Commonwealth of Venice hath gotten an excellent Government but was not at first governed by those Laws which she now is But diversity of Occasions have opened the way to the wisdom of many of her Citizens who adding new Orders to the old have brought her to such a height of perfection Which might the easilier be done because that City was free-born and was from the very beginning ordered according to the true Civil end to wit to Peace and Concord and to the Union of her Citizens But on the contrary other modern Republicks the Cities wherein such Governments were formed having been formerly long accustomed to obey Emperors since they got their Liberty by many Accidents they knew not as not being well acquainted therewith how to use it by reason of the Citizens various dispositions of mind So as wheeling often about with an uncertain Form of Government they in process of time return'd under the command of one These Considerations being applied to the City of Rome will prove that the prudence of her Citizens though they were very wise and valiant men was not sufficient to reduce her to a perfect Form of Commonwealth but they might have amended many great disorders in her which did much shorten her life For he who will consider the conditions of the people of Rome will find them to be such as no Form of Government could better agree with them then a Popular State for they were all warlike men bred up even from the very first foundation of the City in the exercise of Arms. And though a Commonwealth may be formed amongst these which may have a certain similitude to an Aristocratical State when the Citizens being governed by certain Laws partake every man more or less of that Government according to their worth For Military discipline hath a certain species of Vertue though it be none of those that do immediately serve to purchase the ultimate end of a City yet this Government is very seldom met with and though it want the true and proper Form is commonly called by the usual name of a Commonwealth So as though at first the City of Rome leaned much thereunto in a short time the People had a great share therein who not knowing how to moderate themselves made it grow licentious But he who will look back even to her first beginning will find that the Peoples authority did thereby ever increase together with the City For the Peoples power and liberty was great not only after the driving out of the Tarquins but even when it was commanded by Kings that City seeming even from that time to be naturally more disposed to the Form of a Commonwealth then of a Kingdom For after the death of Romulus the People being powerful as having the weapons in their hand and as being the first Founders of that City usurped the authority of choosing Kings who on the contrary side that they might the better confirm themselves in their new Kingdom endeavoured to accommodate themselves to the nature of the People and to purchase their love by granting them many considerable things So as even under the Kingly government it had the power of Appeals as appeared in Horatius his case who being condemned by the Magistrates for his Sisters death appealed to the People and was by them freed In favor of them likewise the City was divided into Centuries with a certain Order of a very small Tax according to which the Degrees of the Militia and the Authority of the Publick Courts things which did all of them appertain to a Popular State were to be distributed To boot with these Laws the great number of Citizens which did even then arise to One hundred and thirty thousand made the Peoples party very powerful as also their having been so ready and so successful in engaging themselves in so many enterprises for the Commonwealth without receiving any pay for their pains But the Nobility was a long time very weak and in but little esteem For the first Founders of the City being Shepherds and all of the same condition there was no distinction of degree amongst them save what was soon after brought in 〈◊〉 Romulus who choosing the Senate out of all that former number that they might be assistant to the King in providing for things requisite for the State by this order he divided some of the worthiest of the People in this new City from the rest who gave the rise to the Roman Nobility But even this Order was very weak for it was at first instituted by Romulus but of a small number of men and though others were afterwards added thereunto yet till such time as the City got her liberty 〈◊〉 never exceeded the number of Two hundred Senators nay even these were much lessened by the cruelty of Tarquinius Superbus and their Authority narrowly bounded by the Counterpoise of Regal power So as when the City put herself into Liberty there were not Noblemen enough to form a State of Optimati in this case did Publius Valerius find the City of Rome after the driving out of the Tarquins when he through Brutus his death remaâ—ning sole Consul was to constitute Laws and new mould the Commonwealth Wherefore desirous to introduce a State differing from the former under the name of Liberty it behoved him not to lessen but to encrease the Authority of the People For else they would not have indured it and by fiding with the Tarquins they might easily have confounded that Government and reduced the City again under the power of Kings For which reason also Brutus though he was first created Consul not willing to lose the favor and assistance of the people without which he thought the new Orders of the City could not be well established perswaded his Colleague Tarquinius Collatinus that to give satisfaction to the People to whom the name of Tarquin was become odious and suspitious to lay down his Consulship By these Reasons it appears that Valerius was compelled to ordain many things in favour of the People as were the Appeals from the Consuls The order that upon pain of death no man should enter into any place of Magistracy without the Peoples approbation the petty punishment appointed for them who should not obey the Consuls commands which was no more but to pay five Oxen and two Sheep Moreover he eased the poor of many grievances and made many other very Popular Laws whence he purchased the name of Publicola But which 't is understood that in ordering of the Commonwealth respect was to be had in many things to necessity and to the condition of those times yet if we shall consider other Accidents we shall find them much contrary to such a necessity for the new Legislator was not Prince as was Licurgus but possest a place of Magistracy for a short time the Authority whereof was hardly yet well known and not much valued So as he could not use force to withdraw the people from a Popular
French-men have who were left behind for the defence of the Kingdom of Naples and the City of Novara which though it were back'd with the Kings men who to this purpose kept his Army a long time together after the Battel was reduced to so great streights by the Colleagues as the King was compelled to yeed it up upon Articles to Sforza would it not soon have been taken by the sole reputation of the victoâ—y Neither would this have been an occasion of dissention as afterwards it was amongst the Colleagues and which bereft them of the chiefest advantage which that confederacie could hope for These are the Considerations which we may conceive did move those Princes to resolve upon following the French Army and to join battel with it But that which amongst such diversity of reasons seems more answerable to reason is that the Battel was not occasioned out of an absolute resolution and resolute advice but happened party out of necessity both Armies being already drawn very near and partly upon a resolution taken by the Commanders upon the very place But the Princes of the Leagues truest intention was to necessitate the King of France when he should see so great a preparation for War to be made against him to hasten his departure the more and to enforce him to draw so many more of his men from the Kâ—ngdom of Naples that so he might make his passage the surer And that the Kingdom not having sufficient Garisons to defend it might the more easily fall into the power of the Aragoneses for whom the same Colleagues were preparing a Fleet by Sea to assault it Nor was it judged by the example of things formerly past that the States of Italy were free from the insolencies of the French unless the Prâ—nces of Italy should either put themselves into a posture of War or if they should keep their Forces far distant from the way whereby the King was to return for France since in his former passage to the enterprise of Naples though he was more necessitated to make hast and haâ— greater need of making himself Friends more by favor then by force he had notwithstanding used strange novelties in Tuscany which the Florentines did much â—esent And who could have ascertained that he would not do the lâ—ke in his return in all other parts where meeting with no obstacle he might meet with opportunity of pleasing himself or procuring any thing of advantage The Colleagues seeking to provide for these mischiefs rather to shun new inconveniencies then endeavor to repair their past losses they thought it the best course that their Army should follow that of the Kings so to keep him in perpetual jealousie and suspition and hinder him if he should make any attempt hoping likewise as they had like to have done that this was the way to make the King come to some good agreement with them which had been often endeavored and not without hopes of good success even when the Camps were very near together But the Colleagues incited either by the Armies being so near together by the desire of glory or hope of victory or perchance being inforc'd so to do as it usually falls out when the Enemies Army is reduced to straight passages they fought the French the Commanders of the Leaguâ—s Army were then to have considered that they had more reason to hope for victorie then to fear loss in that daies fight as the effect did in part prove it being the common opinion that had not their own men been put into great disorder by their own light-horse who fell too soon to pillage the Enemies Camp they would have had a full and glorious victory But though the business should have succeeded otherwise they knew the state of affairs to be such as the victory oâ— the Kings behalf could not occasion them those great mischiefs which upon such an occasion have been considered the Kings Forces not being so great when most entire much less being much weakened by the conflict as could prove very formidable Such like events may teach us not to attempt such things in which it is hard to resolve and wherein the profit which may accrue is very doubtful nor to bring our selves to such a condition as the necessity of putting on another resolve bereaves us of choice Nor will it be a less useful precept for Princes to have a great care and to be very well advised in chusing their Commanders which are to have the chief imployment in great enterprises for if their nature and customs be not conformable to the thoughts and intentions of the Prince it is in vain to give them any Instructions or Commissions for oft-times a resolution is to be put on upon the main concern wherein a mans natural inclinations may prevail over whatsoever strict command which the Commonwealth of Venice had experience of particularly in this daies fight in the Marquis of Mantua and some years after with much more danger and damage in Bartholomiâ— d' Alviano at the Battel of Giaradada in both which personages natural ardor and too vehement a desire of glory prevailed over the Senates wise and moderate counsels The Fifth DISCOURSE Whether or no the Forces of Leagues be fit for great Enterprises AMongst those things which fall into discourse when people talk of weighty State Affairs and of War enterprises one and a chief one is that of Leagues and Confederacies in which divers Potentates do joyn either out of some particular design of their own or for their better securitie or to abate the power of others And the weakness of Potentates who are wanting in the antient military worth and discipline hath been the occasion why we read of more examples of such unions in these latter times then we have heard of formerly So as now adaies as also in some later times past when any great enterprise is debated upon recourse is forthwith had to Leagues by means and vertue whereof it is usually thought that greater ends may be compassed then can be hoped for from the peculiar power and vertue of any one onely State and chiefly to curb and keep under those Forces which do threaten whole Christendom with most danger and damage Those who speak in the behalf of these Leagues and who heighten the hopes thereof use these or the like reasons First because reason natures self doth teach us that the multiplication of the force and vertue of the movers makes the motion the greater and more powerful and that power and perfection which in humane affairs is denied to one alone is easily found amongst many There is hardâ—y any one so weak or so little befriended by the gifts of nature or fortune who may not be some help to another by adding that little which he hath to the much more of the others This is the cause why in humane actions and especially in such as are of the nobler sort the perfectest are those which are most compounded The best
Hen Do Cary Baro de Leppington Comes Monmouthenâ—is et honble Ord Balniâ— Eques Politick DISCOURSES Written in ITALIAN BY PAOLO PARUTA A Noble VENETIAN Cavalier and Procurator of St. MARK Whereunto is added A short SOLILOQUY In which the AUTHOR briefly examines the whole Course of his Life Rendred into ENGLISH By the Right Honorable HENRY EARL of MONMOVTH LONDON Printed for H. Moseley and are to be sold at the Prince's Arms in St. Paul's Church-yard 1657 THE CONTENTS Of the Several DISCOURSES The First BOOK DISCOURSE I. WHat was the true and proper Form of Government observed in the Commonwealth of Rome and whether she could be better ordered in Civil affairs having Armed people on foot pag. 1. II. What success the Roman affairs would have had if Alexander the Great had turned with his victorious Army into Italy 18 III. Whether was the better and more laudable advice That of the Carthaginians in offering to assist the Romans against King Pyrrhus Or that of the Romans in refusing their offer 23 IV. Which of the two famous Roman Commanders Quintus Fabiâ—s Maximus or P. Scipio Africanus brought more of 〈…〉 the Commonwealth of Rome in managing their War 29 V. Whether war being to be made against the Romans Hannibals counsel was good to carry it into Italy 34 VI. Whether it was well done by the Romans to carry the War against the Carthaginians into Sicily and Spain and into Macedonia and Greece against King Philip whilst Hannibal waged War with them in Italy 39 VII Whether the destruction of Carthage was the rise of the ruine of the Roman Republick 45 VIII Why Rome could not regain her liberty after the death of Julius Caesar as she had formerly done by driving the Tarquinâ— first out and then Appius Claudius and the other Decemviri 50 IX Which is the safer way to be taken to arrive at Honor and Glory in a Commonwealth that which was held by Cato or that which was pursued by Caesar. 55 X. To what Age of the City of Rome the greatest praise and merit is to be given for the prosperity and greatness whereto she arrived 59 XI How the Roman Empire though it fell oftentimes into the hands of base and wicked mâ—n was notwithstanding able to maintain it self in the Reign of many Emperors and how it came to be finally destroyed 67 XII Why the Commonwealth of Rome though she suffered many Defeats in divers Battels yet did still prove victorious at last 78 XIII Whether the City of Rome could have maintain'd herself longer in the glory and majesty of her Command if she had preserved her Librty and Form of Commonwealth then she did under the Government of Emperors 85 XIV Why the Grecians did not much extend the Confines of their dominion as did the Romans and how Greece came to lose her liberty 93 XV. Whether Ostracism used by the Athenians be a just thing or no and whether it be useful for the preservation of a Commonwealth 104 The Second BOOK DISCOURSE I. WHy the Commonwealth of Venice hath not so for enlarged her Prâ—cincts as did the Roman Commonwealth 111 II. Whether or no the Commonwealth of Venice be to be blamed for having taken upon her the defence of the City of Pisa when it was appâ—gneâ— by the Florentineâ— 1â—3 III. That the Commonwealth is not to be blamed for the unfortunate successes of War after the routing of the Venetian Army in the actioâ— of Giaradada 131 IV. Whether the Princes of Italy did well or no to assault the Army of Charlâ— the Eight King of France when after having gotten the Kingdom of Naples he hasted to pass over the Mountains 140 V. Whether or no the Forces of Leagues be fit for great Enterprises 146 VI. Why modern Princes have not done actions equal to those which were done by the Antients 156 VII What the cause is why Italy hath enjoyed so long peace and quiet in these latter times 164 VIII Whether Citadels and Strong-holds much used by our modern Princes be commodious and of true safety to a State or no. 168 IX Whether the Opinion of Pope Leo the Tenth were good or no and his counsel safe of driving Foreign Nations out of Italy by the help of other Transalpine Forces 179 X. Whether the Counsel taken by the Emperor Charls the Fifth and by his Commanders of not parting from the walls of Vienna when Solyman was come with very great strength from Constantinople to assault it deserve praise or blame 185 A TABLE Of all the more notable Things contained in the present Politick Discourses A. ADrian the Emperor why he resolved to go on progress over all his States and to visit every part thereof Pag. 71-91 Where he set the bounds of his Empire ibid. Agesilaus though he were King in Sparta was obedient to the Laws of the Country 48 Alcibiades by too much desire of glory ruined his Country 10. Had higher thoughts then the rest of the Greek Commanders 95 Alexander the Great the greatness of his enterprises 19. His Militia 20-83 An Indian Gymnosophist shews him how in a large Kingdom insurrections fall out 71. How far he extended his Empire and in how little time 157. and how 159. His artifices and laudable way for opening the way more easily to his great atchievements and greater glory 162 Ambition precipitated Rome into very grievous disorders 15-16-51 When discovered makes men distastefull 58. It and Fear raise in Princes minds a desire of innovation 164. The important mischief of it if once gotten into mens hearts 106. How it is to be cured in States-men ibid. An Army keeping the field how greatly beneficial 169 Armies maintained by the Romans to carry on the war in divers parts taken only out of Italy 64 Arragonian Kings of Naples what they did for fear of the French forces 138 Artillery of what use in warâ—â— 160. That in their stead the Antients had miraculous Engines called Tormenta 173 Assaulting the Enemy in his own State how advantagious 34 Attalaricus King of the Goths descends into Italy 76. is afterwards entertain'd for a Stipendiary to the Empire ibid. Attila content to lose the day so the Roman Commander might be slain in the battel 89 Athens why she soon lost her liberty 5-13-54 Athenians of great power in Greece 94. By what people followed and favour'd ibid. Too hard for the rest in Sea-forces ibid. Hinder'd by the Spartans from taking in Sicily and from assaulting Persia 95. Why they could not enlarge their Dominion 98 Augustus Caesar in many places enlarged the Empire 68. Remained sole Lord of the whole World 71. Reduced it all to Peace though he was troubled with some Insurrections 7â— See Octavianus B. BAttails subject to divers unexpected accidents 31 When they are to be adventured upon 192 Brutus Junius Br. how he stirr'd up the people to Liberty 51. Why he condemned his own sons to death 52 Brutus Marcus Br. why he could not preserve the
Army 51. Subdued for the Romans above eight hundred Cities 65. The laudable way and art by which he brought people to obey the Romans and facilitated his enterprises 163 The People of Rome of what authority in the Commonwealth 5. How from the beginning it was of great power and increased it more and more 15 Loving liberty how it came to lose it 51. Sought by seditions to obtain from the Senate all things though never so unjust 52 The People That to curb it Severity prevails more then Meekness 16. That out of its natural fickleness it useth to favour a Forein Prince and by seditions and violent attempts to plot against the present Power 170 A Prince shall do well and wisely to have a care that no Subject of his grow to be suspected for his greatness 106. Must not for his own relief make use of Forein aids that he may be too strong for his Native forces 103 Princes what sort of Militia it is best for them to make use of in their expeditions and other matters of War 155. Sage advice to them in points of War and the choice of Commanders 145. Those of Italy have used to imploy foreign Commanders and foreign mercenary Soldiers 122 See more in States R. REpublicks how their divers Forms may be known 6. How their continuance may be known 18. How at last they grow to be Tyrannies 54. That a State deserves not the name of a Commonwealth or Republick where the Decrees of the People and not the Laws carry all the command 6. For the long preservation and quietness of them nothing more necessary then a Parity 104. A poor one cannot enlarge its Dominion 112 Rome was a mixt but imperfect Commonwealth and why 3-11 Was too Popular 3. Why it could not free it self from many disorders 14 How long it held its greatness 68. When and how she might have freed herself from her many bad qualities and defects ibid. How she abounded in Soldiers and Commanders 39-64-74-80 How she made way for Monarchy 39. She scatter'd her corruptions amongst the Nobles and the Communalty 50. That those Citizens proved worst oppressors to her whom for the meer conservation of her Liberty she had too much exalted 51 Her first second and third Age 59. Her first seven Kings of what considerable benefit they were to her 60. At what time she deserved the praise of good Government 61 Romans why they refused the Carthaginians aid against Pyrrhus 26. Refused to have peace with Pyrrhus ibid. For what causes chiefly they had the better of the Carthaginians 39. They regarded not so much present dangers as future 45. Out of one War they still framed another 46 Why they were invincible according to Polybius 78. The two pretences under which they made their most notorious acquisitions 161. How by Colonies they kept their new Subjects in loyalty and obedience 173 Romulus a man fierce ambitious and desirous to enlarge his Estate train'd up the People according to his genius 113 S. SCipio Africanus his worth and actions 29-33 Why he took a course differing from that of Fabius 33. His passage into Sicily of what benefit it was 35 Scipio Nafica when Carthage was taken disswaded the Senate from destroying that City 46. Whether that counsel of his were founded upon good reason ibid. The Senate of Rome what number it consisted of and when first instituted 14 Its authority 4. The generous answer she gave to the Ambassadors of Pyrrhus 26-89 Little esteemed of by Julius Caesar 46. Subject to corruptions 50. Severity in what sort of Commonwealth it doth good 57. Was very great in Cato ibid. Sylla brought into Rome licentious living 51. Increased the Order of the Senators to counterpoise the Communalty Gave honors and riches to his Favorites ibid. Soldan of Caire how and why he lost all his Kingdom in a short time 160 Solyman parallel'd with Charls the Fifth 22. His endowments of mind and fortune 157. His great atchievements 158. Why he made no great progress in Hungary 159. nor at Corfu against the Venetians ibid. Why he made that expedition into Hungary 195. Had under his command four Empires and eighteen Kingdoms 196 Sparta a mixt Republick very excellent 5. Her Laws not written 11 That authority which the Kings had there not prejudicial to it 48. Many worthy men flourished in it by reason of the form of its government 58 For want of money could not enlarge her Empire 82 Spartans when and why of great power in Greece 96. By what people followed and favour'd ibid. Stronger then the rest in Land forces ibid. Why they would not have their Cities begirt with walls 171 States whence their divers changes come 53. How men grow desirous of their change 72. Are augmented and preserved by the same things which gave them their beginning and corrupted by the contrary 73. Where they have been ruin'd by intestine discords the over-great height of some of their own hath been the cause 105. That they have their beginning increase stay declination and ruine 86 Sâ—ilico a Barbarian and by nation a Hun called to the command of the Roman Army betrays the Empire 89 T. THebans much esteemed of for the discipline of their Soldiers called the Sacred Band 94. Pelopidas and Epaminondas famous Commanders of theirs ibid. Themistocles what his advice was and his Naval victory against the Persians 99 Tiberius Gracchus slain by the Nobles of Rome without any revenge from the People 17 Tribuneship in Rome of how great power and its insolence 6. Called Sacrosanctus 52 Triumph in Rome when first instituted and to whom first granted 62 Turks their assistance refused by the Venetians and yet sued for by other Christian Princes 136. Why they cannot so suddenly nor easily do any signal enterprises by Land 161. Are accustomed for their own security to destroy the inhabitants of such places as they take in especially those of the better and richer sort 172. Their chiefest strength consists in their Cavalry 187 Their Law promiseth everlasting reward in heaven to every one that loseth his life in their Soveraigns quarrel 194 V. VAlerius Publicola why in reforming the government of Rome he yielded many things to the People 14-15 That he might have order'd the City better ibid. Venice in time brought her Government to perfection 12. How she hath been able to preserve her Liberty thus long 54. What her Government is ibid. When it began 77-116 Her Founders lovers of Peace and of an intent and end differing from that of the Founders of Rome ibid. Her greatest and most difficult attempts have been either in their own Defence or for Religion or in Assistance of others 115. What wars and efforts of fierce Nations she at her first beginning underwent 117. Why she made use of Foreign Soldiers and Commanders 121. That for having accustomed to imploy Foreign Commanders she hath not been able by reason of their disloyalty to prosecute such Enterprises of hers as had been
well begun ibid. Venetians what course they took to free themselves from the danger they were in of the Genoa-forces 43. That the practice of Merchandising is not to be blamed in them 116. Some of their illustrious and famous Princes ibid. What title their Dukes assumed for the taking in of Constantinople 118 How prejudicial to them the Ottoman Empire hath been ibid. That had it not been for the treachery of their Commanders the State of Milan had been theirs 121. Their weighty and glorious enterprises by Sea and Land against the Saracens for the Emperors of Constantinople and against the Genoeses 129. Why they called Lewis King of France into Italy 130 Why almost all Christian Princes entred into a League against them 132-180 How discreetly they have continued Neutrals in the discords of Princes that thereupon Peace might follow in these latter times 167. Why they sent into Candy new Colonies of their own Gentry 172 Vertue what two vertues are necessary for him that proposeth great matters to himself and aspireth after glory 88 Vertuous To make men vertuous three things are needful 11 W. WAR brought home to the Enemies own doors how advantagious 28 When it ought to be carried on with protracting of time 31. War and not Peace was the cause of Romes ruine 46. It is subject to divers successes and chances more then any other action of ours 31-183-185 Wars made by the Romans after the subduing of Carthage 48. Made and maintained by them in many places at once 65. Particulars most necessary for them 149. The manner of Wars now used is the chiefest cause why the enterprises of modern Princes prove not equal to those of the Antients 148 The end of the second Table ERRATA Pag. lin 4-45 AFter not read only 5-7 Dele not 8-17 For licence read licentiousness 10-27 For temperance read temper 11-38 For them read those 15-25 Before what insert do ib. 48 Dele more 19-19 For of read and for and read of 25-38 Dele only 26 ult After obedience insert iâ— 35-26 After â—ighting read they 37-43 After these insert rather 38-14 After of Insert all this 39-12 Before the insert to 43 pen. After as insert if 53-12 After 〈◊〉 insert the less 55-31 After not insert only 60-3 After not insert only 73-17 Dele and the first Pag. lin 74-27 Before Goths insert great valor of the ibid. 31 For Commanders read Soldiers 82-50 For Rhodosius read Rhodanus 89-30 For Soldiers read Commanders 112-30 For where read were 113-48 Dele then by 116-20 For a read the. 124-7 For them into his read him into thâ—â— 126-34 After mens insert thoughts 152-25 Before Pope insert with Francis King of France 157-5 After if insert we 158-45 For sadly read easily 159-26 For Corâ—â—r read Corfâ— ibid. 29 For Corfee read Corfâ— 176-47 After thereof insert more 199-2 Before not insert it ibid. 3 Dele it 20â— 19 Dele be THE FIRST BOOK The First DISCOURSE What was the true and proper Form of Government observed in the Commonwealth of Rome and whether she could be better ordered in Civil affairs having Armed people on foot THere are many who reflecting upon the Greatness of the Commonwealth of Rome wonder at her so many prosperities by which she flourished a long time and at last obtained the mastery of all other Monarchies And thinking that it is enough to admire her feats of Arms and management in Peace do not care for enquiring into the reason thereof so as ballancing thereby every of her several operations they may know what they were that were truly worth praise and imitation and what blame-worthy and to be avoided But certainly these men seem not to know to how many and how great and various accidents all humane works are subject and what the true rule and measure is whereby the perfection of States is comprehended For that is not simply the greatness of an Empire to which she at the beginning riseth by Fortune and which is increased by Injustice but that may well be said to be the true Form of Government by which people living in peace and union may work righteously and obtain Civil felicity He therefore who will judge aright of the actions of that Commonwealth without suffering his eyes to be dazeled wiâ—h the splendor of the Roman greatness let him consider them nakedly as void of that reputation which Antiquity and the power of Empire purchased them and he will find some things peradventure amongst the many for which she worthily deserved to be cryed up by all men which are more to be observed for the amendment of present Governments by their example then for imitation out of hopes of attaining any true praise or apparent good But as there is nothing of greater importance in a City then the Form of Government by which as by the soul thereof every good act is produced so of all other observations which may be had of the City of Rome there is not any more worthy or of more use then to examine what was the truest Form of her Government that we may afterwards see whether she might have been beâ—ter ordered in Civil affairs then she was without disordering her Militia and whether she could keep together the People armed and obedient to the Laws To know then what the condition of her Government was and thence to comprehend whether that supreme excellencie were in it as hath been thought by some men following the Rule which Philosophy teacheth us which says that every Form of Republick is not convenient for every City but that they must be varied according to the divers natures of the people and according to other accidents we must examine what that State was in it self and then what proportion it held with that City But because it would be too difficult a business to assign any certain condition unto her which may equally correspond to all times she not having so punctually observed one and the same Form continually but varied it somewhat accordingly as it inclined more or less to a Popular State we must have our eys most fixt upon that Age wheâ—ein the glory of that Commonwealth did most flourish not so bearing notwithstanding to touch upon such things in other times as may conduce to our purpose He who would diligently consider all the parts of the Republick will find not only so much diversity but even contrariety in them as he will not be able easily to resolve which was her properest Form of Government For if respect be had to the great Authority of Consuls especially in Armies we may not without reason believe that that City under the name of a Commonwealth was governed with Laws befitting a Kingdom since that Form of Magistracie did use such Authoâ—ity in managing of Arms in concluding Peace and in agreeing differences between potent Kings as one onely Prince could hardly have treated of those thing with more absolute power differing from Monarchy only in this that they kept this Authority but for a
whilst he was abroad in the Juâ—urthan War was created Consul and made chief Commander against the Cimbrians though he ought not in his absence and in time of contumacy to have been chosen to that Magistracy Caesar after having commanded the Roman Armies five years when he was sent to wage War in France had his place of command cont nued unto him for five years longer and not herewithal content but being accustomed to rule he asked leave of the Senate to keep abroad and to continue in the Army which when the Senate would not give way unto they too late opposed his desire he being grown so powerful by reason of his continuation in military command as he valued not the Senates Authority nor the being declared an enemy to the Commonwealth But if we will consider the beginning of Civil Discords how and where the siding began which insected the minds of the Citizens with pestiferous corruption we shall find that this happened not in time of Peace in Cities or by reason of Civil Affairs but in the Camp amongst Weapons and when the Commonwealth was bufied in weighty Wars For Marius being drunk with the desire of military glory and not being able to endure that it should be taken from him or diminished by Sylla as he imagined it might happen by reason of Syllas happy success in the Jugurthan War wherein having taken Iuguâ—tha alive he had the glory to have put an end to that War He began to think of establshing yet more greatness in himself by making many of the Order of Cavaliers and of the people partial to him and impudently corrupting the Citizens first with moneys and afterwards with open force of Arms making the Magistracy and command of the war be conferred and resolved upon in him as he did in the Consulship and Proconsulship against Mithridates The Nobility being afrighted at this mans greatness by reason of his authority and reputation with the Soldiers they mightily encreased Sylla's power who was an enemy to Marius till at last they came to taking up Arms and shedding of civil blood But who knows not that Caesar moved thereunto more out of a desire of his own greatness then out of his alliance with Marius raised and maintained his Fraction in Rome and that his power encreased not in Peace and in the Market-place but in War and in the Camp So for the same reason for which Sylla was advanced a little before it behoved the Senate to confer more greatness upon Pompey then became the condition of civil Government so as the whole City was divided and with those arms by which though taken up and made use of against enemies the first occasion of contention among private Citizens was given the very Commonwealth must be wounded which stood in the midst between them so as her vitâ—l spirit of liberty being taken away her throat was cut by those whom she had most favoured But whence did the so many other corruptions of those times arise save from the so many prosperous successes of war by which the Citizens being much enriched and made proud could not betake themselves to live parcimoniously and with civil equality And it is said of Caesar that he corrupted the people of Rome by moneys which he had got in the War so to make them confer places of Magistracy as he listed upon such as were his friends and partial to him Out of these respects the wise Legislator Lycurgus intending to lay the foundation of a long lasting Government in Sparta though he introduced Military exercises to the end that the Citizens might be able to defend their Country yet he ordered the City so as it could not much increase its power by any Forgein War But the Commonwealth of Rome not being ordered for peace could never find out not enjoy a peaceful condition How is it then given out that peace and idleness was the ruine of that City How should she beleeve that her Arms should remain idle if she would have the whole world for her enemy as Mariâ— said to Mithidates that who would not recieve Law from the Romans must make themselves more powerful then they So as the counsel which Scipio gave to his Romans of not utterly destroying Carthage might be good in another respect for the preservation thereof might encrease that glory to their Commonwealth which many of her valiant Citizens seemed greatly desirous of to wit to have easily pardoned their enemies when they should have humbled themselves as the Carthaginians had then done haveing not onely with great humility begged peace of the Senate by their Ambassadors but given many of their chief Citizens for hostages to Scipio and great store of Arms to secure the Romans that they would keep their Articles And truly the destruction of that noble City did differ from the usual generosity of the Romans who had wont after Victory to grâ—â—t the Cities and Kingdoms to those very enemies with whom they had fought making both King and People in all parts or Tribuâ—ory or Confederate to the Senate and People of Rome But I see no reason at all why they should forbear the rooting out of these the Romans antient enemies for fear lest they should be undone with idleness and that civil discords should thereupon ensue How many years were there between the second and third Carthaginian war and yet when was the Commonwealth of Rome free from Foreign war though these her Enemies did not appear to be so The last Carthaginian war being hardly ended did not they wage war in Spain with the Numantines for the space of fourteen years And yet in these times the bounds of the Roman Empire may be said to have been very narrow in respect of what they were afterwards France which then was Mistress of more Provinces then now she is was not as yet subdued nay the difficulty and length of that War bringing along with it the prorogation of Command since Caesar commanded the Armies for ten years together did much increase those disorders which did at last prove the ruine of the Commonwealth But how much did Pompey enlarge the bounds of the Roman Empire in Asia over how many conquered Kings and Provinces did he triumph Armenia Cappadocia Media Iberia Syria Arabia Phaenicia and other Nations were reduced under the Romans power by this sole Commander It will seem strange and yet it is related by authentical Writers that nine hundred Cities were made subject and tributary to the Roman Empire by Pompey and almost as many more by Caesar And he who will consider it well shall find that the Roman Commanders did flourish most and were most cryed up after the destruction of Carthage Rome wanted then neither means nor will to exercise her Arms not to mention so many Wars which were all of them famous if not for the greatness of acquisition at least for other weighty accidents and if not for their strength yet for the wisdom of the Enemy That of Tigranes
Men but amongst bruit Beasts yea even amongst Vegetables Then since this Equality is not to be found amongst Men it is great injustice to distribute things equally in a Government to those whose parts and deserts are unequal For in conferring of honors or pâ—eferments in a City or State a Geometrical not an Arithmetical proportion must be observed It is the vertue and merit of every one that must be weighed He who is richer then another may be serviceable to his Country by great and frequent contributions to the Publick He who hath many Clients and Friends may by his power and authority dispose 〈◊〉 Peoples minds to believe â—ell and act well in the Cities occasions and affairs He who is advanced above others in glory must have deâ—erâ—â—d it well of the Commonwealth by some noble action and 〈◊〉 confirâ—t himself therein by some other like action And he Who is â—â—â—re generally given to any Vertue be it or Warlike or Civil is always 〈◊〉 then others to serve his Country and Prince upon all occasions So as to drive 〈◊〉 men as these out of the City is no better then to cut that member from the body which is loveliest and fitter then the rest to be serviceable thereunto Such an Instiâ—uâ—ion then can have no admittance but in Tyrannical governments And the examples alleadged of Thrasâ—â—alâ—â— and Tarquin are examples of Tyranâ—â— who being resolved to preserve themselves by violence in their usurped dominionr were to be jealous of all the best and most powerful men and endeavor to be quit of thâ—â— for their greater security But a just Prince must not imiteate such examples â—ay even in a Politick Government these Proceedings would be pernicious For he who will thereby preserve himself must change the Form of the whole Government and reduce it to a Despoâ—ical and servile condition with which such Orders holding some proportion and conformity they may for a certain time prove useful for the maintaining of that Tyrannie as it hath done to the Turks in these later times and formerly in some other Nations wherein the whole Government hath related to the sole and peculiar accommodation of the Lord Paramount without any respect to the good of the Subject and more according to will then to Law Nor is it true that the power of Citizens or greatness of Barons in a Kingdom proves alwas harmful it may rather upon many occasions prove the safety of that City or State But this may be ill uâ—ed as many other things are the which notwithstanding whosoever should go about to take totally away from a City would ruine it not bring it to perfection Therefore the Law ought to provide for taking away the abuse of things not the things themselves when they are not simply and in themselves evil And if the Authority which the Roman Commanders held in their Armies had been well regulated and their continuing is their military Commands moderated by a shorter time Caesar could not have made use thereof as he did to the prejudice of the Commonwealth he having continued so many years Commander in chief of the same Army and in the same Province Nor had they needed to have raised Pompey to such a height to oppose Caesars greatness But when when they had let it run on too long to declare him an Enemy to his Country and drive him out of Italy proved a violent remedy and mortal to the Common-wealth Neither can that benefit be expected as is pretended by the banishment of so many Citizens who being become too great are for suspition drives out of their Country of securing themselves from their power rather Injury added to Ambition serves for another incitement to make them endeavor some innovation in the City and makes them the more sollicitous in plotting by the means of such as are their friends and adherents in their own City or State to râ—ise some revolt in it for which they have easie recourse to the favor of other Princes So as the trouble of being offensive to those States from whence such men are expell'd is rather increased then diminished We have infinite examples in all Ages of those who being driven by banishment out of a City or State have been the occasion of notable mischief and ruine thereunto For though it cannot be denied but that the â—o great power of Citizens in a City or of Lords and Barons in a Kingdom begets suspition and is dangerous and doth usually cause no small difficulties to the good and peaceful Government of that State yet some other remedy thâ—◠〈◊〉 may be used to obviate those disorders which such excesses do 〈…〉 For that is only to suffer a â—ore to grow old and to gangrene that they 〈…〉 wards forcâ—d to 〈…〉 or sword to heal it In a well-govern'd State 〈…〉 be had and caâ—â— taken both by the Law it self and by the Prince who rules is chief therein not to suffer any one to grow to too 〈…〉 And if any 〈◊〉 do arrive at such a condition as he begins too far to overtop the reâ—â— the foundation and groundwork of his power must dexterously be taken away and of his ploting thoughts so as he may not thereby be able to work any novelties or disturb the publick peace Which may easily be done by his wisdom who commands in chief the same men ought not to be suffered to continue long in the same imployments and especially not to exercise them too long in the same place such things ought not to be left in their power which may serve for fuel the more to kindle their ambitious thoughâ—â— to the prejudice of the publick good which may be done under a pretence of honor so as the Princes may not be noted for injustice nor can the particular persâ—nages account it as an injury done them If any one do abound in riches let him have expensive imployments that he may lessen that wealth which made him appear more eminent then others If he be of too great authority in the Court or amongst the People as having had the management of important affairs along time send him to some place of Magistracie or other imployment a far off and change him often from place to place If he be great and remarkable for glorious actions done by him give him hard and difficult imployments wherein if he succeed not well his reputation will soon grow less with the people who judge by the events But if such a one appear too much ambitious and be so as many men are seen to be out of a certain vain-glory but without any malice of heart he may be contented and kept quiet by confering honors upon him of glorious appearance but little profit But the remedy will prove peradventure harder in those who boast themselves to be more nobly descended and of better blood then others fâ—r many several respects meet often times in them to make them great and powerful yet even against these remedies may be found without
omen to Italy All the other Princes of Italy opposed him afterwards in his designs instructed by the fall of the King of Arragon to have an eye to their own danger except only the Florentines who still continued in adhering to the French the counsel of the most poâ—ent Citizens prevailing over the opinion of the more wise So as the French preparing to return with mighty Forces into Italy they had friendship with none nor had they any other receptacle save with the Florentines with whom they had already made a new agreement to be by them assisted with men and monies Pisa was at the same time straitly beleaguer'd by the Florentines and had she not been succor'd by the Venetians all her other aids were so weak as she must speedily have faln into the Florentines hands who being freed of the expence and trouble of that Siege would be more powerful and more ready to assist the French and to facilitate the enterprises which they were to attempt in Italy Then if it were judged by the common opinion of all men to be just honest and laudable to take upon them the defence of the safety and liberty of Italy against the French how can those actions be blamed which did tend as it is seen necessarily thereunto by keeping foreign Forces afar off and by bereaving them of their â—riends assistance The affairs of the King of France did at this time ebb and flow but for the most part ebb in the Kingdom of Naples Great were the King of Arragons hopes of recovering the State being therein assisted powerfully by the same Venetians The King of France though his Forces were in a readiness was doubtful whether he should come into Italy or no. So as at such a conjuncture of time every least thing which tended either to the augmenting or lessening of his hopes was of great moment Pope Alexander moved by these respects did much press the Venetian Senate to be resolute in assisting the Pisans whilst he himself was somewhat doubtful and 〈◊〉 The Venetian Senate had the Florentines in good esteem and laying aside the memory of what was past would have had them for their friends if they would have separated themselves from the French who were then the 〈◊〉 Enemy and have entred into that Confederacâ—e whereinto all the rest of the Princes of Italy were entred and by whom they had many fair offers made them particularly to 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of their State if they would put on a generous 〈…〉 those Forts which as 〈◊〉 Towns for their fidelity â—ere held by French garrisons and do this by Force of Arms not by Treaty 〈◊〉 Agreement But if these things could not be listned unto out of a 〈…〉 such a resolution that they might keep the Florentines busied about Pisa and the French from those succors whereby the troubles and dangers of Italy were increased But I find that these transactions have been diversly interpreted and the Senate blamed who did not aim at succouring the oppressed Pisans not at the common safety of Italy but at their own thirst of bringing the City of Pisa under their Dominion To this it is answered that where the actions are evident no judgement is to be given contrary thereunto nor ought the secrets of hearts to be searched which is reserved to a more excellent power then what humane discourse can arrive unto it is certain that the defence of Pisa which was oft-times denied them was at last undertaken by the Venetians when they being forsaken by all others they were necessitated for the aforesaid reasons so to do The Pisans offered to put themselves wholly into the power of the Commonwealth and to set up her colours in their City the Venetians would not yeeld hereunto nor accept of this large offer but the Pisan Ambassadors were sent back with many thanks for their affection and were heard in what they desired though in a differing manner for the Commonwealth took upon her to defend the liberty of the City with the forces and authority of the Commonwealth which she did for many years with such fervencie and general consent sparing neither expence labor nor danger as she could hardly have done more in her own defence they sent both Foot and Horse several times to the Pisans under their best Commanders as also moneys and victuals and shipping to accommodate the City with all things necessary and to free them from the siege of the Florentines by Sea Yet to give a greater testimony of what their minds and intentions were in this when it was propounded to put the City of Pisa into Caesars hands and to remit the right of their cause to him the Venetians did not onely not oppose it but counseled them so to do desirous that this controversie might be ended whilst their faith and the common interests were preserved safe and when there was yet some opinion that the Florentines allured by this advantage and hope might have adhered unto the league but on the one side in progress of time the Florentines obdurate resolution was discovered of governing themselves by Counsels apart from the rest of the Italians and on the other the deep deceits of Lâ—dâ—wick Sforza who under the shadow of procureing peace and quiet growing jealous of the greatness which the Venetians might aâ—â—ive at by the acquisition of Pisa and calculating other mens by his own did in reality endeavor to secure himself from this his imaginary fear by hindring the Venetians from pursuing that enterprise to the which not long before he had exhorted them The Venetian Senate was inforced to maintain the cause which they had undertaken to keep from breaking their faith unto the Pisans and to free themselves from the infamy and repute of weak advice to which they should be subject as if they had condescended for fear of Lâ—dâ—wicks Forces or else as not knowing his cunning when it was already known to all men that the endeavor of agreement with the Pisans which was agitated under the name of the Collegues was managed onely by him and according to his will and interests But say I pray is this the onely enterprise wherein the sincerity and candidness of the Commonwealth is to be known in just things and such as do concern the common good of Italy How often hath she maintained Wars to the end that there might be a right and an Italian Governor in the Dukedom of Milan which cannot be denied since the effects thereof be so apparâ—nt as she would not lay down Arms before she had compast this her intent as she did by that famous agreement which was made in the City of Bâ—lâ—guia the year 1529. in which year by means of the Venetian Senate Maximilian Sforza was restored unto his State to whom the Dukedom of Milan did of right belong and their endâ— in the business concerning Pisa may likewise be discovered since when the agreement was come unto the Venetians had no respect to their own advantage but
and facilitate their undertakings then did the reputation of their victory Amidst so great amazement and astonishment nothing was left unattempted by Luigi Gritti and Christofero Moro who were the Provedatori del Campo to uphold the Commonwealths fading fortune They betook themselves to rally the remainder of the Army they comforted the Captains and Soldiers with hope of better success they intreated the Nobility and people of Brescia and of other Cities that being mindful of their Loyalties and of other things done in service to the Commonwealth in former Wars had with Philip Maria Visconte they would be like themselves and with like constancy keep themselves under the moderate command of the Venetians and abhorring the severe Transalpine Dominion they would with one onely inconvenience free themselves from many grievous mischiefs But they were all so possest with a Panick fear as no entreaties nor reason could be listned unto those who had escaped the Battel were unfit either for strength or valor to attempt any thing against the Enemy no disposition to defence was found in the City no not so much as to keep themselves from plunder there were but few Forts at that time in the State and those few of no condition of holding out long What was then to be done to whom was any recourse to be had If all Princes and Countries were become Enemies who were to be trusted If all memory of former benefits were laid aside so as least gratitude was found in those who had been most obliged how could new men be raised and provisions made for a new War The armed Enemy was already at the gates nay even within their houses threatning assured ruine What was to be done in such a general dispait but to give way and suffer the cloud to pass which they saw there was neither wit nor counsel sufficient to withstand And as sometimes it falls out in greatest Tempests that the skill and labor of the Marriners being overcome by the malignity of the weather they take down their sails and suffer the ship to drive up and down whithersoever the Sea carries it So in cases of greatest danger into which States do sometimes fall he that sits at the helm must comply with his fortune be it never so bad till the fury of those tempests being past over the Commonwealth though born down yet not quite sunk may rise again and make way for her pristine greatness The Army being then to retreat and the loss of the City drawing other losses after it as one stone that gives against another it was thought the best course to free the people from their former oathes so to preserve them from sacking and plunder which they must have undergone if they should maintain their loyalties and to free themselves from the tax of rebellion if they should submit to the Enemy Such a resolution might appear willing and therefore less generous but it was really necessary prejudicial to him who doth consider meerly the present condition of things but which might prove useful in the future At first sight it appeared to proceed from rashness and fear and yet it proceeded from wisdom from charity and in respect to the good of the State and of the Subjects The piety nor prudence of the Senate could not admit of the onely hope which was offered in this sad condition of times to be used for withstanding so many enemies wherefore the Venetians did magnanimously refuse those helps and assistances which were offered them by the Turks though but little before as some writers affirm they had been very much sought unto by other Christian Princes as by Frederick of Aragon and Lodovicâ—â— Sforza for the defence of their Dominions and not long after by the Emperor Maximilian to be made use of against the Venetians but neither did the justly conceived anger against so many conspiring Princes nor the desire of recovering what was lost prevail with those most wise and religious men but that it was over-born with the zeal of Religion and with a firm resolution of preserving the glory of their other atchievements against the Infidels immaculate neither would the reason of State if well-understood considered in the example of others suffer them so to do and especially in the unfortunate success of the Emperors of Constantinople who having unadvisedly call'd in to their assistance the Ottoman Princes who were much more powerful then they had drawn a greater ruine upon themselves which proved the occasion of the fall of that Empire But being unwilling notwithstanding to give over all hopes of accommodating the afflicted condition of affairs with some ease the Senate resolved to have recourse to the Pope and to Caesar though they had then appeared their bitter Enemies to treat of some Agreement They were moved much hereunto by the respect and reverence due to that holy See and the pious and religious apprehension they had of Ecclesiastical censures to which they were subject and they trusted more in prevailing with Caesar then with the King of France For what hopes were there to do any good by intreaties with him who being first bound to the Common-wealth by obligation and confederacie had spurn'd at all those respects out of meer desire of novelties To these then they granted all that they pretended unto for being to make them quickly jealous of the King of France his greatness they knew some way would be found out for the Commonwealths better fortune But how is it possible to pass over here in silence another thing not at all differing from this by which such base aspersions have been endeavored to be cast upon the Venetians since by this our present discourse we go about to vindicate them by searching into the truth We read in Guicchiardine a Modern and to give him his due in many things an excellent Historian an Oration published by him in the name of Antonio Iustiniano sent by the Commonwealth to Caesar wherein it is said that the Venetians begging pardon at Caesars hand with much subjection and servility of mind did offer to submit the Commonwealth to be perpetually tributary to the Empire and to acknowledg to hold their liberty lives and livelihood from him with some other base unworthy expressions not only not true but not likely to be so For first it is very certain that Iustinian being sent Ambassador to Maximilian and finding him at Trent was never admitted to have audience peradventure for fear of offending the Confederates and making of them jealous Then it is most certain that the Senate gave no such Commission And let him who will not believe it listen but to reason and then he will be perswaded to the contrary The Commonwealth had then lost all her Territories by Land but at the same time she enjoyed all her State by Sea wherein were not only one or two Cities but divers Provinces and noble Kingdoms their Naval accoutrements were very great and equal if not superior to those of whatsoever
man thought of making any defence but sought how to save himself and the best things he had in the Capitol their houses and walls were abandoned and the very gates left open to the Enemy by the Roman Soldiers who fled into the City to save themselves and had not the good genius of that Commonwealth which was preserved for greater things sent Carius Camillus to succour it the rising glory of the Romans had even then been exstâ—â—ct But what shall we say of things that happened afterwards when their Fame grew greater Did not the Romans lose possession of all Italy after the rout given them by Hannibal at Cannae Did not the Cities belonging to their friends and confederates rebel every where And did not they themselves give over all hopes of defending them the resolutions taken by the Souldiers shewed what the â—â—ight what the fear of the conquered was For some whilst they were yet in their own houses rendred themselves prisoners to the Conquerors others withdrew to the Sea side intending if they could have the benefit of shipping to go to some other Prince and seek out a new Country But with what despair the Citizens of Rome were possest when they heard the news of this misfortune in how great confusion all their Orders were may be conceived by what Livy relates who undertook not onely to write the History of the Commonwealth but to celebrate with perpetual praise the fame and merit of her Citizens And it was credibly belâ—eved for as much as we hear that those valiant men unaccustomed to know what fear was were strucken with such amazement as if Hannibal had known as well how to make use of victory as he did to overcome the so great and so long continued fortune of Rome had not onely been hereby interrupted but totally supprest And these very selfâ—same Carthaginians who had so long and so stoâ—â—â—y conteâ—â—ed for glory with their rival the Commonwealth of Rome when they tasted of adverse fortune went astray from their former generosity and suffered themselves to be born down by extremity of despair for after the defeat which they had received by Sea by the Romans they inclined to yeeld up unto them the Islands of Sicily and Sardiâ—ia and to make themselves 〈◊〉 for ever to the Senate and people of Rome and afterward being overcome in Battel by Scipio Affricanus they fell to find 〈◊〉 But why do I instance in so many examples Are not these sufficient to prove that the valiantest and wisest men are strangely teâ—â—ified at great and unexpected misfortunes and that when Armies are lost which are the instruments whereby States preserve themselves from the evils of War good Counsels must cease as not able to keep off other greater evils which do usually follow after that a Battel is lost Therefore out of the above-mentioned reasons and by what hath been done by others upon like accidents every one may be cleerly satisfied that the misfortune which the State of Venice underwent by reason of the ill-fought Battel of Giaradada ought not to detract any thing from her other praises For her subsequent actions by which with singular constancie and generosity she recovered what she had lost render her by the joint consent of all men truly glorious The Fourth DISCOURSE Whether the Princes of Italy did well or no to assault the Army of Charls the Eight King of France when after having gotten the Kingdom of Naples he hasted to pass over the Mountains AMongst those things of sad remembrance to Italy the passage of Charls the Eight King of France to the Conquest of the Kingdom of Naples may be numbred amongst the saddest and most recent For ever since that time the Transalpine Nations have had a power in Italy and the greatness of the Italian name which began at that time to be raised up again with hopes of greater glory all the parts of Italy being under the command of our Italian Princes return'd to such a declination by this blow as it could never since recover its pristine majesty But that which most afflicts the minds of those who are any ways generous is to think that this most noble Country fell into such misfortunes through the fault of her own men and that the Italian Princes to satisfie their own disordinate desires and immoderate ambition did call in Forein Nations to the prejudice of Italy and little valuing the truer and greater dangers they stood basely looking on and suffer'd this their common Country to be rent in peeces by Foreiners The French Forces did at this time pass into Italy by which she had not for a long time been molested being called in by Lodovick Sforza and maintained by other Italians But ere long they were all aware of their ill-taken counsel being touched by the danger more at hand by rearon of the French-mens great felicity which as it might have been foreseen further off so was it not now so easily to be remedied They therefore joined all of them together afterwards in confederacie for the safety of Italy and to oppose King Charls his designs So as after the acquisition of Naples as he would return into France by the same way which he had come in with his Army which was notwithstanding much less numerous in men he was opposed by the Army of the confederate Princes as he came to the banks of Tarus who meant to hinder his passage and to fight his Army For a little before the Pope the King of the Romans the King of Spain the Commonwealth of Venice and the Duke of Milan had joined in confederacie to this purpose the Venetians havâ—ng been the first moâ—ioners thereof and express Ambassadors from all the aforesaid Princes had met in Venice where the League was concluded and published This resolution was at those times generally commended as being geâ—erous and suiting with the honor of Italy But notwithstanding there wanted not those then who desired they had been more moderate nor will it be now from the purpose to examine this business so to draw some secure document for times to come by a diligent examination of the things done and to know whether they were really such as deserve praise and imitation or whether there was any thing more to be desired therein For they appear to be attended with that wisdom without which no action though perchance it may have good success deserves either to be praised or imitated by wise men The taking up of Arms to drive the French out of Italy was doubtless a resolution as much to be commenped in the Italian Princes as some of them were blamed for calling of them in and others for assisting them to the common shame and prejudice But how these Arms were to be made use of against them and whether it was well done to hinder them when they were marching away and to stop their passage and force both the French and themselvâ—s to come to a Battel is somwhat a difficult case
being invited in by the Mamertini as Pyrrhus was first called ito Italy by the Tarentini And the weakness of Pyrrhus his Forces did not so much occasion the Victories won in the War asdid his inconstancy in prosecuting Enterprises once begun which though it was a natural defect in him yet may it be believed that his sudden departure from Italy might be occasioned by the injury done him by the Carthaginians who unprovoked had taken up Arms against him and were ready to come and find him out in other mens Countries But it may be another greater respect might have moved him to assault the Carthaginian State to wit That he might onely have to do onely with the Carthaginians as he had at first fought onely with the Romans beginning to suspect as having already discovered the Carthaginians good will that if he should tarry longer in Italy and that the Romans danger should encrease that Confederacy might be made between them and the Carthaginians which was first refused So that whatsoever he should afterwards undertake against either of them might afterwards prove more difficult This was then the reason why Pyrrhus whilst the business in Italy was not yet finished nor the danger of the Tarentines not well secured marched to go for Sicily which caused so much trouble and danger to the Carthaginian Affairs as if he had known how to make good use of his Victory the Carthaginians might peradventure have been brought then to those final Extremities which were deferred for another time more for the Romans Glory then for their Welfare and good Fortune Thus what hath been already said may suffice for what concerns the Carthaginians Let us now see what the Romans did and consider whether they did well or no in refusing the help which was voluntarily offered them nay brought home to them by the Carthaginians The War which was made by Pyrrhus against the Romans must be thought to be both great and difficult being made by a Warlike Prince who brought many many men with him well trained up in Arms so as by the very Name and Fame of his Forces he had almost brought many Cities of Italy to his devotion withdrawing them from the obedience of the Romans and though he were a stranger yet having firm footing in Italy whither he was called by the Tarentini he was not likely to undergo those dis-accommodations which Armies use to suffer in another Country but his Forces appeared the more formidable by reason of that terror which things of great Fame and not formerly known use to bring with them And the Elephants were a great cause of fear the Romans not being formerly acquainted with that manner of Militia In so much danger therefore when the whole Rest was at Stake to presume too much upon ones self and upon ones proper Forces and to dream onely of Glory when they were to have been more sollicitous of Safety hath the appearance rather of Rashness then of mature and wise Counsel And why should the Romans promise so much unto themselves against Pyrrhus as to despise the Carthaginians help being as then accustomed to fight with the Tarentini a weak Nation given over to delights of which they were reprehended by Pyrrhus himself and being now to fight with true Souldiers expert in all sort of sufferings and all military Discipline in the recent Wars made by Pyrrhus in Macedonia And when nothing else but even Fortune which in matter of War is so uncertain should have proved averse unto them in any thing to whom could they afterwards have had recourse for succour having despised so great helps readily sent by so great a Power of so great esteem and Authority as was then the Commonwealth of Carthage Yet on the other side it may seem no ways to agree with the Romans Greatness and Generosity to confess themselves so terrified by Pyrrhus his Forces as that they needed Foreign help to defend themselves The Romans might have had Peace from Pyrrhus who when he came into Italy sent his Ambassadors to Rome informing the Senate by them that he was come to compose the Difference between them and the Tarentini with whom if the Romans would have Peace he proffered them the like To which answer was made That the Common-wealth of Rome had not chosen him for their Arbitrator neither did they fear his enmity therefore let him first return to his own Kingdom and then as a Friend to the Commonwealth he might treat of Peace and should be willingly listened unto But the City of Rome did already begin to envy and emulate the Common-wealth of Carthage which she did peradventure more esteem then open enmity with the Kingdom of Epire wherewith she thought she should not so soon have to do neither in matter of Peace nor War though Pyrrhus his ambition had then brought him into Italy Therefore if the Romans would not accept of Peace from Pyrrhus they oughtless to acknowledg their Safety from the Carthaginians They likewise thought they might so much rely upon their own Forces having valiant and well disciplined Souldiers of their own as that there remained no doubt of Victory in that War then what does never part from the uncertainty of Chance in War They considered that the number of Armies or Fleets might be increased by Foreigners and yet the power to resist an Enemy not be made the greater whilst either the differing ends of Princes the little agreement between Commanders or the contrary Custom and Discipline of Souldiers do often occasion many discords in matter of War which are not found where one onely Chieftain commands and disposeth of all things and where better obedience shewn by Souldiers of one and the same Dominion Therefore was it that the Romans did sundry other times refuse foreign aid as particularly in the War against Antiochus when refusing assistance sent unto them by other Kings of Africa they with their own few but valiant Souldiers routed Antiochus his numerous Army made up of many several Nations Such respects as these might have been liable to consideration even when their Faith and Friendship who were to have lent assistance had been for certain to be credited but who could secure the Romans who having already extended their Dominions far into Italy could not grow much greater without injuring Nations further off from being jealous of the Carthaginians who were antient and powerful Lords in Affrica and in Spain and possessed of the greatest part of Sicily and as there were none who could more hinder the increase of their Greatness then the Carthaginians so was it necessary that they being apprehended for such by the Romans should likewise fear them for the preservation of their own quiet and security And what charity is this might those wise and ancient Senators of Rome say which hath moved these Affricans to be so careful of us as without any obligation of Confederacy and not sought unto they should send so prime a Captain as Mago with such a
as depended on him which was that which made his faction so potent And truly he who will consider it well will finde that as long as Rome retained any Form of a Commonwealth Cato's power was no less then was Caesars for he oftentimes bore it even against Caesar As when the business of those that were Complices with Câ—iline in his conspiracy was in hand in the Senate they being accused by Cato and defended by Caesar were condemned to be put to death And also another time when he opposed the publishing of the Law proposed and favoured by Caesar touching the division of Lands in Latium wherein Cato's authority appeared to be the greater by making Caesars amâ—â—tious designs fail of success is so popular things as were the Agrarian Laws The same success had the things maintained by Caesar against Poâ—â—pey though he was more powerful then any other Citizen for having stoutly opposed Metellus who moved at the time of Cataline's conspiracy that Pompey should together with his Army be recalled back to Rome he carried the business which was the cause why these two prime Citizens endeavored the friendship and good will of Cato for they doubted of compassing what they desired without his good will so great was his Authority Caesar when Cato appeared to be his bitterest enemy procured Cato's releasement when he was imprisoned by order from the Senate And Pompey that he might be fastened to him by the bond of Alliance endevored to have his Neece for Wife Whence it is conceived that Cato's austere behaviour had purchased him more Authority though unarmed in the management of the Commonwealth then the reputation of having commanded Armies and their so much obsequiousness to the people had done to Pompey and Caesar. A just occasion then offers it self here of consideration whether was the better and safer course taken to arrive at Glory and Civil Greatness or that which Caesar or that which Cato took Caesars comportments seem to have been more noble and better defitting a Civil life as also more easie to be imitated and what indeed is of more importance for the happiness of a City then quietness and concord amongst Citizens What more proper to produce and preserve this then Magnificence Grace and Affability all which vertues were proper to Caesar and which by a straight and speedy way guided him to the height of greatness and glory He who desires to obtain this favour from Citizens must abstain from doing any injury must seek out all occasions of doing good must attribute much to others must speak moderately of himself must do good things and make them appear to be so so as he may help not onely by his actions but by his example Rigor Severity the neglect of all other respects where there is onely an upright mind to do well things which are sufficiently commendable in Cato may of themselves peradventure border nearer upon true vertue but bear a less proportion with civil vertue if respect be had to that which is found not to that which is desired Who does not value the love of his Citizens or will not endeavor the acquisition thereof save by very upright ways which are not always possible meets with continual occasion of contention from whence great and open enmities do often arise which do at last put the City into confusion So as such men do first ruine themselves and then the Commonwealth When laws are observed with such extremity of rigor it seems to be done to oppress Citizens not to preserve Justice Wherefore such a Government is but little acceptable and therefore easier to receive alteration upon any accident that shall happen This was seen in Cato's actions for his way of proceeding got him many enemies who that they might make themselves able to bulk with his Authority made themselves strong by Alliances and Friendships and became not onely formidable to him but even to the Commonwealth If Cato had not despised the Parentage offered him by Pompey Caesar had not joyned alliance with him by giving him his Daughter Iulia for Wife which was the occasion of both their too excessive greatness by which they ruined the Commonwealth The people were not pleased with Cato's severe way of proceeding which made them the more easily adhere to Caesar and his Associats and so not perceiving it became enemles to the Commonwealth Therefore Caesar might still continue in the peoples good opinion and long preserve his Authority and Power But Cato though his counsels did sometimes prevail yet was not his Dignity and Power grounded upon so sound foundations as that he could alwaies keep himself in the â—â—me condition Nay sometimes things were born against him in the choyce of Consuls when people much more unworthy then he were Corrivals with him The little pleasingness of his proceedings was also cause though under pretence of honor and publick imployment why he was sent from the City and in a manner banished being sent by Sea to Cyprus for some concernments of that Kingdom so as the Common-wealth suffered by his absence and particularly Cicero who was formerly upheld by Cato's authority and held for a Defender of the publick Liberty was banished By these things the question seems cleerly enough decided that Caesars way of proceeding is much more easie and certain to bring a man to dignity and greatness then the way which Cato took Yet he who on the other side shall examine Cato's manners and actions as he will find them more praise-worthy so will he think that they may lead by a righter and more direct way to true Honor and to that greatness which is to be desired by him that lives in a Commonwealth For he takes a safer and a more noble way to arrive at Dignity who walks by the way of true Vertue of Justice Modesty and Temperance then he who endeavors the like by Popular Favor For that Favor which is won by a good repute and by vertuous actions is easily preserved by herself and of herself nay the cry'd-up Honor which ariseth from publick Imployments and Places if it be not grounded upon true worth soon vanisheth and leaves that in obscurity which did before shine forth so bright But he who deals uprightly doth always advance as it were by a certain natural motion and confirms himself more and more in the habit of well-doing So that Favor which hath so good a leaning-stock is more firm and stable whereas that which is purchased by extrinsecal appearances as it is easilier gotten so is it upon any slight occasion more easily lost For those who are moved to favor for such reasons are incited so to do rather out of their own humor or for their own advantage then out of any true affection that they bear to such persons And therefore growing either glutted of the same things they did so like at first or thinking that they may receive them in a larger proportion from others they change their minds and turn their liking
thought expedient to come to peace with Alaricus King of the Goths leading him and a great number of his men under the Empires pay to make use of them in other undertakings For the Goths being kept in continual pay by some former Emperors amongst other Soldiers which served the Empire and being of themselves conversant in many Wars they were become a valiant People and had learn'd the Roman discipline though not the corruption which overthrew it in the Roman Camp Which though it might be good for the present occasions it did certainly prove very pernicious afterwards For though by this Peace Theodosius was safe from any fear of this Nation whilst he governed together with Gratianus and also afterwards when he held the Empire alone by himself he being a person of singular worth and one who by his industry had somewhat renewed the antient discipline amongst the Soldiers yet after his death the Forces of the Empire beginning again to flag and the Empire falling into the hands of his two sons Arcâ—dius and Honorius who succeeded their Father whilst they were but young and proved not to be of such gallant parts as the condition of those times required many of those who commanded under Theodosius in several parts rebelled who were all of them cryed up Emperors by those Armies wherein they commanded by which occasions being invited the Goths did not only return to rise up in Arms against the Empire but also other Northern Nations who did then inhabit Germany as the Alani Franks and Vandals took up Arms and did at one and the same time assault the States of the Empire in several parts many of them marching more particularly towards Italy and against the very City of Rome which after divers passages remained in prey to these Barbarians the antient Roman worth being so decayed as there was not any one who did so much as provide for the welfare of so stately a City which was the Queen of the World And the Emperor Honorius a thing which is not to be mentioned without much marvel whilst Italy and other Countries were wasted with War and the very City of Rome was reduced to the utmost extremity remained in Ravenna an idle Spectator of his Subjects so great calamity and of the ruine of his State in so base and stupid a manner as being told he might do well to provide for the preservation and safety of so many of the Empires Provinces which being miserably torn in pieces were falling into the power of the Barbarians answered That he could live without them After the ruine of Rome these victorious Barbarians past into France and into Spain where being recruited with other people of their own Nations and the Roman Armies being busied in Civil seditions and in maintaining those Emperors which each of them had chosen they had leisure to fix themselves there and to take possession of those noble Provinces the greatest part of whose antient Inhabitants being extinguished they setled themselves there and did long govern those Dominions and others of them passing into Africa and having won large Territories did with the same Fortune and same thoughts institute their proper Kingdoms But on the other part other People called the Huns fell into Pannonia called now by their names Hungaria and possessing themselves likewise thereof fixt their abode and dominion there So as there was hardly any Western Province of the Empire which was not at this time troubled by this fury of War the Roman Princes and Soldiers not having sufficient worth to withstand them Insomuch that when Attila marched with a furious Army to destroy Italy the Empire not having any Soldiers that they durst confide in to impede his passage the Romans were forced to take King Theodoricus with a good number of his Goths into their pay by whose assistance that cruel Enemy was at that time kept off But the Empires weak Forces being at last tyred and some Commanders being lost in whom there remained yet some worth and discipline the greater and almost fatal ruines of Italy began whereinto when these cruel Barbarians entred they put all to fire and sword bringing total destruction to many noble and populous Cities Which according to the natural order of all things mortal wherein Corruptio unius est generatio alterius gave occasion to the birth of the City of Venice whereunto the remainder of the Italian Nobility had recourse and saved themselves The Twelveth DISCOURSE Why thâ— Commonwealth of Rome though she suffered many Defeats in divers Battels yet did still prove Victorious at last HE who shall narrowly consider the great actions of the Romans will still discover new things therein not onely worthy of praise but of admiration Their prosperity was certainly very great but proceeding as it is to be beleeved from their worth and from certain and ordinary causes The People of Rome made more Wars then ever any Potentate hath been known to do but that which occasioneth the greatest wonder is that their success in all of them was prosperous And that though the Roman Armies were in many Battels overcome yet still in the conclusion of every War the Victories sided with them It will then be worth the while to seek out the truest or at least the most truth-like causes thereof by reasoning thereupon The City of Rome waged continual Wars from the first foundation thereof till Augustus his time which was for above Seven hundred years The gates of that famous Temple of Ianus which were never to be shut but in time of Peace stood always open unless it were once in the Consulship of Titus Manlius nor was there almost any Nation known in those daies with whom the City of Rome hath not at some time made trial of her forces and worth That Commonwealth in so many and so long contentions of War was likewise sometimes favored sometimes frowned upon by fortune so as sometimes she was brought into very great danger yet still she prevailed at last and triumphed over her formerly victorious enemies Long and heavy was the dispute which in her very beginning she had with so many people of Italy and chiefly with those that were nearest who singly by themselves and joyntly with others did conspire against the Romans and did by all their best endeavors seek how to keep the powea of the Empire low which was ordained as was afterwards seen to the height of all greatness Nor was the Commonwealth of Rome secure from the efforts of foreign Nations nay many times she was to withstand the fury of the French who assailed her with great Forces that they might totally subdue her and possess themselves of her Territories as they had done of so many other parts of Italy The Commonwealth made trial of her Forces even in the beginning of her greatness with other Kings till beginning with the first Carthaginian Wars to wage War further from her Confines she proved at last a terror even to the most remote foreign
which they propounded unto themselves in this their new abode so to do nor did the condition of those times permit it And they were so fenced from the Arm sof Enemies as then both by the natural condition of their situation as also by the salt waters as they needed not to arm themselves for their own defence Therefore their Citizens being by long custom inured to these thoughts they had no thought of taking up Arms though the City were already much increased both in Forces and Authority unless when they were provoked and more to keep themselves from being injured by others or to assist their Friends and Confederates then out of ambition of Rule and of enlarging their bounds And he who shall consider what their greatest and and most difficult enterprises were in those first times will see they aimed all at this end The Venetians fought first with the French and afterwards against the Huns in defence of their Country and of their Liberties and long after with the Genoeses enforced thereunto by necessity and provoked by many grievous injuries For this very valiant and generous Nation would not rest quiet out of an emulation of glory in Sea-affairs wherein though they were oftentimes worsted by the Venetians yet they still found occasion of new Contests The Commonwealth of Venice hath oft-times taken up Arms likewise in times neerer this our Age with greater preparation for War and with more courage to defend their State in Terta firmâ— which they had already gotten with much ado and whereof they were justly possessed insomuch as they have sometimes valianâ—ly repulsed the fury of most powerful Leagues of Princes who were resolved upon their ruine But it becomes not the moâ—th of a Venetian to say how oft they have taken up Arms in defence of their Friends and Confederates lest he may seem to upbraid others with the services his Countrymen have done them But divers People and Cities assisted and preserved by their Forces do witness this And to speak only of things of more recent memory how great a desire hath this Commonwealth shewn to the common good and to this purpose how careful hath she been of the liberty and glory of Italy in sustaining long and heavy War to preserve the noble Neapolitan Territories in the Italian Princes and the like of Milan But he who will look further back and see what they have done will find that the Venetians have undertaken and finished famous enterprises out of zeal to Religion as they did in the Wars of the Holy Land against the Saracens and divers other times against other Princes to preserve and increase the glory of the holy Church and the Papal dignity which amongst many other actions is cleerly and nobly witnessed by the famous Naval victory won from the Emperor Frederick Barbâ—rossa for the which Venice doth at this day enjoy many great priviledges in witness of her great worth and singular merit But it is needless now to particularize in those things whereof all Histories are full It will suffice to touch upon some things whereby it may be conceived what the first beginnings of the City were and what were the intentions and end of her Citizens Romes ends were far different from these who from her very beginning aimed only at Empire and greatness being built by Romalus a fierce and ambitious man who not content to have recovered his Kingdom to his Grandfather Numiter and opened the way to the Lordship of Alba longa resolved by the assistance of a great many young men who followed him to purchase a better fortune and condition for himself and to build a new City which must have a warlike institution to keep the minds of those stirring youth busied in military exercises and to defend himself from his neighbors who finding that the new City aimed at greater designs thought to keep is low Romulus might with reason promise himself to purchase more Dominion and to enlarge his Confines for he built his City in a Country which was possest by many people who were weak and at odds within themselves so as he needed not fear any potent Prince who might oppose his designs or suppress his Forces before they were somewhat better established This was the first foundation of Romes greatness for the City beginning soon to habituate herself to military discipline and to turn her thoughts upon War and aggrandising her State she grew so confirm'd therein with time and with continual military orders as the Militia and all things thereunto tending did continually flourâ— sh in her For those that came after following as it falls out for the most part the example of their Predecessors her Citizens were always desirous of warlike glory and of Empire proving to be like Romulus and those other valiant men from whom they had their beginning and increase Thus they always made one War beget another not being able to endure the suspected power of their Neighbors nor yet the injuries done unto them by their Friends and Confederates under which two pretences they made first many notable acquisitions in Italy and afterwards passing over the Sea in Africa in Spain and in many other Provinces But to pass on now to another Consideration let us affirm that the situation is of great moment for the Rule and Dominion which one City is to have over another as that which affords security for self defence and opportunity to subjugate others this helps likewise to make a City plentiful and wealthy without which States are hardly acquired For where there is scarcity of livelihood povertie is more to be fought withall then Enemies and want of wealth renders a City alwaies weak and easie to be wasted and opprest Hence it was that Sparta though she had excellent Laws and Institutions yet whilst she observed them she could not much inlarge her Dominions for by them the City was bound for what concerned both the private and publick condition to be kept poor and far from any commerce with others and in our time the Cantons of the Switzers though they be a very valiant Generation yet being poor and seated amongst Mountains and for the most part in barren places their Soldiers being fighting under the pay of other Princes they have not been able to do any thing for themselves or to make any acquisitions but have onely preserved their Liberties If we shall then consider the situation of Venice we shall certainly find it very opportune for most things and miraculously well for some things For if we have respect to safety what City can be compared to this which without any Bulwarks of Walls or Garrisons of Soldiers defended by her natural scituation is of her self safe from all injuries and inexpugnable So as she is the onely example after so many Ages of being untoucht by the Barbarians violence If we respect abundance of plenty and wealth the accommodation that the Sea affords her and the so many Rivers which disgorge themselves either into
test the Wars proved very heavy unto them which they were forc'd to 〈…〉 did not joyn against them because they saw that if that Dukes State fell into the power of the Venetian Commonwealth the way would be laid open to her for much greateâ— matters in Italy whereupon a noble Victorie which was already almost gotten was impeded Hereby it may be then conceived how much the condition of the times was averse to the Commonwealths inlarging her Precincts by Land partly by reason of her self and partly through other various accidents which though they were somewhat more favorable unto her in what concerned the Sea yet met she not with small interruptions therein to her enterprises For the Eastern Emperors being Masters of Greece and of other States and Countries wherein the Commonwealth was to have inlarged the Confines of her command by Sea she could not make any great acquisitions whilst they preserved themselves in such reputation and strength as became their State But afterwards when that Empire began to decline she began to increase and flourish gloriously and her worth was waited upon by much prosperitie as was seen when the Venetians went in companie of the French to the business of the Levant and after many noble warlike actions they took the City and Empire of Constantinople of which acquisition the Commonwealth had so great a share as that their Dukes did then assume the title of Signoridella quarta parte é Mezza di tutto L' Imperio della Romania And soon after with the like prosperous success they did by sundry means reduce many Islands and chief Maritime Towns under their obedience and the Commonwealth marched on apace to greater power and command But this course of glorie and victorie by War was much slackened by the original Customs and Orders of the City as has been said which related more to Peace and Merchant affairs then to War Insomuch as the Venetians seemed for a while to make use of these new acquisitions rather for the better accomodation of their Navigation and Traffick then for any occasion of other enterprises Their business did therefore infinitely increase at this time insomuch as there was not any City famous for merchandizing in the Levant whither the Venetian Ships and Merchants did not flock Nay a great number of men of that Nation did usually remain in those Cities through whose hands the most precious Merchandise of those Countries past to the great advantage of the City and of her private Citizens So as the Genoeses plying the same places at first a certain rivalship and emulation arose amongst them as well for the profit of merchandizing as for the expertness and glory of Sea affairs till at last they came to open and cruel War which kept the Commonwealth so busied and perplexed by disturbing Navigation and even private affairs as for a long while they had no leasure to undertake other enterprises though they had met with opportuity for it and that they had been thereunto disposed For the Venetians having sundry times hazarded their Fleets upon the doubtful event of Battel they tasted both prosperous and adverse fortune insomuch as they were to fight in their own Gulf not more for Empire then for the safety of the City Thus whilst the Commonwealth spent her best years partly in these private affairs and merchandizing business partly in the so long and troublesome Wars against the Genoeses another Power arose in the Levant much greater and more formidable then was the Grecian Empire For the Ottaman Lords beginning by divers accidents but chiefly by reason of the discords among Christians to make notable and successful progress in their rising Empire grew quickly very great and powerful not onely by Land but also by Sea having reduced the City of Constantinople into their hands a very fit place for Sea enterprises whereby the Commonwealth of Venice was not onely bereft of all hopes of further increasing their Dominion by Sea having so great and powerful an â—nemy to near at hand but even what they had already got was exposed to hazard so as being to maintain a bitter and difficult War and to manage it with unequal Forces against this their sore and perpetual adversarie she had more reason to think upon her own defence then by force of Arms to win what belonged to others Let us in the next place consider the conditions of the nearest neighboring people amongst which she was to inlarge her Confines whereby we may also know what difficulties the Commonwealth met with for at the very first she was to overcome the Dalmatians a Nation not onely very valiant but of a quick wit given to sedition and desirous of novelties Whence how great her difficulties were in quelling these may be conceived by this that the Commonwealth of Rome having so many and so far distant Nations yet could she never handsomely put the yoke upon Dalmatia which never was under the Roman Empire until the time of Qctavius Augustus but had still before notably indamaged the Roman Armies It is then no wonder that the state of a Commonwealth should be less which had to contend with such Enemies and who may not know by the actions of this Commonwealth that she rather wanted occasion then worth for the further encreasing her State and fortune Let us now likewise consider the condition of the times wherein the Common-wealth of Rome had her happy beginnings and made the first progress to her Empire Which we shall find to differ much and to be free of the so many difficulties which the Venetians met with Rome had not at her first rise any powerful neighboring Prince for the Assyrians had then the Monarchie whose confines did not extend beyond Asia and after the concourse of many years it was carried by Cyrus amongst the Persians with whom it remained for about Two hundred years till it was destroyed by Alexander of Macedon who though he made greater conquests and made his Forces be felt and dreaded much further off yet dying young in the height of his Victories he could not get into Europe nor afford the Romans occasion of making trial of their Forces with a powerful and valiant Prince And by his death he having left no issue either legitimate or illegitimate behind him that Monarchie was soon destroyed and his Empire was divided between his chief Commanders so as several Kingdoms were thereout framed with which severally the Romans did afterwards much to their advantage make War So as Asia having then been the chiefest Seat of the Empire the Provinces of Europe were not at that time any waies annoied by the power thereof and those that were further from thence as was Italy less then the rest But Greece which was then in high esteem for the excellencie of her Inhabitants genius for what concerned both Civil and Military vertues was divided into many several Peopledoms who contending within themselves for the dignitie both of the soveraigntie of that very
onely to the benefit of the Pisans to the preservation of their liberty as much as might be and to the right of what belonged to their Territories which they were possest of when they put themselves into the Commonwealths protection wherein the Venetians were alwaies very constant though the imminent War with the Turks might have made them forget the dangers and interests of other mens for their own concernments And at last as they would yeeld to nothing which might be prejudicial to the Pisans so to witness to the World that in reality they had no thought in maintaining this controversie to any peculiar design of their own in making themselves Masters of that City they put the determination of these differences into the arbitrement of Hercules Duke of Ferrara which though it had not any effect afterwards the Pisans not consenting thereunto yet it might be discerned that the Pisans averseness thereunto or the constancy wherein they persevered was not fomented by the Venetians but rose either out of the meer election or necessity of the Pisans themselves But let us come to another consideration more proper for this business that is to the reasons of State wherein thâ— many of the same things do concur yet they are clothed with other respects wherewith Princes building either onely or chiefly upon what may most redound to their own advantage do not advise with counsel of equity or do not attribute thereunto what is requisite It is most certain being already reduced to the greatest extremity if they should have been abandoned by the Venetians they must have put themselves either into the power of the Duke of Millan or of the Florentines but reason of State would not permit that in this conjuncture both of times and affairs this City should be joyned to the Dominion of either of these As for Sforza his vast and disordinate drifts were already known and how he would be the sole Arbitrator of Italy so as if he should become more haughty and pâ—ft up by this important acquisition no part of Italy could remain quiet or secure either from his force or craft And as for the Florentines you have heard how resolute they were not to part from the friendship of the King of France by how much greater the danger of whose Army was in recent memory so much the more were his friends and associats to be kept weak and under to the end that they might not increase to the prejudice and apprehension of the rest It was seen in what danger Italy was put by forein Forces how soon the Kings of Aragon were driven out of their Dominion how little resolute the other Princes of Italy were to withstand forein Forces which having once found an open and easie way into Italy it was to be imagined that they would be cause of greater dangers and molestations to her So as the Commonwealth being to be put into a condition of being able to resist the Forces of greater Princes and of not being exposed to their wills she was necessitated to think upon increasing her power and reputation that she might depend upon her own Basis and be well esteemed of by others She knew particularly that 〈…〉 was a State which might accommodate or dis-accommodate the French designs accordingly as it was well or ill affected towards them And the keeping of the City of Pisa dependant upon the Venetians might several waies be helpful â—nto them in their intentions in seeping the French from â—according the â—ingdom of Naples and in securing themselves afterwards from the Florentines as also in winning such strength and reputation to the Commonwealth with friends and 〈◊〉 as she might provide for her own preservation and for the like of 〈◊〉 other Italians who had the like intentions with her to maintain peace in Italy and to keep her safe from foreign Forces It was not their onely useful but necessary for the Venetian in this conjuncture of affairs to have footing in Italy and to have the City of Pisa if not subject to their dominion at least dependent upon the authority of the Commonwealth Now take it for granted that that suspition might be true which they have so much divulged who have endeavored to cast a blur upon the honor and dignity of the Commonwealth to wit that the Venetians intended to make thâ—mselves absolute masters of that City only out of a design of increasing their dominion Certainly the actions of a Philosopher and those of a Prince ought not to be measured by one and the same Rule nor must we fancy the condition of men and of affairs to be what peradventure they ought to be but what they are for the most part Magnanimity is the proper vertue of Princes which makes them always busie themselves about great matters and whereby they make themselves be dreaded and reverenced by others Therefore the desire of Glory and Empire is highly praised in such Princes as have been greatest and most celebrated as Alexander Cyrus Caesar Charls and all the rest of the most famous men in whom a spirit of Grandure and Generosity which did still egg them on to new and glorious enterprises is not only commended but even admired If the Romans whose actions are praised and celebrated by the general consent of all men had been content to contain themselves within the precincts of Latium their worth would have been hidden and obscured nor would their names have been so highly cry'd up to the memory of posterity And had not the Venetians had larger thoughts then to keep within their private merchandising affairs as it became them to do in their weak begining dispising or neglecting such occasions as they sundry times met with of enlarging the bounds of their Dominions the Commonwealth would not only not have gotten such esteem and reputation as it hath got but could not have kept herself so long in liberty amidst so many revolutions of affairs and such movings of Forein Armies It remains now only to see whether the opportunity of the Times and condition of Affairs did counsel them to purchase new glory and greater Empire to their Commonwealth Which though it may be known by what hath been formerly said yet it will more clearly appear by adding some other particular Considerations The Commonwealth was then in a more powerful condition then any Prince in Italy being much stronger then them all both in Land and Sea-Forces the Pisans cause was generally well wish'd unto the Florentines were but little acceptable to the rest of the Princes of Italy by reason of their friendship with the French and for this and other respects were particularly much hated by their neighbors the Genoeses Seneses and Lucheses and all the actions of the Commonwealth seemed to be favored by a certain Genius She had lately gotten the Kingdom of Cyprus she had enlarged her Confines in Friuli by the acquisition of many Towns in the Country of Goâ—itia and she prospered greatly in all that
and which may admit of divers considerations It is an antient and approved proverb That a Bridg of Gold ought to be made for an Enemy that flies And this is grounded upon solid reasons for no Battel can be fought without much hazard and uncertainty of success since there may happen many unthought of accidents wherein the use of wisdom is excluded Therefore where to join battel is to be thought a good advice the condition of affairs must be such as that a man be not necessitated thereunto but makes it his choice and comes to it with greater hopes of overcoming then fear of being worsted and likewise the advantage must be more that is to be expected from the Victory then the prejudice which depends upon the loss thereof By thus measuring the carriage of these affairs by these rules we may the better know what judgment to give thereof If we consider the state of affairs before the Armies drew near there appears no necessity of fighting at that time For the King of France led his men back over the Mountains to their own homes without prejudice or injury to any one so as the meeting him to stop his passage and give him battel proceeded from election and from the determinate counsel of the Princes that were Confederates against him But what the end of the combat was like to be and how the business was ballanced might be guess'd at by many particulars before a stroke was struck The King of France led along with him an Army consisting of French and Switzers the former excellent for the Horse-Militia and the latter excellently well disciplin'd in Foot-service So as the Italian Militia was confess'd by all men to be far inferior to both these for they had wholly lost all their antient excellent institutions and had wanted true discipline for many years being by Foremers bereft of their antient military glory But the much different impressions which were in the Soldiers themselves was of great importance upon this occasion The French were haughty and puffed up by their success at Naples they slighted the Enemy their very name seeming to have infused so much terror into all the Italians as that neither Princes nor People had dared to oppose them but afforded them free and safe passage every where On the contrary the Italians accustomed only to such Wars as were made in Italy wherein little valor was shewen and less discipline without almost any loss of blood as if it were for meer shew and sport were to fear the unusual encounter with the French and to boot with their valor to apprehend their prosperity which had made the way so easie to them to so great and so noble an acquisition The Kings party was likewise favored by the Kings own presence and the danger which his own person was in which occasioned no small daring in the French Soldiery some being thereunto stirr'd up by their natural love to their King others by hopes of reward and others for fear of punishment But of all things else the diversity of the cause ought to be of greatest moment For the French had no hopes of safety save what lay in their Arms being in an Enemies Country the way in their return home very difficult by reason of the craggy Mountains though they should meet with no impediment by the Enemy the Army of the Colleagues suffered not under the like necessity for being at its own home it might be sure upon any adverse fortune to have safe receptacle in every City Moreover the Italians were incited to fight onely out of a desire of honor or of revenge and this was much more in the Princes and Commanders then in the common Soldier which things being well considered might by reason of what is the usual issue of such actions cause rather doubt then hope of victory if they should come to a day of Battel or at least might make it appear that businesses were so equally balanced and so doubtful as where there was no inforcing necessity to pursue a business so full of danger was not worth the while We must now consider the advantage as also the disadvantage which might happen upon the good or bad success of the battel which though it be in all affairs doubtful and uncertain yet out of the aforesaid respects it was now both those in extremity We will say that the then chief moving cause was to drive the French Army out of Italy and to restore those of Aragon to their Kingdom out of which they were driven by K. Charls The confederate Princes might in all liklihood have compast this their intention by other more safe and more secure means For what disturbance might they meet withal in the enterprise which they were to endeavor against the French in the very Kingdom of Naples from that Army which hasted to pass over the Mountains and was to dissolve of it self And say that those people should be routed and defeated should therefore the Kingdom of Naples be disposed of according to the pleasure of the Italian Victors No certainly for the King had already left strong Garisons there of his best Soldiers to secure it The victory could not be so great and favorable for the Italians but that they must have lost some of their men so as if they had a mind to attempt any thing upon the affairs of Naples it had been better for them to have gone with all their Forces upon that enterprise then to give battel to those who did not any waies oppose their design since when they should have overcome them they were to go with that Army lessened by the Battel and wearied with marching to the main business of taking the Kingdom of Naples where the things offered at by Ferdinand would have had easier success if he had entred the Kingdom with greater Forces and as he was willingly received by the City of Naples whither he might come at first with those few men he had so would the rest of the Cities willingly have revolted from the French and have put themselves under the obedience of Ferdinand if they had seen he had Forces sufficient to defend himself and to make good their rebellion But say that the Colleagues would have secured themselves yet better from the French to the end that their intentions upon the Kingdom of Naples might not be hindred or diverted had it not been better for them to go with the Army of the league to find out Monsieur d' Orleans who at the same time had possest himself of the City of Novara to drive him out of Italy together with those of his party who had setled themselves there then to follow those who did of themselves that which was most desired by the league to wit hasten back over the mountains Nay it may be further said that unless the French should be necessitated as seeing their King in danger as also that Army which was pursued by the Italians they would not peradventure
ultimate ruine depends â—y this means proceedings march a slower pace and all acquisitions become more difficult so this immoderate desire of having all things for thâ—r own service working a contrary effâ—ct to their intentions keeps the Confines of their Dominions more narrowly bounded and theâ—eby lessens that glory which they seem to aspire so much at If then our Princes and Chieftains will walk in the waies of the Antients they will finde that Justice Clemencie and moderate Empire are stronger and more secure Engins to take strong Holds then those whâ—ch they in these times make use of And if they be not faulty in the truâ—st worth they will find sufficient valor and discipline in their Soldiers to bring to pass whâ—tsoever great Enterprises and to exalt their name to such a height of glory and so illustrate themselves and their Age as they may in all things be deservedly compared to the famousest and most cried up of the Antients The Seventh DISCOURSE What the cause is why Italy hath enjoyed so long Peace and Quiet in these latter Times HE who shall call to mind what troubles Italy for a long time hath suffered under which after the passage of Charls the eight King of France till the Peace made at Bolognia was for the space of thirty five years continually infested with better Wars and subject to all those greater evils which the wickedness of man hath found out to his own undoing may justly think her very happy in this present and the last preceding Age wherein after so long a combustion she hath enjoyed so happy and quiet a Peace For though in this time some little sparkles may have broken forth yet have they not spread much nor lasted long but being confined within some small circuits the greater and more noble parts of Italy have remained safe and untouched by this flame Wherefore those Princes who this mean while have had the government of the several States of Italy are certainly much to be praised and the people of Italy are chiefly to acknowledg so great a benefit from their wisdom and vigilancie Yet because there have divers accidents happened which have opened the way to Princes wherein to walk directly on to this right end of Peace and Concord it may be worth the while particularly to examine from what causes this good hath proceeded for thereby it may likewise be known how the like may be preserved It is a Proposition sufficiently known and indubitably true that Sublata causa tollitur effectus Take away the cause and the effect which proceeds from thence will cease Wherefore by truly examining the causes from whence the Wars and molestations of Italy did proceed we may perceive how these ceasing she hath remain'd in that peace and quiet which may be said to be the true proper and most natural condition of a State all other workings in a good Government and even War it self being ordained for Peace whereby as Ciâ—ies and Kingdoms enjoy Civil felicity so must that State be most perfect wherein the perfectest workings are exercâ—sed to the most pâ—rfect end Peace is of it self introduced into a State by taking away the impediments which do disturb it just as health is introduced into our bodies by taking away those ill humors which keep them from their perfect and natural condition Now if we will take into our consideration whence as from the principal occasions that Hâ—rmony if I may so call it which the Concord of the Italian Princes had so long produced and preserved with such liking and consolation of all men was spoil'd and corrupted we shall find that two affectâ—ons which do usually accompâ—ny Empire and which at this time grew very powerful in some Princes were those roots from which so many mischiefs did afterwards put forth to wit Fear and Ambition Fear of losing ones own State Ambition of possessing what belongs to another The fear of the King of Aragons just indignation made Lodovic Storza think upon Novelties made him have recâ—urse for help to France and made him believe that was best for him which proved his ruine But it wâ—s ambitâ—on of addâ—ng new Territories to that Crown and glory to himself which made Charls the Eight King of France but young both in years and experience think upon nothing but how to effect his desires by acceptâ—ng of Sforzas proffâ—r of passing into Italy which proved the Sepulchre of so many Soldiers and of so many gâ—lant Commanders of that warlike Nation by the so many Wars which arose from that Spring-head and which brought no other advantage to the Authors But let us make a little further enquiry The so famous and as it may justly be termed so pernicious War to all Italy made by the League of so many Christian Princes who had all conspired the ruine of the Commonwealth of Venice whence did it arise but from these two wâ—cked seeds Fear and Ambition Many Princes apprehended the greatness of the Republick which was already much increased by the prosperous success in War wherein she was associated by the French whereby she was become very formidable especially to the Princes of Italy wherefore they all desired her abasement for their own security Nor was the Emperor Maximilian totally free from this fear who had learnt by late experience how powerful the Forces of the Commonwealth were grown which had bereft him of some Towns belonging to him But Lodovick King of France the thirâ—t after Empire being always uâ—quenchable growing still more desirous to possess the whole State of Milan whereof he had already gotten the greatest part and repenting himself that the Cities of Cremona and Giaradada were fallen to the Ventians was egg'd on by this spur of Ambition to join in conspiracie with the other Princes against the Commonwealth which had so lately and so many several ways deserved so very well at his hands After these ensued many long Wars though not equally grievous which had many various and uncertain events and which were fomented and maintain'd by these seeds of all discord fear and ambition When the greatness and power of the Emperor Charls the Fifth was increased and confirm'd in Italy the Commonwealth apprehended that her State in Terra firma would not by reason thereof be very safe she therefore willingly took up Arms accompaâ—ied by the French to secure herself from the danger she conceived she lay under by reason of the continual neighborhood of a greater and more powerful neighbor by having a particular Prince of that State who might be Duke of Milan Francis King of France desired likewise to see the Emperor bereft of that State but out of other respects to wit because his ambition was such as would never suffer him to give way to the fortune of Charls the Emperor and to see Charls so much superior to him especially in Italy where his Predecessors the Kings of France and he himself with no less fervencie though with worse success had labored so long
of Thirty years when in the time of the Popedom of Leo the Tenth she seemed to have some hopes of quiet and of enjoying some better condition after her so many and so grievous vexations and ruines which had called to mind the unhappy memorie of the former calamities which she had undergone by the invasion of the Northern Armies But the wounds of the late evils remained yet uncured for two noble members of this Province were faln into the hands of forein Princes the State of Milan being at the devotion of Francis King of France and the Emperor Charls the Fifth being possest of the Kingdom of Naples which Princes being now weakned and weary with so many Wars so as the one could not exceed the other and having at that time their thoughts elsewhere bent being governed more by necessitie peradventure then by their own wills they seemed to rest satisfied with what they did already posses in Italy and that they would suffer her to enjoy at least some rest after her past molestations In this posture of Affairs Pope Leo who had often negotiated with several Princes about the business of Arms and had endeavored as he said the liberty of Italy and chiefly the preservation of the Dukedom of Milan in the Government of the Sforza's was much displeased to have the power of strangers any longer continued and particularly that the Church should be berest of two noble Cities Parma and Piacenza which were become members of the State of Milan Therefore with a haughty and generous mind he resolved not to prefer an unsecure quiet before some present troubles so to shun other molestations and dangers which he thought might grow the greater by such a peace in future if not to himself at least to the Church And knowing that he should not be able either of himself nor by joining with other Italians to drive forein Potentates out of Italy he resolved to join with some foreiners against some other foremers with design as he said that when some of them should be forced to forgo Italy it might be the easier to expel the rest Leo having thus put on this noble and generous resolution it may seem to merit praise by all men as to the intention but as for the means he took to compass it it is not so easily to be agreed upon for many and weighty respects do concur thereunto for some of which this action may seem to be as wise as glorious and if we will reflect upon other some there will appear much more of difficulty and danger therein then of security and hopes That all Transalpinâ—rs might be driven out of Italy was a thing desired and not without cause by all Italians and which ought to be his chiâ—fest care and endeavor who had such Territories degree and authority in that Province as Leo had The antient dignity of the Italian honor seemed to appear in the Popâ—s majesty and in the splendor of the Court of Rome â—ut as for the effecting of this business it did planly appear that all the power of the Italian Potâ—ntates was too weak since two great Princes and warlike Nations had foâ— many past years though with various fortune got footing there and still kept their possession so as their power could suffer no disturbance but must be confirmed and consolidated and must become more formidable to the Church and to all the Italian Princes unless it were by some of the same forein Nations If the sole Forces of the Italian Princes when Italy by reason of a long Peace did flourish most were not sufficient to stop the French Forces which were then but new in those parts and but meanly assisted what reason was there to believe that this Province should ever be raised up again of herself and should by means of her own Forces return to her pristine fortune and digniâ—y after having been so long vexed by cruel Wars and having lost two of her noblest Members Wherefore though to administer fresh fuel as it were to this fire of War as would be done by the authority and Forces of the Apostolick Sea if they should joâ—n with Caesar or with the King of France might be troublesom and dangerous yet might it be beneficial or at least hopeful since it might so fall out that the fortune of War being various and subject to unexpected chances some good effect might ensuâ— thereupon for the liberty of Italy the Forces of those Princes who did oppose her growing much the weaker or else by their growing weary of the work and by their tuâ—ning themselves to some other undertaking Whereas on the contrary to suffer them to settle there and to get in time greater authority over the people and more love to the States which they had gotten was a certain and irreparable ruine and an utter abolishing of all hopes of ever restoring the States which were postest by strangers into the hands of the Italian Princes But the fear lest both these Princes who were grown so powerful in Italy might join together against the Territories of the Church or those of other Italian Princes to divide them amongst themselves as had happened not many years before when the Emperor Maximilian and Lewis the Twelfth King of France who had been formerly at such great enmity one with another grew good friends by dividing the Lands between them which belonged to the Venetians might chiefly perswade the Pope to quit neutrality and to side with the one or the other of these Princes Leo knew that upon many past occasions he had done things not only of but little satisfaction but of much disgust to both these Princes and Nations more particularly to the French who were alwaies jealous of his cunning so as great emulation growing in them both and a desire of commanding over all Italy and finding that affairs were so equally poised between them in this Province as the one could not much exceed the other nor make any new acquisition it was with reason to be feared that being void of all hopes of having the Pope to side with either of them from whose friendship they might for many reasons expect very considerable assistance they might at last convene together to the total oppression of the Liberty of Italy Nor was Leo's Neutrality in this conjuncture of time and affairs able to secure him from such a danger since he had formerly openly declared himself and taken up Arms in company with others and chiefly since the French knew that he was no waies pleased with their Dominion in Italy as well for the common affairs as for his own particular dislike that they had possessed themselves of the Cities of Parma and Piacensa which were returned to the obedience of the Apostolick Sea by his Predecessor Iulius So as the Churches State and that of the Florentines which was under the same Popes protection and government grew to be those alone which were exposed to the injuries of all men for the Venetians
short time and did acknowledg it to proceed from the will and favor of the People But he who will consider what a share of the most important resolutions of the Commonwealth the Senate had as that which governed the publick Treasury the chief foundation of a State and to which the priviledg did belong first to treat of and then to resolve of such things as were to be propounded to the people will be of opinion that such a Commonwealth did lean more towards Aristocracie then any other Government Yet passing on to further Considerations and finding the Authority of Consuls Senate and Tribunes to be so often baffled and nullified and the Supreme Magistracies oftentimes contaminated by the meanness of popular men who have had the exercise thereof will vote otherwise and think the Government to have been meerly Popular Wherefore â—olybius being willing in the sixth Book of his Histories to assign some certain Form of Government to the City of Rome would not restrain it under any one particular Form but called it a mixt Republick as was that of Sparta Which opinion is sithence followed by some modern Writers who treating of the differing Forms of Commonwealths and particularly of that of Rome do punctually agree with Polybius And certainly they were thus far all in the right to wit That the divers manners of Rule by which that City was governed could not be expressed by any one name For what gives the true Form to a City but the communication of Government which as it is participated by Citizens makes such alteration or mutation in a State as the Philosopher was of opinion that though the City did totally remain the same the variation of this only was able so to metamorphose it as it cannot be said to be what it was before For it is not the Walls nor the Inhabitants but the Form of Government which makes it be so Therefore he who will determine the Form of a City must have respect to whatsoever doth therein help to the attaining of Magistracie that he may infold all parts that belong to the managing of a Commonwealth So as since men of all conditions according to the divers respects either of Liberty Nobility Wealth or Worth were admitted into Government these divers communications will not admit the ascription of any peculiar or particular form Agreeing therefore herein with Polybius we will now endeavour to find out what is more hard to know and is better worth knowledg to wit what sort of mixture this was For though a mixt Commonwealth may be perfect it follows not that all mixtures may make her so nay rather where several differing parts are wound up together so as a third kind of nature is produced by their connexion such a composition will rather increase the imperfection of the State and be the reason why it cannot long continue under such a disproportionate mixture And as it falls out in our bodies which being compounded of four Elements continue so long in life as that proportion is maintained which when it is destroyed they are likewise wasted and corrupted For that part which becomes too prevalent changeth the rest into its self and dissolves the form which they made when all together So that Commonwealth which is composed of divers parts may continue in one and the same State as long as the Authority of Government is proportioned with equal temperament as it ought to be to each part But as soon as any one part begins to domineer too much it is apparent that she grows towards corruption For the prevalent part by consuming the rest doth by little and little reduce them all into its self and alters the aspect of the City Therefore such a disposition is required to this Form of Government as no disorder may be therein found whereby that mixture may be broken or confused Wherefore as divers Faculties concur together to the forming of Man but are notwithstanding so well ordered in that union as all of them partaking of some office or other they have their several degrees of dignity so divers Citizens reduced to live together in one City though all of them may in some sort participate of Government yet the â—mployments must be diversly disposed of so as some of them may hold the first place and as certain primary Causes must give motion to other things which are done in the Commonwealth These considerations being applied to the City of Rome will make it appear clearly that there was no such equality nor order in her as is to be desired in a mixt Commonwealth to render it excellent and long lived For the immoderate Authority which was by the Laws granted to divers Magistrates but much more the extraordinary power which was intrusted in many Citizens shews how ill that so necessary proportion was observed in her And on the other side the Peoples power and the admittance thereof without any difference to all manner of Negotiations gives manifest tokens of a confused disposition all Orders being mixt together without distinction either of Office or Degree and the baser sort being oftentimes exalted above the more worthy Hence it was that amongst such confusion many customs might be introduced which were not onely corrupt but even contrary one to another as was that of prolonging the time of Magistrates which was repugnant to the great Authority which was reserved to the people and that other of suffering the wealth of private men to increase to such a height in a City where there was no prefixt boundeur of wealth appointed by the Laws for being a Citizen Which Laws or Customs do some of them tend to the power of a few and other some of them are proper for a Popular State But if we proceed further we shall find their disorders so far advanced as not being able to consist together in one subject they were the occasion of that Commonwealths dissolution The confirming of their Authority whose Magistracy was by the usual time appointed by the Laws expâ—red was introduced at first with some appearance of advantage but with very bad example for that having begun important affairs in Countries far off they might finish them and weaken the Enemy before their return home Thus was the charge of the Province lest to Marcus Fulvius who fought in Asia against Antiochus after he was out of the Consulship the which was done likewise to Gneus Manlius to bridle the daring Aetolians and to appease the affairs in Greece and the like upon many occasions was done to divers others and very long in ensuing times with very pernicious example but the disorder ceased not here for without need the City Magistrates were so far prolonged as the same were seen to return ten times to be the peoples Tribunes Which made the Citizens infinitely ambitious and afforded them occasion by being so long in Power of plotting many things and of molesting the Common-wealth divers waies by the peoples Insurrections Nor was it less
Potentate at that time all entire and whole not having suffered any thing by this thunder of War which had only overrun their Terra firma their Treasure but little diminished from what it was at the begining of this War which continued afterwards and was maintained for the space of many years The City of Venice placed by her miraculous situation in compleat safety all attempts which could be made against it being to prove rash and vain as the effects proved afterwards A great Train of Artillery and of all things requisite for War a quiet People and obedient at the beck of their Nobility and a constant and resolute mind in all the Nobles to demonstrate all the proofs of worth and love towards their Country But that which followed afterwards in their defence of the City of Padua against the Forces of all the Princes of the League will suffice to prove that the Commonwealth was not so weak either in Counsel or in Power as to have recourse to thâ—â— last extremity of making that Ciâ—y tributary which had maintained her first freedom for above the space of a thousand years Say I beseech you was not the Commonwealth powerful by Sea and sufficiently valued by all other Potentates before she had any State in Terra firma Nay she was oft-times seen to neglect occasions which were offered of making acquisitious in Terra firma thinking her self safe and powerful enough without them What was it then which could move them to make themselves Servants and Subjects who had no reason to doubt not onely their liberty but nor their chiefest most antient and most proper Dominion which was that of the Sea for the preservation whereof as affairs stood then they had no reason to make such haste to Caesar for friendship Who can with reason blame the advice as the condition of things went then of giving and yeelding that up to Maximilian which could not as then be kept from him to wit some of those Cities in Terra firma which he pretended right unto since some agreement ensuing with him by such concessions and injuries ceasing on that part the way might be opened to straiter and more particular and advantagious conventions with the same Caesar who was naturally desirous of novelties whereby the Fortune of the Commonwealth was again to be raised up And this counsel tried afterwards with others had good success when they joyned in a new confederacy with the same French against Maximilian who scorning their frâ—endship would not listen to their propositions These were the counsels these the actions of the Venetians from whence some would take occasion to detract from the praise and dignity of their Commonwealth and particularly from the excellency of their Government But we may better know how injuriously this blemish is laid upon them if we will examine how other Princes and States did behave themselves when they were in like adversity which I do not alleage as taxing any one but to shew the usual course of affairs by the example of others Observe what art the King of Aragon used to preserve his State when Charls the Eighth King of France came against them in hostile manner Alphonso who possest the Kingdom having tried the extremity of fear before the danger grew near out of the meer report of the French Forces departed from Naples leaving all things at six and sevens whilst their Army was yet in Rome and Alphonso the Son who had boasted that he would defend himself and to that purpose had mustered a great many Soldiers retired with them into the narrow passes of the Kingdom without making any triall either of his fortune or of his valor and yeelding rather to the Fame then to the Forces of the Enemy suffered them to take free and quiet possession of that most noble Kingdom But Frederick of Aragon who was reinvested in his State by the favor of the people and by the assistance of other Princes with which the Venetians did readily joyn what use did he make of other mens labors and of his own fortune Soon after the Kingdom of Naples was assaulted by Lodowick King of France and by Ferdinando King of Spain at which assault being much discouraged he would not lâ— sten to the advice of his Commanders who advised him to keep the field but made some slender provisions for the Towns and soon after thinking more how to escape then how to defend himself he fled into Ischia and went from thence into France and put himself into the power of the same King his Enemy contenting himself rather to live a private man in peace and safety then to reign in trouble and danger But what shall we â—ay of the French who boast so much of their valor and glory in War How easily when they met with the first misfortune did they suffer themselves to be bereft of all they had before so happily acquired in the Kingdom of Naples And that so hastily as it seemed that they had freely yeeled up the possession of so many and so noble Cities to the victors the Spainards by agreement and as it were in reward for the day which they had won Nor is this the onely example since we have seen the same French who were faln with such fervency with their Forces into Italy and had with miraculous prosperity recovered the State of Milan but a little before resolve suddenly to forgo all that they had won and to retreat to beyond the Mountains after the roâ—â— which they had received from the Swizzers at Novara the succour which they met withal by the way as they fled not being able to make them halt Who was more famous then for dexterity of wit for the managing of weighty affairs then Lodorica Sforza Duke of Milan yet when a great deluge of War came upon him what use could he make of all his Artifices Could he shew that constancy and generosity which he had many times before publickly boasted of The onely news of the league made against him by Lodowick King of France and by the Venetians did so astonish him as losing all understanding and leaving his Affairs unprovided for he resolved at very first upon what ought to have been his last and most desperate advice to fly into Germany foregoing the defence of that State which being once lost he did afterwards in vain seek to recover But in this point I may help my self in looking a little more backward and trying whether the gallantry of the antients so much commended did produce other effects then those that I have spoken of The Romans who conquered the whole world met sometimes with adverse fortune wherein let us see how they behaved themselves for he is very timerous who is not bold and generous in prosperous affairs In what peril and hazard did Brennusâ— Prince and Commander of the Galli Senones put the City of Rome after the defeat given to the Roman Army under the unfortunate conduct of the Fabii no