpets and drummes which noises may perhaps be caused by the vehement and sundry motions of such firie exhalations in the aire as we see the like in many experiences wrought by fire aire and winde The hollownesse also and diuers reflexions and breaking of the cloudes may be great causes hereof beside the vehement colde of the middle region of the aire whereby the said fiery exhalations ascending thither are suddenly stricken backe with great force for euen common and dayly experience teacheth vs by the whissing of a burning torch what noise fire maketh in the aire and much more where it striueth when it is inclosed with aire as appeareth in gunnes and as the like is seene in onely aire inclosed as in Organ pipes and such other instruments that go by winde For winde as say the Philosophers is none other then aire vehemently moued as we see in a paire of bellowes and such other Some of our men of good credit that were in this last voiage to Guinea affirme earnestly that in the night season they felt a sensible heat to come from the beames of the moone The which thing although it be strange and insensible to vs that inhabite cold regions yet doeth it stand with good reason that it may so be forasmuch as the nature of starres and planets as writeth Plinie consisteth of fire and conteineth in it a spirit of life which cannot be without heat And that the Moone giueth heate vpon the earth the Prophet Dauid seemeth to confirme in his 121. Psalme where speaking of such men as are defended from euils by Gods protection hee saith thus Per diem Sol non exuret te nec Luna per noctem That is to say In the day the Sunne shall not burne thee nor the Moone by night They say furthermore that in certaine places of the sea they saw certaine streames of water which they call spouts falling out of the aire into the sea that some of these are as bigge as the great pillars of Churches insomuch that sometimes they fall into shippes and put them in great danger of drowning Some faine that these should be the Cataracts of heauen which were all opened at
VEnerant autem ad regem etiam sexcenti Itali quos Papa subministrarat Comiti Irlandiae qui cum Vlissiponem tribus instructis nauibus appulisset Regi operam suam condixit eumque in bellum sequi promisit Cap. 7. Totum exercitum diuisit in quatuor acies quadratas In dextro latere primum agmen erat Velitum militum Tingitanorum eosqùe ducebat Aluarus Peresius de Tauara sinistram aciem seu mediam tenebant Germani Itali quibus imperabat Marchio Irlandiae c. Cap. 11. Inter nobiles qui in hoc prelio ceciderunt fuerunt preter regem Sebastianum dux de Auero Episcopi Conimbricensis Portuensis Commissarius generalis à Papa missus Marchio Irlandiae Christophorus de Tauora plures alij Cap. 13. The same in English THere came also to Don Sebastian the King of Portugal 600. Italians whom the Pope sent vnder the conduct of the Marques of Irland who being arriued at Lisbone with three tall ships proffered his seruice to the king and promised to attend vpon him in the warres c. He diuided the whole Armie into 4. squadrons vpon the right wing stood the first squadron consisting of men lightly armed or skirmishers and of the souldiers of Tangier Generall of whom was Don Aluaro Perez de Tauara the left or midle squadron consisted of Germanes and Italians vnder the command of the Marques of Irland c. cap. 7. Of Noblemen were slaine in this battell besides Don Sebastian the king the duke de Auero the two bishops of Coimbra of Porto the Marques of Irland sent by the Pope as his Commissary generall Christopher de Tauara and many others cap. 13. IT is further also to be remembred that diuers other English gentlemen were in this battell whereof the most part were slaine and among others M. Christopher Lyster was taken captiue and was there long detained in miserable seruitude Which gentleman although at length he happily escaped the cruel hands of the Moores yet returning home into England and for his manifold good parts being in the yeere 1586. employed by the honourable the Earle of Cumberland in a voyage intended by the Streights of Magellan for the South sea as Uiceadmirall wherein he shewed singular resolution and courage and appointed afterward in diuers places of speciall command and credite was last of all miserably drowned in a great and rich Spanish prâ—ze vpon the coast of Cornwall Certaine reports of the prouince of China learned through the Portugals there imprisoned and chiefly by the relation of Galeotto Perera a Geâ—tâ—eman of good credit that lay prisoner in that Countrey many yeeres Done out of Italian into English by Richard Willes THis land of China is parted into 13. Shires the which sometimes were ech one a kingdome by it selfe but these many yeeres they haue bene all subiect vnto one King Fuquien is made by the Portugals the first Shire because there their troubles began they had occasion thereby to know the rest In this shire be 8. cities but one principally more famous then others called Fuquico the other seuen are reasonably great the best knowen whereof vnto the Portugals is Cinceo in respect of a certaine hauen ioyning thereunto whither in time past they were wont for marchandise to resort Cantan is the second shire not so great in quantitie as well accompted of both by the king thereof and also by the Portugals for that it lieth neerer vnto Malacca then any other part of China and was first discried by the Portugals before any other shire in that prouince this shire hath in it seuen Cities Chequeam is the third shire the chiefest Citie therein is Donchion therein also standeth Liampo with other 13. or 14. boroughes countrey townes therin are too too many to be spoken of The fourth shire is called Xutiamfu the principall Citie thereof is great Pachin where the King is alwayes resident In it are fifteene other very great Cities of other townes therein and boroughes well walled and trenched about I wil say nothing The fift shire hath name Chelim the great Citie Nanquin chiefe of other fifteene cities was herein of ancient time the royall seat of the Chinish kings From this shire from the aforesaid Chequeam forward bare rule the other kings vntil the whole region became one kingdome The 6. shire beareth the name Quianci as also the principal City thereof wherein the fine clay to make vessâ—ls is wrought The Portugals being ignorant of this Countrey and findâ—ng great abundance of that fine clay to be solde at Liampo and that very good cheape thought at the first that it had bene made there howbeit in fine they perceiued that the standing of Quinzi more neere vnto Liampo then to Cinceo or Cantan was the cause of so much fine clay at Liampo within the compasse of Quinci shire be other 12. cities The 7. shire is Quicin the 8. Quansi the 9. Confu the 10. Vrnan the 11. Sichiua In the first hereof there be 16. Cities in the next 15 how many Townes the other 3. haue wee are ignorant as yet as also of the proper names of the 12. and 13. shires and the townes therein This finally may be generally said hereof that the greater shires in China prouince may bee compared with mightie kingdomes In eche one of these shires bee set Ponchiassini and Anchiassini before whom are handled the matters of other Cities There is also placed in ech one a Turan as you would say a gouernour and a Chian that is a visiter as it were whose office is to goe in circuit and to see iustice exactly done By these meanes so vprightly things are ordered there that it may be worthily accompted one of the best gouerned prouinces in all the world The king maketh alwayes his abode in the great city Pachin as much to say in our language as by the name thereof I am aduertised the towne of the kingdome This kingdome is so large that vnder fiue monethes you are not able to trauaile from the Townes by the Sea side to the Court and backe againe no not vnder three monethes in poste at your vrgent businesse The post-horses in this Countrey are litle of body but swift of foote Many doe traueile the greater part of this iourney by water in certaine light barkes for the multitude of Riuers commodious for passage from one Citie to another The King notwithstanding the hugenesse of his kingdome hath such a care thereof that euery Moone for by the Moones they reckon their monethes he is aduertised fully of whatsoeuer thing happeneth therein by these meanes following The whole prouince being diuided into shires and ech shire hauing in it one chiefe and principall Citie whereunto the matters of all the other Cities Townes and boroughes are brought there are drawen in euery chiefe Citie aforesaid intelligences of such things as doe monethly fall out and be sent in writing to the
of the first degree euery third yere haue recourse and in one publike house or place of assembly doe the second time make an oration of another sentence obscurer then the former and doe vndergo a more seuere examination Now there is commonly such an huge multitude of people that this last yere in the foresayd famous city of Cantam by reason of the incredible assembly of persons flocking to that publike act or commencement at the first entrance of the doores there were many troden vnder foot and quelled to death as we haue bene most certainly informed Moreouer they that sue for the highest degree are subiect vnto a most seuere and exact censure whereby they are to be examined at the Kings Court onely and that also euery third yere next insuing the sayd yere wherein graduates of the second degree are elected in ech prouince and a certaine number being prescribed vnto euery particular prouince they do ascend vnto that highest pitch of dignity which is in so great regard with the king himselfe that the three principall graduates do for honours sake drinke off a cup filled euen with the Kings owne hand and are graced with other solemnities Out of this order the chiefe magistrates are chosen for after that they haue attained vnto this third degree being a while trained vp in the lawes of the realme and in the precepts of vrbanity they are admitted vnto diuers functions Neither are we to thinke that the Chinians be altogether destitute of other artes For as touching morall philosophy all those books are fraught with the precepts thereof which for their instructions sake are alwayes conuersant in the hands of the foresayd students wherein such graue and pithy sentences are set downe that in men void of the light of the Gospell more can not be desired They haue books also that intreat of things and causes naturall but herein it is to be supposed that aswell their books as ours do abound with errors There be other books among them that discourse of herbs and medicines and others of chiualry and martiall affaires Neither can I here omit that certaine men of China albeit they be but few and rare to be found are excellent in the knowledge of astronomy by which knowledge of theirs the dayes of the new moone incident to euery moneth are truely disposed and digested and are committed to writing and published besides they doe most infallibly foretell the eclipses of the Sun and Moone and whatsoeuer knowledge in this arte we of Iapon haue it is deriued from them Leo. We doe freely confesse that Michael sithens our books intreating of the same arte are a great part of them written in the characters or letters of China But now instruct you vs as touching their maner of gouernment wherein the Chinians are sayd greatly to excell Michael That that in very deed is their chiefe arte and vnto that all their learning and exercise of letters is directed Whereas therefore in the kingdome of China one onely king beares rule ouer so many prouinces it is strange what a number of Magistrates are by him created to administer publique affaires For to omit them which in ech Towne and City haue iurisdiction ouer the townesmen and citizens there are three principall Magistrates in euery prouince The first is he that hath to deale in cases criminall and is called Ganchasu the second is the Kings Fosterer and is called Puchinsu the third is the Lieu-tenant generall for the warres named as we sayd before Chumpin These three therefore haue their place of residence in the chiefe City of the prouince and the two former haue certaine associates of their owne order but of inferiour authority appointed in diuers Cities and Townes vnto whom according to the variety of causes the Gouernours of Townes and the Maiors of Cities doe appeale Howbeit the three forenamed Magistrates are in subiection vnto the Tuâ—an that is the Uice-roy ordained in ech prouince And all these Magistrates beare office for the space of three yeeres together yet so that for the gouerning of ech prouince not any of the same prouince but strangers that is men of another prouince are selected whereof it commeth to passe that the Iudges may giue sentence with a farre more entire and incorrupt minde then if they were among tâ—eir owne kinsefolke and allies Ouer and besides all these there is an annuall or yeerely Magistrate which is called Chaien whose duety it is to make inquisition of all crimes and especially the crimes of Magistrates and also to punish common offences but concerning the faults of the great magistrates to admonish the king himselfe Of this order euery yere are sent out of the Kings Court for ech prouince one and going ouer all the Cities and Townes thereof they do most diligently ransacke and serch out all crimes and vpon them which are imprisoned they inflict due punishment or being found not guilty they dismisse them vnpunished Hence it is that all Magistrates greatly fearing to be called in question by the Chaien arâ— well kept within the limits of their callings Besides all these Magistrates there is at either Court namely in the North and in the South a Senate or honourable assembly of graue counsellours vnto the which out of all prouinces according to the neerenesse and distance of the place affaires of greater weight and moment are referred and by their authority diuers Magistrates are created howbeit the managing and expedition of principall affaires is committed vnto the Senate of Paquin Moreouer there are euery yeere certaine Magistrates appointed in ech prouince to goe vnto the king and euery third yeere all the Gouernours of Cities and of Townes do visit him at once what time triall is made of them that aspire vnto the third degree vpon which occasion there is at the same time an incredible number of people at the Kings Court. By reason of this excellent order and harmony of Magistrates placed one vnder another it can scarse be imagined what sweet peace and tranquility flourisheth thorowout the whole realme especially sithens after speedy inquisition persons that are guilty be put as the maner is there to the punishment of the bastonado neither yet are suits or actions any long time delayed Also it is not to be omitted that for the obtaining of any dignity or magistracy the way is open without all respect of gentry or blood vnto all men if they be learned and especially if they haue attained vnto the third and highest degree aforesayd Neither can it be expressed how obedient and duetifull the common sort are vnto their Magistrates and with what magnificence and pompe the sayd Magistrates come abroad for the most part of them haue fiftie or threescore Sergeants attending vpon them and going before them two and two in a ranke some of them carrying Halberds Maces and Battle-axes some trailing yron chaines vpon the ground others holding great roddes or staues of
a certaine kinde of reede wherewith malefactours are punished in their hands and two there are that carry inclosed in a case the Kings seale peculiar for ech office and many others also that shew sundry spectacles vnto the people whereunto may be added the horrible out-cries and showtes which betweene whiles they vtter to strike a terrour into the hearts of all men and at length come the Magistrates themselues being carried in a throne vpon the backs of foure men sixe men or eight men according to the dignity of their office Now as concerning their houses they are very large and stately being built and furnished with all necessary stuffe at the Kings owne cost in the which so long as their magistracy lasteth they leade a braue and an honourable life The sayd houses are without variety of stories one aboue another which in the kingdome of China and in our Iles of Iapon also are not ordinarily vsed for habitation but either to keepe watch and ward or els for solace and recreations sake for the which purposes eight most lofty â—urrets of nine stories high are built or els for the defence of Cities Howbeit in other regardes these buildings doe shew foorth no small magnificence for they haue their cisternes for the receit of raine-water which are adorned with beautifull trees set in order round about them and they haue also their places designed for the administration of iustice and diuers other conuenient roomes to bestow their wiues and families in Within the doores of the foresayd habitations a certaine number of Sergeants and officers hauing cabbins or little houses allotted them on both sides doe alwayes giue their attendance and so long as matters of iudgement are in deciding they be alwayes ready at hand that at the direction of the Magistrates they may either beat malefactours or by torments constraine them to tell the trueth The sayd Magistrates also haue their peculiar barges wherein to take the water being in breadth and length not much vnlike to the galleys of Europe but for swiftnesse and multitude of oares farre inferiour vnto them The rowers sitting vpon galleries without the hatches or compasse of the barge doe mooue it on forward with their oares whereupon it commeth to passe that the middle part of the barge affoordeth sufficient roome for the Magistrates themselues to abide in containing chambers therein almost as conuenient and handsome as in any of their foresayd publique houses together with butteries and kitchins and such other places necessary for the prouision and stowage of victuals Leo. All these things agree right well with the reports which we haue heard of the stately and renowmed kingdome of China I would now right gladly know somewhat concerning the order which is obserued in the obtaining of magistracies Michael You haue enquired of a matter most woorthy to be knowen which I had almost omitted to entreat of The Chinians therefore doe vse a kinde of gradation in aduancing men vnto sundry places of authority which for the most part is performed by the Senatours of Paquin For first they are made Iudges of Townes then of Cities afterward they are elected to be of that order which decreeth punishments in cases criminall without further appeale or of their order that are the kings fosterers And in both of these Orders which are very honourable there are many places and degrees so that from the inferiour place they must ascend vnto the superiour vntill they haue attained vnto the highest dignity of all and immediatly after that they come to be Uice-royes Howbeit this gradation is not alwayes accomplished in one and the same prouince but in changing their offices they change places and prouinces also Moreouer next after the office of Uice-roy they are capable to be chosen Senatours of Nanquin and last of all to be elected into the Senate of Paquin Now there is such an order and methode obserued in the ascending vnto these dignities that all men may easily coniecture what office any one is to vndertake And there is so great diligence and celerity vsed for the substitution of one into the roome of another that for the same purpose messengers are dispatched by land vpon swift post-horses vnto diuers prouinces almost twenty dayes iourney from the Kings Court And to be short there is such district seuerity in degrading those that vniustly or negligently demeane themselues from an honourable vnto an inferiour and base office or altogether in depriuing them of the kings authority that all Magistrates doe stand in feare of nothing in the world more then of that The same order almost is obserued among the Captaines and Lieu-tenants generall for the warres except onely in them that their birth and ofspring is respected for many there be who descending by parentage from such men as haue in times past atchieued braue exploits in warfare so soone as they come to sufficient yeeres are created Centurions Colonels and Gouernours vntill at lasâ— they attaine to be Lieu-tenants generall and Protectours of some whole prouince who notwithstanding as I haue sayd are in all things subiect vnto the Uice-roy All the foresayd Magistrates both of warre and of peace haue a set number of attendants allotted vnto them enioying a stipend and carying certaine ensignes and peculiar badges of their office and besides the ordinary watch which souldiers appointed for the same purpose doe in the night season after the City gates be shut keepe in their forts wheresoeuer any Magistrate is either at his house or in his barge the sayd attendants striking vpon a cymball of brasse at certaine appointed times do keepe most circumspect and continuall watch and ward about his person Linus You haue Michael sufficiently discoursed of the Magistrates informe vs now of the king himselfe whose name is so renowmed and spread abroad Michael Concerning this matter I will say so much onely as by certaine rumours hath come to my knowledge for of matters appertaining vnto the kings Court we haue no eye-witnesses sithens the fathers of the society haue not as yet proceeded vnto Paquin who so soone as by Gods assistance they shall there be arriued will by their letters more fully aduertise vs. The king of China therefore is honoured with woonderfull reuerence and submission thorowout his whole Realme and whensoeuer any of his chiefe Magistrates speaketh vnto him he calleth him VAN-SVI signifying thereby that he wisheth tenne thousands of yeeres vnto him The succession of the kingdome dependeth vpon the bloud royall for the eldest sonne borne of the kings first and lawfull wife obtaineth the kingdome after his fathers decease neither doe they depriue themselues of the kinglyâ—authority in their life time as the maner is in our Ilands of Iapon but the custome of Europe is there obserued Now that the safety and life of the king may stand in more security his yoonger brethren and the rest borne of concubines are not permitted to liue in
Receiued your letters in the harbour of Damaon by a carauell of aduise that came from Malacca which brought shot powder and other prouision for the furnishing of foure gallies and a great gallion which are now in building to keepe our coast for feare of great store of men of warre being Moores which trouble vs very sore At that instant when I receiued your letters I was newly come from the kingdome of Pegu where I had remained one yeere and an halfe and from thence I departed to the city of Cochin in October 1587. The newes which I can certifie you of concerning these countreys are That this king of Pegu is the mightiest king of men the richest that is in these parts of the world for he bringeth into the field at any time when he hath warres with other princes aboue a million of fighting men howbeit they be very leane and small people and are brought vnto the field without good order He is lord of the Elephants and of all the golde and siluer mines and of all the pearles and precious stones so that he hath the greatest store of treasure that euer was heard of in these parts The countrey people call him The God of trueth and of iustice I had great conference with this king and with the head captaine of the Portugals which is one of the countrey They demanded of me many questions as touching the law and faith of Iesus Christ and as touching the Ten Commandements And the king gaue his consent that our Order should build a Church in his countrey which was halfe builded but our peruerse and malicious Portugals plucked it downe againe for whereas it is a countrey wherein our nation gaine very much by their commodities they fearing that by the building of this Church there would be greater resort thither and so their trade should be impaired if their great gaines should be knowen vnto others then those which found this countrey out first therefore they were so vnwilling that the building of this Church should goe forward Our Portugals which are here in this realme are woorse people then the Gentiles I preached diuers times among those heathen people but being obstinate they say that as their fathers beleeued so they will beleeue for if their forefathers went to the diuell so they will Whereupon I returned backe againe to our monastery to certifie our father prouinciall of the estate of this New found countrey It is the best and richest countrey in all this East India and it is thought to be richer then China I am afrayd that the warres which his Maiesty hath with England will be the vtter vndoing and spoile of Spaine for these countreys likewise are almost spoiled with ciuill warres which the Moores haue against the Gentiles for the kings here are vp in armes all the countrey ouer Here is an Indian which is counted a Prophet which hath prophesied that there will a Dragon arise in a strange countrey which will do great hurt to Spaine How it will fall out onely God doth know And thus I rest from this monastery of Cochin the 28 of December 1589. Your good cousin and assured friend frier Peter of Lisbon A voyage with three tall ships the Penelope Admirall the Marchant royall Viceadmirall and the Edward Bonauenture Rereadmirall to the East Indies by the Cape of Buona Speransa to Quitangone neere Mosambique to the Iles of Comoro and Zanzibar on the backeside of Africa and beyond Cape Comori in India to the Iles of Nicubar and of Gomes Polo within two leagues of Sumatra to the Ilands of Pulo Pinaom and thence to the maineland of Malacca begunne by M. George Raymond in the yeere 1591 and performed by M. Iames Lancaster and written from the mouth of Edmund Barker of Ipswich his lieutenant in the sayd voyage by M. Richard Hakluyt OUr fleet of the three tall ships abouenamed departed from Plimmouth the 10 of April 1591 and arriued at the Canarie-ilands the 25 of the same froÌ„ whence we departed the 29 of April The second of May we were in the height of Cape Blanco The fift we passed the tropique of Cancer The eight we were in the height of Cape Verde All this time we went with a faire winde at Northeast alwayes before the winde vntill the 13 of the same moneth when we came within 8 degrees of the Equinoctiall line where we met with a contrary winde Here we lay off and on in the sea vntill the sixt of Iune on which day we passed the sayd liâ—e While we lay thus off and on we tooke a Portugal Carauel laden by marchants of Lisbon for Brasile in which Carauel we had some 60 tunnes of wine 1200 iarres of oyle about 100 iarres of oliues certaine barrels of capers three fats of peason with diuers other necessaries fit for our voyage which wine oyle oliues and capers were better to vs then gold We had two men died before wee passed the line and diuers sicke which tooke their sicknesse in those hote climates for they be wonderful vnholesome from 8 degrees of Northerly latitude vnto the line at that time of the yeere for we had nothing but Ternados with such thunder lightning and raine that we could not keep our men drie 3 houres together which was an occasion of the infection among them and their eating of salt victuals with lacke of clothes to shift them After we passed the line we had the wind still at Eastsoutheast which caried vs along the coast of Brasil 100 leagues from the maine til we came in 26 degrees to the Southward of the line where the wind came vp to the North at which time we did account that the Cape of Buona esperansa did beare off vs East and by South betwixt 900 and 1000 leagues Passing this gulfe from the coast of Brasil vnto the Cape we had the wind often variable as it is vpon our coast but for the most part so that we might lie our course The 28 of Iuly we had sight of the foresayd Cape of Buona esperansa vntill the 31 wee lay off and on with the wind contrary to double the Cape hoping to double it so to haue gone seuentie leagues further to a place called Agoada de S. Bras before we would haue sought to haue put into any harbour But our men being weake and sicke in all our shippes we thought good to seeke some place to refresh them With which consent we bare vp with the land to the Northward of the Cape and going along the shore we espied a goodly Baie with an Iland lying to Seawards of it into which we did beare and found it very commodious for our ships to ride in This Baie is called Agoada de Saldanha lying 15 leagues Northward on the hither side of the Cape The first of August being Sunday we came to an anker in the Baie sending our meÌ„ on land and there came vnto them certaine blacke
day at night themselues lying a hull in waight for purchase 30 leagues to the Southwest of the Island of Flores The 15 we had leaue to depart with a fly-boat laden with sugar that came from Sant Thome which was taken by â—he Queenes ships whereof my Lord Admirall gaue me great charge not to leaue her vntill she were harbored in England The three and twentieth the Northeast part of the Island of Coruo bare off vs East and by South sixe leagues off The 17 of September we met with a ship of Plimouth that came out of the West Indies but she could tell vs no newes The next day we had sight of another sayle this day also one of our company named M. Wood died The 23 we spake with the Dragon of my Lord of Cumberland whereof Master Iuie was Maister The second of October we met with a ship of New-castle which came from Newfound-land and out of her we had 300 couple of Newland fish The 6 we had sight of Sillie and with raine and winde we were forced to put into S. Maries sound where we staied all night and 4 dayes after The 11 we set saile againe and comming out had three fadom vpon the barre at a high water then we lay out Southeast through Crow-sand and shortly after we had sight of the lands end and at ten of the clocke we were thwart of the Lysart The 13 we were put into Dartmouth and there we stayd vntill the 12 of December From thence we put out with the winde at West and the 18 of December God be praised we ankered at Limehouse in the Thames where we discharged 589 sacks of Pepper 150 Elephants teeth and 32 barrels of oile of Palme trees The commodities that we caried out this second voyage were Broad cloth Kersies Bayes Linnen cloth Yron vnwrought Bracelets of Copper Corall Hawks belles Horsetailes Hats and such like This voyage was more comfortable vnto vs then the first because we had good store of fresh water and that very sweet for as yet we haue very good water in the shippe which we brought out of the riuer of Benin the first day of Aprill 1591. and it is at this day being the 7 of Iune 1592. to be seen aboord the ship as cleare and as sweet as any fountaine can yeeld In this voiage we sailed 350 leagues within halfe a degree of the equinoctiall line and there we found it more temperate then where we rode And vnder the line wee did kill great store of small Dolphines and many other good fishes and so did we all the way which was a very great refreshing vnto vs and the fish neuer forsooke vs vntil we were to the Northwards of the Ilands of Azores and then we could see no more fish but God be thanked wee met with good company of our countrey ships which were great comfort vnto vs being fiue moneths before at Sea without any companie By me Iames Welsh master of the Richard of Arundell in both these voyages to the riuer of Benin An Aduertisement sent to Philip the second king of Spaine from Angola by one Baltazar Almeida de Sousa touching the â—tate of the foresayd countrey written the 21 of May 1591. THe 26 of Iuly I certified your maiestie by Iohn Frere de Bendanha your maiesties pay-master and commissioner with the gouernour Paulo Dias which is lately deceased of all things that happened the 28 of December in the yere last past 1590. Now I thought it conuenient to aduertise your maiestie what hath fallen out since that time which is as foloweth The gouernour Luis Serrano encamped himselfe eight leagues from Cabasa where the Negro king dwelleth with 350 Portugal souldiers afterward being there encamped it hapned that the king of Matamba sent a strong and mightie army in warlike maner with strange inuentions for the sayd purpose So the king of Angola gaue this other king battell and the gouernour sent 114 souldiers Portugals to helpe the said king of Angola in which battell it was the will of God that our army was ouerthrowen and all slaine as well our Portugals as the Moores which tooke part with them So with this ouerthrow it happened that this realme the second time hath rebelled against your maiestie Hereupon the Gouernour assembling the rest of his Portugall souldiers to the number of 250 altogether went to Amasanguano which is now his place of abode Moreouer besides the manifold losses which haue be fallen the Portugals in this realme your maiestie hath sustained other great misfortunes both in your lands and goods And because I cannot personally come to certifie your maiestie thereof I thought it good to write some part of the same whereby your maiestie may vnderstand the estate of this countrey This realme for the most part thereof hath twise bene wonne and twise lost for want of good gouernment For here haue bene many gouernours which haue pretended to do iustice but haue pitifully neglected the same and practised the cleane contrary and this I know to be most true But the onely way to recouer this realme and to augment your maiesties lands goods and treasure must be by sending some noble and mighty man to rule here which must bring authoritie froÌ„ your maiestie and by taking streight order that euery captaine which doeth conquere here may bee rewarded according to his deserts Likewise your maiestie must send hither 2000 good souldiers with munition and sufficient store of prouision for them And by this means your highnesse shall know what yeerely reuenue Angola will yeeld vnto your coffers and what profit will grow thereof Otherwise your maiestie shall reape but litle benefit here If with my presence I may doe your maiestie any seruice in giuing information of the state of this realme as one which haue had experience thereof and haue seene the order of it vpon the vnderstanding of your maiesties pleasure herein I will doe my best indeuour And the cause wherefore I haue not done this heretofore hath bene by reason that the Gouernours of this realme would suffer none of the captaines which haue conquered this countrey to informe your maiestie of that which is needfull for your seruice and the augmenting of this conquest Our lord preserue your catholique person with increase of many kingdomes and the augmentation of your crowne Written in the conquest of the realme of Angola the 21 of May 1591. Your maiesties most loiall subiect Baltazar Almeida de Soâ—za A true discourse written as is thought by Colonel Antonie VVinkfield emploied in the voiage to Spaine and Portugall 1589. sent to his particular friend by him published for the better satisfaction of all such as hauing bene seduced by particular report haue entred into conceits tending to the discredite of the enterprise and Actors of the same ALthough the desire of aduancing my reputation caused me to withstand the many perswasions you vsed to hold me at
himselfe taken and beheaded by a souldier of his owne nation and his land giuen by a Parliament to her Maiestie and possessed by the English His other cosen Sir Iohn of Desmond taken by Master Iohn Zouch and his body hanged ouer the gates of his natiue Citie to be deuoured by rauens the thirde brother Sir Iames hanged drawne and quartered in the same place If hee had withall vaunted of his successe of his owne house no doubt the argument would haue mooued much and wrought great effect which because hee for that present forgot I thought it good to remember in his behalfe For matter of Religion it would require a particuler volume if I should set downe how irreligiously they couer their greedy and ambicious pretenses with that veile of pietie But sure I am that there is no kingdome or common-wealth in all Europe but if they be reformed they then inuade it for religion sake if it bee as they terme Catholique they pretend title as if the Kings of Castile were the naturall heires of all the world and so betweene both no kingdome is vnsought Where they dare not with their owne forces to inuade they basely entertaine the traitours and vacabonds of all Nations seeking by those and by their runnagate Iesuits to winne parts and haue by that meane ruined many Noble houses and others in this lande and haue extinguished both their liues and families What good honour or fortune euer man yet by them atchieued is yet vnheard of or vnwritten And if our English Papists doe but looke into Portugall against which they haue no pretence of Religion how the Nobilitie are put to death imprisoned their rich men made a praye and all sorts of people captiued they shall finde that the obedience euen of the Turke is easie and a libertie in respect of the slauerie and tyrannie of Spaine What haue they done in Sicill in Naples Millaine and in the Low countreis who hath there bene spared for Religion at all And it commeth to my remembrance of a certaine Burger of Antwerpe whose house being entred by a company of Spanish souldiers when they first sacked the Citie hee besought them to spare him and his goods being a good Catholique and one of their owne partie and faction The Spaniards answered that they knew him to be of a good conscience for himselfe but his money plate iewels and goods were all hereticall and therefore good prize So they abused and tormented the foolish Fleming who hoped that an Agnus Dei had bene a sufficient target against all force of that holy and charitable nation Neither haue they at any time as they protest inuaded the kingdomes of the Indies and Peru and elsewhere but onely led thereunto rather to reduce the people to Christianitie then for either gold or Emperie When as in one onely Island called Hispaniola they haue wasted thirtie hundred thousand of the naturall people besides many millions else in other places of the Indies a poore and harmelesse people created of God and might haue bene wonne to his knowledge as many of them were and almost as many as euer were perswaded thereunto The storie whereof is at large written by a Bishop of their owne nation called Bartholomew de las Casas and translated into English and many other languages intituled The Spanish cruelties Who would therefore repose trust in such a nation of rauenous strangers and especially in those Spaniards which more greedily thirst after English blood then after the liues of any other people of Europe for the many ouerthrowes and dishonours they haue receiued at our hands whose weakenesse wee haue discouered to the world and whose forces at home abroad in Europe in India by sea and land wee haue euen with handfulles of men and shippes ouerthrowen and dishonoured Let not therefore any English man of what religion soeuer haue other opnion of the Spaniards but that those whom hee seeketh to winne of our Nation he esteemeth base and trayterous vnworthy persons or vnconstant fooles and that he vseth his pretence of religion for no other purpose but to bewitch vs from the obedience of our naturall Prince thereby hoping in time to bring vs to slauery and subiection and then none shall be vnto them so odious and disdayned as the traitours themselues who haue solde their Countrey to a stranger and forsaken their faith and obediâ—nce contrarie to nature religion and contrarie to that humane and generall honour not onely of Christians but of heathen and irreligious nations who haue alwayes sustayned what labour soeuer and embraced euen death it selfe for their countrey Prince or common-wealth To conclude it hath euer to this day pleased God to prosper and defend her Maiestie to breake the purposes of malicious enemies of forsworne traytors and of iniust practises and inuasions She hath euer beene honoured of the worthiest kings serued by faithfull subiects and shall by the fauour of God resist repell and confound all whatsoeuer attempts against her sacred person or kingdome In the meane time let the Spaniard and traytour vaunt of their successe and wee her true and obedient vassals guided by the shining light of her vertues shall alwayes loue her serue her and obey her to the end of our liues A particular note of the Indian fleet expected to haue come into Spaine this present yeere of 1591. with the number of shippes that are perished of the same according to the examination of certaine Spaniards lately taken and brought into England by the ships of London THe fleete of Noua Hispania at their first gathering together and setting foorth were two and fiftie sailes The Admirall was of sixe hundred tunnes and the Uice Admirall of the same burthen Foure or fiue of the shippes were of nine hundred and 1000 tunnes a peece some fiue hundred and some foure hundred and the least of two hundred tuns Of this fleet 19 were cast away and in them 2600 men by estimation which was done along the coast of Noua Hispania so that of the same fleet there came to the Hauana but 33 sailes The fleete of Terra Firma were at their first departure from Spaine fiftie sailes which were bound for Nombre de Dios where they did discharge their lading and thence returned to Cartagena for their healths sake vntill the time the treasure was readie they should take in at the said Nombre de Dios. But before this fleete departed some were gone by one or two at a time so that onely 23 sayles of this fleete arriued in the Hauana At the Hauana there met 33 sailes of Noua Hispania 23 sailes of Terra Firma 12 sailes of San Domingo 9 sailes of the Hunduras The whole 77 shippes ioyned and set sailes all together at the Hauana the 17 of Iuly according to our account and kept together vntill they came into the height of thirtie fiue degrees which was about the tenth of August where they found the winde at Southwest chaunged suddenly to the North so that
townes and cities are very great and fairely built being inhabited by rich Moores and abounding with all kinde of cattell Barley and Oates And here is such plenty of golde found vpon the sands by the riuers side that the sayd Moores vsually carry the same Northward to Marocco and Southward to the city of Tombuto in the land of Negros which city standeth about 300 leagues from the kingdome of Darha and this kingdome is but 60 leagues from this Iland and Castle of Arguin Wherefore I beseech your worship to put his maiesty in remembrance hereof for the sayd cities and townes are but ten dayes iourney from hence I heartily wish that his maiesty would send two or three marchants to see the state of the Countrey who might trauell to the aforesayd cities to vnderstand of their rich trade For any man may go safe and come safe from those places And thus without troubling of your worship any further I humbly take my leaue From the Iland and Castle of Arguin the 20 of Ianuary 1591 Your worships seruant Melchior Petoney The voyage of Richard Rainolds and Thomas Dassel to the riuers of Senega and Gambra adioyning vpon Guinea 1591 with a discourse of the treasons of certain of Don Antonio his seruants and followers BY vertue of her Maiesties most gracious charter giuen in the yeere 1588 and in the thirtieth yeere of her Highnesse reigne certaine English marchants are granted to trade in and from the riuer of Senega to and in the riuer of Gambra on the Westerne coast of Africa The chiefest places of â—raffique on that coast betweene these riuers are these 1 Senega riuer The commodities be hides gumme elephants teeth a few graines ostrich feathers amber-griece and some golde 2 Beseguiache a towne by Capo Verde leagues from Senega riuer The commodities be small hides and a few teeth 3 Refisca Vieio a towne 4 leagues from Beseguiache The commodities be small hides and a few teeth now and then 4 Palmerin a towne 2 leagues from Refisca The commodities be small hides and a few elephants teeth now and then 5 Porto d'Ally a towne 5 leagues from Palmerin The commodities be small hides teeth amber-griece and a little golde and many Portugals are there 6 Candimal a towne halfe a league from Porto d' Ally The commodities be small hides and a few teeth now and then 7 Palmerin a towne 3 leagues from Candimal The commodities be small hides and a few teeth now and then 8 Ioala a towne 6 leagues from Palmerin The commodities be hides ware elephants teeth rice and some golde and many Spaniards and Portugals are there 9 Gambra riuer The commodities are rice waxe hides elephants teeth and golde The Frenchmen of Diepe and New-hauen haue traded thither aboue thirty yeres and commonly with foure or fiue ships a yere whereof two small barks go into the riuer of Senega The other were woont vntill within these foure yeres that our ships came thither to ride with their ships in the road of Porto d' Ally and so sent their small shaloups of sixe or eight tunnes to some of these places on the Sea coast before repeated Where in all places generally they were well beloued and as courteously entertained of the Negros as if they had bene naturally borne in the countrey And very often the Negros come into France and returne againe which is a further increasing of mutuall loue and amity Since our comming to that coast the Frenchmen ride with their shippes at Refisca Vieio and suffer vs to ancre with our shippes at Porto d' Ally The Frenchmen neuer vse to go into the riuer of Gambra which is a riuer of secret trade and riches concealed by the Portugals For long since one Frenchman entred the riuer with a small barke which was betrayed surprised and taken by two gallies of the Portugals In our second voyage and second yeere there were by vile trecherous meanes of the Portugals and the king of the Negros consent in Porto d'Ally and Ioala about forty Englishmen cruelly slaine and captiued and most or all of their goods confiscated whereof there returned onely two which were the marchants And also by procurement of Pedro Gonsalues one of Don Antonio the kings seruants Thomas Dassel and others had bene betrayed if it had not pleased almighty God to reueale the same whereby it was preuented From the South side of Senega riuer on the Sea coast vnto about Palmerin is all one kingdome of Negros The kings name is Melick Zamba who dwelleth two dayes iourney within the land from Refisca The 12 of Nouember 1591 I Richard Rainolds Thomas Dassel factors in a ship called the Nightingale of London of 125 tunnes and a pinnesse called the Messenger of 40 tunnes arriued neere vnto Capo Verde at a litle Iland called The Iland of liberty At this Iland we set vp a small pinnesse with which we cary our marchandise on land when wee traffique And in the meane time Thomas Dassel went with the great pinnesse to traffike with Spaniards or Portugals in Porro d'Ally or Ioala Ouer against the sayd Iland on the maine is an habitation of the Negros called Besegueache The alcaide or gouernor thereof with a great traine came aboord in their canoas to receiue the kings dueties for ankerage and permitting the quiet setting vp of our pinnesse who liked passing well that no Portugall came in the shippe saying we should be better thought of by the king and people if we neuer did bring Portugall but come of our selues as the Frenchmen euer did and doe And to purchase the more loue I Richard Rainolds gaue him and all his company courteous entertainment Also vpon his intreaty hauing sufficient pledge aboord I and others went on land with him At this instant there was great warre betweene this alcaide and another gouernor of the next prouince Neuerthelesse vpon our arriuall truce was taken for a space and I with our company conducted among both enemies to the gouernors house in Besegueache and were gently and friendly feasted after their maner and with some presents returned safe aboord againe The next day the alcaide came aboord againe to wil me to send some yron and other commodities in the boat to traffike with the Negros and also requested me that I would go to Refisca with the ship which I did And one thing I noted that a number of Negros attended the alcaides landing in warlike maner with bowes and poisoned arrowes darts poisoned and swords because that the enemies by reason of the truce taken were there also to view the ship who for the most part approched to him kneeling downe and kissed the backe of his hand The 17 of Nouember we weyed anker and by reason no French ship was yet come I went to the road of Refisca where I sent for the alcaides interpretors who came thither aboord and receiued of me the kings duties for to haue free traffike with the Negros
with whom dayly I exchanged my yron other wares for hides and some elephants teeth finding the people very friendly and tractable And the next day after our arriuall I went vp into the land about three miles to the towne of Refisca where I was friendly vsed and well entertained of the alcaide and especially of a yoong nobleman called Conde Amar Pattay who presented me with an oxe for my company goats and some yoong kids assuring me that the king would be glad to heare of the arriuall of a Christians ship whom they called Blancos that is white men especially of an English ship And so dayly the yong Conde came with a small company of horsemen to the sea side feasting me very kindly and courteously And the fift of December he with his traine came aboord to see the ship which to them seemed woonderfull as people that seldome had seene the like who tolde me that his messenger from the king was returned and the king reioyced much to heare that English men were come with a ship to trade in his ports and being the first Englishman that euer came with a ship I was the better welcome promising that I or any Englishman hereafter should be wel intreated find good dealing at their hands And further the Conde on the kings behalfe and his owne earnestly requested that before my departure off the coast I would returne againe to his road to conferre with him for the better continuance and confirming of amity betweene them and Englishmen which I agreed vnto And so shewing him and his company the best friendship and courtesie I could he went on shore and should haue had the honor of our ordinance but that he desired the contrary being amazed at the sight of the ship and noise of the gunnes which they did greatly admire The 13 of December at night we weighed anker and arriued the 14 day at the road of Porto d' Ally which is another kingdome the king thereof is called Amar Meleck sonne to Meleck Zamba the other king and dwelleth a dayes iourney and an halfe from Porto d' Ally When we had ankered the kings kinsmen being gouernors with all the officers of that towne came aboord to receiue all duties for the ship licence to traffike due to the king who there generally seemed to be very glad that no Portugall was come in our ship out of England saying it was the kings pleasure we should bring none hereafter for that the king did esteeme them as people of no truth and complained of one Francisco de Costa seruant to Don Antonio how he had often and the last yere also abused and deluded their king Amar Meleck in promising to bring him certaine things out of England which he neuer performed and deemed that to be the cause of his staying behinde this voyage and that neither Spaniard nor Portugall could abide vs but reported very badly and gaue out hard speeches tending to the defamation great dishonor of England and also affirmed that at the arriuall of an English ship called The Command of Richard Kelley of Dartmouth one Pedro Gonsalues a Portugall that came in the sayd ship from Don Antonio reported vnto them that we were fled out of England and come away vpon intent to rob and do great spoile vpon this coast to the Negros and Portugals and that Thomas Dasâ—el had murdered Francisco de Acosta since our comming from England who was comming to their king in our ship with great presents from Don Antonio and desired that at our arriuall stay might be made of our goods and our selues in secret maner which they denied not giuing credit to his report hauing bene often abused by such friuolous and slanderous speeches by that nation telling me their king was sory for the former murder and captiuity of our nation and would neuer yeeld to the like hauing the Portugals and Spaniards in generall hatred euer since and conceiueth much better of our countrey and vs then these our enemies report of For which I yeelded them hearty thanks assuring them they should finde great difference betweene the loyalty of the one and disloyalty of the other and so payed their dueties and for that it was the chiefe place of trade I shewed them how I was resolued to goe to their king with certaine presents which we had brought out of England which we determined for the more honor and credit of our countrey and augmenting of their better affection toward vs. All this while Thomas Dassel was with our great pinnesse at the towne of Ioala being in the kingdome of king Iocoel Lamiockeric traffiking with the Spaniards Portugals there And the forenamed Pedro Gonsalues which came out of England was there also with other English marchants about the busines of Rich. Kelley and as it should seeme for that he could not obtaine his mischieuous pretended purpose against Thomas Dassel and others at the towne of Porto d' Ally where I Richard Rainolds remained he attempted with consent of other Portugals which were made priuy to his intent to betray the sayd Thomas Dassel at this towne had with bribes seduced the chiefe commanders and Negros to effect his wicked most villanous practise which as God would was reuealed to the sayd Thomas Dassel by Rich. Cape an Englishman and seruant to the forenamed Rich. Kelley to whom this sayd Pedro Gonsalues had disclosed his secret treachery willing him with all expedition to stand vpon his guard Whereupon Thomas Dassel went aboord a small English barke called The Cherubin of Lime and there one Iohn Payua a Portugall and seruant of Don Antonio declared that if he one Garcia a Portugall of the sayd towne would haue consented with Pedro Gonsalues the sayd Thomas Dassel had bene betrayed long before And vpon this warning Thomas Dassel the next day hauing gotten three Portugals aboord aduised for our better securities to send two on land detained one with him called Villa noua telling them that if the next day by eight of the clocke they would bring Pedro Gonsalues aboord â—o him he would release the sayd Villa noua which they did not And Thomas Dassel hauing intelligence that certaine Negros and Portugals were ridden post ouer-land Porto d' Ally with intent to haue Richard Rainolds and his company stayd on land being doubtfull what friendship soeuer the vnconstant Negros professed by reason they be often wauering being ouercome with drinking wine how they would deale to preuent the dangerous wiles that might be effected in the road by Portugals and for better strength the 24 of December he came with his pinnesse Portugall to ride in the road of Porto d' Ally where our great shippe the Nightingall was who was no sooner arriued but he had newes also from the shore from Iohn Baily Anthony Dassels seruant who was there with our goods detained by the Portugals means that aboue 20 Portugals and Spaniards
testimonies concerning the mighty kingdome of Coray tributary to the king of China and bordering vpon his Northeast frontiers and also touching the warres of Quabacondono the monarch of Iapan against China by the way of Coray pag. 854 A briefe note concerning an extreame Northerly prouince of Iapan called Zuegara situate 30 dayes iourney from Mâ—acó also of a certeine nation of Tartars called Iezi inhabiting on the maine to the North of China pag. 861 Aduertisements touching the ships that goe from Siuil to the Indies of Spaine together with some sea-orders of the Contractation house of Siuil pag. 862 The order of the Carena giuen to the ships that goe out of Spaine to the West Indies pag. 864. The examination of the Masters and Pilots which saile in the fleetâ— of Spaine to the West Indies written in Spanish by Pedro Dias a Spanish Pilot. pag. 864 and 866 THE THIRD AND LAST Volume of the principall Nauigations Voyages Traffiques and Discoueries of the English Nation made to the Northwest West and Southwest parts of the World with the Letters Priuileges Discourses Obseruations and other necessary things concerning the same The most ancient Discouery of the VVest Indies by Madoc the sonne of Owen Guyneth Prince of North-wales in the yeere 1170 taken out of the history of Wales lately published by M. Dauid Powel Doctor of Diuinity AFter the death of Owen Guyneth his sonnes fell at debate who should inherit after him for the eldest sonne borne in matrimony Edward or Iorwerth Drwydion was counted vnmeet to gouerne because of the maime vpon his face and Howell that tooke vpon him all the rule was a base sonne begotten vpon an Irish woman Therefore Dauid gathered all the power he could and came against Howel and fighting with him slew him and afterwards inioyed quietly the whole land of Northwales vntil his brother Iorwerâ—hs sonne came to age Madoc another of Owen Guyneth his sonnes left the land in contention betwixt his brethren prepared certaine ships with men and munition and sought aduentures by Seas sailing West and leauing the coast of Ireland so farre North that he came vnto a land vnknowen where he saw many strange things This land must needs be some part of that Countrey of which the Spanyards affirme themselues to be the first finders since Hannos time Whereupon it is manifest that that countrey was by Britaines discouered long before Columbus led any Spanyards thither Of the voyage and returne of this Madoc there be many fables fained as the common people doe vse in distance of place and length of time rather to augment then to diminish but sure it is there he was And after he had returned home and declared the pleasant and fruitfull countreys that he had seene without inhabitants and vpon the contrary part for what barren wild ground his brethren and nephewes did murther one another he prepared a number of ships and got with him such men and women as were desirous to liue in quietnesse and taking leaue of his friends tooke his iourney thitherward againe Therefore it is to be supposed that he and his people inhabited part of those countreys for it appeareth by Francis Lopez de Gomara that in Acuzamil and other places the people honored the crosse Wherby it may be gathered that Christians had bene there before the comming of the Spanyards But because this people were not many they followed the maners of the land which they came vnto vsed the language they fouÌ„d there This Madoc arriuing in that Westerne country vnto the which he came in the yere 1170 left most of his people there and returning backe for more of his owne nation acquaintance friends to inhabit that faire large countrey went thither againe with ten sailes as I find noted by Gutyn Owen I am of opinion that the land whereunto he came was some part of the West Indies Carmina Meredith filij Rhesi mentionem facientia de Madoco filio Oweni Guynedd de sua nauigatione in terras incognitas Vixit hic Meredith circiter annum Domini 1477. MAdoc wyf mwyedic wedd Iawn genau Owyn Guynedd Ni fynnum dir fy enaid oedd Na da mawr ond y moroedd The same in English Madoc I am the sonne of Owen Gwynedd With stature large and comely grace adorned No lands at home nor store of wealth me please My minde was whole to search the Ocean seas The offer of the discouery of the VVest Indies by Christopher Columbus to king Henry the seuenth in the yeere 1488 the 13 of February with the kings acceptation of the offer the cause whereupon hee was depriued of the same recorded in the thirteenth chapter of the history of Don Fernand Columbus of the life and deeds of his father Christopher Columbus CHristophoro Colon temendo se parimente i Re di Castiglia non assentissero alla sua impresa non gli bisognasse proporla di nuouo à qualche altro prâ—ncipe cosi in cio passasse lungo tempo mando in Inghilterra vn suo fratello che haueua appresso dâ— se chiamato Bartholomeo Colon il qual quantunque non hauesse lettere Latine erà però huomo praâ—tico giudicioso nelle cose del mare sapea molto bene far carte da nauigare sphere altri instrumenti di quella professione come dal suo fraâ—ello era instrutto Partito adunque Bartholomeo Colon per Inghilterra volle la sua sorte che desse in man di cor sali i quali lo spogliarono insieme con gli altri della sua naue Per la qual cosa per la sua pouertà infirmità che in cosi diuerse terre lo assalirono crudelmente prolungo per gran tempo la sua ambasciata fin che aquistata vn poco di faculta con le carte ch' ei fabricaua comincio a far pratiche co ' il Re Enrico settimo padre de 〈…〉 al presente regna a cui appresentò vn mappamondoâ— nel quale erano scritti questi versi che frale sue scriture Io trouas dame saranno qui posts piu tosto per l' antichità che per la loro eleganza Terrarum quicunque cupis foeliciter oras Noscere cuncta decens doctè pictura docebit Quam Strabo affirmat Ptolomaeus Plinius atque Isidorus non vna tamen sententia cuique Pingitur hîc etiam nuper sulcata carinis Hispanis Zona illa priùs incognita genti Torrida quae tandem nunc est notissima multis Et piu di sotto diceua Pro Authore siue Pictore Ianua cui patriae est nomen cui Bartholomaeus Columbus de Terra Rubra opus edidit istud Londonijs anno Domini 1480 atque insuper anno Octauo decimáque die cùm tertia mensis Februarij Laudes Christo cantentur abundè Et percioche auuertirà alcuno che dice Columbus de Terra Rubra dico che medesimamente Io viddi alcune
Lord God 1170. arriued and there planted himselfe and his Colonies and afterward returned himselfe into England leauing certaine of his people there as appeareth in an ancient Welsh Chronicle where he then gaue to certaine Ilands beastes and foules sundry Welsh names as the Iland of Pengwin which yet to this day beareth the same There is likewise a foule in the saide countreys called by the same name at this day and is as much to say in English as Whitehead and in trueth the said foules haue white heads There is also in those countreis a fruit called Gwynethes which is likewise a Welsh word Moreouer there are diuers other Welsh wordes at this day in vse as Dauid Ingram aforesaid reporteth in his relations All which most strongly argueth the sayd prince with his people to haue inhabiteâ— there And the same in effect is confirmed by Mutezuma that mightie Emperour of Mexico who in an Oration vnto his subiects the better pacifying of them made in the presence of Hernando Cortes vsed these speeches following MY kinsmen friends and seruants you doe well know that eighteene yeres I haue bene your King as my fathers and grandfathers were and alwayes I haue bene vnto you a louing Prince and you vnto me good and obedient subiects and so I hope you will remaine vnto mee all the dayes of my life You ought to haue in remembrance that either you haue heard of your fathers or else our diuines haue instructed you that wee are not naturally of this countrey nor yet our kingdome is durable because our sorefathers came from a farre countrey and their King and Captaine who brought them hither returned againe to his naturall Countrey saying that he would send such as should rule and gouerne vs if by chance he himselfe returned not câ— These be the very wordes of Mutezuma set downe in the Spanish Chronicles the which being throughly considered because they haue relation to some strange noble person who long before had possessed those countreys doe all sufficiently argue the vndoubted title of her Maiestie forasmuch as no other Nation can truely by any Chronicles they can finde make prescription of time for themselues before the time of this Prince Madoc Besides all this for further proofe of her highnesse title sithence the arriuall of this noble Briton into those parts that is to say in the time of the Queenes grandfather of worthy memory King Henry the seuenth Letters patents were by his Maiestie granted to Ioha Cabota an Italiau to Lewis Sebastian and Sancius his three sonnes to discouer remote barbarous and heathen Countreys which discouery was afterwardes executed to the vse of the Crowne of England in the sayde Kings time by Sebastian and Sancius his sonnes who were borne here in England in true testimony whereof there is a faire hauen in Newfoundland knowen and called vntill this day by the name of Sancius hauen which proueth that they first discouered vpon that coast from the height of 63 vnto the cape of Florida as appeareth in the Decades And this may stand for another title to her Maiesty but any of the foresayd titles is as much or more then any other Christian Prince can pretend to the Indies before such time as they had actuall possession thereof obtained by the discouery of Christopher Columbus and the conquest of Vasques Nunnes de Balboa Hernando Cortes Francisco Pizarro and others And therefore I thinke it needlesse to write any more touching the lawfulnesse of her Maiesties title The fourth chapter sheweth how that the trade traffike and planting in those countreys is likely to proue very profitable to the whole realme in generall NOw to shew how the same is likely to prooue very profitable and beneficiall generally to the whole realme it is very certaine that the greatest iewell of this realme and the chiefest strength and force of the same for defence or offence in marshall matter and maner is the multitude of ships masters and mariners ready to assist the most stately and royall nauy of her Maiesty which by reason of this voyage shall haue both increase and maintenance And it is well knowen that in sundry places of this realme ships haue beene built and set forth of late dayes for the trade of fishing onely yet notwâ—thstanding the fish which is taken and brought into England by the English nauy of fishermen will not suffice for the expense of this realme foure moneths if there were none els brought of strangers And the chiefest cause why our English men doe not goe so farre Westerly as the especiall fishing places doe lie both for plenty and greatnesse of fish is for that they haue no succour and knowen safe harbour in those parts But if our nation were once planted there or neere there abouts whereas they now fish but for two moneths in the yeere they might then fish so long as pleased themselues or rather at their comming finde such plenty of fish ready taken salted and dried as might be sufficient to fraught them home without long delay God granting that salt may be found there whereof Dauid Ingram who trauelled in those countreys as aforesayd sayth that there is great plenty and withall the climate doth giue great hope that though there were none naturally growing yet it might as well be made there by art as it is both at Rochel and Bayon or elsewhere Which being brought to passe shall increase the number of our shippes and mariners were it but in respect of fishing onely but much more in regard of the sundry merchandizes and commodities which are there found and had in great abundance Moreouer it is well knowen that all Sauages as well chose that dwell in the South as those that dwell in the North so soone as they shall begin but a little to taste of ciuility will take maruelous delight in any garment be it neuer so simple as a shirt a blew yellow red or greene cotten cassocke a cap or such like and will take incredible paines for such a trifle For I my selfe haue heard this report made sundry times by diuers of our countreymen who haue dwelt in the Southerly parts of the West Indies some twelue yeeres together and some of lesse time that the people in those parts are easily reduced to ciuility both in maners and garments Which being so what vent for our English clothes will thereby ensue and how great benefit to all such persons and artificers whose names are quoted in the margent I do leaue to the iudgement of such as are discreet And questionlesse heereby it will also come to passe that all such townes and villages as both haue beene and now are vtterly decayed and ruinated the poore people there of being not set on worke by reason of the transportation of raw wooll of late dayes more excessiuely then in times past shal by this meanes be restored to their pristinate wealth and estate all which doe likewise tend to the inlargement
impayred neither doe we passe the frozen seas which yeelde sundry extreme dangers but haue a temperate climate at all times of the yeere to serue our turnes And lastly there neede no delayes by the way for taking in of fresh water and fewell a thing vsually done in long iournies because as I sayd aboue the voyage is not long and the fresh waters taken in there our men here in England at their returne home haue found so wholsome and sweete that they haue made choise to drinke it before our beere and ale Behold heere good countreymen the manifold benefits commodities and pleasures heretofore vnknowen by Gods especiall blessing not onely reueiled vnto vs but also as it were infused into our bosomes who though hitherto like dormice haue stumbered in ignorance thereof being like the cats that are loth for their prey to wet their feet yet if now therefore at the last we would awake and with willing mindes setting friuolous imaginations aside become industrious instruments to our selues questionlesse we should not only hereby set forth the glory of our heauenly father but also easily attaine to the end of all good purposes that may be wished or desired And may it not much encourage vs to hope for good successe in the countrey of these Sauages being a naked kinde of people voyde of the knowledge of the discipline of warre seeing that a noble man being but a subiect in this realme in the time of our king Henry the second by name Strangbow then earle of Chepstow in South Wales by himselfe and his allies and assistants at their owne proper charges passed ouer into Ireland and there made conquest of the now countrey and then kingdome of Lynester at which time it was very populous and strong which History our owne chronicles do witnesse And why should we be dismayed more then were the Spanyards who haue bene able within these few yeeres to conquer possesse and enioy so large a trace of the earth in the West Indies as is betweene the two tropikes of Cancer and Capricorne not onely in the maine firme land of America which is 47. degrees in latitude from South to North and doth containe 2820. English miles at the least that the king of Spaine hath there in actuall possession besides many goodly and rich Islands as Hispaniola now called S. Domingo Cuba Iamaica and diuers other which are both beautifull and full of treasure not speaking any whit at all how large the said land is from East to West which in some places is accounted to be 1500. English miles at the least from East to West betweene the one Sea and the other Or why should our noble nation be dismaid more then was Vasques Nunnes de Valboa a priuate gentleman of Spaine who with the number of 70. Spaniards at Tichiri gaue an ouerthrow vnto that mighty king Chemacchus hauing an armie of an hundred Canoas and 5000. men and the said Vasques Nunnes not long after with his small number did put to flight king Chiapes his whole armie Likewise Hernando Cortes being also but a priuate gentleman of Spaine after his departure from the Islands of Cuba and Acuzâ—â—il and entring into the firme of America had many most victorious triumphant conquests as that at Cyntla where being accompanied with lesse then 500. Spanish footmen thirteene horsemen and sixe pieces of Ordinance only he ouerthrew 40000. Indians The same Cortes with his sayd number of Spanyards tooke prisoner that mighty Emperour Mutezâ—ma in his most chiefe and famous citie of Mexico which at that instant had in it aboue the number of 50000. Indians at the least and in short time after obteined not onely the quiet possession of the said citie but also of his whole Empire And in like maner in the Countrey of Peru which the king of Spaine hath now in actuall possession Francisco Pysarro with the onely ayd of Diego de Almagro and Hernando Luche being all three but priuate gentlemen was the principall person that first attempted discouerie and conquest of the large and rich countrey of Peru which through the ayd of the almighty he brought to passe and atchieued in the Tambo of Caxamalca which is a large place of ground enclosed with walles in which place he tooke the great and mightie prince Atabalipa prisoner amidst the number of 60000. Indians his subiects which were euer before that day accounted to bee a warlike kind of people which his great victorie it pleased God to grant vnto him in the yeere of our Lord God 1533. he not hauing in his company aboue the number of 210. Spanyards wherof there were not past threescore horsemen in all after the taking of which prince Atabalipa he offered vnto Pyzarro for his ransome to fill a great large hall full of gold and siluer and such golde and siluer vessels as they then vsed euen as high as a man might reach with his arme And the sayd prince caused the same hall to be marked round about at the sayd height which ransome Pyzarro granted to accept And after when as this mighty prince had sent to his vassals subiects to bring in gold and siluer for the filling of the hall as aforesaid as namely to the cities or townes of Quito Paciacama and Cusco as also to the Calao of Lima in which towne as their owne writers doe affirme they found a large and faire house all slated and couered with gold and when as the said hall was not yet a quarter ful a mutinie arose amongst the Spanyards in which it was commonly giuen out that the said prince had politikely offered this great ransome vnder pretence to raise a much more mightie power whereby the Spanyards should be taken slaine and ouerthrowen whereupon they grew to this resolution to put the sayd prince to death and to make partition of the golde and siluer already brought in which they presently put in execution And comming to make perfect Inueutorie of the same as wel for the Emperour then king of Spaine his fift part as otherwise there was found to be already brought in into the sayd hall the number of 132425. pound weight of siluer and in golde the number of 1828125. pezos which was a riches neuer before that nor since seene of any man together of which there did appertaine to the Emperour for his fift part of golde 365625. pezos and for his fift part of siluer 26485. pound waight and to euery horseman eight thousand pezos of gold and 67. pound waight of siluer Euery souldiour had 4550. pezos of gold and 280. pound waight of siluer Euery Captaine had some 30000. some 20000. pezos of gold and siluer proportionally answerable to their degrees and calling according to the rate agreed vpon amongst them Francis Pizarro as their generall according to his decree and calling proportionally had more then any of the rest ouer and besides the massie table of gold which Atabalipa had in his Litter which waighed 25000.
lesse to the glorie of God then that action of the Spanyardes For as you may read in the very last wordes of the relation of Newe Mezico extant nowe in English the maine land where your last Colonie meane to seate themselues is replenished with many thousands of Indians Which are of better wittes then those of Mexico and Peru as hath bene found by those that haue had some triall of them whereby it may bee gathered that they will easily embrace the Gospell forsaking their idolatrie wherein as this present for the most part they are wrapped and intangled A wise Philosopher noting the sundry desires of diuers men writeth that if an oxe bee put into a medowe hee will seeke to fill his bellie with grasse if a Storke bee cast in shee will seeke for Snakes if you turne in a Hound he will seeke to start an Hare So sundry men entring into these discoueries propose vnto themselues seuerall endes Some seeke authoritie and places of commandement others experience by seeing of the worlde the most part worldly and transitorie gaine and that often times by dishonest and vnlawfull meanes the fewest number the glorie of God and the sauing of the soules of the poore and blinded infidels Yet because diuers honest and well disposed persons are entred already into this your businesse and that I know you meane hereafter to sende some such good Churchmen thither as may truely say with the Apostle to the Sauages Wee seeke not yours but you I conceiue great comfort of the successe of this your action hoping that the Lorde whose power is wont to bee perfected in weakenesse will blesse the feeble foundations of your building Onely bee you of a valiant courage and faint not as the Lorde sayd vnto Iosue exhorting him to proceede on forward in the conquest of the land of promise and remember that priuate men haue happily wielded and waded through as great enterprises as this with lesser meanes then those which God in his mercie hath bountifully bestowed vpon you to the singuler good as I assure my selfe of this our Common wealth wherein you liue Hereof we haue examples domesticall and forreine Remember I pray you what you find in the beginning of the Chronicle of the conquest of Ireland newly dedicated vnto your selfe Read you not that Richard Strangbow the decayed earle of Chepstow in Monmuthshire being in no great fauour of his soueraigne passed ouer into that Island in the yere 1171. and accompanied only with certain of his priuate friends had in short space such prosperous successe that he opened the way for king Henry the second to the speedy subiection of all that warlike nation to this crowne of England The like conquest of Brasilia and annexing the same to the kingdome of Portugall was first begun by meane and priuate men as Don Antonio de Castillio Ambassadour here for that realme and by office keeper of all the records and monuments of their discoueries assured me in this city in the yere 1581. Now if the greatnes of the maine of Virginia and the large extension therof especially to the West should make you thinke that the subduing of it were a matter of more difficulty then the conquest of Ireland first I answere that as the late experience of that skilfull pilote and Captaine M. Iohn Dauis to the Northwest toward which his discouery your selfe haue thrise contributed with the forwardest hath shewed a great part to be maine sea where before was thought to be maine land so for my part I am fully perswaded by Ortelius late reformation of Culuacan and the gulfe of California that the land on the backe part of Virginia extendeth nothing so far westward as is put downe in the Maps of those parts Moreouer it is not to be denied but that one hundred men will do more now among the naked and vnarmed people in Virginia then one thousand were able then to do in Ireland against that armed and warlike nation in those daies I say further that these two yeres last experience hath plainly shewed that we may spare 10000. able men without any misse And these are as many as the kingdome of Portugal had euer in all their garrisons of the Açores Madera Arguin Cape verde Guinea Brasill Mozambique Melinde Zocotora Ormus Diu Goa Malaca the Malucos and Macao vpon the coast of China Yea this I say by the cōfession of singuler expert men of their own nation whose names I suppresse for certain causes which haue bene personally in the East Indies haue assured me that their kings had neuer aboue ten thousand natural borne Portugals their slaues excepted out of their kingdome remaining in all the aforesaid territories Which also this present yeere I saw confirmed in a secrete extract of the particular estate of that kingdome and of euery gouernement and office subiect to the same with the seueral pensions thereunto belonging Seeing therefore we are so farre from want of people that retyring daily home out of the Lowe Countreys they go idle vp and down in swarms for lack of honest intertainment I see no fitter place to employ some part of the better sort of them trained vp thus long in seruice then in the inward partes of the firme of Virginia against such stubborne Sauages as shal refuse obedience to her Maiestie And doubtlesse many of our men will bee glad and faine to accept this condition when as by the reading of this present treatie they shal vnderstand the fertilitie and riches of the regions confining so neere vpon yours the great commodities and goodnesse wherof you haue bin contented to suffer to come to light In the meane season I humbly commend my selfe and this my translation vnto you and your selfe and all those which vnder you haue taken this enterprise in hand to the grace and good blessing of the Almighty which is able to build farther and to finish the good worke which in these our dayes he hath begun by your most Christian and charitable endeuour From London the 1. of May 1587. Your L. humble at commandement R. HAKLVYT The Preface of M. Rene Laudonniere THere are two things which according to mine opinion haue bene the principall causes in consideration whereof aswell they of ancient times as those of our age haue bene induced to trauell into farre and remote regions The first hath beene the naturall desire which wee haue to search out the commodities to liue happily plentifully and at ease be it whither one abandon his naturall Countrey altogether to dwell in a better or bee it that men make voyages thither there to search out and bring from thence such things as are there to be found and are in greatest estistimation and in most request in our Countreys The second cause hath bene the multitude of people too fruitefull in generation which being no longer able to dwell in their natiue soyles haue entred vpon their neighbours limites and oftentimes passing further
may not vtterly perish of whose good capacitie wherein they exceed those of Mexico and Peru as we be giuen to vnderstand by those that haue delt with them we may boldly presume that they will easily embrace the Gospel and abandon such idolatrie as now the most of them doe liue in which Almightie God graunt for his honour and glory and for the increase of the holy Catholique faith A letter of Bartholomew Cano from Mexico the 30. of May 1590. to Francis Hernandes of Siuil concerning the speedy building of two strong Forts in S. Iohns de Vllua and in Vera Cruz as also touching a notable new and rich discouery of Cibola or New Mexico 400â— leagues Northwest of Mexico IT may please you Sir to be aduertised that I haue receiued your letters whereby I understand that our ship with the treasure is safely ariued God be praised therefore The frigate arriued here in safetie which brought the letters of Aduise from the King to the Uiceroy She arriued in S. Iohn de Vllua the 29. of May deparâ—ed from S. Lucar in Spaine the 6. of April By which his Maiestie writeth vnto the Uiceroy what time the Fleete shall depart from hence and what course they shall take not as they had wont for to do by reason that there are great store of men of war abroad at the sea which meane to encounter with the Fleete I pray God sende them well to Spaine for here wee were troubled very sore with men of warre on this coast His Maiestie hath sent expresse coÌ„mandement vnto the Marques of Villa Manrique his cosen Uiecroy of Noua Hispania that immediatly vpon sight of his letters he that coÌ„mand to be builded in S. Iohn de Vllua in Vera Cruz two strong Forts for the defence of these countries of his Maiesties charges And that there shal be garisons in both the Forts for the defence of the ships which ride there and for the strength of the countrey There are departed out of Mexico and other townes hereabout by the commaundement of the Uiceroy 500. souldiers Spaniards vnder the coÌ„duct of Rodorigo del Rio the gouernour of Nueua Biscaia which are gone to win a great City called Cibola which is 400. leagues beyond Mexico to the Northwest and standeth vp in the maine land It is by report a very great citie as bigge as Mexico and a very rich countrey both of golde Mines and siluer Mines and the King of the countrey is a mighty King and he will not become subiect to his Maiestie There were certaine Spaniards sent to that king from the Uiceroy in an ambassage It is thought that they are slaine for we can here no newes of them The other newes that I can certifie you of at this instant is that there is a Iudge of the city of Guadalajara called don Nunno de villa Inscensia lately maried Also the kings Atturney of Guadalajara maried his daughter of 8. yeres old with a boy of 12 yeres old But the Uiceroy saith that he hath a warrant from his Maiestie that if any Iudge whatsoeuer dwelling in that kingdome of Guadalajara should mary any some in that iurisdiction that then the said Uiceroy is to depriue him of his office And therfore he went about to depriue the Iudge the kings Attourney of their offices Whereupon the people of that prouince would not thereunto consent nor suffer them to be dismissed of their offices nor to be arrested nor caried prisoners to Mexico When the viceroy had intelligence thereof that the Countrey did resist his commandement and would not suffer them to be apprehended he sent certaine Captaines with souldiers to goe and apprehend the Iudge the kings Attourney and as many as did take their parts So the citizens of Guadalajara withstood the viceroies forces put themselues in defence and are vp in armes against the viceroy yet they do not rebel against the king but say God saue king Philip and wil submit themselues to his Maiestie but not to the viceroy So that all the kingdome of Guadalajara is vp in armes and are all in a mutinie against vs of Mexico I beseech Almighty God to remedy it and that it may be qualified in time or else all Noua Spania wil be vtterly spoiled I write this thing because it is publiquely knowen in all places And thus I rest from Mexico the 30. of May 1590. Bartholomew Cano. THE FIRST AND SECOND DISCOuery of the gulfe of California and of the Sea-coast on the Northwest or backside of America lying to the West of New Mexico Cibola and Quiâ—ira together with Sir Francis Drakes landing and taking possession vpon Noua Albion in the behalfe of the Crowne of England and the notable voyage of Francis Gaule Wherein amongst many other memorable matters is set downe the huge bredth of the Ocean sea from China and Iapan to the Northwest parts of America in the 38. and 40. degrees A relation of the discouery which in the Name of God the Fleete of the right noble Fernando Cortez Marques of the Vally made with three ships The one called Santa Agueda of 120. tunnes the other the Trinitie of 35. tunnes and the thirde S. Thomas of the burthen of 20. tunnes Of which Fleete was Captaine the right worshipfull knight Francis de Vlloa borne in the Citie of Merida Taken out of the third volume of the voyages gathered by M. Iohn Baptista Ramusio Chap. 1. Francis Vlloa a captaine of Cortez departeth with a Fleet from the port of Acapulco and goeth to discouer vnknowen lands he passeth by the coast of Sacatula and Motin and by tempest runneth to the riuer of Guajanal froÌ„ whence he crosseth ouer to the hauen of Santa Cruz along the coast whereof he discouereth 3. smal Ilands and within two dayes and an halfe returning to the maine land he discouereth the riuer called Rio de San Pedro y San Pablo and not far distant from thence two other riuers as big or greater then that of Guadalquiuir which runneth by Siuil together with their head-springs WE imbarked our selues in the hauen of Acapulco on the 8. of Iuly in the yeere of our Lord 1539 calling vpon almighty God to guide vs with his holy hand vnto such places where he might be serued and his holy faith aduanced And we sailed from the said port by the coast of Sacatula and Motin which is sweete and pleasant through the abundance of trees that grow thereon and riuers which passe through those countreis for the which wee often thanked God the creatour of them So sailing along we came to the hauen of S. Iago in the prouince of Colima but before we arriued there the maine mast of our ship called Santa Agueda was broken by a storme of winde that tooke vs so as the ship was forced to saile without her mast vntil we arriued in the laid hauen From the port of Acapulco to this hauen of Colima wee were sayling the
Biscay where I solde my merchandise for exchange of siluer for there were there certaine rich mines discouered by the aforesayd Biskaine Going from Mexico I directed my voyage somewhat toward the Southwest to certaine mines called Tamascaltepec and so trauelled forward the space of twenty dayes thorow desert places vnhabited till I came to the valley of S. Bartholomew which ioyneth to the prouince of New Biscay In all these places the Indians for the most part go naked and are wilde people Their common armour is bowes and arrowes they vse to eate vp such Christians as they come by From hence departing I came to another prouince named Xalisco and from thence to the port of Nauidad which is 120 leagues from Mexico in which port arriue alwayes in the moneth of April all the ships that come out of the South sea from China and the Philippinas and there they lay their merchandise ashore The most part whereof is mantles made of Cotton wooll Waxe and fine platters gilded made of earth and much golde The next Summer following being in the yeere 1570 which was the first yeere that the Popes Buls were brought into the Indies I vndertooke another voyage towards the prouince of Sonsonate which is in the kingdome of Guatimala whither I caried diuers merchandize of Spaine all by land on mules backs The way thitherward from Mexico is to the city of the Angels and from thence to another city of Christians 80 leagues off called Guaxaca in which there dwelt about 50 Spanyards and many Indiaâ—s All the Indians of this prouince pay their tribute in mantles of Cotton wooll and Cochinilla whereof there groweth abundance thorowout this countrey Neere to this place there lieth a port in the South sea called Aguatulco in the which there dwell not aboue three or foure Spanyards with certaine Negroes which the king mainteineth there in which place Sir Francis Drake arriued in the yeere 1579 in the moneth of April where I lost with his being there aboue a thousand duckets which he tooke away with much other goods of other merchants of Mexico from one Francisco Gomes Rangifa factour there for all the Spanish merchants that then traded in the South sea for from this port they vse to imbarke all their goods that goe for Peru and to the kingdome of Honduras From Guaxaca I came to a towne named Nixapa which standeth vpon certaine very high hilles in the prouince of Sapotecas wherein inhabit about the number of twenty Spanyards by the King of Spaines commandement to keepe that country in peace for the Indians are very rebellious and for this purpose hee bestoweth on them the townes cities that be within that prouince From hence I went to a city called Tecoantepec which is the farthest towne to the Eastward in all Noua Hispania which sometime did belong to the Marques de Valle and because it is a very fit port standing in the South sea the king of Spaine vpon a rebellion made by the sayd Marques against him tooke it from him and doth now possesse it as his owne Heere in the yeere 1572 I saw a piece of ordinance of brasse called a Demy culuerin which came out of a ship called the Iesus of Lubec which captaine Hawkins left in S. Iohn de Vllua being in fight with the Spanyards in the yeere 1568 which piece they afterwards caried 100 leagues by land ouer mighty mountaines to the sayd city to be embarked there for the Philippinas Leauing Tecoantepec I went still along by the South sea about 150 leagues in the desolate prouince of Soconusco in which prouince there groweth cacao which the Christians cary from thence into Noua Hispania for that it will not grow in any colde countrey The Indians of this countrey pay the king their tribute in cacao giuing him foure hundred cargas and euery carga is 24000 almonds which carga is woorth in Mexico thirty pieces of reals of plate They are men of great riches and withall very proud and in all this prouince thorowout there dwell not twenty Christians I trauelled thorow another prouince called Suchetepec and thence to the prouince of Guasacapan in both which prouinces are very few people the biggest towne therein hauing not aboue two hundred Indians The chiefest merchandise there is cacao Hence I went to the city of Guatimala which is the chiefe city of all this kingdome in this city doe inhabit about 80 Spanyards and here the king hath his gouernors councell to whom all the people of the kingdome repaire for iustice This city standeth from the coast of the South sea 14 leagues within the land and is very rich by reason of the golde that they fetch out of the coast of Veragua From this city to the Eastward 60 leagues lieth the prouince Sonsonate where I solde the merchandize I caried out of Noua Hispania The chiefest city of this prouince is called S. Saluador which lieth 7 leagues from the coast of the South sea and hath a port lying by the sea coast called Acaxutla where the ships arriue with the merchandize they bring from Noua Hispania and from thence lade backe againe the cacao there dwell heere to the number of threescore Spanyards From Sonsonate I trauelled to Nicoia which is in the kingdome of Nicaragua in which port the king buildeth all the shipping that trauell out of the Indies to the Malucos I went forward from thence to Costa rica where the Indians both men and women go all naked and the land lieth betweene Panama and the kingdome of Guatimala and for that the Indians there liue as warriers I durst not passe by land so that here in a towne called S. Saluador I bestowed that which I caried in annile which is a kinde of thing to die blew withall which I caried with me to the port of Cauallos lying in the kingdome of Honduras which port is a mighty huge gulfe and at the comming in on the one side of it there lieth a towne of little force without ordinance or any other strength hauing in it houses of straw at which towne the Spanyards vse yeerely in the moneth of August to vnlade foure ships which come out of Spaine laden with rich merchandise and receiue in heere againe their lading of a kinde of merchandise called Annile and Cochinilla although it be not of such value as that of Noua Hispania and siluer of the mines of Tomaangua and golde of Nicaragua and hides and Salsa perilla the best in all the Indies all which merchandize they returne and depart from thence alwayes in the moneth of April following taking their course by the Island of Iamaica in which Island there dwell on the West side of it certeine Spanyards of no great number From this place they go to the cape of S. Anthony which is the vttermost part of the Westward of the Island of
stony for so is all the countrey sand vpon stone like Arabia deserta and Petrea and full of blacke venemous lizards with some wilde beasts and people which be tawny Moores so wilde as they would but call to my Carauels from the shore who road very neere it But not desirous to make any longer aboad in this place by reason of the most infectious serenas or dewes that fall all along these coasts of Africa I caused my Master Abraham Kendall to shape his course directly for the isle of Trinidad in the West Indies which after 22. dayes we descried and the first of February came to an anker vnder a point thereof called Curiapan in a bay which was very full of pelicans and I called it Pelicans bay About 3. leagues to the Eastwards of this place we found a mine of Marcazites which glister like golde but all is not gold that glistereth for so we found the same nothing worth though the Indians did assure vs it was Caluori which signifieth gold with them These Indians are a fine shaped and a gentle people al naked painted red their coÌ„manders wearing crownes of feathers These people did often resort vnto my ship brought vs bâ—â—â—es hogs plantans potatos pinos tabacco many other pretie commodities which they exchanged with vs for hatchets kniues hookes belles and glasse buttons From this bay I fell downe lower to a place called Paracoa where I desired rather to ride because it was a coÌ„uenient place to water balast ground graue my Carauels Then I commanded al my men to lye on shore after I had caused to be made for them a little skonce like an halfe moone for their defence being iealous of the Spaniards of whose estate I could gather no certaintie till froÌ„ Margarita Antonie Berreo for his defence had gotten some 300. souldiers a greater number then I was able to encounter withall hauing then but 50â— men because my Carauels before their comming were sent away The Simerones of the yland traded with me stil in like sort And the Spaniards now prouided for me began to send messengers to me in kindnesse Notwithstanding though I had no reason to assault them because they were both poore strong yet for my experience and pleasure I marched 4. long marches vpon the yland the last from one side of the yland to the other which was some 50. miles going and comming through a most monstrous thicke wood for so is most part of the yland and lodging my selfe in Indian townes The country is fertile and ful of fruits strange beasts and foules whereof munkeis babions parats were in great abundance Being much delighted with this yland and meaning to stay here some time about discouering the maine right against the same the entrance into the empire of Guiana being shewed the discouery thereof by Captaine Popham who receiued the discouery of the saide empire froÌ„ one captaine Harper which being a prisoner learned of the Spaniards at the Canaries in the selfe same maner almost as sir Walter Ralegh very discreetly hath written The intelligence of Harper I conceiue the Captaine hath yet to shew in Spanish This discouery of Guiana I greatly desired yet least I should aduenture all occasions vpon it onely I sent my two Carauels from me the 17. day of February to try their fortunes in the Indies not appointing any other place to meet but England furnishing them with all the prouision that I could spare and diuiding my victuals equally with them knowing they were able to do more good in the Indies then greater ships The Carauels being gone I began to enquire priuately of the Sauages concerning the maine ouer against vs and learned that the names of the kingdomes ioyning to the Sea-coast were in order these The kingdom of Morucca the kingdome of Seawano the kingdome of Waliame the kingdom of Caribes the kingdome of Yguirie and right against the Northermost part of Trinidad the maine was called The high land of Paria the rest a very lowe land Morucco I learned to bee full of a greene stone called Tacarao which is good for the stone In Seawano I heard of a Mine of gold to be in a towne called Wackerew the Captaines name Semaracon Of Waliame I will speake last because therein I made most discouery The Caribes I learned to be man-eaters or Canibals and great enemies to the Islanders of Trinidad The kingdome of Yguiri I heard to be full of a metall called by the Indians Arara which is either copper as I could learne or very base gold In the high land of Paria I was informed by diuers of these Indians that there was some Perota which with them is siluer and great store of most excellent Cane-tabacco But lastly to come to Waliame it is the first kingdome of the empire of Guiana The great wealth which I vnderstood to be therein and the assurance that I had by an Indian mine interpreter of a golden Mine in a towne of this kingdome called Orocoa in the Riuer as he called it of Owrinoicke was much to be esteemed This Indian spake Spanish and whatsoeuer he knew he reueiled it to my selfe onely by a priuate interpreter not in words alone but offered vpon paine of life to be guide himselfe to any place that he spake of This discouery of the Mine I mentioned to my company who altogether mutined against my going because they something feared the villany of Abraham Kendal who would by no meanes go I then wanted my lost pinnesse and was constrained to send 14. men in my ship-boat for this discouery with most of the discreetest men in my ship gaue them their directions to follow written vnder mine owne hand They went from me and entred into one of the mouthes by the broken lands which riuer goeth vnder the name of the great Riuer Orenoque the foreland wherof was called Capulio bearing South by West wanting a fourth part from the point of Curiapan aforesaid being 4. leags distant They found the maine as China is reported full of fresh Riuers running one into another abounding with fish and a land aâ— woody seeming to haue great store of strange beasts and foules very populous They entred into a small riuer called Cabota the people named Veriotaus a courteous people The next riuer they passed was called Mana in the kingdome of Tiuitiuas where the king offered to bring a Canoa full of this golden oare and to this purpose sent a Canoa which returned and brought my men this answere that Armago Captaine of the towne of Orocoa and the Mine refused them but if they would come thither hee himselfe would make them answere Upon this my boat went and at his appointed place hee met them with some 100 men in Canoas and tolde them that by force they should haue nothing but blowes yet if they would bring him hatchets kniues and
within the Bay of Vraba in the kingdom or riuers of Dariene and Caribana the Cities and townes of S Iuan de Roydas of Cassaris of Antiocha Caramanta Cali and Anserma haue gold enough to pay the kings part and are not easily inuaded by the way of the Ocean or if Nombre de Dios and Panama be taken in the Prouince of Castilla del oro and the villages vpō the riuers of Cenu Chagre Peru hath besides those besides the magnificent cities of Quito Lima so many ylands ports cities and mines as if I should name them with the rest it would seem incredible to the reader of all which because I haue written a particular treatise of the West Indies I wil omit the repetition at this time seeing that in the said treatise I haue anatomized the rest of the sea-townes aswel of Nicaragua Iucatan Nueua Espanna the ylands as those of the Inland by what meanes they may be best inuaded as far as any meane iudgement can cōprehend But I hope it shal appeare that there is a way found to answer euery mans longing a better Indies for her Maiestie then the King of Spaine hath any which if it shal please her highnes to vndertake I shal most willingly end the rest of my daies in folowing the same if it be left to the spoile sackage of cōmon persons if the loue seruice of so many nations be despised so great riches so mighty an empire refused I hope her maiesty wil yet take my humble desire and my labor therin in gracious part which if it had not bin in respect of her highnes future honor riches could haue laid hands on ransomed many of the kings Casiqui of the country haue had a reasonable proportion of gold for their redemptiō but I haue chosen rather to beare the burden of pouerty then reproch rather to endure a second trauel and the chances therof then to haue defaced an enterprise of so great assurance vntill I knew whether it pleased God to put a dispositiō in her princely royal heatt either to folow or foreslow the same I wil therefore leaue it to his ordinance that hath only power in all things do humbly pray that your honors wil excuse such errors as without the defence of art ouerrun in euery part of the folowing discourse in which I haue neither studied phrase forme nor fashion that you will be pleased to esteeme mee as your owne though ouer dearly bought and I shall euer remaine ready to do you all honour and seruice W. R ¶ To the Reader BEcause there haue bin diuers opiniōs cōceiued of the gold oare broght frō Guiana and for y t an Alderman of London an officer of her Maiesties Mint hath giuen out that the same is of no price I haue thought good by the additiō of these lines to giue answer aswel to the said malicious slāder as to other obiections It is true that while we abode at the yland of Trinidad I was informed by an Indian that not far frō the Port where we ancored there were found certaine mineral stones which they esteemed to be gold were thereunto perswaded the rather for that they had seene both English and Frenchmen gather imbark some quantities therof vpon this likelyhood I sent 40. men gaue order that each one should bring a stone of that mine to make trial of y e goodnes which being performed I assured them at their returne that the same was Marcasite of no riches or value notwithstāding diuers trusting more to their owne sence then to my opinion kept of the said Marcasite haue tried therof since my returne in diuers places In Guiana it selfe I neuer saw Marcasite but al the rocks moūtains al stones in y e plaines woods by the riuers side are in effect through shining and seem maruelous rich which being tried to be no Marcasite are the true signes of rich minerals but are no other then El madre del oro as the Spaniards terme them which is the mother of gold or as it is said by others the scum of gold of diuers sorts of these many of my company brought also into Englād euery one taking y e fairest for the best which is not general For mine own part I did not coūtermand any mans desire or opinion I could haue aforded them litle if I should haue denied them the pleasing of their owne fancies therein but I was resolued that gold must be foūd either in graines separate frō the stone as it is in most of the riuers in Guiana or els in a kind of hard stone which we call The white spar of which I saw diuers hils in sundry places but had neither time nor men nor instruments fit for labour Neere vnto one of the riuers I found of the said White sparre or flint a very great ledge or banke which I endeuoured to breake by al the meanes I could because there appeared on the outside some smal graines of gold but finding no meane to worke the same vpon the vpper part seeking the sides and circuit of the said rocke I found a clift in the same from whence with daggers and with the head of an axe we got out some smal quantitie therof of which kind of white stone wherin gold ingendred we saw diuers hils and rocks in euery part of Guiana wherein we traueiled Of this there haue bin made many trials and in London it was first assaid by M. Westwood a refiner dwelling in Woodstreet and it held after the rate of 12000. or 13000. pounds a tunne Another sort was afterward tried by M. Bulmar M. Dimock Assay-master it held after the rate of 23000 li. a tunne There was some of it againe tried by M. Palmer comptroller of the Mint and M. Dimock in goldsmiths hal it held after 26900. li. a tun There was also at the same time by the same persons a trial made of the dust of the said mine which held 8. li. 6. ounces weight of gold in the 100 there was likewise at the same time a triall of an image of copper made in Guiana which held a third part of gold besides diuers trials made in the coūtrey by others in Lōdon But because there came ill with the good belike the said Alderman was not presented with the best it hath pleased him therefore to scandall all the rest and to deface the enterprize as much as in him lieth It hath also bene concluded by diuers that if there had bin any such oare in Guiana and the same discouered that I would haue brought home a greater quantitie thereof first I was not bound to satisfie any man of the quantitie but such onely as aduentured if any store had bin returned thereof but it is very true that had al their mountaines bene of massie gold it was impossible for vs to haue made any longer stay
to haue wrought the same and whosoeuer hath seene with what strength of stone the best gold oare is inuironed hee will not thinke it easie to be had out in heapes and especially by vs who had neither men instruments nor time as it is said before to performe the same There were on this discouery no lesâ—e then 100. persons who can all witnesse that when we past any branch of the riuer to view the land within and staied from our boats but 6. houres wee were driuen to wade to the eyes at our returne and if wee attempted the same the day following it was impossible either to ford it or to swim it both by reason of the swiftnesse and also for that the borders were so pestred with tast woods as neither boat nor man could find place either to land or to imbarke for in Iune Iuly August and September it is impossible to nauigate any of those riuers for such is the fury of the current and there are so many trees and woods ouerflowne as if any boat but touch vpon any tree or stake it is impossible to saue any one person therein and yet we departed the land it ranne with such swiftnes as wee draue downe most commonly against the wind little lesse then 100. miles a day Besides our vessels were no other then whirries one little barge a small cockboat and a bad Galiota which we framed in hast for that purpose at Trinidad and those little boats had 9. or 10. men a piece with all their victuals and armes It is further true that we were about 400. miles from our ships and had bene a moneth from them which alâ—o we left weakly manned in an open road and had promised our returne in 15. dayes Others haue deuised that the same oare was had from Barbary and that we caried it with vs into Guiana surely the singularitie of that deuice I doe not well comprehâ—nd for mine owne part I am not so much in loue with these long voyages as to deuise therby to cozen my selfe to lie hard to fare worse to be subiected to perils to diseases to ill sauors to be parched withered and withall to sustaine the care labour of such an enterprize except the same had more comfort then the ferching of Marcasite in Guiana or buying of gold oare in Barbary But I hope the better sort wil iudge me by themselues that the way of deceit is not the way of honor or good opinion I haue herein consumed much time many crownes I had no other respect or desire then to serue her Maiâ—stie and my country thereby If the Spanish nation had bene of like beliâ—fe to these detracters we should litle haue feared or doubted their attempts wherewith we now are daily threatned But if we now coÌ„sider of the actions both of Charles the 5. who had the maiden head of Peru and the abundant treasures of Atabalipa together with the affaires of the Spanish king now liuing what territories he hath purchased what he hath added to the acts of his predecessors how many kingdoms he hath indangered how many armies garisons nauies he hath and doth mainteine the great losses which he hath repaired as in 88. aboue 100. saile of great ships with their artillery that no yere is lesse vnfortunate but that many vessels treasures and people are deuoured and yet notwithstanding he beginneth againe like a storme to threaten shipwrack to vs all we shall find that these abilities rise not froÌ„ the trades of sacks and Siuil oringes nor fâ—om ought els that either Spaine Portugal or any of his other prouinces produce it is his Indian gold that indangereth and disturbeth all the nations of Europe it puâ—chaseth intelligence creepeth into counsels and setteth bound loyaltie at libertie in the greatest Monarchies of Europe If the Spanish king can keepe vs from forren enterprizes from the impeachment of his trades either by offer of inuasion or by besieging vs in Britaine Ireland or elsewhere hee hath then brought the worke of our peril in great forwardnes Those princes which abound in treasure haue great aduantages ouer the rest if they once constraine them to a defensiue war where they are driuen once a yere or oftner to cast lots for their own garmeÌ„ts and froÌ„ such shal all trades entercourse be taken away to the general losse and impouerishment of the kingdom and common weale so reduced besides when our men are constrained to fight it hath not the like hope as when they are prest incouraged by the desire of spoile riches Farther it is to be douted how those that in time of victory seeme to affect their neighbor nations wil remaine after the first view of misfortunes or il successe to trust also to the doubtfulnes of a battel is but a fearefull vncertaine aduenture seeing therein fortune is as likely to preuaile as vertue It shall not be necessary to alleage all that might bee said and therefore I will thus conclude that whatsoeuer kingdome shal be inforced to defend it selfe may be compared to a body dangerously diseased which for a â—eason may be preserued with vulgar medicines but in a short time and by litle and litle the same must needs fall to the ground be dissolued I haue therefore laboured all my life both according to my smal power perswasion to aduance al those attempts that might either promise return of profit to our selues or at least be a let and impeachment to the quiet course and plentiâ—ull trades of the Spanish nation who in my weake iudgement by such a warre were as easily indangered brought froÌ„ his powerfulnes as any prince of Europe if it be considered from how many kingdomes and nations his reuenues are gathered those so weake in their owne beings and so far seuered from mutual succour But because such a preparation and resolution is not to be hoped for in hast that the time which our enemies embrace cannot be had a gaine to aduaÌ„tage I wil hope that these prouinces and that Empire now by me discouered shal suffice to inable her Maiestie the whole kingdome with no lesse quantities of treasure then the king of Spaine hath in all the Indies East and West which he possesseth which if the same be considered and followed ere the Spaniards enforce the same and if her Maiestie wil vndertake it I wil be contented to lose her highnesse fauour good opinion for euer and my life withall if the same be not found rather to exceed then to equal whatsoeuer is in this discourse promised or declared I wil now referre the Reader to the following discourse with the hope that the perillous and chargeable labours and indeuors of such as thereby seeke the profit and honour of her Maiestie and the English nation shall by men of qualitie and vertue receiue such construction and good acceptance as themselues would looke to be rewarded withall in the like W. R. ¶
imbarke them in boats which he builded for the purpose and so came with the current downe the riuer of Meta and so into Baraquan After he entred that great mighty riuer he began dayly to lose of his companies both men and horse for it is in many places violently swift and hath forcible â—ddies many sands and diuers Islands sharpe pointed with rocks but after one whole yeere iourneying for the most part by riâ—er and the rest by land he grew dayly to fewer numbers for both by sicknesse and by encountring with the people of those regions thorow which he trauelled his companies were much wasted especially by diuers encounters with the Amapaians and in all this time hee neuer could learne of any passage into Guiana nor any newes or fame thereof vntill he came to a further border of the sayd Amapaia eight dayes iourney from the riuer Caroli which was the furthest riuer that he entred Among those of Amapaia Guiana was famous but few of these people accosted Berreo or would trade with him the first three moneths of the six which he solourned there This Amapaia is also maruellous rich in golde as both Berreo confessed and those of Guiana wâ—th whom I had most conference and is situate vpon Orenoque also In this countrey Berreo lost 60 of his best souldiers and most of all his horse that remained in his former yeeres trauell but in the end after diuers encounters with those nations they grew to peace and they presented Berreo with tenne images of fine golde among diuers other places and croissants which as he sware to me diuers other gentlemen were so curiously wrought as he had not seene the like either in Italy Spaine or the Low-countreys he was resolued that when they came to the hands of the Spanish king to whom he had sent them by his campmaster they would appeare very admâ—rable especially being wrought by such a nation as had no yron instruments at all nor any of those helps which our goldsmiths haue to worke withall The particular name of the people in Amapaia which gaue him these pieces are called Anebas and the riuer of Orenoque at that place is aboue 12 English miles broad which may be from his out fall into the sea 700 or 80â— miles This prouince of Amapaia is a very low and a marish ground nere the riuer and by reason of the red water which issueth out in small branches thorow the fenny and boggy ground there breed diuers poisonfull wormes and serpents and the Spanyards not suspecting nor in any sort foreknowing the danger were infected with a grieuous kinde of flure by drinking thereof and euen the very horses poisoned therwith insomuch as at the end of the 6 moneths that they abode there of all their troups there were not left aboue 120 souldiers neither horse nor cattell for Beâ—â—eo hoped to haue found Guiana by 1000 miles nerer then it fel out to bâ— in the end by meanes â—hereof they susteined much want and much hunger oppressed with grieuous diseases and all the miseries that could be imagined I demanded of those in Guiana that had trauelled Amapaia how they liued with that tawny or red water when they trauelled thither and they tolde me that after the Sun was neere the middle of the skie they vsed to fill their pots and pitchrâ—s with that water but either before that time or towards the setting of the Sun iâ— was dangerous to drinke of and in the night strong poison I learned â—lso oâ— diuers other riuers of that nature among them which were also while the Sun was in the Meridian very safe to drinke and in the morning euening and night woonderfull dangerous and infectiue From this prouince Berreo hasted away assoone as the Spring and beginning of Summer appeared and sought his entrance on the borders of Orenoque on the South side but there ran a ledge of so high and impassable mountaines as he was not able by any meanes to march ouer them continuing from the East sea into which Orenoque falleth euen to Quito in Peru nâ—ither had he meanes to cary victuall or munition ouer those craggie high and fast hilles being all woody those so thicke and spiny so full of prickles thornes and briers as it is â—mpossâ—ble to creepe thororw them hee had also neither friendship among the people nor any interpreâ—â—r to perswade or treat with them and more to his disaduantage the casiques and kings of Amapaia had giuen knowledge of his purpose to the Guianians and that he sought to sacke and conquer the â—mpire for the hepe of their so great abundance and quantities of golde he passed by the mouthes of many great riuers which fell into Orenoque both from the North and South which I forbeare to name for tediousnesse and because they are more pleasing in describing then reading Berreo affirmed that there fell an hundred riuers into Orenoque from the North and Southâ— whereof the least was as big as Rio grande that passed betweene Popayan and Nueuo reyno de Granada Rio grande being esteemed one of the renowmed riuers in all the West Indies and numbred among the great riuers of the world but he knew not the names of any of these but Caroli onely neither from what nations they descended neither to what prouinces they led for he had no meanes to discourse with the inhabitanâ—s at any time neâ—ther was he curious in these things being vtterly vnlearned and not knowing the East from the West But of all these I got some knowledge and of many more partly by mine owne trauell and the rest by conference of some one I learned one of others the rest hauing with me an Indian that spake many languages and that of Guiana naturally I sought out all the aged men and such as were greatest trauellers and by the one and the other I came to vnderstand the situations the riuers the kingdomes from the East sea to the borders of Peru and from Orenoque Southward as farre as Amazones or Marannon and the religions of Maria Tamball of all the kings of prouinces and captaines of townes and villages how they stood in tearmes of peace or warre and which were friends or enemies the one with the other without which there can be neither entrance nor conquest in those parts nor elswhere for by the dissention betweene Guascar and Arabalipa Piçarro conquered Peru and by the hatred that the Tlaxcallians bare to Mutezuma Cortez was victorious ouer Mexico without which both the one and the other had failed of their enterprise and of the great honour and riches which they atteined vnto Now Berreo began to grow into dispaire and looked for no other successe then his predecessor in his enterprise vntill such time as hee arriued at the prouince of Emeâ—ia towards the East sea and mouth of the riuer where he found a nation of people very fauourable and the countrey full of all maner of victuall
altogether vnsauorie season it selfe with some of the leauen of your owne discourâ—e touching this discouerie The particular relation of â—ome câ—rtaine things I haue reserued as properly belonging â—o your selfe who onely as knowing most can make best vse thereof So much in generall is here touched as I hope may serue to â—efresh the memorie of this worthie enterpriâ—e in those whome it may conceâ—ne and testifie your care and expence in following the same that in a second age when in time trueâ—h shall haue credite and men wondering as the riches and sâ—rength of this place which nature it selfe hath maruelously fortified as her chiefe treasure-house shall mourne and sigh to holde idle cicles whilesâ— others reape and gather in this haruest it bee not sayde that Sir Walter Ralegh was of all men liuing in his dayes most industrious in seeking most fortunate in attaining to the fulnesse of an inestimable publique good if knowing that for enuie and priuate respectes his labours were lessened his informaâ—ions mistrusted his proâ—fers not regarded and the duâ— honour of his deserts imparted to othersâ— If I say seeing knowing and bearing all this hee with patience had persisted in so good a way in doing his Princesse and countrey seruice and had but perfected his first discouerie by sending a shippe or two for that purpose for then surely all leâ—s and doubts being remooued and so large a kingdome so exceeding rich so plentiful of all things as this by his discourse appeared to bee being offered no deuises and vaine surmises could haue taken place no illusions could haue preuailed it had bene blindnesse and deafenesse in those that being neeâ—e her Maiestie doe spend their dayes in seruing the common wâ—ale not to see and knowe in so weightie a matter it had beene malicious obstinaâ—ie impotencie of minde and more then treason to the common wealth the matter standing onely vpon acceptance to seeke â—ither to foreslowe so sit an occasion or forsake so generall a blessing This if is nowe cut off through a singular and incomparable temper in ouercomming euill with good This your seconde discouerie hath not onely founde a free and open entrance into Raleana which the Naturals call Orenoque but moreouer yeeldeth choyse of fourtie seuerall great riuers the lesser I do not reckon being for the most part with small vessels nauigable for our marchants others that do now finde little profit in setting forth for reprisall to exercise trade in To such as shall be willing to aduenture in search of them I could proposâ— some hopâ— of gold mines and certaine assurance of peeces of made golde of Spleene-stones Kidney stones and others of better estimate But because our beleefe seemeth to bee mated in these greater matters and a certaintie of smaller profits is the readiest inducement to quicken our weake hopes I not going so farre as mine owne eyes might warrant mee doe onâ—ly promise in the aforesayd riuers Brasil-wood honey cotton Balsamum and drugs to helpe to defray charges and further because without a beginning there can bee no continuance of these benefites vnto our countrâ—y to any thaâ— shall be the first vndertakers hereof I am gladly content to giue such light and knowledge as by conference with the Indians I haue attained vnto My selfe and the remaine of my fewe yeeres I haue bequeathed wholly to Raleana and all my thoughts liue onely in that action The prosecuting whereof is in it selâ—e iust profitable and necessarie Iust because it is intended for the defence of harmelesse people who fâ—aring thralldome and oppression desire to protect themselues and their countrey vnder her Maiesties tuition Profitable as may bee gathered not onely by many Spanish letters intercepted but also by the proofes mentioned in the discourse of the first discouerie and since that by the Indians owne voluntarie relations and lastly by the prouision that the Spaniards doe make to acquire vs thereof Necessarie it is as being the onely helpe to put a bitte in the mouth of the vnbrideled Spaniard the onely way to enter into his treasurie of Nueuo Reyno and Peru the onely meanes to animate the wronged Indians with our assistance to seeke reuenge for the extreme murthers and cruelties which they haue endured and to ruinate his naked cities in all those parts of the Inland whose foundations haue beene layd in the blood of their parents and ancesters The forces that the Spaniaâ—d hath already sent to Trinidad to fortifie there and keepe the passage of this riuer are an euident argument that the king feareth and doubteth the sequele of this discouerie For can it bee a small matter Or hatch hee so waste imployment for his men and shipping that vpon no ground hee would send eight and twentie shippes to keepe vs onely from Tabacco For what els that good is can Trinidad yeelde vs No doubtlesse if the returne of Berreo his Campe-master with tenne of these shippes bee compared with precedent aduertisements concerning him it will appeare more then probable that the Guiana-golde waged these men and shipping and that they are nowe more carefull to obtaine this place then to keepe oâ—hers which they haue already gotten which note except in matters of extraordinarie account is not incident to their policie and proceedings Againe it cannot bee thought that either it was senselesse madnesse in the gouernours of Margarita and the Caracas to bring their states and liues in question by seeking contrarie to their kings order to enter Guiana and kill Berreo with his followers or else the abundance of pearle in Magarita and the golde mines in the Caracas seeming matters of small account Guiana onely was in their iudgement rich plentifull and able of it selfe to redeeme their trespasse and offence howe great soeuer it should bee The sundry attemptes and ouerthrowes of the Spaniardes being men of power and honourable place in labouring threescore and three yeeres and vpwardes to inlarge the kingdome of Spaine with this mightie and great empire doe plainely shewe that they long time sought a path where in one moneth a high way was found that the losse of their liues witnesseth their desires and the worthinesse of the thing where to vs the easinesse of obteining discrediteth the greatnes of the attempt and that if now at the last they doe preuaile they must holde by tyrannie that which they get by the sword where then our returne nothing by the Indians is more wished for nothing expected more earnestly Those obiections which haue beene made by many seeming wise and the impediments likely to arise as they haue supposed are best answered by the vnreprooued witnesse of those mens actions Some haue termed these discoueries fables and fantasies as if there had beene no such land or territorie others allowing both of the place and â—hat such a kingdome or countrey is discouered make conclusion that if it had beene so rich as wee haue supposed that no doubt the king of Spaine would by this time haue possessed it But
her selfe on her owne force and powerfulnesse The reasons that might bee inferred to prooue this neede no rationall discourse they are all intimated in the onely example of Spaine it selfe which without the Indies is but a purse without money or a painted sheath without a dagger In summe it seemeth vnto me that whereas the difficultie of performing this enterprise hath bene produced for a discouragement it were a dull conceite of strange weakenes in our selues to distrust our own power so much or at least our owne hearts and courages as valewing the Spanish nation to be omnipotent or yeelding that the poore Portugal hath that mastering spirit and conquering industrie aboue vs as to bee able to seate himselfe amongst the many mightie princes of the East Indies to frontire China to holde in subiection The Philippinas Zeilan Calecut Goa Ormus Mozambique and the rest the nauigation being so tedious and full of perill to suffer our selues to bee put backe for worthlesse cyphers out of place without account All which Regions being nowe also by the late conquest of Portugall entituled to the Spanish king to whom the Colonies of those parts doe yet generally refuse to sweare fraltie and allegiance and the care depending on him not onely in gouerning them in the East â—o farre off but also of ordering and strengthening of those disunited scattered ill guarded empires and prouinces in the West It might very well bee alleaged to the sayde Spanish king that it were more wisedome for him to assure and fortifie some part of those already gotten then to begin the conquest of Guiana so farre separate srom the rest of his Indies in which hee hath had so many misfortunes and against whom the naturall people are so impetuously bent and opposed were it not that it exceedeth all the rest in abundance of gold and other riches The case then so standing is it not meer â—wretchednesse in vs to spend our time breake our sleepe and waste our braines in contriuing a cauilling false title to defraude a neighbour of halfe an acre of lande whereas here whole shires of fruitfull rich grounds lying now waste for want of people do prostitute themselues vnto vs like a faire and beautifull woman in the pride and flâ—ure of desired yeeres If wee doe but consider howe vnhappily Berreo his affaires with his assistants haue of late yeeres in our owne knowledge succeeded who can say if the hand of the Almighty be not against them and that hee hath a worke in this place in stead of Papistrie to make the sincere light of his Gospell to shine on this people The effecting whereof shall bee a royall crowne of euerlasting remembrance to all other blessings that from the beginning the Lorde hath plentifully powred on our dread Soueraigne in an eminent and supreme degree of all perfection If the Castilians pretending a religions care of planting Christianitie in those partes haue in their doings preached nought els but auarice rapine blood death and destruction to those naked sheeplike creatures of God erecting statues and trophees of victorie vnto themselues in the slaughters of millions of innocents doeth not the crie of the poore succourlesse ascend vnto the heauens Hath God forgotten to bee gracious to the workemanship of his owne hands Or shall not his iudgements in a day of visitation by the ministerie of his chosen seruant come on these blood thirstie butchers like raine into a fleete of wooll Aliquando manifesta aliquando occulta semper iusta sunt Dei indicia To leaue this digression It is fit onely for a prince to begin and ende this worke the maintenance and ordering thereof requireth soueraigne power authoritie and commaundement The riuer of Raleana giueth open and free passage any prouision that the Spaniard can make to the contrary notwithstanding for once yeerely the landes neere the riuer be all drowned to conuey men horse munition and victuall for any power of men that shall be sent thither I doe speake it on my soules health as the best testimonie that I can in any cause yeelde to aâ—erre a trueth that hauing nowe the second time beene in this countrey and with the helpes of time and leisure well aduised my selfe vpon all circumstances to bee thought on I can discerne no suffcient impediment to the contrary but that with a competent number of men her Maiestie may to her and her successours enioy this rich and great empire and hauing once planted there may for euer by the fauour of God holde and keepe it Contra Iudaeos Gentes Subiects I doubt not may through her Maiesties gracious sufferance ioyning their strength together inuade spoyle and ouerrcome it returning with golde and great riches But what good of perpetuitie can followe thereof Or who can hope that they will take any other course then such as tendeth to a priuate and present benefite considering that an Empire once obtained is of congruitie howe and wheresoeuer the charge shall growe to bee annexed vnto the crowne The riches of this place are not fit for any priuate estate no question they will rather prooue sufficient to crosse and couteruaile the Spaniard his proceedings in all partes of Christendome where his money maketh way to his ambition If the necessitie of following this enterprise doth nothing vrge vs because in some cafe better a mischiefe then an inconuenience let the conueniencie thereof somewat mooue vs in respect both of so many Gentlemen souldiers and younger brothers who if for want of employment they doe not die like cloyed cattell in ranke easefulnesse are enforced for maintenance sake â—ometimes to take shamefull and vnlawfull courses and in respect of so many handycraftsmen hauing able bodies that doe liue in cleannesse of teeth and pouertie To sacrifice the children of Beliaâ— vnto the common weale is not to defile the lande with blood because the lowe of God doeth not prohibite it and the execution of iustice requireth it to bee so but yet if the waterboughes that sucke and feede on the iuice and nourishment that the fruitefull branches should liue by are to bee cut downe from the tree and not regarded luckie and prosperous bee that right hande that shall plant and possesse a soyle where â—hey may srucâ—ifie increase and growe to good thrise honourable and blessed bee the memorie of so charitable a deede from one generation to another To conclude your lordship hath payd for the discouerie and search both in your owne person and since by mee You haue framed it and moulded it readie for her Maiestie to set on her seale If either enuie or ignorance or other deuise frustrate the rest the good which shall growe to our enemies and the losse which will come to her Maiestie and this kingdome will after a fewe yeeres shewe it selfe Wee haue more people more shippes and better meanes and yet doe nothing The Spanish king hath had so sweete a taste of the riches thereof as notwithstanding that hee is lorde
potestatem per preâ—enâ—es has literas nostras libentissimè concedimus Quae omnia singula regij nostri sigilli appositione communiri fecimus Deus opt max. coeli terrae conditor regiam Maiestaâ—em vestram diutissimè seruet incolumem Datae in Palatio nostro Grenouici xj mensis Iulij Anno Christi 1596. annoque nostri regni xxxviij The same in English ELizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland the most mightie defendresse of the true christian faith against all that falsely professe the name of Christ c. To the most high and soueraigne Prince the most puissant Gouernour of the great kingdome of China the chiefest Emperour in those parts of Asia and of the Ilands adioyning and the great monarke of the orientall regions of the world wisheth health and many ioyfull and happy yeeres with all plenty and abundance of things most acceptable Whereas our honest and faithfull subiects which bring these letters vnto your Highnesse Richard Allot Thomas Bromâ—field marchants of our citâ—e of London in our foresaid kingdome of England haue made most earnest suit vnto vs that we would commend their desires and indeuours of sayling to the regions of your Empire for traffiques sake whereas also the fame of your kingdome so strongly and prudâ—ntly gouerned being dispersed and published ouâ—r the face of the whole earth hath inuited these our subiects not onely to visite your Highnesse dominions but also to permit themselues to be ruled and gouerned by the lawes and constitutions of your kingdome during the time of their aboad in those partes of the world as it becommeth marchants who for â—â—change of marchandize are desirous to trauell vnto regions so farre distant and not hithâ—rto sufficiâ—ntly knowen vnto these nations of the world hauing this regard onely that they may present their wares and certaine eâ—amples or musters of diuers kinds of marchandizes wherewith the regions of our dominions do abound vnto the view of your Highnesse and of your subiects that they may indeuour to know whether here be any other marchandize with vs fit for your vse which according to the honest lawfull custome of traffique in all countries they may exchange for other commodities whereof in the parts of your Empire there is great plentie both naturall and artificiall We yeelding vnto the most reasonable requests of these honest men because we doe suppose that by this most iust intercourse of traffique no inconuenience nor losse but rather most eâ—ceeding benefite will redound vnto the Princes and subiects of both kingdomes while by the carrying foorth of those commodities wherâ—with we abound and the bringing home of others which we want wee may on either side at most easie rates helpe and inrich one another doe craue of your most sour raigne Maiestie that these our subiects when they shall come for traffiques sake vnto any the stations portes places townes or cities of your Empire they may haue full and free libertie of egresse and regresse and of dealing in trade of marchandize with your subiects may by your Highnesse clemency most firmely enioy all such freedomes immunities and priuileges as are vsually granted to the subiects of other Princes which exercise traffique in your dominions and we on the other side will not onely performe all the offices of a well-willing Prince vnto your Highnesse but also for the greater increase of mutuall loue and commerce between vs and our subiects by these present letters of ours doe most willingy grant vnto all and euery your subiects if it shall seeme good vnto your Highnesse full and entire libertie vnto any of the partes of our dominions to resort there to abide and traffique and thence to returne All and euery of which premisses we haue caused to be confirmed by annering hereunto our royall seale God most mercifull and almighty the Creator of heauen and earth continually protect your kingly Maiestie Giuen in ouâ— palace at Greenwich the 11 of the moneth of Iuly in the yeere Christ 2596â— and the eight and thirtie yeere of our reigne THREE SEVERALL TESTIMONIES CONcerning the mighty kingdom of Coray tributary to the king of China and borthering vpon his Northeast frontiers called by the Portugâ—â—â—s Coria and by them esteemed at the first an Iland but since found to adioyne with the maine not many dayes iourney from Paqui the Metropolitan citie of China The more perfect discouery whereoâ— and of the coast of Tartaria Northward may in time bring great light if not full certaintie either of a Northwest or a Northeast passage from Europe to those rich countries Collected out of the Portugale Iesuites yeerely laâ—onian Epistleâ— dated 1590 1591 1592 1594 c. The first testimony containing a resolute determination of Quaâ—acondoâ—o the great Monarch of all Iapan to inuade and conquere China by the way of Coray being a couâ—try diuided from the Iles of Iapan onely by an armâ— of the sea about twentie leagues broad and abounding with victuals and all other nâ—cessaries for the maintenance of the warres Out of the Epistles of father Frier Lewâ—s Frois dated 1590. QVabacondono hauing subdued all the petic kingdomes of Iapan in the yeere 〈◊〉 our Lord 1590 as father Frier Lewis Frois writeth in his Iaponian Epistles of the foresaid yeere grew so proud and insolent that he seemed anotheâ— Lucifer so farre foorth that he made a solemne vow and otheâ— that he would passe the sea in his owne person to conquere China and for this purpose hee made great preparations saying that since hee is become Lorde of all Iapan he hath nothing now to doe but to conquere China and that although he should end his lifâ— in that enterprize he is not to giue ouer the same For he hopeth to leaue behinde him hereby so great fame glorie and renowne as none may be comparable thereunto And though hee could not conquere the same and should ende his life in the action yet should he alwayes remaine immortall with this glory And if God doth not cut him off it is thought verily that hee will throughly attempt the same And for his more secure passage thither he is determined to leauâ— behinde him two Gouernours after his maner in the parts of Mâ—acó with the administration of Finqua and of those of his Monarchie he saith that he will take with him all the great Iaponish Lords or at the least all his principall subiectsâ— and leaue in his dominions such guard and garisons as shall seeme best vnto him And so hauing passed the winter he meaneth to come to thesâ— partes of Ximo for from hence he is to set forth his armie to passe to the land of Coray which the Portugales call Coria being deuided from Iapan with an arme of the sea And although the Portugales in times past thought that it was an Ile or Peninsula yet is it firme lande which ioyneth vnto the kingdome of Paqui And he hath now stricken such a terror with
his name in the countrey of Coray that the king thereof hath sent his ambassadors hither to â—eelde vnto him a kind of homage as he required which ambassadors are now in the city of Miacó And by this Peninsula of Coray he may passe with his army by land in fewe dayes iourney vnto the citie of Paqui being the principall citie where the king of China hath his residence And as the Chinians be weake and the people of Iapan so valiant and feared of them if God doth not cut him off in this â—xpedition it may fall out according to his expectation But whatsoeuer become of China it is held for a certaintie that his comming will cause great alterations in these partes of Ximo especially in this kingdom of Figen wherein are the princedomes of Arima and Oâ—uâ—a and all the â—orce of our Christianity and he told Don Protasio when he was with him once before that he would make him a great man in China and that he would remooue these lordesâ— and deliuer thâ—ir gouernments vnto lordes that were Gentiles which would be the ruine of all this Christianitieâ— neither should wâ— haue any place wherein to remaine For as it is the custome of Iapan in the alterations of estates and kingdomes which they call Cuningaia to remooue all the nobilitie and gentry and to leaue onely the base people and labourers committing them to the gouernment of Ethnicks wee shall hereby also leese our houses and the Christians shall be dispersed with their lordsâ— whom sometimes he handleth in such sort that he giueth them nothing to susâ—eine themselues and so they remaine with all their followers as men banished and vtterly ruined The second Testimonie contaiâ—ing the huge leuâ—es and preparations of Quabacondono as also his warres and conqueâ—ts and he sucâ—esse thereof in the kingdome of Coray Together with a description of the same kingdom and of their trafficke and maner of gouernment and also of the shipping of China Iapan and Coray with mention of certaine isles thereunto adjacent and other particulars very memorable Out of the Epistles of the aforesaid Father Fryer Luis Frois dated 1591 and 1592. ABout this time Quabacondono determining to put his warre against China in execution assembled sundry oâ— his nobles and captaines vnto whom he declared his intent who albeit they were all of a quite contrary opinion yet all of them without any pretense of difficulty approued his determination For he had giuen out that he would not abstaine â—rom this warre although his owne some should rise from death to life and request him yea whosoeuer would mooue any impediment or difficulty in that matter hee would put him to death Wherefore for certaine moneths there was nothing in all places to be seene but prouision of ships armour munition and other necessaries for the warres Quabacondono making a catalogue of all the lordes and nobles his subiects willed euery one of them not a man excepted to accompany him in this expedition inioyning and appointing to each one what numbers they should bring In all these kingdomes of Ximo he hath nominated 4 of his especiall fauourites whom to all mens admiration he will haue to be heads ouer all these new kingdomes notwithstanding that here are 4 others farre more mighty then they Of whom by Gods good prouidence two are Christians to wit Augustine Eucunocamindono gouernour of half the kingdom of Fiâ—ga Cainocami the sou of Quambioindono gouernour of the greater part of the kingdome of Bugen The other two are Ethniques namely Toranosuque gouernour of the halfe of the kingdom of Finga and Augustins mortall enemie and Iconocami gouernour of the residue of the kingdome of Bugen and an enemie both to Augustine and Caâ—nocami And Quabacondono hath commanded all the Christian lordes of Tâ—ximo to follow Christian gouernours Whereupon the lord Protasius was there with 2000 souldiers Omurandono the lord of Ceuxima and Augustins sonne in law which lately became a Christian with a thousand Also he appointed that the gouernours of Firando and Goto should follow Augustine who albeit they were Gentiles had many Christians to their subiects Wherefore Augustine was to conduct 15000 souldiers besides mariners slaues and other base people to cary the baggage of the army all which being as great a number as the former so soone as they arriued in the kingdom of Coray were made souldiers and bore armes Unto the said Augustine Quabacondono in token of singular fauour granted the first assault or inuasion of the kingdome of Coray to wit that he onely with his forces might enter the same the other lordes remaining in Ceâ—xima which is 18 leagues distant from Coray till they should bee aduertized from Augustine which thing procured vnto Augustine great enuie and disdaine from them all howbeit as you shall forthwith vnderstand it prooued in the end most honourable vnto him The other Christian gouernour Cainocami being but a yong man of 23 yeeres he commanded the king of Bungo to â—ollow with 6000 souldiers so that with the 4000 which hee had before his number amounted vnto 10000 besides mariners and others which caried burthens This was must ioyful newes to vs and to all the Christians Of the Ethnick lords Quabacondono appointed the gouernoâ—â— of Riosogo together with Foranosuque to march with 8000 and likewise the king of Saçeuma and Iconocami with as many And amongst all he gaue the first and chiefe place vnto Augustine All the other souldiers of Iapan hee caused to accompanie his owne person the number of all together as appeared out of a written catalogue amounting to three hundreth thousand persons of whom two hundred thousand were souldiers The order prescribed in this whole armie was that first they should make their entâ—ance by the kingdome of Coray which is almost an island one ende whereof ioyneth vpon the maine lande of China which though it be a seuerall kingdome of it selfe â— yet is it subiect and tributarie vnto the king of China And because this kingdom of Coray is diuided but by an aâ—me of the sea â—roÌ„ Iapan Quabacondono determined to subdue the same for that it so aboundeth with victuals that from thence he might the easâ—ier inuade China While all things were preparing it was commanded that at the chief port of Ximo called Nangoia being twelue leagues distant from Fiâ—ando there should be erected a mightie great castle where Quabacondono with all his fleet was minded to stay till newes were brought of the successe of the aforesaid 4 gouernours or captaines Hee appointed also another castle to bee built in Fuchinoxima which is another island situate betweene Nangoia and Ceuxima And he built a third castle in Ceuxima that his passage might be the more commodious The charge of building these castles he imposed vpon the 4 aforesaid gouernoursâ— and commanded the other lords of Ximo their associates to assist them all which so applyed that busines that in 6 moneths space it was wholly finished
Princes of Iapan to appeare and to sweare obedience vnto this his nephew Who with great pompe going vnto the Dairi to receiue that dignitie at his hande had surrendred vnto him the Castle of Miacó and the palaces of Quabacondono to dwell in Thus at the beginning of the third moone he set forward on his iourney to Nangoia hauing before giuen order that Augustine should passe ouer into the kingdome of Coray and that his other Captaines should remayne in Ceuxima Wherefore the twentieth day of the third Moone hee came vnto Nangoia where the companies of the other lordes beeing numbered were founde to bee 200000. persons besides those that were conducted by the foure foresayde gouernours In the meane season Augustine with his forces and with a Fleete of eight hundred Ships arriued at Coray In whose armie the lord Protasius excelled all others for though hee had but the leading of 2000. souldiers yet for the goodnesse of his armour and the beautie of his ships he was admired of all men At their very first entrance they wonne 2. castles of the kingdome of Coray by maine force wherein the Corayans reposed great confidence for they where enuironed with mighty high walles and defended with great multitudes of souldiers and with a kinde of gunnes of 2. spannes and ½ long which in stead of bullets discharged with a terrible noise woodden arrowes headed with forked points of yron but the sayd gunnes beeing able to hurt but a small distance off and the Iaponians being furnished with brazen ordinance vnknowen vnto the Corayans they presently draue them from their walles and with ladders made for the same purpose of great canes they forthwith scaled the same and planted their ensignes thereon the Corayans indeed for a short time making resistance but after a while betaking themselues to dishonorable flight 5000 men of their part being slaine and of Augustines but 100. and 400. wounded Augustine perceiuing that the Corayans could not endure any long assault determined to take vpon himselfe and his armie the whole burthen and honour of this warre and not staying for the gouernours his associates to â—â—â—h vp into the heart of the kingdome and to the principall City vnto which determination all the lordes that were with him gaue their consent This was no doubt a bolde yea and in some sort a rash enterprise of Augustine but yet it argueth a wise and valiant minde in him But this long delay was so grecuous to the Captaines which in Ceuxima expected the successe of the warre that before they heard any newes at all concerning the surprize of the two Castles they brought Augustine in suspition among their friends that hee ambitiously affected the honour of the whole warre Which thing beeing knowen vnto Quabacondono he was so troubled in mind euen before he came to Nangoia that suddenly hee commaunded the other Captaines to set sayle from Ceuxima But when Quabacondono was come to Nangoia and heard newes of the two Castles taken and that Augustine pursuing the victorie proceeded on towards the Miacó that is to say The kingly citie of Coray and was determined to inuade the same also all which Augustine himselfe wrote and requested him to send the other captaines and commanders to assayle the kingdom on aâ— sides and to furnish the castles which he had taken and should take with garisons of souldiers because as yet he had not men enough to hold those fortresses which he had wonne he was surprized with such vnspeakable ioy as he affirmed openly that in all Iapan he had no subiect comparable to Augustine and that neither Nabunanga nor himselfe euer knewe any man indued with so valiant and couragious a mind I saith he knowing against whâ—m and with what forces I waged warre subdued by litle and litle all Iapan vnto me but Augustine in so short a time and with so small forces hath boldely set his foote in a forren region and with most glorious victory hath subdued the mightie kingdome of Coray Wherefore quoth he I will reward him with many kingdomes and wil make him neâ—t vnto my selfe the greatest Prince in all Iapan Hee added farther that now his owne sonne seemed to bee risen from the death and that whosoeuer durst either disgrace or extenuate the deedes of Augustine he would grieuously punish him not respecting whether hee did it vpon reason or malice By this speach the name and report of Augustine grew so honourable amongst all men that thâ—se which most enuied his estate durst not speake one ill worde of him but highly commended him before Quabacondono This kingdome of Coray extendeth in length about 100. and in bredth 60. leagues And albeit the inhabitants in nation language and strength of body which maketh the people of China to dread thâ—m be different from the Chinians yet because they pay tribute to the king of China and exercise traffique with his subiects they doe after a sort imitate the Lawes apparell customes and gouernement of the Chinians They border on one side vpon the Tartars and other nations with whom sometimes they haue peace and sometimes warre but with the Chinians they haue continuall peace They are speciall good bow-men but at other weapons because they haue but few and those bad they are nothing so skilfull Wherefore they are not comparable to the Iaponians who by reason of their warres are continually exercised in armes and are by nature more couragious and valiant being furnished with yron-peeces with lances and with excellent swordes Onely in shipping they are inferiour to the Corayans and Chinians by reason of the hugenesse of their Ships which they vse vpon the sea Wherefore if they were to ioyne battels by sea there is no doubt but that both the foresayde Nations would bâ— too hard for them But now because they knewe nothing of the comming of the Iaponian armie or for that they doubted that their sea-forces were the stronger or els because God was determined to punish them he suffered them to be destitute of all the defence of their shipping so that the Iaponians without any resistance landed vpon their dominions Now the fame of Augustines victory causing the armie notably to increase and the Mariners and many others which caryed burthens as they were trained vp in warre from thâ—ir childhood bearing armes while the Corayan captiues supplied their baser offices so great a terrour possessed all the people of Coray where Augustine came that all the castles and fortresses which hee passed by were forsaken by their garisons and all men fled for refuge to the principall ciâ—y And while other commanders and Christians sent from Ceuxima and Nangoia shaped their course for Coray Augustine had pitâ—hed his campe neere vnto the foresaid principall citie of the which being come within 3. dayes iourney â—e was encountered by 20000. men whom at the very first assault hauing slaine 3000. of them hee put to flight But approching very neere vnto the citie and hauing
Corayans issuing foorth of the woods Many of the Corayans also haue retired themselues vnto the neighbour-islands from whence with numbers of great ships to the mighty losse of the Iaponians they assaile their small and weake ones and haue already sunke many of them Wherefore all the Iaponian lords which remaine in Coray haue written vnto Quabacondono that his army must for a certaine time in no wise remooue from the place where it is â—or auoyding of such imminent dangers as in proceeding further it may incurre Upon these aduertisements Quabacondono being ready to take his iourney to Coray to diuide the whole kingdome was hindred from his purpose and sent most friâ—ndly letters to all his nobles willing them to be of good cheere for that he would not deale about altering of their estates till 3. yeres were expired whereupon they were cased of eâ—ceeding great care and griefe For albeit there is no great trust to be giuen to his words yet we hope that this yere he wil not meddle what he wil doe afterward God knoweth In Coray at this present there are aboue 200000â— Iaponian souldiers who at the commandement of Quabacondono are diuided throughout the whole kingdom Augustine lieth vpon the very extreame frontiers of China but because the Chinians are separated from the kingdome of Coray with a mighty riuer of 3. leagues broad and abound with great ships and haue planted innumerable troopes of men vpon the shore the successe of the warre remayneth most doubtfull and vncertaine Neither doe wee know whether the Iaponians will proceede any farther this yeere or no. The third testimony of Coray signifying amongst other notable and politicall obseruations the later successe of the warres of Iapan against Coray and to what end Quabacondono still mainteineth garisons in that kingdome Out of the Epistles of Father Organtino Brixiano bearing date from Iapan Anno 1594. THe whole Empire of Iapan is now in the handes of this king Quabacondono and which hath not bene knowen since the first creation thereof there is not the bredth of one foote throughâ—ut all the whole Island which is not absolutely subiect vnto him And hee reigneth in so great peace and tranquilitie that if his successors follow the same course of gouernment there is no likelihood of future sedition or perturbaâ—ion in any of the kingdoms And doubtles the meanes which he vseth to establish continuall peace and concord among the Iaponians are very great and effectuall One is that after he hath passed his publique promise he neuer putteth any of his aduersaries to death which his predecessour Nabunanga performed not for he hauing subdued any kingdom would put all the lords and gouernours to the sword But this king granteth vnto them not only life but also yerely reuenues whereby to maintaine themsâ—lues in an honest and meane estate in which regarde they all rest contented and willingly submit themselues Anoâ—her is in that he hath brought the husbandmen and pesants by whose assistance wealth all the pety-kingdoms were after a sort sustâ—ined vnto such extreme pouerty that they haue scarce wherewithall to keepe life and soule together as likewise hee hath bereaued them of all kinde of weapons The third is because hee hath most streightly forbidden all contentions seditions frayes and skirmishes For whosoeuer be found culpable of this crime they dye euery mâ—n of them on both parties If any escape by flightâ— their kinsefolks are punished in their stead and for lacke of them their seruants and for defalt of both their next neighbours If many were guilty many are punished and suffer death but hence it commeth to passe that many innocent persons are constrained to die And this seueritie is the cause why there are at this present so seldome frayes and contentions in Iapan The fourth is that in administring of iustice hee is most vpright without all respect either to his owne kinred or to his ancient captaines or the blood royall or any of the Bonzij bee they neuer so famous and being once aduertized of a crime hee pardoneth no man And albeit himselfe is exceedingly addicted to womâ—n yet will he permit none of his subiects to haue any concubines For which cause not many dayes agoe hee banished a Bonzio of great wealth being in alliance and dignitie most neere vnto himselfe And being informed that all the Bonzij of Miacó kept concubines hee would haue put them all to death had not the gouernour of Miacó promised that hee would vndertake to keepe them from offending any more in that kinde Wherefore hee caused all the Bonzij euery moneth to bee sworne that they should liue honestly vpon paine of death as also hee hath sworne the heads or superiors of all their religious houses vnder paine of death â—o giue vp their names whom they most suspect of the foresayd crime Hence it is that all of them if you regard their outward estate liue in exâ—reme feare The fift is for that hee suffereth none of his souldiers nor his great lordes to liue in idlenesse If there be no warrâ—s for their imployment hee occupieth them in building of stately palaces and in raising new forâ—râ—sses or in repairing and strengthening of olde and also in performing other notable workes to the ornament of Iapan and to his owne lasting honour So that at this present neere vnto Miacó there are thirtiâ— thousand men imployed about the building of one castle and in the citie of Bozacca aboue an hundred thousand which imployments afforde them neither place nor time to practise any rebellions The sixt is his altering of gouernments for hee remooueth his gouernours from one extreme part of Iapan to another The seuenth for that vnto his souldiers besides the ordinarie pay continually allotted vnto them for their seruice in time of warre hee alloweth victuals at his owne costes Wherof it commeth to passe that hee effecteth whatsoeuer hee thinkes good by their meanes Neither hath hee hitherto waged any warre wherein his enemie was not vanquished according to his owne desire this late warre of China onely excepted which farre surmounted all his forces Howbeit in the kingdome of Coray hee maintaineth as yet great garisoâ—s as well to keepe his honour as to constraine the Chinians to sue for peace The eighth is in that hee curbeth and restraineth persons of ambitious and aspiring mindes who as hee coniectureth after his death might worke some innouatioâ—s in the common wealth or disturbe the kingdomes The ninth is because hee hath on no side within foure or fiue dayes iourney of Miacó any mightie or industrious captaine or gouernour The tenth and last is for that hee hath brought his yeerely râ—uenues to two millions of gold By these courses and meanes wee are in good hope that firme peace will bee established in all these kingdomes and also that a fit way will be prepared for the conuersion of all the great lordes vnto Christian religion A briefe note concerning an extreme Northerne
offers of the king to our English merchants A good prouiso The Emperor of Maroco his priuileges to the English Thomas Stukeley was wrongfully indued with this title Fuquien Cincâ—o Cantan Cheqâ—eâ—m Xutiamfu Chelim Quianciâ— or Quinzi â—achin Their moneths Loutea Châ—an or Chaen Ponchiâ—ssi Anchiassi or Heâ—â—si Tâ—zi Taissuâ— Licentiates Doctors We that is the Italians and Spaniards After the Dutch fashion Pythagorean like The Italians call it the strapadoâ— A pilloâ—y boord Of like the first lenders be the more wealthie Fuquieo Hereâ—â—â—oforeâ— Parai Tamen the pâ—oper name of China Pochâ—n oâ— Pachin Their enemies Mariage of the kiâ—â—s children 〈◊〉 speaketh 〈◊〉 â—re of all 〈◊〉 but o◠〈…〉 s for 〈…〉 places 〈◊〉 beg 〈◊〉 â—s 〈…〉 ready◠〈◊〉 ming 〈◊〉 of trees 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 He speaketh of Fuquien shire Alà s Ceâ—â—bi The Kings reuenuâ—e Parai Fish poudered with peper ☞ Great ships comming from the North. * That is their temples It should seeme by their voyage to be Cardandan in Ortelius ☞ A Northerne Sea It seemeth they came vp the riuer from the Caspian sea At Cacan Riuers ouer-frosen in China Ali Auoins Tartars Mount Vsont Mogores Blewes of great price in China Brames Southward from Chenchi to the sea Auoins Chenchi Goa is a city of the Portugals in the East Indies Odericus writeth of the like Great store of â—ner mynes Petrus Maffeius de rebus Iaponicis But his almes are very good Inambuxu Genguis A warrelike people 300 leagues to the North of Meaco The Iapanish funerals They burnâ— their dead Aâ—â—â— De reb Iabâ—â— 4â— Santianum The situation and liâ—â—tes of China Chinian Cosmographers The rich reuenues of the king of China Fifteene great prouinces in China The seats roiall all of the king of China The warlike munitions of China a marueilous wall Abundance of â—nhabitants 〈◊〉 China Cities and townes The Chinian riuers greatly inhabited Holesome aâ—re plenty peace in China Chinian sâ—orâ—esâ— The city of Coanchesu aliaÌ„s Cantam Great abundance of gold in China Great store of siluer Pearles Great store of silke in China Silke brought into Iapon Spices Camphire muske Cotton-wooll whereof Calicut-cloth is made Three qualities of porcellan Plants Sugar China in a maner destitute of corne wine oile Chinian maps The dispositions maners of the Chinians Their loyaltie vnto their superiours Their laborious industry Painting Gunnes Printing Nauigation The Tartars tyranized ouer China Military discipline The literature of China Three degrees in learning The first degree The second degree The third and highest degree Note the extraordinary honor vouchsaâ—ed by the great King of China vpon his lâ—â—rned graduates Naturall philosophy Excellent astronomers in China The politike gouernment of China Three principall magistrates in ech prouince Two Senates or Counsels coÌ„tinually holden in China The causes of peace in China Learning the only step to honour in China The stately forâ—idable procession of the Chinian magistrates The houses of the Chinian magistrates The magistrates barges The maner of electing magistrates in China Degrees vnto honour Kiding post Martiall dignities The king of China Van-Sui The succession of the crowne The kingâ— yonger brethren Twelue chariots The idolatrous religion of the king The ciuill gouernment of China most agreeable to the instance of nature The fiue vertues principally esteemed among the Chinians â—rbanity The Chinians great piety towards their parents A memorable story The religion of China Three principall sectes among the Chinians Confucius authour of the first sect The summe of Confucius his doctrine Xequiam author of the second sect whose followers ar called Ceâ— or Bonzi Note The third sect The superstition of the Saraceni Christian religion planted in China An ancient custome worthy y e obseruation The Chinians contemne other nations The variation of the compasse Signes about the Cape of Boâ—a Speransa Fishes on the sea coast of Aâ—â—â—ca Note Corall Two wayes beyond y e capâ— of Good hoâ—e They coÌ„monly saile from Lisbon to Goa in 5 moneths Running seas very dangerous Certaine signs of land They arriuâ—d at Goa the 24 of October The coast of India greatly troubled with Moores Abundance of golde siluer pearles precious stones in Pegu. The great gaine of the Portugals in Pegu. Pegu the best richest countrey in all the East India A prophesie of an Indian against Spaine Three occasions of sicknes neere the line Agoada de Saldanha Great store of Penguins and Seales Bullocks oxe and sheepe dog-cheape Cape de Buona Speransa doubled Cape dos Corrientes Here they are seuered from the Penelope Foure men slaine with a clap of thunder The Shoulds of S. Laurence Quitangone neere Mozanbique The I le of Comoro 32 of our men betraied at the I le of Comoâ—o Zanzibar Iland A Portugall Factorie in Zanzibar The treason of the Portugals towards the English An excellent place for refreshing A gallie Frigate Another thunder-clap Heat in the head deadly Letting of blood very necessary A Iunco laden with pepper and brugs The currents set â—o the Northward Zocotora The Iles of Mamale Cape Comori doubled 1592. The Iles of Nicubar The Iles of Gomes Polo Sumatra The Iles of Pulo Pinaou Trees fit for mastes Malacca Three Ships of Pegu laden with pepper Martabam Pera. Pulo Sambilam A ship of Negapatan taken A ship of S. Thome The galeon of Malacca of 700 taken Wares fit to carâ— into the East India The kingdom of Iunsalaom Amber-greese The hornes of Abath The female Unicorne Some small quantitie hereof may be caried to pleasure those kings They arriue at the Iles of Nicubar which are inhabited by Moores They returne homeward They arriue at Zeilan Tanaseri in the kingdom of Siam Commodities of Bengala Commodities of Pegu. Commodities of Tanaseri A great current to the Southward A notable reliefe of fishes taken Baia de Agoa They double the Cape of Buona Speransa S. Helena Iohn Segar an Englishman left 18 moneths alone in the I le of Santa Helena A miraculous effect of extreme feare or extreme ioy The descriptioÌ„ of the commodities of the I le of santa Heleâ—a The gulfe of Paria or Bocca del Dragooâ— passed A good note The I le of Mona The I le of Sauona enuironed with flats Cape de Tiberon The old chanel passed They returne backe to the West Indies Fiue English men leâ—t on the Nueblas The ship lost by driuing away Great famine Two ships of Diepe The French trafike in S. Domingo M. Lancaster returneth to Diepe and so to England The Isle of S. Sebastian Râ—o grande Sue Coxe an old English man buried aliue by the Moores of Rio graÌ„de in Guinea The Coâ—igidoâ— of Bilbao taken and brought to London The same in English A letter of Mully Hamet to the Erle of Leicester ‖ Which is with vs 1587. The Queenes letters to the Emperour Iohn Herman an English rebel The gouernor of S. Michael taken prisoner Pedro Sarmiento the gouernour of the Straights of Magelan taken prisoner A ship laden with fish taken
see 1381. Dieth vpon the Assumption of the blessed Uirgin in the port of Bergen in Norway falling downe from a packe of wares into the botome of the ship He was buried at Bergen in the Church of our Sauiour  XVIII Michael a Dane 1385. Entreth his see 1388. Resigneth and saileth into Denmarke  XIX William a Dane 1394. Entereth the Bishopricke  Dieth  XX. Arnerus sirnamed Milldur that is to say Liberall He was at one time Lord President of all Island bishop of Schalholt and vicebishop of Holen 1420. He died 1432. XXI Ionas Gerickson Sueden either sirnamed or borne is made Bishop ouer the Church of Schalholt and afterward for certaine bolde attempts being taken by one Thorualdus de Modruuolium as it is reported and a great stone being bound to his necke hee was cast aliue into the riuer of Schalholt which taketh name of the bridge and was there strangled 1445. XXII Goswinus bishop of Schalholt 1472. XXIII Sueno called y e wise bishop of Schalholt 1489. XXIIII Magnus sonne of Eiolphus Bishop c.  XXV Stephen 1494. Entreth the see Then liuing at one time with Godschalchus bishop of Holen who seemed worthy to be sirnamed cruel he had the same commendations for mercy and iustice that Godschalchus had The Bishops of Holen In the yeere of CHRIST was sent backe vp thâ—m into Norway that the matter might bee set through by the iudgement of the king The king therefore fauouring his part he obteined the bishopricke of Holen  He dieth 1391. XV. Peter  Consecrated the same yere wherein his predecessour departed out of this present life  Entreth the see of Holen 1392. Dieth  XVI Ionas Wilhelmus English Either borne or sir-named  Entred the see 1432. XVII Godschalcus  Died. 1457. XVIII Olaus son of Rogwaldus nephew to the forenamed Godschalcus by the sisters side both of them being Norwayes  He was established 1458. He died 1497. XIX Godschalchus  The nephewe of Olaus deceased by the brothers side also hee being a Noruagian was elected the same yeere wherein his vncle deceased  He entreth the see And for the space of 20. whole yeres is reported cruelly to haue entreated many of the subiects In the yeere 1520. wheÌ„ he was in the midst of his cups and banqueting dishes heard that Ionas Sigismundus was departed out of this life whom with his wife and children he had for many yeres most cruelly oppressed he presently fell into a sudden disease and so not long after changed that violence for miserable death which in his whole life he had vsed against his distressed subiects 1500. XX. Ionas Araesonius  Entreth the see 1525. This man was the last most earnest mainteiner of Popish superstitions Who stoutely withstanding Gysserus and Martinus bishops of Schalholt was commanded by the  In the yeere of CHRIST The Bishops of Schalholt 1519. He died or thereabout  XXVI Augmundus 1522. Chosen in the yeere wherein Stephen deceased Entreth the see  While he was Bishop the kings Lieu-tenant with some of his followers being inuited to Schalholt in the time of the banquet was slaine by certaine conspirators because hee had in all places wickedly wasted the inhabitants and their goods But Augmundus as the authour of that murther although he purged himselfe with an othe being transported into Denmarke there ended his life  XXVII Gysserus 1540. Elected Augmundus yet liuing 1541. Entred the see 1544. He was the abolisher of Popish traditions about Priests marriages his owne mariage being solemnized at Schalholt  XXVIII Martinus 1547. Bishop c And the yeeres folowing  XXIX Gislaus Ionas 1556. 1587. This man presently in the time of bishop Augmund began in his youth to be enflamed with y e loue of true pietie of the pure doctrine of the Gospel being pastour of the Church of Selardal diligently to aduance the same by which meanes he did so procure vnto himselfe y t hatred of Papists as being coÌ„streined to giue place vnto their craft crueltie he departed ouer to Hamâ—urg from whence coÌ„ming to Copen Hagen in Denmarke painefully proceeding in his former study of diuinitie he liued in the familiaritie and fauour of many but specially of D. D. Peter Palladius who was at that time bishop there Afterward returning into his countrey Martine gaue place vnto him of his owne accord This man died also hauing for the space of 31. yeres or there abouts professed the Gospel of Iesus Christ neither did he helpe further the Church of God by the sound of his voice onely but by all other meanes to the vtmost of his abilitie by teaching preaching writing by his wealth his counsel  XXX Otto Enerus a graue godly and learned man 1588. Being chosen he departeth his country 1589. Hee is consecrated returneth and entreth the sea endeuouring himselfe in the labours of his function The Bishops of Holen In the yeere of CHRIST most religious king Christan the 3. vnder paine of banishment to come with all speed into Denmarke But neglecting the kings commaundement hee tooke Martine bishop oâ— Schalholt and committed him toward At length he himselfe also being taken by a man of great name whom before that time it is saide he had prouoked and being brought to Schalholt was together with his two sonnes by the authoritie of the kings Lieutenant beheaded In reuenge whereof not long after the saide Lieu-tenant with some of his company was villanously slaine by certaine roysters which were once seruants to the parties beheaded 1551. XXI Olaus Hialterus  Departed his countrey 1552. Entreth the see 1553. This man being as yet in the life time of his predecessour fellow-labourer with him was the first that kindled the loue of sincere doctrine at Holen in the hearts of many and then being bishop did openly teache and defend the said doctrine He died 1568. XXII Gudbrandus Thorlacius  The ornament not onely of his age but of posteritie also who besides that by the direction of the holy spirit he hath most notably brought thâ— worke begunne and left vnto him by his predecessour Olaus to that perfectioÌ„ which it hath pleased God to vouchsafe namely his labours and diligence in maintayning the trueth of the Gospel and in abolishing of Popish superstitions euen in this his countrey hee is the first that hath established a Printing house For which cause his countrey besides for many other books translated into our mother tongue shal be eternally bounden vnto him that the sacred Bible also by his meanes is fairely printed in the language of Island Hee I say being at this present Bishop when he was about to take his charge  Departed his countrey 1570. Returned and entred the see of Holen 1571. IN these times therefore light is restored vnto our soules from heauen and the gate of the kingdome of heauen is opened vnto vs by the sincere preaching of Christian doctrine For
in either of the Bishops seats there is a free schoole founded by the liberality and pietie of that most renoumed King of Denmarke Christian the third and afterward the sonne following the godly steppes of his most Christian father the said Free schooles by Lord Friderick the second our most religious King being called vp to his heauenly countrey in the yeare 1588 haue beene encreased and furthered which at this day also doe prosper and flourish by the fauour and authoritie of the most gracious King and our Prince Christian the fourth wherein the youth of our Islande being instructed in the rudiments of liberall artes and sacred diuinitie are trained vp to knowledge and true godlinesse that from hence ministers of Churches may proceede We are come at length in the register of the Bishops of Island downe to this present day wherein the forenamed excellent men Gudbrandus Thorlacius and Otto Enerus the one at Holen and the other at Schalholt are Bishops of our Cathedrall Churches both of which men that it would please God long to preserue vnto his Church in health and life for the glorie of his most holy name we all doe earnestly and with feruent prayers beseech him The second section They inhabite for the most part in caues or hollowe places within the sides of mountaines And againe They haue many houses and Churches built with the bones of fishes and Whales Againe Many of them also to auoide the extremitie of colde doe keepe themselues close in their caues euen as the people of Africa doe to auoyde the heate of the sunne Also Munster sayth Many in Island at this day build their houses with the ribbes and bones of Whales HEre the second member taketh his beginning concerning the course of life and the manners of the inhabitants And first of all what buildings or houses they doe vse namely according to Munster Krantzius Frisius c. Holes and caues of mountaines But although in gorgeous buildings and such other worldly braueries there is very litle helpe to the attayning of a life truely happie notwithstanding wee can not in this place conceale the truth and we plainely affirme that Cosmographers and Historiographers also doe erre in this point For such habitations as they write to be common vnto the whole nation are but in verie fewe places and are either sheepe-cots for shepheards or cottages and receptacles for fishermen at that time of the yeere onely when they goe a fishing and the others stande in neede to watch their flocke But for their houses themselues and the very dwelling places of men the Islanders haue had them built from auncient time stately and sumptuously enough according to the condition of the Countrey with timber stones and turfes vntill such time as traffike and exchange of wares beganne to cease betweene them and the Noruagians who were wont to supply them with timber and for that cause nowe our houses beginne to decay whenas neither we haue woods conuenient for building nor yet there are nowe a dayes as there were in olde time trees cast vpon our shores by the benefite of the sea which may in any sort relieue vs neither doe outlandish Merchants succour our necessities whereupon many of our meanest countrey villages are much decayed from their auncient integritie some whereof be fallen to the ground and others bee very ruinous Notwithstanding there be many farmes and villages which I cannot easily reckon vp the buildings whereof doe resemble that auncient excellencie the houses being very large both in breadth and length and for the most part in height also As for example farmes or granges which conteine chambers in them more then fiftie cubites in length tenne in breadth and twentie in height And so other roomes as a parler a stoue a butterie c. answering in proportion vnto the former I could here name mâ—ny of our countrie buildings both large and wide neither ilfauoured in shewe nor base in regarde of their workemanship and costly firmenesse or strength with certaine Churches also or religious houses built of timber onely aâ—cording to auncient and artificiall seemelinesse and beautie as the Cathedrall Church of Holen hauing a bodie the fiue pillars whereof on both sides be foure elnes high and about fiue elnes thicke as also beames and weather-bourdes and the rest of the roofe proportionally answering to this lower building Our most gracious King Lord Frederick whose memory is most sacred vnto vs in the yere 1588. did most liberally bestow timber for the reedifying of this body being cast downe in the yere 1584. by an horrible tempest But the Church it selfe doth manifestly exceed the body thereof in all quantity also the inner part of the Church which is commonly called the quier is somwhat lesse both then the middle part of the Church and also then the bodie The Church of Schalholt was farre greater as I haue heard in olde time then this our Cathedrall which hauing now beene twise burnt is brought to a lesser scantling Likewise there be some other Churches of our Iland although not matching yet resembling the auncient magnificence of these But here the matter seemeth not to require that I should runne into a long description of these things For as wee doe not greatly extoll our houses and buildings so are we nothing ashamed of them because being content with our pouertie we render vnto Christ immortall prayse who despiseth not to be receiued of vs vnder a base roofe and contemneth not our temples and houses which Munster Krantzius and Frisius doe not truely affirme to be built of fishes and Whales bones more then the marble vaults the painted walles the square pauementes and such like ornamentes of Churches and houses in other countries The third section They and their cattell vse all one house all one foode or victuals all one state here Krantzius hath it lodging Also They liue onely by feeding of cattell and sometimes by taking of fishes THese be the things together with those that followe which Krantzius hath champed and put into Munsters mouth so that Munster shall not neede so much as once to chewe them which may appeare by comparing them both together For Munster as hee swallowed these reproches taking them out of Krantzius his preface vpon Norway so he casteth vp the verie same morsels vndigested and rawe against our nation in his fourth booke of Cosmographie cap. 8. Those things which haue beene hitherto although they haue sufficiently grieued vs yet will we let them seeme more tollerable but this most malitious deuise and those which follow we cannot easily brooke It is our part therefore in this place also to auouch the trueth and to turne the leasing vpon the authors owne head House c. First that which they say concerning the same common house as also liuing and state with our cattell we plainely affirme to be false and erronious not onely the truth it selfe being our witnesse if any man would make triall but
make a bargaine and if not they let him alone The vse generally of this Citie is this that when any Marchant hath bought any great quantitie of Rubies and hath agreed for them hee carieth them home to his house let them be of what value they will he shall haue space to looke on them and peruse them two or three dayes and if he hath no knowledge in them he shall alwayes haue many Marchants in that Citie that haue very good knowledge in Iewels with whom he may alwayes conferre and take counsell and may shew them vnto whom he will and if he finde that hee hath not employed his money well hee may returne his Iewels backe to them whom hee had them of wiâ—hout any losse at all Which thing is such a shame to the Tareghe to haue his Iewels returne that he had rather beare a blow on the face then that it should be thought that he solde them so deere to haue them â—eturned For these men haue alwayes great care that they affoord good peniworths especially to those that haue no knowledge This they doe because they woulde not loose their credite and when those Marchants that haue knowledge in Iewels buy any if they buy them deere it is their own faults and not the brokers yet it is good to haue knowledge in Iewels by reason that it may somewhat ease the price There is also a very good order which they haue in buying of Iewels which is this There are many Marchants that stand by at the making of the bargaine and because they shall not vnderstand howe the Iewels be solde the Broker and the Marchants haue their hands vnder a cloth and by touching of fingers and nipping the ioynts they know what is done what is bidden and what is asked So that the standers by knowe not what is demaunded for them although it be for a thousand oâ— 10. thousand duckets For euery ioynt and euery finger hath his signification For if the Marchants that stande by should vnderstand the bargaine it would breede great controuersie amongst them And at my being in Pegu in the moneth of August in Anno 1569. hauing gotten well by my endeuour I was desirous to see mine owne Counâ—rey and I thought it good to goe by the way of S. Tome but then I should tary vntil March. In which iourney I was counsailed yea and fully resolued to go by the way of Bengala with a shippe there ready to depart for that voyage And then wee departed from Pegu to Chatigan a great harbour or port from whence there goe smal ships to Cochin before the flâ—ete depart for Portugall in which ships I was fully determined to goe to Lisbon and so to Venice When I had thus resolued my selfe I went aboord of the shippe of Bengala at which time it was the yeere of Touffon concerning which Touffon ye are to vnderstand that in the East Indies often times there are not stormes as in other countreys but euery 10. or 12. yeres there are such tempests and stormes that it is a thing incredible but to those that haue seene it neither do they know certainly what yeere they wil come Unfortunate are they that are at sea in that yere and time of the Touffon because few there are that escape that danger In this yere it was our chance to be at sea with the like storme but it happened well vnto vs for that our ship was newly ouer-plancked and had not any thing in her saue victuall and balasts Siluer and golde which from Pegu they cary to Bengala and no other kinde of Marchandise This Touffon or cruel storme endured three dayes and three nights in which time it caried away our sailes yards and rudder and because the shippe laboured in the Sea wee cut our mast ouer boord which when we had done she laboured a great deale more then before in such wise that she was almost full with water that came ouer the highest part of her and so went downe and for the space of three dayes and three nights sixtie men did nothing but hale water out of her in this wise twentie men in one place and twentie men in another place and twentie in a thirde place and for all this storme the shippe was so good that shee tooke not one iot of water below through her sides but all ran downe through the hatches so that those sixtie men did nothing but cast the Sea into the Sea And thus driuing too and fro as the winde and Sea would we were in a darke night about foure of the clocke cast on a sholde yet when it was day we could neither see land on one side nor other and knew not where we were And as it pleased the diuine power there came a great waue of the Sea which braue vs beyonde the should And when wee felt the shippe aflote we rose vp as men reuiued because the Sea was calme and smooth water and then sounding we found twelue fadome water and within a while after wee had but sixe fadome and then presently we came to anker with a small anker that was left vs at the sâ—erne for all our other were lost in the storme and by and by the shippe strooke a ground and then wee did prop her that she should not ouerthrow When it was day the shippe was all dry and wee found her a good mile from the Sea on drie land This Touffon being ended we discouered an Island not farre from vs and we went from the shippe on the sands to see what Island it was and wee found it a place inhabited and to my iudgement the fertilest Island in all the world the which is diuided into two parts by a chanell which passeth betweene it with great trouble we brought our ship into the same chanel which patteth the Island at flowing water and there we determined to stay 40. dayes to refresh vs. And when the people of the Island saw the ship and that we were coÌ„ming a land presently they made a place of bazar or a market with shops right ouer against the ship with all maner of prouision of victuals to eate which they brought downe in great abundance and sold it so good cheape that we were amazed at the cheapenesse thereof I bought many salted kine there for the prouision of the ship for halfe a Larine a piece which Larine may be 12. shillings sixe pence being very good and fat and 4. wilde hogges ready dressed for a Larine great fat hennes for a Bizze a piece which is at the most a penuie and the people told vs that we were deceiued the halfe of our money because we bought things so deare Also a sacke of fine rice for a thing of nothing and consequently all other things for humaine sustenance were there in such aboundance that it is a thing incredible but to them that haue seene it This Island is called Sondiua belonging to the kingdome of Bengala
distant 120. miles from Chatigan to which place wee were bound The people are Moores and the king a very good man of a Moore king for if he had bin a tyrant as others be he might haue robbed vs of all because the Portugall captaine of Chatigan was in armes against the Retor of that place euery day there were some slaine at which newes we rested there with no smal feare keeping good watch and ward aboord euery night as the vse is but the gouernour of the towne did comfort vs and bad vs that we should feare nothing but that we should repose our selues securely without any danger although the Portugales of Chatigan had slaine the gouernour of that City and said that we were not culpable in that fact and moreouer he did vs euery day what pleasure he could which was a thing contrary to our expectations considering that they the people of Chatigan were both subiects to one king We departed from Sondiua came to Chatigan the great port of Bengala at the same time when the Portugales had made peace and taken a truce with the gouernours of the towne with this condition that the chiefe Captaine of the Portugales with his ship should depart without any lading for there were then at that time 18. ships of Portugales great and small This Captaine being a Gentleman and of good courage was notwithstanding contended to depart to his greatest hinderance rather then hee would seeke to hinder so many of his friends as were there as also because the time of the yeere was spent to go to the Indies The night before he departed euery ship that had any lading therein put it aboord of the Captaine to helpe to ease his charge and to recompence his courtesies In this time there came a messenger from the king of Rachim to this Portugal Captaine who saide in the behalfe of his king that hee had heard of the courage and valure of him desâ—â—ing him gently that he would vouchsafe to come with the ship into his port and comming thither he should be very wel intreated This Portugal went thither and was very well satisfied of this King This King of Rachim hath his seate in the middle coast betweene Bengala and Pegu and the greatest enemie he hath is the king of Pegu which king of Pegu deuiseth night and day how to make this king of Rachim his subiect but by no meanes hee is able to doe it because the king of Pegu hath no power nor armie by Sea And this king of Rachim may arme two hundreth Galleyes or Fusts by Sea and by land he hath certaine sluses with the which when the king of Pegu pretendeth any harme towards him hee may at his pleasure drowne a great part of the Countrey So that by this meanes hee cutteth off the way whereby the king of Pegu should come with his power to hurt him From the great port of Chatigan they cary for the Indies great store of Rice very great quantitie of Bombast cloth of euery sort Suger corne and money with other marchandize And by reason of the warres in Chatigan the Portugall ships caried there so long that they arriued not at Cochin so soone as they were wont to doe other yeeres For which cause the fleete that was at Cochin was departed for Portugal before they arriued there and I being in one of the small shippes before the fleete in discouering of Cochin we also discouered the last shippe of the Fleete that went from Cochin to Portugall where shee made saile for which I was maruelously discomforted because that all the yeere following there was no going for Portugale and when we arriued at Cochin I was fully determined to goe for Venice by the way of Ormus and at that time the Citie of Goa was besieged by the people of Dialcan but the Citizens forced not this assault because they supposed that it would not continue long For all this I imbarked my selfe in a Galley that went for Goa meaning there to shippe my selfe for Ormus but when we came to Goa the Viceroy would not suffer any Portugal to depart by reason of the warres And being in Goa but a small time I fell sicke of an infirmitie that helde mee foure moneths which with phisicke and diet cost me eight hundreth duckets and there I was constrained to sell a smal quantitie of Rubies to sustaine my neede and I solde that for fiue hundreth duckets that was worth a thousand And when I beganne to waxe well of my disease I had but little of that money left euery thing was so scarse For euery chicken and yet not good cost mee seuen or eight Liuers which is sixe shillings or sixe shillings eight pence Beside this great charges the Apothecaries with their medicines were no small charge to me At the ende of sixe moneths they raised the siege and then I beganne to worke for Iewels were risen in their prices for whereas before I sold a few of refused Rubies I determined then to sell the rest of all my Iewels that I had there and to make an other voyage to Pegu. And for because that at my departure from Pegu Opium was in great request I went then to Cambaya to imploy a good round summe of money in Opium and there I bought 60. percels of Opium which cost me two thousand a hundreth duckets euery ducket at foure shillings two pence Moreouer I bought three bales of Bombast cloth which cost me eight hundred duckats which was a good coÌ„moditie for Pegu when I had bought these things the Viceroy commanded that the custome of the Opium should be paide in Goa and paying custome there I might cary it whither I would I shipped my 3. bales of cloth at Chaul in a shippe that went for Cochin and I went to Goa to pay the aforesaid custome for my Opium and from Goa I departed to Cochin in a ship that was for the voyage of Pegu and went to winter then at S. Tome When I came to Cochin I vnderstood that the ship that had my three bales of cloth was cast away and lost so that I lost my 800. Serafins or duckats and departing from Cochin to goe for S. Tome in casting about for the Island of Zeilan the Pilote was deceiued for that the Cape of the Island of Zeilan lieth farre out into the sea and the Pilot thinking that he might haue passed hard aboord the Cape and paying roomer in the night when it was morning we were farre within the Cape and past all remedy to go out by reason the winds blew so fiercely against vs. So tâ—at by this meanes we lost our voyage for that yere and we went to Manar with the ship to winter there the ship hauing lost her mastes and with great diligence we hardly saued her with great losses to the Captaine of the ship because he was forced to fraight another ship in S. Tome for Pegu with great losses