Commonwealth of Venice hath gotten an excellent Government but was not at first governed by those Laws which she now is But diversity of Occasions have opened the way to the wisdom of many of her Citizens who adding new Orders to the old have brought her to such a height of perfection Which might the easilier be done because that City was free-born and was from the very beginning ordered according to the true Civil end to wit to Peace and Concord and to the Union of her Citizens But on the contrary other modern Republicks the Cities wherein such Governments were formed having been formerly long accustomed to obey Emperors since they got their Liberty by many Accidents they knew not as not being well acquainted therewith how to use it by reason of the Citizens various dispositions of mind So as wheeling often about with an uncertain Form of Government they in process of time return'd under the command of one These Considerations being applied to the City of Rome will prove that the prudence of her Citizens though they were very wise and valiant men was not sufficient to reduce her to a perfect Form of Commonwealth but they might have amended many great disorders in her which did much shorten her life For he who will consider the conditions of the people of Rome will find them to be such as no Form of Government could better agree with them then a Popular State for they were all warlike men bred up even from the very first foundation of the City in the exercise of Arms. And though a Commonwealth may be formed amongst these which may have a certain similitude to an Aristocratical State when the Citizens being governed by certain Laws partake every man more or less of that Government according to their worth For Military discipline hath a certain species of Vertue though it be none of those that do immediately serve to purchase the ultimate end of a City yet this Government is very seldom met with and though it want the true and proper Form is commonly called by the usual name of a Commonwealth So as though at first the City of Rome leaned much thereunto in a short time the People had a great share therein who not knowing how to moderate themselves made it grow licentious But he who will look back even to her first beginning will find that the Peoples authority did thereby ever increase together with the City For the Peoples power and liberty was great not only after the driving out of the Tarquins but even when it was commanded by Kings that City seeming even from that time to be naturally more disposed to the Form of a Commonwealth then of a Kingdom For after the death of Romulus the People being powerful as having the weapons in their hand and as being the first Founders of that City usurped the authority of choosing Kings who on the contrary side that they might the better confirm themselves in their new Kingdom endeavoured to accommodate themselves to the nature of the People and to purchase their love by granting them many considerable things So as even under the Kingly government it had the power of Appeals as appeared in Horatius his case who being condemned by the Magistrates for his Sisters death appealed to the People and was by them freed In favor of them likewise the City was divided into Centuries with a certain Order of a very small Tax according to which the Degrees of the Militia and the Authority of the Publick Courts things which did all of them appertain to a Popular State were to be distributed To boot with these Laws the great number of Citizens which did even then arise to One hundred and thirty thousand made the Peoples party very powerful as also their having been so ready and so successful in engaging themselves in so many enterprises for the Commonwealth without receiving any pay for their pains But the Nobility was a long time very weak and in but little esteem For the first Founders of the City being Shepherds and all of the same condition there was no distinction of degree amongst them save what was soon after brought in 〈◊〉 Romulus who choosing the Senate out of all that former number that they might be assistant to the King in providing for things requisite for the State by this order he divided some of the worthiest of the People in this new City from the rest who gave the rise to the Roman Nobility But even this Order was very weak for it was at first instituted by Romulus but of a small number of men and though others were afterwards added thereunto yet till such time as the City got her liberty 〈◊〉 never exceeded the number of Two hundred Senators nay even these were much lessened by the cruelty of Tarquinius Superbus and their Authority narrowly bounded by the Counterpoise of Regal power So as when the City put herself into Liberty there were not Noblemen enough to form a State of Optimati in this case did Publius Valerius find the City of Rome after the driving out of the Tarquins when he through Brutus his death remaâ—ning sole Consul was to constitute Laws and new mould the Commonwealth Wherefore desirous to introduce a State differing from the former under the name of Liberty it behoved him not to lessen but to encrease the Authority of the People For else they would not have indured it and by fiding with the Tarquins they might easily have confounded that Government and reduced the City again under the power of Kings For which reason also Brutus though he was first created Consul not willing to lose the favor and assistance of the people without which he thought the new Orders of the City could not be well established perswaded his Colleague Tarquinius Collatinus that to give satisfaction to the People to whom the name of Tarquin was become odious and suspitious to lay down his Consulship By these Reasons it appears that Valerius was compelled to ordain many things in favour of the People as were the Appeals from the Consuls The order that upon pain of death no man should enter into any place of Magistracy without the Peoples approbation the petty punishment appointed for them who should not obey the Consuls commands which was no more but to pay five Oxen and two Sheep Moreover he eased the poor of many grievances and made many other very Popular Laws whence he purchased the name of Publicola But which 't is understood that in ordering of the Commonwealth respect was to be had in many things to necessity and to the condition of those times yet if we shall consider other Accidents we shall find them much contrary to such a necessity for the new Legislator was not Prince as was Licurgus but possest a place of Magistracy for a short time the Authority whereof was hardly yet well known and not much valued So as he could not use force to withdraw the people from a Popular
well begun ibid. Venetians what course they took to free themselves from the danger they were in of the Genoa-forces 43. That the practice of Merchandising is not to be blamed in them 116. Some of their illustrious and famous Princes ibid. What title their Dukes assumed for the taking in of Constantinople 118 How prejudicial to them the Ottoman Empire hath been ibid. That had it not been for the treachery of their Commanders the State of Milan had been theirs 121. Their weighty and glorious enterprises by Sea and Land against the Saracens for the Emperors of Constantinople and against the Genoeses 129. Why they called Lewis King of France into Italy 130 Why almost all Christian Princes entred into a League against them 132-180 How discreetly they have continued Neutrals in the discords of Princes that thereupon Peace might follow in these latter times 167. Why they sent into Candy new Colonies of their own Gentry 172 Vertue what two vertues are necessary for him that proposeth great matters to himself and aspireth after glory 88 Vertuous To make men vertuous three things are needful 11 W. WAR brought home to the Enemies own doors how advantagious 28 When it ought to be carried on with protracting of time 31. War and not Peace was the cause of Romes ruine 46. It is subject to divers successes and chances more then any other action of ours 31-183-185 Wars made by the Romans after the subduing of Carthage 48. Made and maintained by them in many places at once 65. Particulars most necessary for them 149. The manner of Wars now used is the chiefest cause why the enterprises of modern Princes prove not equal to those of the Antients 148 The end of the second Table ERRATA Pag. lin 4-45 AFter not read only 5-7 Dele not 8-17 For licence read licentiousness 10-27 For temperance read temper 11-38 For them read those 15-25 Before what insert do ib. 48 Dele more 19-19 For of read and for and read of 25-38 Dele only 26 ult After obedience insert iâ— 35-26 After â—ighting read they 37-43 After these insert rather 38-14 After of Insert all this 39-12 Before the insert to 43 pen. After as insert if 53-12 After 〈◊〉 insert the less 55-31 After not insert only 60-3 After not insert only 73-17 Dele and the first Pag. lin 74-27 Before Goths insert great valor of the ibid. 31 For Commanders read Soldiers 82-50 For Rhodosius read Rhodanus 89-30 For Soldiers read Commanders 112-30 For where read were 113-48 Dele then by 116-20 For a read the. 124-7 For them into his read him into thâ—â— 126-34 After mens insert thoughts 152-25 Before Pope insert with Francis King of France 157-5 After if insert we 158-45 For sadly read easily 159-26 For Corâ—â—r read Corfâ— ibid. 29 For Corfee read Corfâ— 176-47 After thereof insert more 199-2 Before not insert it ibid. 3 Dele it 20â— 19 Dele be THE FIRST BOOK The First DISCOURSE What was the true and proper Form of Government observed in the Commonwealth of Rome and whether she could be better ordered in Civil affairs having Armed people on foot THere are many who reflecting upon the Greatness of the Commonwealth of Rome wonder at her so many prosperities by which she flourished a long time and at last obtained the mastery of all other Monarchies And thinking that it is enough to admire her feats of Arms and management in Peace do not care for enquiring into the reason thereof so as ballancing thereby every of her several operations they may know what they were that were truly worth praise and imitation and what blame-worthy and to be avoided But certainly these men seem not to know to how many and how great and various accidents all humane works are subject and what the true rule and measure is whereby the perfection of States is comprehended For that is not simply the greatness of an Empire to which she at the beginning riseth by Fortune and which is increased by Injustice but that may well be said to be the true Form of Government by which people living in peace and union may work righteously and obtain Civil felicity He therefore who will judge aright of the actions of that Commonwealth without suffering his eyes to be dazeled wiâ—h the splendor of the Roman greatness let him consider them nakedly as void of that reputation which Antiquity and the power of Empire purchased them and he will find some things peradventure amongst the many for which she worthily deserved to be cryed up by all men which are more to be observed for the amendment of present Governments by their example then for imitation out of hopes of attaining any true praise or apparent good But as there is nothing of greater importance in a City then the Form of Government by which as by the soul thereof every good act is produced so of all other observations which may be had of the City of Rome there is not any more worthy or of more use then to examine what was the truest Form of her Government that we may afterwards see whether she might have been beâ—ter ordered in Civil affairs then she was without disordering her Militia and whether she could keep together the People armed and obedient to the Laws To know then what the condition of her Government was and thence to comprehend whether that supreme excellencie were in it as hath been thought by some men following the Rule which Philosophy teacheth us which says that every Form of Republick is not convenient for every City but that they must be varied according to the divers natures of the people and according to other accidents we must examine what that State was in it self and then what proportion it held with that City But because it would be too difficult a business to assign any certain condition unto her which may equally correspond to all times she not having so punctually observed one and the same Form continually but varied it somewhat accordingly as it inclined more or less to a Popular State we must have our eys most fixt upon that Age wheâ—ein the glory of that Commonwealth did most flourish not so bearing notwithstanding to touch upon such things in other times as may conduce to our purpose He who would diligently consider all the parts of the Republick will find not only so much diversity but even contrariety in them as he will not be able easily to resolve which was her properest Form of Government For if respect be had to the great Authority of Consuls especially in Armies we may not without reason believe that that City under the name of a Commonwealth was governed with Laws befitting a Kingdom since that Form of Magistracie did use such Authoâ—ity in managing of Arms in concluding Peace and in agreeing differences between potent Kings as one onely Prince could hardly have treated of those thing with more absolute power differing from Monarchy only in this that they kept this Authority but for a
being invited in by the Mamertini as Pyrrhus was first called ito Italy by the Tarentini And the weakness of Pyrrhus his Forces did not so much occasion the Victories won in the War asdid his inconstancy in prosecuting Enterprises once begun which though it was a natural defect in him yet may it be believed that his sudden departure from Italy might be occasioned by the injury done him by the Carthaginians who unprovoked had taken up Arms against him and were ready to come and find him out in other mens Countries But it may be another greater respect might have moved him to assault the Carthaginian State to wit That he might onely have to do onely with the Carthaginians as he had at first fought onely with the Romans beginning to suspect as having already discovered the Carthaginians good will that if he should tarry longer in Italy and that the Romans danger should encrease that Confederacy might be made between them and the Carthaginians which was first refused So that whatsoever he should afterwards undertake against either of them might afterwards prove more difficult This was then the reason why Pyrrhus whilst the business in Italy was not yet finished nor the danger of the Tarentines not well secured marched to go for Sicily which caused so much trouble and danger to the Carthaginian Affairs as if he had known how to make good use of his Victory the Carthaginians might peradventure have been brought then to those final Extremities which were deferred for another time more for the Romans Glory then for their Welfare and good Fortune Thus what hath been already said may suffice for what concerns the Carthaginians Let us now see what the Romans did and consider whether they did well or no in refusing the help which was voluntarily offered them nay brought home to them by the Carthaginians The War which was made by Pyrrhus against the Romans must be thought to be both great and difficult being made by a Warlike Prince who brought many many men with him well trained up in Arms so as by the very Name and Fame of his Forces he had almost brought many Cities of Italy to his devotion withdrawing them from the obedience of the Romans and though he were a stranger yet having firm footing in Italy whither he was called by the Tarentini he was not likely to undergo those dis-accommodations which Armies use to suffer in another Country but his Forces appeared the more formidable by reason of that terror which things of great Fame and not formerly known use to bring with them And the Elephants were a great cause of fear the Romans not being formerly acquainted with that manner of Militia In so much danger therefore when the whole Rest was at Stake to presume too much upon ones self and upon ones proper Forces and to dream onely of Glory when they were to have been more sollicitous of Safety hath the appearance rather of Rashness then of mature and wise Counsel And why should the Romans promise so much unto themselves against Pyrrhus as to despise the Carthaginians help being as then accustomed to fight with the Tarentini a weak Nation given over to delights of which they were reprehended by Pyrrhus himself and being now to fight with true Souldiers expert in all sort of sufferings and all military Discipline in the recent Wars made by Pyrrhus in Macedonia And when nothing else but even Fortune which in matter of War is so uncertain should have proved averse unto them in any thing to whom could they afterwards have had recourse for succour having despised so great helps readily sent by so great a Power of so great esteem and Authority as was then the Commonwealth of Carthage Yet on the other side it may seem no ways to agree with the Romans Greatness and Generosity to confess themselves so terrified by Pyrrhus his Forces as that they needed Foreign help to defend themselves The Romans might have had Peace from Pyrrhus who when he came into Italy sent his Ambassadors to Rome informing the Senate by them that he was come to compose the Difference between them and the Tarentini with whom if the Romans would have Peace he proffered them the like To which answer was made That the Common-wealth of Rome had not chosen him for their Arbitrator neither did they fear his enmity therefore let him first return to his own Kingdom and then as a Friend to the Commonwealth he might treat of Peace and should be willingly listened unto But the City of Rome did already begin to envy and emulate the Common-wealth of Carthage which she did peradventure more esteem then open enmity with the Kingdom of Epire wherewith she thought she should not so soon have to do neither in matter of Peace nor War though Pyrrhus his ambition had then brought him into Italy Therefore if the Romans would not accept of Peace from Pyrrhus they oughtless to acknowledg their Safety from the Carthaginians They likewise thought they might so much rely upon their own Forces having valiant and well disciplined Souldiers of their own as that there remained no doubt of Victory in that War then what does never part from the uncertainty of Chance in War They considered that the number of Armies or Fleets might be increased by Foreigners and yet the power to resist an Enemy not be made the greater whilst either the differing ends of Princes the little agreement between Commanders or the contrary Custom and Discipline of Souldiers do often occasion many discords in matter of War which are not found where one onely Chieftain commands and disposeth of all things and where better obedience shewn by Souldiers of one and the same Dominion Therefore was it that the Romans did sundry other times refuse foreign aid as particularly in the War against Antiochus when refusing assistance sent unto them by other Kings of Africa they with their own few but valiant Souldiers routed Antiochus his numerous Army made up of many several Nations Such respects as these might have been liable to consideration even when their Faith and Friendship who were to have lent assistance had been for certain to be credited but who could secure the Romans who having already extended their Dominions far into Italy could not grow much greater without injuring Nations further off from being jealous of the Carthaginians who were antient and powerful Lords in Affrica and in Spain and possessed of the greatest part of Sicily and as there were none who could more hinder the increase of their Greatness then the Carthaginians so was it necessary that they being apprehended for such by the Romans should likewise fear them for the preservation of their own quiet and security And what charity is this might those wise and ancient Senators of Rome say which hath moved these Affricans to be so careful of us as without any obligation of Confederacy and not sought unto they should send so prime a Captain as Mago with such a
whilst he was abroad in the Juâ—urthan War was created Consul and made chief Commander against the Cimbrians though he ought not in his absence and in time of contumacy to have been chosen to that Magistracy Caesar after having commanded the Roman Armies five years when he was sent to wage War in France had his place of command cont nued unto him for five years longer and not herewithal content but being accustomed to rule he asked leave of the Senate to keep abroad and to continue in the Army which when the Senate would not give way unto they too late opposed his desire he being grown so powerful by reason of his continuation in military command as he valued not the Senates Authority nor the being declared an enemy to the Commonwealth But if we will consider the beginning of Civil Discords how and where the siding began which insected the minds of the Citizens with pestiferous corruption we shall find that this happened not in time of Peace in Cities or by reason of Civil Affairs but in the Camp amongst Weapons and when the Commonwealth was bufied in weighty Wars For Marius being drunk with the desire of military glory and not being able to endure that it should be taken from him or diminished by Sylla as he imagined it might happen by reason of Syllas happy success in the Jugurthan War wherein having taken Iuguâ—tha alive he had the glory to have put an end to that War He began to think of establshing yet more greatness in himself by making many of the Order of Cavaliers and of the people partial to him and impudently corrupting the Citizens first with moneys and afterwards with open force of Arms making the Magistracy and command of the war be conferred and resolved upon in him as he did in the Consulship and Proconsulship against Mithridates The Nobility being afrighted at this mans greatness by reason of his authority and reputation with the Soldiers they mightily encreased Sylla's power who was an enemy to Marius till at last they came to taking up Arms and shedding of civil blood But who knows not that Caesar moved thereunto more out of a desire of his own greatness then out of his alliance with Marius raised and maintained his Fraction in Rome and that his power encreased not in Peace and in the Market-place but in War and in the Camp So for the same reason for which Sylla was advanced a little before it behoved the Senate to confer more greatness upon Pompey then became the condition of civil Government so as the whole City was divided and with those arms by which though taken up and made use of against enemies the first occasion of contention among private Citizens was given the very Commonwealth must be wounded which stood in the midst between them so as her vitâ—l spirit of liberty being taken away her throat was cut by those whom she had most favoured But whence did the so many other corruptions of those times arise save from the so many prosperous successes of war by which the Citizens being much enriched and made proud could not betake themselves to live parcimoniously and with civil equality And it is said of Caesar that he corrupted the people of Rome by moneys which he had got in the War so to make them confer places of Magistracy as he listed upon such as were his friends and partial to him Out of these respects the wise Legislator Lycurgus intending to lay the foundation of a long lasting Government in Sparta though he introduced Military exercises to the end that the Citizens might be able to defend their Country yet he ordered the City so as it could not much increase its power by any Forgein War But the Commonwealth of Rome not being ordered for peace could never find out not enjoy a peaceful condition How is it then given out that peace and idleness was the ruine of that City How should she beleeve that her Arms should remain idle if she would have the whole world for her enemy as Mariâ— said to Mithidates that who would not recieve Law from the Romans must make themselves more powerful then they So as the counsel which Scipio gave to his Romans of not utterly destroying Carthage might be good in another respect for the preservation thereof might encrease that glory to their Commonwealth which many of her valiant Citizens seemed greatly desirous of to wit to have easily pardoned their enemies when they should have humbled themselves as the Carthaginians had then done haveing not onely with great humility begged peace of the Senate by their Ambassadors but given many of their chief Citizens for hostages to Scipio and great store of Arms to secure the Romans that they would keep their Articles And truly the destruction of that noble City did differ from the usual generosity of the Romans who had wont after Victory to grâ—â—t the Cities and Kingdoms to those very enemies with whom they had fought making both King and People in all parts or Tribuâ—ory or Confederate to the Senate and People of Rome But I see no reason at all why they should forbear the rooting out of these the Romans antient enemies for fear lest they should be undone with idleness and that civil discords should thereupon ensue How many years were there between the second and third Carthaginian war and yet when was the Commonwealth of Rome free from Foreign war though these her Enemies did not appear to be so The last Carthaginian war being hardly ended did not they wage war in Spain with the Numantines for the space of fourteen years And yet in these times the bounds of the Roman Empire may be said to have been very narrow in respect of what they were afterwards France which then was Mistress of more Provinces then now she is was not as yet subdued nay the difficulty and length of that War bringing along with it the prorogation of Command since Caesar commanded the Armies for ten years together did much increase those disorders which did at last prove the ruine of the Commonwealth But how much did Pompey enlarge the bounds of the Roman Empire in Asia over how many conquered Kings and Provinces did he triumph Armenia Cappadocia Media Iberia Syria Arabia Phaenicia and other Nations were reduced under the Romans power by this sole Commander It will seem strange and yet it is related by authentical Writers that nine hundred Cities were made subject and tributary to the Roman Empire by Pompey and almost as many more by Caesar And he who will consider it well shall find that the Roman Commanders did flourish most and were most cryed up after the destruction of Carthage Rome wanted then neither means nor will to exercise her Arms not to mention so many Wars which were all of them famous if not for the greatness of acquisition at least for other weighty accidents and if not for their strength yet for the wisdom of the Enemy That of Tigranes
as depended on him which was that which made his faction so potent And truly he who will consider it well will finde that as long as Rome retained any Form of a Commonwealth Cato's power was no less then was Caesars for he oftentimes bore it even against Caesar As when the business of those that were Complices with Câ—iline in his conspiracy was in hand in the Senate they being accused by Cato and defended by Caesar were condemned to be put to death And also another time when he opposed the publishing of the Law proposed and favoured by Caesar touching the division of Lands in Latium wherein Cato's authority appeared to be the greater by making Caesars amâ—â—tious designs fail of success is so popular things as were the Agrarian Laws The same success had the things maintained by Caesar against Poâ—â—pey though he was more powerful then any other Citizen for having stoutly opposed Metellus who moved at the time of Cataline's conspiracy that Pompey should together with his Army be recalled back to Rome he carried the business which was the cause why these two prime Citizens endeavored the friendship and good will of Cato for they doubted of compassing what they desired without his good will so great was his Authority Caesar when Cato appeared to be his bitterest enemy procured Cato's releasement when he was imprisoned by order from the Senate And Pompey that he might be fastened to him by the bond of Alliance endevored to have his Neece for Wife Whence it is conceived that Cato's austere behaviour had purchased him more Authority though unarmed in the management of the Commonwealth then the reputation of having commanded Armies and their so much obsequiousness to the people had done to Pompey and Caesar. A just occasion then offers it self here of consideration whether was the better and safer course taken to arrive at Glory and Civil Greatness or that which Caesar or that which Cato took Caesars comportments seem to have been more noble and better defitting a Civil life as also more easie to be imitated and what indeed is of more importance for the happiness of a City then quietness and concord amongst Citizens What more proper to produce and preserve this then Magnificence Grace and Affability all which vertues were proper to Caesar and which by a straight and speedy way guided him to the height of greatness and glory He who desires to obtain this favour from Citizens must abstain from doing any injury must seek out all occasions of doing good must attribute much to others must speak moderately of himself must do good things and make them appear to be so so as he may help not onely by his actions but by his example Rigor Severity the neglect of all other respects where there is onely an upright mind to do well things which are sufficiently commendable in Cato may of themselves peradventure border nearer upon true vertue but bear a less proportion with civil vertue if respect be had to that which is found not to that which is desired Who does not value the love of his Citizens or will not endeavor the acquisition thereof save by very upright ways which are not always possible meets with continual occasion of contention from whence great and open enmities do often arise which do at last put the City into confusion So as such men do first ruine themselves and then the Commonwealth When laws are observed with such extremity of rigor it seems to be done to oppress Citizens not to preserve Justice Wherefore such a Government is but little acceptable and therefore easier to receive alteration upon any accident that shall happen This was seen in Cato's actions for his way of proceeding got him many enemies who that they might make themselves able to bulk with his Authority made themselves strong by Alliances and Friendships and became not onely formidable to him but even to the Commonwealth If Cato had not despised the Parentage offered him by Pompey Caesar had not joyned alliance with him by giving him his Daughter Iulia for Wife which was the occasion of both their too excessive greatness by which they ruined the Commonwealth The people were not pleased with Cato's severe way of proceeding which made them the more easily adhere to Caesar and his Associats and so not perceiving it became enemles to the Commonwealth Therefore Caesar might still continue in the peoples good opinion and long preserve his Authority and Power But Cato though his counsels did sometimes prevail yet was not his Dignity and Power grounded upon so sound foundations as that he could alwaies keep himself in the â—â—me condition Nay sometimes things were born against him in the choyce of Consuls when people much more unworthy then he were Corrivals with him The little pleasingness of his proceedings was also cause though under pretence of honor and publick imployment why he was sent from the City and in a manner banished being sent by Sea to Cyprus for some concernments of that Kingdom so as the Common-wealth suffered by his absence and particularly Cicero who was formerly upheld by Cato's authority and held for a Defender of the publick Liberty was banished By these things the question seems cleerly enough decided that Caesars way of proceeding is much more easie and certain to bring a man to dignity and greatness then the way which Cato took Yet he who on the other side shall examine Cato's manners and actions as he will find them more praise-worthy so will he think that they may lead by a righter and more direct way to true Honor and to that greatness which is to be desired by him that lives in a Commonwealth For he takes a safer and a more noble way to arrive at Dignity who walks by the way of true Vertue of Justice Modesty and Temperance then he who endeavors the like by Popular Favor For that Favor which is won by a good repute and by vertuous actions is easily preserved by herself and of herself nay the cry'd-up Honor which ariseth from publick Imployments and Places if it be not grounded upon true worth soon vanisheth and leaves that in obscurity which did before shine forth so bright But he who deals uprightly doth always advance as it were by a certain natural motion and confirms himself more and more in the habit of well-doing So that Favor which hath so good a leaning-stock is more firm and stable whereas that which is purchased by extrinsecal appearances as it is easilier gotten so is it upon any slight occasion more easily lost For those who are moved to favor for such reasons are incited so to do rather out of their own humor or for their own advantage then out of any true affection that they bear to such persons And therefore growing either glutted of the same things they did so like at first or thinking that they may receive them in a larger proportion from others they change their minds and turn their liking
Men but amongst bruit Beasts yea even amongst Vegetables Then since this Equality is not to be found amongst Men it is great injustice to distribute things equally in a Government to those whose parts and deserts are unequal For in conferring of honors or pâ—eferments in a City or State a Geometrical not an Arithmetical proportion must be observed It is the vertue and merit of every one that must be weighed He who is richer then another may be serviceable to his Country by great and frequent contributions to the Publick He who hath many Clients and Friends may by his power and authority dispose 〈◊〉 Peoples minds to believe â—ell and act well in the Cities occasions and affairs He who is advanced above others in glory must have deâ—erâ—â—d it well of the Commonwealth by some noble action and 〈◊〉 confirâ—t himself therein by some other like action And he Who is â—â—â—re generally given to any Vertue be it or Warlike or Civil is always 〈◊〉 then others to serve his Country and Prince upon all occasions So as to drive 〈◊〉 men as these out of the City is no better then to cut that member from the body which is loveliest and fitter then the rest to be serviceable thereunto Such an Instiâ—uâ—ion then can have no admittance but in Tyrannical governments And the examples alleadged of Thrasâ—â—alâ—â— and Tarquin are examples of Tyranâ—â— who being resolved to preserve themselves by violence in their usurped dominionr were to be jealous of all the best and most powerful men and endeavor to be quit of thâ—â— for their greater security But a just Prince must not imiteate such examples â—ay even in a Politick Government these Proceedings would be pernicious For he who will thereby preserve himself must change the Form of the whole Government and reduce it to a Despoâ—ical and servile condition with which such Orders holding some proportion and conformity they may for a certain time prove useful for the maintaining of that Tyrannie as it hath done to the Turks in these later times and formerly in some other Nations wherein the whole Government hath related to the sole and peculiar accommodation of the Lord Paramount without any respect to the good of the Subject and more according to will then to Law Nor is it true that the power of Citizens or greatness of Barons in a Kingdom proves alwas harmful it may rather upon many occasions prove the safety of that City or State But this may be ill uâ—ed as many other things are the which notwithstanding whosoever should go about to take totally away from a City would ruine it not bring it to perfection Therefore the Law ought to provide for taking away the abuse of things not the things themselves when they are not simply and in themselves evil And if the Authority which the Roman Commanders held in their Armies had been well regulated and their continuing is their military Commands moderated by a shorter time Caesar could not have made use thereof as he did to the prejudice of the Commonwealth he having continued so many years Commander in chief of the same Army and in the same Province Nor had they needed to have raised Pompey to such a height to oppose Caesars greatness But when when they had let it run on too long to declare him an Enemy to his Country and drive him out of Italy proved a violent remedy and mortal to the Common-wealth Neither can that benefit be expected as is pretended by the banishment of so many Citizens who being become too great are for suspition drives out of their Country of securing themselves from their power rather Injury added to Ambition serves for another incitement to make them endeavor some innovation in the City and makes them the more sollicitous in plotting by the means of such as are their friends and adherents in their own City or State to râ—ise some revolt in it for which they have easie recourse to the favor of other Princes So as the trouble of being offensive to those States from whence such men are expell'd is rather increased then diminished We have infinite examples in all Ages of those who being driven by banishment out of a City or State have been the occasion of notable mischief and ruine thereunto For though it cannot be denied but that the â—o great power of Citizens in a City or of Lords and Barons in a Kingdom begets suspition and is dangerous and doth usually cause no small difficulties to the good and peaceful Government of that State yet some other remedy thâ—◠〈◊〉 may be used to obviate those disorders which such excesses do 〈…〉 For that is only to suffer a â—ore to grow old and to gangrene that they 〈…〉 wards forcâ—d to 〈…〉 or sword to heal it In a well-govern'd State 〈…〉 be had and caâ—â— taken both by the Law it self and by the Prince who rules is chief therein not to suffer any one to grow to too 〈…〉 And if any 〈◊〉 do arrive at such a condition as he begins too far to overtop the reâ—â— the foundation and groundwork of his power must dexterously be taken away and of his ploting thoughts so as he may not thereby be able to work any novelties or disturb the publick peace Which may easily be done by his wisdom who commands in chief the same men ought not to be suffered to continue long in the same imployments and especially not to exercise them too long in the same place such things ought not to be left in their power which may serve for fuel the more to kindle their ambitious thoughâ—â— to the prejudice of the publick good which may be done under a pretence of honor so as the Princes may not be noted for injustice nor can the particular persâ—nages account it as an injury done them If any one do abound in riches let him have expensive imployments that he may lessen that wealth which made him appear more eminent then others If he be of too great authority in the Court or amongst the People as having had the management of important affairs along time send him to some place of Magistracie or other imployment a far off and change him often from place to place If he be great and remarkable for glorious actions done by him give him hard and difficult imployments wherein if he succeed not well his reputation will soon grow less with the people who judge by the events But if such a one appear too much ambitious and be so as many men are seen to be out of a certain vain-glory but without any malice of heart he may be contented and kept quiet by confering honors upon him of glorious appearance but little profit But the remedy will prove peradventure harder in those who boast themselves to be more nobly descended and of better blood then others fâ—r many several respects meet often times in them to make them great and powerful yet even against these remedies may be found without
which they propounded unto themselves in this their new abode so to do nor did the condition of those times permit it And they were so fenced from the Arm sof Enemies as then both by the natural condition of their situation as also by the salt waters as they needed not to arm themselves for their own defence Therefore their Citizens being by long custom inured to these thoughts they had no thought of taking up Arms though the City were already much increased both in Forces and Authority unless when they were provoked and more to keep themselves from being injured by others or to assist their Friends and Confederates then out of ambition of Rule and of enlarging their bounds And he who shall consider what their greatest and and most difficult enterprises were in those first times will see they aimed all at this end The Venetians fought first with the French and afterwards against the Huns in defence of their Country and of their Liberties and long after with the Genoeses enforced thereunto by necessity and provoked by many grievous injuries For this very valiant and generous Nation would not rest quiet out of an emulation of glory in Sea-affairs wherein though they were oftentimes worsted by the Venetians yet they still found occasion of new Contests The Commonwealth of Venice hath oft-times taken up Arms likewise in times neerer this our Age with greater preparation for War and with more courage to defend their State in Terta firmâ— which they had already gotten with much ado and whereof they were justly possessed insomuch as they have sometimes valianâ—ly repulsed the fury of most powerful Leagues of Princes who were resolved upon their ruine But it becomes not the moâ—th of a Venetian to say how oft they have taken up Arms in defence of their Friends and Confederates lest he may seem to upbraid others with the services his Countrymen have done them But divers People and Cities assisted and preserved by their Forces do witness this And to speak only of things of more recent memory how great a desire hath this Commonwealth shewn to the common good and to this purpose how careful hath she been of the liberty and glory of Italy in sustaining long and heavy War to preserve the noble Neapolitan Territories in the Italian Princes and the like of Milan But he who will look further back and see what they have done will find that the Venetians have undertaken and finished famous enterprises out of zeal to Religion as they did in the Wars of the Holy Land against the Saracens and divers other times against other Princes to preserve and increase the glory of the holy Church and the Papal dignity which amongst many other actions is cleerly and nobly witnessed by the famous Naval victory won from the Emperor Frederick Barbâ—rossa for the which Venice doth at this day enjoy many great priviledges in witness of her great worth and singular merit But it is needless now to particularize in those things whereof all Histories are full It will suffice to touch upon some things whereby it may be conceived what the first beginnings of the City were and what were the intentions and end of her Citizens Romes ends were far different from these who from her very beginning aimed only at Empire and greatness being built by Romalus a fierce and ambitious man who not content to have recovered his Kingdom to his Grandfather Numiter and opened the way to the Lordship of Alba longa resolved by the assistance of a great many young men who followed him to purchase a better fortune and condition for himself and to build a new City which must have a warlike institution to keep the minds of those stirring youth busied in military exercises and to defend himself from his neighbors who finding that the new City aimed at greater designs thought to keep is low Romulus might with reason promise himself to purchase more Dominion and to enlarge his Confines for he built his City in a Country which was possest by many people who were weak and at odds within themselves so as he needed not fear any potent Prince who might oppose his designs or suppress his Forces before they were somewhat better established This was the first foundation of Romes greatness for the City beginning soon to habituate herself to military discipline and to turn her thoughts upon War and aggrandising her State she grew so confirm'd therein with time and with continual military orders as the Militia and all things thereunto tending did continually flourâ— sh in her For those that came after following as it falls out for the most part the example of their Predecessors her Citizens were always desirous of warlike glory and of Empire proving to be like Romulus and those other valiant men from whom they had their beginning and increase Thus they always made one War beget another not being able to endure the suspected power of their Neighbors nor yet the injuries done unto them by their Friends and Confederates under which two pretences they made first many notable acquisitions in Italy and afterwards passing over the Sea in Africa in Spain and in many other Provinces But to pass on now to another Consideration let us affirm that the situation is of great moment for the Rule and Dominion which one City is to have over another as that which affords security for self defence and opportunity to subjugate others this helps likewise to make a City plentiful and wealthy without which States are hardly acquired For where there is scarcity of livelihood povertie is more to be fought withall then Enemies and want of wealth renders a City alwaies weak and easie to be wasted and opprest Hence it was that Sparta though she had excellent Laws and Institutions yet whilst she observed them she could not much inlarge her Dominions for by them the City was bound for what concerned both the private and publick condition to be kept poor and far from any commerce with others and in our time the Cantons of the Switzers though they be a very valiant Generation yet being poor and seated amongst Mountains and for the most part in barren places their Soldiers being fighting under the pay of other Princes they have not been able to do any thing for themselves or to make any acquisitions but have onely preserved their Liberties If we shall then consider the situation of Venice we shall certainly find it very opportune for most things and miraculously well for some things For if we have respect to safety what City can be compared to this which without any Bulwarks of Walls or Garrisons of Soldiers defended by her natural scituation is of her self safe from all injuries and inexpugnable So as she is the onely example after so many Ages of being untoucht by the Barbarians violence If we respect abundance of plenty and wealth the accommodation that the Sea affords her and the so many Rivers which disgorge themselves either into
onely to the benefit of the Pisans to the preservation of their liberty as much as might be and to the right of what belonged to their Territories which they were possest of when they put themselves into the Commonwealths protection wherein the Venetians were alwaies very constant though the imminent War with the Turks might have made them forget the dangers and interests of other mens for their own concernments And at last as they would yeeld to nothing which might be prejudicial to the Pisans so to witness to the World that in reality they had no thought in maintaining this controversie to any peculiar design of their own in making themselves Masters of that City they put the determination of these differences into the arbitrement of Hercules Duke of Ferrara which though it had not any effect afterwards the Pisans not consenting thereunto yet it might be discerned that the Pisans averseness thereunto or the constancy wherein they persevered was not fomented by the Venetians but rose either out of the meer election or necessity of the Pisans themselves But let us come to another consideration more proper for this business that is to the reasons of State wherein thâ— many of the same things do concur yet they are clothed with other respects wherewith Princes building either onely or chiefly upon what may most redound to their own advantage do not advise with counsel of equity or do not attribute thereunto what is requisite It is most certain being already reduced to the greatest extremity if they should have been abandoned by the Venetians they must have put themselves either into the power of the Duke of Millan or of the Florentines but reason of State would not permit that in this conjuncture both of times and affairs this City should be joyned to the Dominion of either of these As for Sforza his vast and disordinate drifts were already known and how he would be the sole Arbitrator of Italy so as if he should become more haughty and pâ—ft up by this important acquisition no part of Italy could remain quiet or secure either from his force or craft And as for the Florentines you have heard how resolute they were not to part from the friendship of the King of France by how much greater the danger of whose Army was in recent memory so much the more were his friends and associats to be kept weak and under to the end that they might not increase to the prejudice and apprehension of the rest It was seen in what danger Italy was put by forein Forces how soon the Kings of Aragon were driven out of their Dominion how little resolute the other Princes of Italy were to withstand forein Forces which having once found an open and easie way into Italy it was to be imagined that they would be cause of greater dangers and molestations to her So as the Commonwealth being to be put into a condition of being able to resist the Forces of greater Princes and of not being exposed to their wills she was necessitated to think upon increasing her power and reputation that she might depend upon her own Basis and be well esteemed of by others She knew particularly that 〈…〉 was a State which might accommodate or dis-accommodate the French designs accordingly as it was well or ill affected towards them And the keeping of the City of Pisa dependant upon the Venetians might several waies be helpful â—nto them in their intentions in seeping the French from â—according the â—ingdom of Naples and in securing themselves afterwards from the Florentines as also in winning such strength and reputation to the Commonwealth with friends and 〈◊〉 as she might provide for her own preservation and for the like of 〈◊〉 other Italians who had the like intentions with her to maintain peace in Italy and to keep her safe from foreign Forces It was not their onely useful but necessary for the Venetian in this conjuncture of affairs to have footing in Italy and to have the City of Pisa if not subject to their dominion at least dependent upon the authority of the Commonwealth Now take it for granted that that suspition might be true which they have so much divulged who have endeavored to cast a blur upon the honor and dignity of the Commonwealth to wit that the Venetians intended to make thâ—mselves absolute masters of that City only out of a design of increasing their dominion Certainly the actions of a Philosopher and those of a Prince ought not to be measured by one and the same Rule nor must we fancy the condition of men and of affairs to be what peradventure they ought to be but what they are for the most part Magnanimity is the proper vertue of Princes which makes them always busie themselves about great matters and whereby they make themselves be dreaded and reverenced by others Therefore the desire of Glory and Empire is highly praised in such Princes as have been greatest and most celebrated as Alexander Cyrus Caesar Charls and all the rest of the most famous men in whom a spirit of Grandure and Generosity which did still egg them on to new and glorious enterprises is not only commended but even admired If the Romans whose actions are praised and celebrated by the general consent of all men had been content to contain themselves within the precincts of Latium their worth would have been hidden and obscured nor would their names have been so highly cry'd up to the memory of posterity And had not the Venetians had larger thoughts then to keep within their private merchandising affairs as it became them to do in their weak begining dispising or neglecting such occasions as they sundry times met with of enlarging the bounds of their Dominions the Commonwealth would not only not have gotten such esteem and reputation as it hath got but could not have kept herself so long in liberty amidst so many revolutions of affairs and such movings of Forein Armies It remains now only to see whether the opportunity of the Times and condition of Affairs did counsel them to purchase new glory and greater Empire to their Commonwealth Which though it may be known by what hath been formerly said yet it will more clearly appear by adding some other particular Considerations The Commonwealth was then in a more powerful condition then any Prince in Italy being much stronger then them all both in Land and Sea-Forces the Pisans cause was generally well wish'd unto the Florentines were but little acceptable to the rest of the Princes of Italy by reason of their friendship with the French and for this and other respects were particularly much hated by their neighbors the Genoeses Seneses and Lucheses and all the actions of the Commonwealth seemed to be favored by a certain Genius She had lately gotten the Kingdom of Cyprus she had enlarged her Confines in Friuli by the acquisition of many Towns in the Country of Goâ—itia and she prospered greatly in all that
and facilitate their undertakings then did the reputation of their victory Amidst so great amazement and astonishment nothing was left unattempted by Luigi Gritti and Christofero Moro who were the Provedatori del Campo to uphold the Commonwealths fading fortune They betook themselves to rally the remainder of the Army they comforted the Captains and Soldiers with hope of better success they intreated the Nobility and people of Brescia and of other Cities that being mindful of their Loyalties and of other things done in service to the Commonwealth in former Wars had with Philip Maria Visconte they would be like themselves and with like constancy keep themselves under the moderate command of the Venetians and abhorring the severe Transalpine Dominion they would with one onely inconvenience free themselves from many grievous mischiefs But they were all so possest with a Panick fear as no entreaties nor reason could be listned unto those who had escaped the Battel were unfit either for strength or valor to attempt any thing against the Enemy no disposition to defence was found in the City no not so much as to keep themselves from plunder there were but few Forts at that time in the State and those few of no condition of holding out long What was then to be done to whom was any recourse to be had If all Princes and Countries were become Enemies who were to be trusted If all memory of former benefits were laid aside so as least gratitude was found in those who had been most obliged how could new men be raised and provisions made for a new War The armed Enemy was already at the gates nay even within their houses threatning assured ruine What was to be done in such a general dispait but to give way and suffer the cloud to pass which they saw there was neither wit nor counsel sufficient to withstand And as sometimes it falls out in greatest Tempests that the skill and labor of the Marriners being overcome by the malignity of the weather they take down their sails and suffer the ship to drive up and down whithersoever the Sea carries it So in cases of greatest danger into which States do sometimes fall he that sits at the helm must comply with his fortune be it never so bad till the fury of those tempests being past over the Commonwealth though born down yet not quite sunk may rise again and make way for her pristine greatness The Army being then to retreat and the loss of the City drawing other losses after it as one stone that gives against another it was thought the best course to free the people from their former oathes so to preserve them from sacking and plunder which they must have undergone if they should maintain their loyalties and to free themselves from the tax of rebellion if they should submit to the Enemy Such a resolution might appear willing and therefore less generous but it was really necessary prejudicial to him who doth consider meerly the present condition of things but which might prove useful in the future At first sight it appeared to proceed from rashness and fear and yet it proceeded from wisdom from charity and in respect to the good of the State and of the Subjects The piety nor prudence of the Senate could not admit of the onely hope which was offered in this sad condition of times to be used for withstanding so many enemies wherefore the Venetians did magnanimously refuse those helps and assistances which were offered them by the Turks though but little before as some writers affirm they had been very much sought unto by other Christian Princes as by Frederick of Aragon and Lodovicâ—â— Sforza for the defence of their Dominions and not long after by the Emperor Maximilian to be made use of against the Venetians but neither did the justly conceived anger against so many conspiring Princes nor the desire of recovering what was lost prevail with those most wise and religious men but that it was over-born with the zeal of Religion and with a firm resolution of preserving the glory of their other atchievements against the Infidels immaculate neither would the reason of State if well-understood considered in the example of others suffer them so to do and especially in the unfortunate success of the Emperors of Constantinople who having unadvisedly call'd in to their assistance the Ottoman Princes who were much more powerful then they had drawn a greater ruine upon themselves which proved the occasion of the fall of that Empire But being unwilling notwithstanding to give over all hopes of accommodating the afflicted condition of affairs with some ease the Senate resolved to have recourse to the Pope and to Caesar though they had then appeared their bitter Enemies to treat of some Agreement They were moved much hereunto by the respect and reverence due to that holy See and the pious and religious apprehension they had of Ecclesiastical censures to which they were subject and they trusted more in prevailing with Caesar then with the King of France For what hopes were there to do any good by intreaties with him who being first bound to the Common-wealth by obligation and confederacie had spurn'd at all those respects out of meer desire of novelties To these then they granted all that they pretended unto for being to make them quickly jealous of the King of France his greatness they knew some way would be found out for the Commonwealths better fortune But how is it possible to pass over here in silence another thing not at all differing from this by which such base aspersions have been endeavored to be cast upon the Venetians since by this our present discourse we go about to vindicate them by searching into the truth We read in Guicchiardine a Modern and to give him his due in many things an excellent Historian an Oration published by him in the name of Antonio Iustiniano sent by the Commonwealth to Caesar wherein it is said that the Venetians begging pardon at Caesars hand with much subjection and servility of mind did offer to submit the Commonwealth to be perpetually tributary to the Empire and to acknowledg to hold their liberty lives and livelihood from him with some other base unworthy expressions not only not true but not likely to be so For first it is very certain that Iustinian being sent Ambassador to Maximilian and finding him at Trent was never admitted to have audience peradventure for fear of offending the Confederates and making of them jealous Then it is most certain that the Senate gave no such Commission And let him who will not believe it listen but to reason and then he will be perswaded to the contrary The Commonwealth had then lost all her Territories by Land but at the same time she enjoyed all her State by Sea wherein were not only one or two Cities but divers Provinces and noble Kingdoms their Naval accoutrements were very great and equal if not superior to those of whatsoever
though Charls the Fift by the unexpected death of Francisco Sforza did at last reduce that State to his Dominion Hence it was also that Charls and Solyman greatly fearing to encounter each other did very much shun the having to do together and to hazard that glory to the uncertain events of War which they had â—â—th so much labor arrived at And this was the cause why Charls though he was a bold and valiant Prince when his Brother Ferdinand was in great danger by reason of Solymans Forces resolved importunately to pass into Africa for being resolute that he would not march against Solymans Forces nor contend with them he would witness to the world that it was neither labor nor danger that kept him from turning to the defence of Hungary and Austria which were then assaulted by the Turks but because he esteemed the business of Africa very necessary And when a greater necessity wrought it so that they were to take up Arms one against the other and that numerous Armies had taken the field yet they kept still aloof off the fear and apprehension which each had of the others power and fortune being alike so as at last so great an accumulation of Soldiers disbanded neither party having seen the face of an Enemy whilst Charls would not give way that his Army should go from before the walls of Vienna to go find out the Enemy not would Solyman advance further to meet him though he had at first publickly given out that he went from Constantinople to fight with Charls the Emperor before his own doors So as you may clearly see that it was the counterpoise of these two great Princes of one and the same Age which kept their Forces confined within certain bounds which for their valor and other respects might have carried the Trophies of victory into the furthest remote Countries Now on the other side let us examine the condition of Times and Potentates with whom those famous Commanders of old had to wage War Alâ—xâ—nder the Great found the Kingdom of Persia wherein he successfully made his first expeditions for extent of Empire very rich and powerful but wherein was an ill disciplined Militia and commanded by unexperienced Leaders and men of no valor wherefore exceeding the Persians in worth and discipline though he came short of them in numbers he may be said to have been better then they for matter of War and therefore willingly imbraced all occasions of joyning Pattel with them And for what concerns the Eastern Kings and Nations which he afterwards brought under his power who knows not how unfit they were for War of themselves weak not joyned in confederacie for common defence nor sustained by strong holds nor by the strength of a well ordered Militia Insomuch as the greatest glory that can be attributed to Alexander is for the generosity of his mind which moved him to venter upon so many enterprises in desert and almost unknown Countries rather then for that he overcame great difficulties in fight and brought them to an end The same almost may be observed by the things done in the Eastern parts by Pâ—â—pey the Great It is true that Caesar met with greater difficulties in the things he did in France and in Spain for he waged War with people who knew how to manage their Arms and who were till then thought unvanquishable wherefore he spent more time there Yet these Provinces were divided into many Kings and Popularities none of which were very strong of themselves nor were they very secure by the assistance of others to make them able to resist an Army of veteran and excellently well disciplined Soldiers as was that which was commanded by Caesar So as it seems we may with reason conclude that if these cried up Commanders had met with powerful and valiant Armies able to be compared with theirs and that these had been guided and upheld by the experience and worth of great Commanders their fames would certainly have been less not would they have so easily have assubjected so many Countries and erected their Trophies of victories in so many Regions as they did But besides all these considerations we may perhaps with reason weigh the arts and waies which these anâ—ient Warriers made use of to boot with what belonged to the Militia to make their acqusitions and glory the greater for he who shall consider their actions may therein discern so inflamed a desire of praise and glory as it seems this was the onely thing which they propounded to themselves for reward of all their labor and danger and for the end of all their undertakings for they have left many noble examples behind tâ—em not onely of military valor but of equity clemencie temperance and of other glorious vertues which â—ssisted them very much in winning favor and affection with the people and likewise the love of many of those very Princes who were overcome by them Thus we read of Alexander that he confirmed their Kingdomâ— to many Indian Kings whom he overcame and did incâ—ease them to some others and being contented with obedience from them and recâ—iving such things as were necessary for his voyage he seemed rather to aspire after the glory of new acquisitions then to reap any advantage by what he had already won But Pompey not like a victorious Chieâ—tain in War but rather like a Friend and Arbiâ—rator composed the differences between those Princes of the East restored the antient Lords to their Kingdoms and gave new States to such others as did deserve them Insomuch as it was from his lib ralâ—ty that Pharâ—â—ces was to acknowledge the Kingdom of Bosphorus Antiochus that of Sileâ—tia Tygranes the Kingdom of Armenia Ariobarzanes that of Cappadocia Diotarus the liâ—e of Galitia and did onely reduce such Countries into Provinces and made them imâ—edia ely subject to the Senate and People of Rome wherein he found no legitimate Lords and Masters as it fell out in Syriâ— Iudea and some other Regions It was by reasâ—on of these procâ—edings that many People and Prâ—nces did voluntarily submit to the Empire of Alexander and of the Romans Wherefore Darius when he was overcome by Alexander admâ—â—ing his great Continencie and Humanitâ—e prayed the gods that if the fail of that Empire was destined the glory and succession of the Kingdom of â—ersia might fall upon Alexander All â—istories are fâ—ll of such examples of worth and vertue in things done by the Romans But now adaies Princes and Commanders do but little mind the imitation of these men and wage War not out of a desire of glory as did those magnanimous Artients but onely out of revenge and cruelty or else to turn all the fruit and benefit of Victory upon themselves leaving nothing safe nor intire to the conquered Whence it ensues that they who fears these extreams desperately resolve to do their utmost and hazard all rather then to submit themselves to the power and discretion of those on whom they 〈◊〉 their
ultimate ruine depends â—y this means proceedings march a slower pace and all acquisitions become more difficult so this immoderate desire of having all things for thâ—r own service working a contrary effâ—ct to their intentions keeps the Confines of their Dominions more narrowly bounded and theâ—eby lessens that glory which they seem to aspire so much at If then our Princes and Chieftains will walk in the waies of the Antients they will finde that Justice Clemencie and moderate Empire are stronger and more secure Engins to take strong Holds then those whâ—ch they in these times make use of And if they be not faulty in the truâ—st worth they will find sufficient valor and discipline in their Soldiers to bring to pass whâ—tsoever great Enterprises and to exalt their name to such a height of glory and so illustrate themselves and their Age as they may in all things be deservedly compared to the famousest and most cried up of the Antients The Seventh DISCOURSE What the cause is why Italy hath enjoyed so long Peace and Quiet in these latter Times HE who shall call to mind what troubles Italy for a long time hath suffered under which after the passage of Charls the eight King of France till the Peace made at Bolognia was for the space of thirty five years continually infested with better Wars and subject to all those greater evils which the wickedness of man hath found out to his own undoing may justly think her very happy in this present and the last preceding Age wherein after so long a combustion she hath enjoyed so happy and quiet a Peace For though in this time some little sparkles may have broken forth yet have they not spread much nor lasted long but being confined within some small circuits the greater and more noble parts of Italy have remained safe and untouched by this flame Wherefore those Princes who this mean while have had the government of the several States of Italy are certainly much to be praised and the people of Italy are chiefly to acknowledg so great a benefit from their wisdom and vigilancie Yet because there have divers accidents happened which have opened the way to Princes wherein to walk directly on to this right end of Peace and Concord it may be worth the while particularly to examine from what causes this good hath proceeded for thereby it may likewise be known how the like may be preserved It is a Proposition sufficiently known and indubitably true that Sublata causa tollitur effectus Take away the cause and the effect which proceeds from thence will cease Wherefore by truly examining the causes from whence the Wars and molestations of Italy did proceed we may perceive how these ceasing she hath remain'd in that peace and quiet which may be said to be the true proper and most natural condition of a State all other workings in a good Government and even War it self being ordained for Peace whereby as Ciâ—ies and Kingdoms enjoy Civil felicity so must that State be most perfect wherein the perfectest workings are exercâ—sed to the most pâ—rfect end Peace is of it self introduced into a State by taking away the impediments which do disturb it just as health is introduced into our bodies by taking away those ill humors which keep them from their perfect and natural condition Now if we will take into our consideration whence as from the principal occasions that Hâ—rmony if I may so call it which the Concord of the Italian Princes had so long produced and preserved with such liking and consolation of all men was spoil'd and corrupted we shall find that two affectâ—ons which do usually accompâ—ny Empire and which at this time grew very powerful in some Princes were those roots from which so many mischiefs did afterwards put forth to wit Fear and Ambition Fear of losing ones own State Ambition of possessing what belongs to another The fear of the King of Aragons just indignation made Lodovic Storza think upon Novelties made him have recâ—urse for help to France and made him believe that was best for him which proved his ruine But it wâ—s ambitâ—on of addâ—ng new Territories to that Crown and glory to himself which made Charls the Eight King of France but young both in years and experience think upon nothing but how to effect his desires by acceptâ—ng of Sforzas proffâ—r of passing into Italy which proved the Sepulchre of so many Soldiers and of so many gâ—lant Commanders of that warlike Nation by the so many Wars which arose from that Spring-head and which brought no other advantage to the Authors But let us make a little further enquiry The so famous and as it may justly be termed so pernicious War to all Italy made by the League of so many Christian Princes who had all conspired the ruine of the Commonwealth of Venice whence did it arise but from these two wâ—cked seeds Fear and Ambition Many Princes apprehended the greatness of the Republick which was already much increased by the prosperous success in War wherein she was associated by the French whereby she was become very formidable especially to the Princes of Italy wherefore they all desired her abasement for their own security Nor was the Emperor Maximilian totally free from this fear who had learnt by late experience how powerful the Forces of the Commonwealth were grown which had bereft him of some Towns belonging to him But Lodovick King of France the thirâ—t after Empire being always uâ—quenchable growing still more desirous to possess the whole State of Milan whereof he had already gotten the greatest part and repenting himself that the Cities of Cremona and Giaradada were fallen to the Ventians was egg'd on by this spur of Ambition to join in conspiracie with the other Princes against the Commonwealth which had so lately and so many several ways deserved so very well at his hands After these ensued many long Wars though not equally grievous which had many various and uncertain events and which were fomented and maintain'd by these seeds of all discord fear and ambition When the greatness and power of the Emperor Charls the Fifth was increased and confirm'd in Italy the Commonwealth apprehended that her State in Terra firma would not by reason thereof be very safe she therefore willingly took up Arms accompaâ—ied by the French to secure herself from the danger she conceived she lay under by reason of the continual neighborhood of a greater and more powerful neighbor by having a particular Prince of that State who might be Duke of Milan Francis King of France desired likewise to see the Emperor bereft of that State but out of other respects to wit because his ambition was such as would never suffer him to give way to the fortune of Charls the Emperor and to see Charls so much superior to him especially in Italy where his Predecessors the Kings of France and he himself with no less fervencie though with worse success had labored so long
those which are commended and practised by those who walk in the waies of the world But how far different from these are Gods waies Patience Humility Poverty Obedience Self-denial and the giving over of all worldly care are things which are abhorr'd by the worldly wise but otherwise to God How badly do the fallacious rules of worldly wisdom agree with the instructions of true Christianitie especially those of this corrupt Age wherein heavenly and divine things are often troubled and confounded with a certain vain name of Reason of State Crowns Empires Kingdoms and all power is given by God and though the weakness of our reason be such as it cannot penetrate into the infinite abyss of his wisdom yet does he dispose and order all things with certain and infallible ends though unknown to us Therefore unless that great and omnipotent Lord God by whom Kings do not onely reign upon earth but the earth it self is sustained and held up with a miraculous equality of weight do not keep the City how vain is all this your learning O ye wise men of the world and you Princes how vain are all your Forces to maintain your Lordships and States Thou whosoever thou art who dost manage the weightiest affairs of Principalities put thy heart into the hands of thy God and he will infuse worthie and becomming thoughts into thee He will give thee true Wisdom and true Fortitude The World builds nothing but Towers of Babell nor is it aware thereof till its desigâ—s and many years labors being overthrown by its own confusion it sees its rashness laid low and those thoughts which aimed at Heaven thrown down to Hell But I return again unto my self I see that these many years past wherein I approach to old age I imploy my time in studies thoughts and imployments of differing natures in themselves but all conformable to what tends to my prejudice For they robb'd me of my rest have still oprest me with many cares and led me astray from more holy desires to which if I had bent my mind in time I might hope now to sit and feed at the Table of those true good things which now I want What do I then do What do I think What do I expect Why do I not change my thoughts and exercises if I know that those wherein I have hitherto spent my time do me no good nor for all the labor I have taken have made me ere a whit more happy then I was at first Nay I may say they have made me more wretched since I have consumed the greatest part of my life wofully and without any profit Do I peradventure hope that whilst I my self do not change the nature of those things wherein I am verst should alter That trouble should turn to delight That the Affairs of the world so full of anxious cares should turn to the peace and solace of the soul That worldly good shall assume a new vertue of makeing their possessors well apaid and satisfied That these brackish waters of the pleasures of the Age of which the more we drink the more we are athirst should become sweet and savory and afford any true delight or content Men who are blind in what concerns their own good are wont to pervert the nature of things to make them their Masters who are given to them to be servants Such are the goods of Fortune as the common people call them because they know not how to raise themselves up to the knowledge of that mystery whereby their supreme Author and free Donor doth dispense them But what greater misery is there then this humane felicity The true Lord and God is made known unto us and yet we continue to adore the Idols of Avarice Ambition and Vain glory Look but upon those huge â—eaps of â—uine which thou maist every day see in the City of Rome who was once the Queen of the World where are now her immense treasures Where the majesty of her Empire Where the pomp of so many Triumphs the memory of so many victories all these being made the prey of time and death 〈◊〉 buried in these ruines But thou who livest by other precepts and who hast a truer knowledge of thy eternal life and eternal death consider better what the nature of these goods are to which thou hast been sometimes â—arâ—ed with a less moderate affection by the torrent of continual custom If they be not of great worth as truly they are not why dost thou so much love them Why endeavorst thou so much to be master of them Why dost thou dread the loss of them so much And if they have any thing of good in them why dost thou not call to mind how soon thou art to forgo them How comes it to pass this our happie worldly man is not aware that if the increase of these goods could make him happy he makes himself miserable whilst through overmuch loving them he is more intent upon purchasing the little which he lacks then in injoyâ—ng the very much which he possesseth whilst the fear of loosing it doth continually molest his mind a greater vexation then which the soâ—l hath none because it hath no bounds We look upon their outside onely and are enamored of a certain handsome but vain appearance which is in them taking them for the guids of our life But if we would consider their infide and discover the deceipt and cousenage which is woven therein we would shun them as some holy men have done least we be by them and with them hurried down into Hell and damnation We have our happiness within us and seek for it elsewhere He who will search his own house well what wealth shall he find there whereby to inrich himself with precious treasure which is hidden from us because the darkness of our affections lead us astray If thy heart be fraught with pure â—houghts if thy soul be purged of all earthly passions so as the raiâ—s of that true and lively Sun which is alwaies reâ—dy to illuminate thee may penâ—trate thereinto thou shalt soon discover there jâ—wâ—ls of such vertue price and worth as thou maist thereby purchase the worlds peace and heavens glory Thou shalt find those affections which now rage tumuâ—tuously within thee become quiet and obedient to reason and those dissonant sounds which do so perturb thy mind will agree with so just proportion as they will make a sweet harmonie in thy soul and will prove a refreshing to the troubles of the world a figure of heavenly mâ—lodie and of the glory of Paradice O you Fathers you good and holy Fathers who being within your Closter live in peace and quiet fâ—r from the World and the cares thereof not onely in your person but in your very thoughts if there may be any affection found without affection and envy without sin I do assuredly envy in you those your leasure times wherein you givâ— your selves wholly to prayer and meditation an idleness which is