their king Chintilla was present in Tolledo as Ambrosio Morales noteth And thus much of Spayne before the entrance of the Moores and before the deuiding therof into many kingdomes which happened about a hundreth yeares after this to wit in the yeare of our Sauiour 713. and 714. But after the Moores had gayned al Spayne and deuided it betwene them into diuers kingdomes yet God prouided that vvithin fowre or fiue yeares the christians that were left and fledd to the Mountaynes of Asturias Biscay found a certaine yong Prince named Don Pelayo of the ancient blood of the Gotish kings vvho vvas also fled thither and miraculously saued from the enemyes whom they chose straight vvaies to be their king and he began presently the recouery of Spayne and was called first king of Asturias and afterward of Leon and after his successors gatt to be kings also of Castilia and then of Toledo and then of Aragon Barcelona Valentia Murcia Cartagena Iaen Cordua Granade Siuil Portugal and Nauarra al which were different kingdomes at that tyme so made by the Moores as hath bin said And al thes kingdomes were gayned againe by litle and litle in more then 7. hundred yeares space which were lost in lesse then two yeares and they neuer came againe in deede into one Monarchie as they were vnder Don Rodrigo ther last king that lost the whole vntil the yeare of our Lord 1582. when Don Philippe now king of Spayne re-vnited againe vnto that crowne the kingdome of Portugal which was the last peece that remayned seperated and this vvas almost 900. yeares after Spaine was first lost But now to our purpose the chronicler of Spayne named Ambrosio Morales doth record in his chronicle a certaine law written in the Gotish tonge and left since the tyme of this Don Pelayo the first king after the vninersal distruction of Spaine and the title of the law is this Como se an de leuantar Rey en Espn̄a y como el ha de Iurar los fueros that is to saye how men must make ther king in Spaine and how he must sweare to the priuileges and liberties of that nation And then he putteth the articles of the law wherof the first saith thus Before al thinges it is established for a law liberty and priutledge of Spayne that the king is to be placed by voius and consent perpetually and this to the intent that so euel king may enter without consent of the people seing they are to giue co him that which with ther blood and laboures they haue gayned of the Moores Thus far goeth this first article which is the more to be marked for that diuers and thos most ancient spanish authors do say that from this Don Pelayo the succession of kings descended euer by propinquity of blood and yet vve see that election was ioyned ther vvithal in expresse termes The second part of the law conteyneth the manner of ceremonyes vsed in those old dayes at the admission of their kings which is expressed in thes wordes let the king be chosen admitted in the metropolitan citie of this kingdome or at least wise in some cathedral church and the night before he is exalted let him watch al night in the church and the next day let him heare masse and let him offer at masse a peece of scarlet and some of his owne money and after let him communicate and when they come to lift him vp let him step vppon a buckler or target and let the cheife and principal men ther present hold the target and so lifting him vp let them and the people cry three tymes as hard as they can Real Real Real Then let the king comaund some of his owne money to be cast among the people to the quantity of a hundreth shillings and to the end he may giue al men to vnderstand that no man now is aboue him let him self tye on his owne sword in the forme of a crosse let no knight or other man beare a sword that day but only the kinge This was the old fashion of making kings in spayne which in effect and substance remayneth stil though the manner therof be somewhat altered for that the spanish kings be not crowned but haue an other ceremony for their admission equal to coronation which is performed by the Archbishop of Toledo primat of al spayne as the other coronations before mentioned are by the Archbishop of Moguntia to the Emperor and by the Archbishop of Guesna to the king of Polonia and by the Archbishop of Praga to the king of Boemia and by the Archbishop of Braga to the king of Portugal and by the Archbishop of Canterbury to the king of Ingland and by the Archbishop of Rhemes to the king of France of which realme of France we may not omit to say somewhat in particuler seing it is so goodly a kingdome and so neere to Ingland not only in situation but also in Lawes manners customes and as the race of Inglish kings haue come frō them in diuers manners since the conquest so may it be also supposed that the principal ceremonies and circumstances of this actiō of coronation hath bine receaued in like manner from them First then touching the acte of coronation and admission of the king of France euen as be fore I haue said of Spayne so also in this kingdom do I find two manners of that action the one more ancient which the French do say hath indured in substance from ther first Christian king named Clodoueus vnto this day which is about eleuē hundred yeares for that Clodoueus vvas christened the yeare of our Lord 490. in the cytie of Rheims by S. Remigius Bishop of that citie and annointed also and crowned king by the same bishop which manner and order of anoynting and coronation endured after for about 6. hundred yeares vnto the tyme of Henry the first king Phillip the first his sonne both kings of France At vvhat tyme which is about 500. yeares a gone both the Chroniclers and Cosmographers of France do teftifie that ther was a peculier booke in the library of the church of Beuais conteyning the particuler order of this action which had endured from Clodoueus vnto that tyme. Which order for so much as toucheth the solemnitie of officers in the coronation and other like circumstances vvas far different at that tyme from that which is now for that in those dayes ther were no peeres of France appointed to assist the same coronation which now are the chiefe and the greatest part of that solemnirie Yea Girard du Hailan secretarie of France in his third booke of the affaires and state of that kingdome sayth that the ceremonies of crowning their old kinges were much after the fashion which I haue noted a litle before in this very chapter out of the law of Don Pelayo first king of Spaine after the Moores for
admonish yon in a few wordes what the charge importeth which you are to take vppon you c. Thus he beginneth and after this he declareth vnto him for what end he is made king vvhat the obligation of that place and dignity byndeth him vnto and vnto vvhat points he must sweare what do signifie the sword the ring the sceptor and the crowne that he is to receaue and at the deliuery of each of thes things he maketh both a short exhortation vnto him and prayer vnto God for him And the kings oth is in thes words Promitto coram Deo angelis eius I do promise and sweare before God and his angels that I will do law and iustice to al and kepe the peace of christ hisChurche and the vniō of his catholique fayth and wil do and cause to be done dew and canonical honor vnto the bishops of this land and to the rest of the cleargie and if which God for bid I should break my oth I am content that the inhabitants of this kingdome shal owe no duty or obedience vnto me as God shal help me and Gods holy ghospelles After this oth made by the king and receaued by the subiects the Lord Martial general of the whole kingdome doth aske vvith a loud voice of al the councellors nobility people ther present whether they be content to submit themselues vnto this king or no Who answering yea the archbishop doth ende the residue of the ceremonies doth place him in the royal throne wher al his subiects do homage vnto him and this for Polonia In Spayne I do find that the manner of admitting ther kings was different and not the same before and after the distruction therof by the Moores but yet that in both tymes ther kings did sweare in effect the selfe same points vvhich before haue bin mentioned in other kingdomes For first before the entring of the Moores when spayne remayned yet one general monatchie vnder the Gothes it is recorded in the fourth national coūcel of Toledo which vvas holden the yeare of our Lord 633. according to Ambrosio Morales the most learned diligēt historiographer of Spayne though other do appoint it some few yeares after in this councel I say it is said that their new king Sissinandus who had expelled Suintila ther fotmer king for his euel gouerment This king Sissinandus I saye comming into the said councel in the third yeare of his reigne accompained with a most magnificent number of nobles that waighted on him did fal downe prostrate vppon the ground before the Archbishops and bishops ther gathered together which vvere 70. in number and desired them vvith teares to pray for him and to determine in that councel that which should be needful and most conuenient both for mainteyning of Gods religion and also for vpholding and prospering the whole common wealth wheruppō thos fathers after matters of religion and reformation of manners vvhich they handled in 73. chapters In the end and last chapter they come to handle matters of estate also And first of al they do confirme the deposition of king Suintila together with his wife brother and children and al for his great wickednes which in the councel is recounted and they do depriue them not only of al title to the crowne but also of al other goods and possessions mouables immouables sauing only that vvhich the new kings mercy should bestow vppon them and in this councel was present and subscribed first of al other S. Isidorus Archbishop of Siuil who writing his history of spayne dedicated the same vnto this king Sissinandus and speaketh infinite good in the same of the vertues of king Suintila that was now deposed and condemned in this said councel wherby it is to presumed that he had changed much his life afterward and became so wicked a man as here is reported After this the councel confirmeth the title of Sissinandus and maketh decrees for the defence therof but yet insinuateth vvhat points he was bound vnto and wherunto he had sworne when they said vnto him Te quoque praesentem regem ac futuros aetatum sequentium principes c. We do require you that are our present king and al other our Princes that shal follow here after vvith the humility which is conuenient that you be meeke moderate towards your subiects and that you gouerne your people in iustice and piety and that none of you do giue sentence alone against any mā in cause of life and death but with the consent of your publique councel and with thos that be gouernours in matters of iudgment And against al kings that are to come we do promulgate this sentence that if any of them shal against the reuerence of our lawes excercise cruel authority with proud domination and kingly pompe only following ther owne concupiscence in wickednes that they are condemned by Christ with the sentence of excommunication and haue theyr separation both from him and vs to euerlasting iudgment and this much of that councel But in the next two yeares after the ende of this councel king Sissinandus being now dead and one Chintilla made king in his place ther were other two councels gathered in Toledo the first vvherof was but prouincial and the second national and they are named by the names of the fift and sixt councels of Toledo In the vvhich councels according to the manner of the Gothes who being once conuerted from the Arrian haeresie were very catholique and deuout euer after and gouerned themselues most by their cleargie and not only matters of religion were handled but also of state and of the common wealth especially aboute the successiō to the crowne safty of the Prince prouision for his children frendes officers and fauorites after his death and against such as without election or approbation of the commō wealth did aspire to the same al thes points I say vvere determined in thes councels and among other points a very seuere decree vvas made in the sixt councel concerning the kings oth at his admission in thes vvords Consonam vno corde ore promulgamus Deo placituram sententiam We do promulgate vvith one hart and mouth this sentence agreable pleasing vnto God and do decree the same vvith the consent and deliberation of the nobles and peeres of this realme that vvhosoeuer in tyme to come shal be aduanced to the honor and preferment of this kingdome he shal not be placed in the royal seat vntil among other conditions he haue promised by the Sacrament of an oth that he vvil suffer no man to break the Catholique faith c. Thus far that synod or councel By which wordes especially thos among other conditions is made euident that thos Princes sweare not only to kepe the faith but also such other conditions of good gouerment as were touched before in the fourth councel and thes things were determyned while
their owne and Ireland and Scotland is not far of vvhere frendship perhapps in such a case might be offred and finally in this poynte of abillity great oddes is their seene betweene these Lordes As for their religion I cannot determyne what difference their is or may be betweene them The Lord Beacham by education is presumed to be a protestant albeit some hold that his father and father in law be more inclined towards the Puritans The earle of Darbyes religion is held to be more doubtful so as some do thinke him to be of al three religions and others of none and these agayne are deuided in iudgments about the euent heerof for that some do imagin that this opinion of him may do him goode for that al sides heerby may perhapps conceaue hope of him but others do persuade themselues that it vvil do him hurt for that no side in deede will esteeme or trust him so as al these matters with their euents and consequences do remayne vncertaine But now will I passe to speake of the house of Clarence the cheefe persons wherof and most emynent at this day are the earle of Huntington and his bretheren the Hastings for that the Pooles and Barringtons are of far meaner condition and authoritie albeit the other also I meane the house of Hastings doth not seme to be of any great allyance for that albeit the old earle of Huntington this earles father had two brethren the one S. Thomas Hastings that married one of the Lord Henry Pooles daughters named Lord montague that was put to death which daughter was sister to this earles mother and the other named S. Edward Hastings vvas made Lord of Lowghborow by Queene Mary to whom he was first master of the horse and afterward Lord Chamberland neither of them hauing left issue and this is al I remember by his fathers side except it be his owne brethren as hath bin said of which S. George Hastings is the cheefest By his mothers side he hath only the Pooles whose power as it is not great so what it is is rather lyke to be agaynst him then with him partly for their difference from him in religion and partly for preferment of their owne title vppon the reasons before alleaged By his owne marriage with the daughter of the late duke of Northumberland and sister to the late earles of Lecester and Warwicke he was lyke to haue drawne a very great strong alliance if the said two earles had liued and especially S. Phillip Sidney who was borne of the other sister of the present Countesse of Huntington and his owne sister was married to the earle of Penbroke that now is himselfe to the daughter of S. Francis Walsingham cheefe secretary of the state by al which meanes and by al the affection and power of the party puritan and much of the protestant this earle was thought to be in very great forwardnes But now these great pillers being fayled and no issue yet remayning by the said Countesse his wife no man can assure himselfe what the successe wil be especially seing that of the three bodyes of different religions before described it is thought that this earle hath incurred deeply the hatred of the one and perhapps some ielousy and suspition of the other but yet others do say and no doubt but that it is a matter of singular importance if it be so that he is lyke to haue the whole power of London for him which citty did preuaile so much in aduancing the title of Yorke in king Edward the fourth his tyme as it made him king twise to wit once at the beginning when he first apprehended and put downe king Henry the sixt and the second tyme vvhen he being driuen out of the kingdome by his brother the duke of Clarence and Richard earle of Warwicke he returned from Flanders vppon hope of the fauour of the Londoners and was in deede receaued fauoured and set vp agayne by them especially and by the helps of kent and other places adioyning and depending of London and so it may be that the fauourers of this earle do hope the like successe to him in tyme by this potent cittie For the houses of Britanny and Portugal I shal ioyne them both together for that they are straingers and the persons therof so nigh linked in kynred affinitie frendship as both their tittles forces and fauours may easely be ioyned together and imparted the one with the other as to themselues shal best appeare conuenient The lady Infanta of Spayne pretendent of the house of Britanie is eldest daughter of king Phillip as al the world knoweth and dearly beloued of him and that worthely as al men report that come from thence for that she is a princesse of rare partes both for bewty wisdome and pietie The two yong Princes of Parma I meane both the duke and his brother the Cardinal are ympes in like manner of great expectation and diuers wayes neere of kynn to the said king for that by their fathers side they are his nephewes that is the childeren of his sister and by their mothers side almoost as neere for that they are the nephewes of his vncle Prince Edward Infant of Portugal In lyke neernes of blood are the Duchesse of Bragansa and her children vnto the said king which children are many as hath bin shewed and al of that rare vertue and valor and of that singuler affection vnto the English natiō as it is wonderful to heare what men write from those partes and what others do reporte that haue trauayled Portugal and seene those Princes and tasted of their magnificente liberality so as I haue hard diuers reioyse that are affected that way to vnderstand that their do remayne such noble ofsping yet in forrayne countryes of the true and ancient blood royal of Ingland What the powers and possibilities of al these Princes of the house of Portugal be or may be heerafter for pursuyng their right shal not neede to be declared in this place for that al the world doth know and see the same yet al seemeth to depend of the heade roote which is the king of Spayne himselfe and the yonge Prince his sonne whose states and forces how and where they lye what allyance frendes subiects or followers they haue or may haue it is easy to consider but what part or affection of men they haue or may haue heerafter in Ingland it selfe when tyme shal come for the determyning of this matter no man can tell at this present and what plotts agreements compartitions or other conclusions may be made at that day tyme only must teach vs so as now I know not well what to say further in this affaire but only commend it to Gods highe prouidence and therefore I pray you quoth the Lawyer let me ende with this only that alredy I haue saide and pardon me of my former promisse to put my
thos eyther Kinges Dukes Earles or the like or that they should haue this or that authority more or lesse for longer or shorter tyme or be taken by succession or election themselues and their children or next in blood al thes things I say are not by law ether natural or diuine for then as hath bine said they should be al one in al countryes and nations seing God and nature is one to al but they are ordayned by particuler positiue lawes of euery countrey as afterwards more largely shal be proued But now that sociability in mankind or inclination to liue in company is by nature and consequently ordeyned by God for the common benefit of al is an easy thing to proue seing that al ground of realmes and common wealthes dependeth of this poynt as of ther first principle for that a common wealth is nothing els but the good gouerment of a multitude gathered together to liue in one therfore al olde philosophers law makers and wise men that haue treated of gouerment or common wealthes as Plato in his ten most excellent bookes which he wrot of this matter intituling them of the commou wealth and Marcus Cicero that famous councelor in other six bookes that he writ of the same matter vnder the same title And Aristotle that perhaps excelleth them both in eight bookes which he called his pollitiques al thes I saye do make their entrance to treat of ther common wealth affayres from this first principle to wit that man by nature is sociable and inclined to liue in company wherof do proceede first al priuate houses then villages then townes then cityes then kingdomes common wealthes This ground principle then do they proue by diuers euident reasons as first for that in al nations neuer so wild or barborous we fee by experience that by one way or other they endeuour to liue together ether in cityes townes villages caues woodes tents or other like manner according to the custome of ech countrey which vniuersal instinct could neuer be in al but by impression of nature it selfe Secondly they proue the same by that the vse of speech is giuen to man for this end and purpose for that litle auaylable were this priuiledge of speaking if men should liue alone conuerse with none Thirdly not only Aristotle but Theophrastus also Plutarch and others do confirme the same by the poore estate condition wherin man is borne more infirme then any other creature though by creation he be lord gouernor of al the rest for where as ech other creature is borne in a certayne sort armed and defended in it selfe as the bul with his hornes the bore with his tuske the bear wolfe with their teath the birde with hir fethers agaynst cold with her wynges to flye away the hart hare with their swiftnes and the like only man is borne feble and naked not able to prouide or defende himselfe in many yeares but only by the healp of others which is à token that he is borne to liue in company and to be holpen by others this not only for his necessity and help at his begining whiles he is in this imbecility but also for his more comodious liuing in the rest of his dayes afterwards seing no man of himselfe is sufficient for himselfe he that liueth alone can haue no benefite of others or do any to others wherfore wittely said Aristotle in the second chapter of his first booke of politiques that he which flieth to liue in society is ether Deus aut Bellua a God or a beft for that ether he doth it because he hath no neede of any which is proper to God or els for that he wil do good to none and feeleth not that natural instinct which man hath to liue in conuersation which is a signe rather of a beast then of a man Cicero doth add an other reason for this purpose to wit the vse of certaine principal vertues giuen vnto man but principally iustice frenship which should be vtterly in vaine and to no vtilitye if man should not liue in company of others for seing the office of iustice is to distribut to euery one his owne wher no number is ther no distribution can be vsed as also neyther any act of frenship which yet in the society of mā is so necessary vsual sayeth this excellent man vt nec aqua nec igne nec ipso sole pluribus in locis vtamur quam amicitia that we vse nether water nor fyer nor the sonne it felfe in more places or occasions then frenship And to this effect of vsing frenship loue and charity the one towards the other do christian doctors also and especially S. Augustine in his booke of frenship reduce the institution of this natural instinct of liuing in cōpany which seemeth also to be confirmed by God hym sell in those wordes of Gcnesis Dixit quoque Dominus Dcus non est bonum hominem esse solum facia mus ei adiutorium simile sibi God said it is 〈◊〉 good that man should be alone let vs 〈◊〉 vnto him a help or assistante like vnto him selfe of which wordes is deduced that as 〈◊〉 first society of our first parēts vvas of God 〈◊〉 so great purpose as heere is set downe the 〈◊〉 to be holpen by the other so al other societye in like maner which grow of this first stand vppon the same ground of Gods ordination for the selfe same end of mans vtility And I haue bin the longer in speaking of this natural instinct to society for that it is the first fountaine of al the rest that enseweth in a common wealth as hath bine said for of this come familyes villages townes castles cyties and common wealthes al which Aristotle in his bookes before named doth proue to be of nature for that this first inclinatiō to liue together wherof al thos other things do spring is of nature as hath bin declared Out of this is the second poynt before mentioned deduced to wit that gouerment also superiority iurisdiction of magistrats is likewise of nature for that it followeth of the former and seinge that it is impossible for men to liue together with help and commodity of the one to the other except ther be some magestrat or other to kepe order amōg them without which order ther is nothing els to be hoped for as Iob sayeth but horror and cōfusion as for example wher-soeuer a multitude is gathered together if ther be not some to represse the insolent to assist the impotent reward the vertuous chasten the outragious and minister some kind of iustice and equality vnto the inhabitants ther liuing together would be farr more hurtful thē ther liuing a sunder for that one would consume and deuour the other and so we see that vppon liuing together followeth of necessity some kind of iurisdiction
he approueth also the same in other realmes vvhen iust occasions are offred either for his seruice the good of the people and realme or els for punishment of the sinnes and wickednes of some princes that the ordinary line of succession be altred Now then to passe on further and to begyn with the kingdomes of Spayne supposing euer this ground of Gods ordenance as hath bin declared first I say that Spayne hath had three or foure races or discents of kings as France also and Ingland haue had and the first race was from the Gothes which began their raigne in Spayne after the expulsion of the Romans about the yeare of Christ 416. to whō the Spaniard referreth al his old nobility as the french man doth to the German Franckes and the Inglish to the Saxons which entred France and Ingland in the very same age that the other did Spayne the race of Gothysh kynges indured by the space of 300. years vntil Spayne was lost vnto the Moores The second race is from Don Pelayo that was chosen first king of Asturias and of the mountayne countrey of Spaine after the distruction therof by the Mootes about the yeare of Christ 〈◊〉 as before hath bin touched which race contynewed increased added kingdome vnto kingdome for the space of other three hundred yeares to wit vntil the yeare of Christ 1034. when Don Sancho may or king of Nauarra at vnto his power the Earldome also of Aragon and Castilia and made them kingdomes and deuided them among his children and to his second sonne named Don Fernando surnamed afterward the great he gaue not only the said Earldome of Castilia with title of kingdome but by mariynge also of the sister of Don Dermudo king of Leon and Asturias he ioyned al those kingdomes together so began from that day forward the third race of the kings of Nauar to reigne in Castel and so indured for syuehundred yeares vntil the yeare of Christ 1540. whē the house of Austria entred to reigne ther by mariage of the daughter and heyre of Don Ferdinando surnamed the Catholique and this was the fourth race of Spanish kings after the Romans which endureth vntil this day And albeit in al thes foure races and ranckes of royal discents diuers exāples might be alleaged for manifest proofe of my purpose yet wil I not deale whith the first race for that it is euident by the councels of Toledo before alleaged which were holden in that very time that in those dayes expresse election was ioyned with succession as by the deposition of king Suintila and putting back of al his children as also by the election approbation of king Sisinando that was further of by succession hath bin insinuated before in the fyft councel of that age in Toledo it is decreed expresly in these wordes Si quis talia meditatus fuerit talking of pretending to be king quem nec electio omnium perficit nec Gothicae gentis nobilitas ad hunc honoris apicem trahit sit consortio Catholicorum priuatus diuino anathemate condemnatus If any man shal imagin said thes fathers or go about to aspire to the kingdome whom the election choise of al the 〈◊〉 doth not make perfect not the nobility of the Gotish nation doth draw to the height of this dignity let him be depriued of al Catholique society and damned by the curse of almighty God by which woords is insinuated that not only the nobility of Gotish blood or neernes by succession was required for the making of ther king but much more the choise or admission of al the realme wherin this councel putteth the perfection of his title The like determinatiō was made in an other councel at the same place before this that I haue alleaged the vvordes are these Nullus apud nos presumptione regnum arripiat sed defuncto in pace principe optimates gentis cum sacerdotibus successorem regni communi concilio constituant Which in Inglish is thus let no man with vs snatche the kingdome by presumption but the former Prince being dead in peace let the nobility of the nation together with the Priests and cleargie appoint the successor of the kingdome by common councel which is as much to say as if he had said let no man enter vppon the kingdome by presumption of succession alone but let the Lords temporal and spiritual by common voice see vvhat is best for the vveal publique Now then according to thes ancient decrees albeit in the second race of Don Pelayo the law of succession by propinquity of blood was renewed and much more established then before as the ancient bishop of Tuys and Molina and other spanish vvriters do testifie yet that the next in blood was oftentymes put back by the common wealth vppon iust causes thes examples following shal testifie as breefly recoūted as I can possibly Don Pelayo died in the yeare of our Lord 737. and left a sonne named Don Fauila who vvas king after his father and reigned two yeares only After whos death none of his children were admited for king thoughe he left diuers as al writers do testifie But as Don Lucas the Bishop of Tuy a very ancient author vvriteth Aldefonsus Catholicus ab vniuer so populo Gothorum eligitur that is as the chronicler Moralis doth translat in spanish Don Alonso surnamed the Catholique was chosen to be king by al voices of the Gotish nation This Don Alonso was sonne in law to the former king Fauila as Morales sayeth for that he had his daughter Erneenesenda in mariage he was preferred before the kings owne sonnes only for that they were yonge vn-able to gouerne as the said historiographer restifyeth And how wel this fel out for the cōmon wealth and how excellent a king this Don Alonso proued Morales sheweth at large from the tenth chapter of his thirteenth booke vntil the 17. and Sebastianus Bishop of Salamança that liued in the same tyme writeth that of his valiant acts he was surnamed the great To this famons Don Alonso succeded his sonne Don Fruela the first of that name who was a noble king for 10. yeares space and had diuers excellent victories against the Moores but afterward declining to tyrannie he became hate ful to his subiects and for that he put to death wrongfully his owne brother Don Vimerano a Prince of excellent partes and rarely beloued of the Spaniards he was him selfe put downe and put to death by them in the yeare of Christ 768. And albeit this kyng left two goodly children behinde him which were lawfully begotten vppō his Queene Dona Munia the one of them a sonne called Don Alonso the other a daughter called Dona Ximea yet for the hatred conceaued against ther father neyther of them was admitted by the realme to succede him but rather his cosen german named Don Aurelio
I finde registred in our chronicles these persons following either made away cutt of or put downe by the said king to wit two Queenes Anne and Catherin Three Cardinales put downe and disgraced Wolsy Poole and fysher vvherof the last vvas behedded soone after his dignity giuen him in Rome and the first vvas arrested the second attaynted of imagined treasons Three dukes put downe to vvit the noble dukes of Buckingham Suffolk and Norfolke wherof the last lost his lands dignities and libertie only the former two both Landes liues A marques with two earles beheaded Deuonshire kyldare and Surray tvvo Countesses condemned to dye Deuonshire and Salisbury and the latter executed Lordes many as the Lorde Darcy the Lorde Hussy the Lorde Montagne the Lorde Leonard Gray the Lord Dacres of the south the Lord Cromwel and six or seuen Abbots Kinghtes also in great number as fiue in one day vvith the Lords Hussy and Darcy and fiue in an other day with the earle os kildare whose vncles they vvere and besides them S. Thomas Moore S. Rice Griffith S. Edward Neuel S. Iohn Neuel S. Nicholas Carew S. Adrian fortescue and diuers other kinghts of great accompt then gentlemen almost vvithout end And al these within the space of 20 yeares of his reigne and in the tyme of peace and yf we looke vppon but fower or fiue yeares together of the reigne of this mans children we shal see the like course continued for we shal see put to death within the space of foure yeares al these following by name The duke of Somerset the duke of Suffolk the duke of Northumberland and the L. Admiral of Ingland S. Miles Partrige S. Raphe Vane S. Michel Stanhope S. Thomas Arondel S. Iohn Gates S. Thomas Palmer kinghtes with diuers othet gentlemen of there retinew and al these by natural domestical and homborne Princes whereas I dare to aduenture the greateft wager that I can make that you shal not finde so many put to death of the nobility by any strainge Prince state or common wealth christian in any forrayne dominion that they possesse in many ages together and the reason therof is euident by that I said before neither were it pollicy or wisdome nor could the causes be so often nor ordinarily giuen by the nobility to a Prince that were absent from them to vse suche seueritie so as by this it may also appeare that to be vnder a forraine gouerment euen in the woorst kinde therof that can be deuised which is to be as a prouince or peece of an other kingdome and to come vnder it by very conquest it selfe is not so dangerous a matter as at the first shew it may seeme and much lesse to be vnder forraine gouerment by other sweeter meanes of succession or composition as the present case of Ingland seemeth to import in respect of those foraine Princes which do pretende to the succession therof And this is not only shewed and declared by the state and condition of Flanders before their tumultes but in like manner it is seene by the present state of Britanie Normandie Aquitaine Prouence and other dukedomes and countries in France that were wont to haue their owne particuler Princes and novv are much more commodiously vnder the crowne of France The like is seene by the states of Naples Millan Sicilie Sardinia other parts and countryes of Italie which were wont to be vnder kings and Princes of their owne and now are vnder the crownes of Aragon and Castile with infinite oddes of peace rest security and welth then they were before when they had domestical Princes and so themselues do confesse I meane the wise dis-passionate among them for of the vulgar in this case no accompt is to be made and if they should deny it yet the thing speaketh it selfe and the publique stories of their countryes would conuince them wherin it is to be read what Phalaris what Dionisius other homeborne tyrants Sicilie for example hath had and suffred and what infinite crueltie they and diuers others of their owne gouernours haue exercised vppon them as also what continuall turmoyles there were in the cittie of Naples in all that kingdome for many yeares together after it fel from the gouerment first of the Roman Empire and then of the Grecian vntil it came to the crowne of Aragon I meane betweene their owne domestical kings now of the bloode of Italians now of the Normans now of the Hungarians now of the french for of al these lines their haue reigned among them and the realme was a perpetual pray to souldiars and the very like may be said of Millan after their fal from the Roman Empire vnder which they liued quiet prosperously vntil they came againe to be vnder the crowne of Spayne they passed infinite tribulations first by the contention of their common people against their nobility and then by the bloody falling out of their chiefe families the one against the other to wit the Furiani Visconti Marcelli Mirabelli Castilioni and Sforzi which familie last of al preuayled he I say that shal remember this and then behold the present state with the quiet peace saftie and riches wherin they now liue wil easely confesse that they haue changed for the better though they be vnder forraine gouerment and thus much of this pointe Their remayneth to speake a woord or two about the second part of the question before proposed and included partly in this which alredy hath bin treated to wit whether it be better to be vnder a little or great king which question though it may be decided in parte by that which before hath bin alleaged about being vnder a forraine Prince yet more particulerly to make the same playne these men do saye that the reasons be many and euident to proue that the subiection to a great mightie monarch is far better first for that he is best able to defend and protect his subiects and secondly for that he hath least need ordinarily to pill and pole them for that a little king be he neuer so meane yet must he kepe the state of a king and his subiects must maynteyne the same and if they be but few the greater vvil the burthen be of euery one in particuler and thirdly for that a great and potent Prince hath more to bestow vppon his subiects for reward of vertue and valour then hath a poore Prince and seing that euery particuler subiect borne within his Princes dominions is capable of al the preferments vvhich his Princes state or kingdome do yeeld if he be worthy of the same it is a great prerogatiue say these men to be borne vnder a potent Prince that hath much to giue vvhich they declare by this example follovving A man that is borne in the citie of Genua or Geneua for both are cityes and states within themselues let him be of vvhat ability or worthines soeuer yet can he hope for