any thing and somtimes making new demands as That all such as had been banished from their Country by the Venetians should be thereunto restored together with some other such like things whereof no mention had been made in the articles of Truce and whereby a firm agreement might be rather kept off then made Some moneths being thus spent in vain Cesar's were sent for home by their fellow Councellors of Ispruch Yet at this very time the Embassador of Venice had great hopes given him at the Emperors Court of a good issue of this business promise being made that new Commissioners should be chosen who should be sent with better Instructions to Friuli that being near the places of most important differences they might decide them the sooner and with more ease All Charls his chiefest Ministers of State shewed that he had a great desire to live neighbourly with the Venetians and to make a firm peace with them whereby it was clearly seen that Cesar desired friendship with the Venetians and that he cunningly prolonged the accomodation of differences with them so to get them to make a straiter League with him and forgo their respects with the French whose friendship they seemed to value so highly as he had but little hopes to agree with them answerable to his need and designs unless they were moved thereunto out of some such necessity But the Venetians replied that they much desired peace and quiet that the institution of their Commonwealth had alwaies been such and that they would use the same means but that it became them in honour to keep their plighted faith wherefore they must profess clearly that they could not nor would not do any thing which might any ways cross their League with the King of France But since I shall several times have occasion to discourse of things that past between these two most famous Princes both in this and in other ages and with whom the Commonwealth had both War and Peace and several Treaties of things of very great importance it will not be far from the purpose of this our discourse to know some thing of their natures and customs for as they were both of them very desirous of Empire and Glory so they took several ways to arrive at this their end Charls was very wary quick of foresight mature at deliberation grave at business wonderful patient and much given to perseverance whereby he knew how to wait for time and opportunity and to make use of them to his best advantage But Francis was of a magnanimous spirit which made him willingly embrace any thing whereby he might purchase the applause of being generous and honour in war he desired to overcome his enemy rather by true valour then by advantages and craft His words and countenance discovered his most inward thoughts Cesar loved men that were wary and warlike his words were few his thoughts deep he was very ambitious but not very open therein striving still to cloak his aspiring after greatness under the pretence of uprightness and common Interest But Francis favour'd and embraced all such and was very liberal unto them who were rare at any profession he affected to be thought eloquent affable civil liberal and was chiefly desirous of warlike glory Neither did he conceal this his desire but discover'd his will and thoughts by his words and actions These two Princes did at the same time but by several ways endeavour friendship with the Common-wealth that they might make use of her Forces in their Affairs in Italy in which businesses this year was spent without coming to any conclusion in any one thing In the beginning of the next year which was the year 1520. the peace of Italy began not only to be disturbed but even Christendom in several parts to be molested with great mischief and dangers Which though they were fore-seen by all none did seek to prevent for Soliman finding himself very prosperous and not willing to grow effeminate through idleness nor to degenerate from the Worth of his Ancestors resolved to wage War as it was formerly suspected in Hungary hoping thereby to reap the greater glory for that the fame of that Nation was very great for War and because though that Enterprize had several times been undertaken by his Predecessors it was not as yet brought to a good end Therefore the year 1521. being begun Soliman march'd with a powerful Army from Constantinople himself in person into Hungary At which great warlike Preparations King Lodowick being much troubled not finding himself able to support so great a bulk of War and the danger growing every day more apparent he did again by new Embassies sollicite all Christian Princes to succour him in the defence of his Kingdom and therein befriend all Christendom To this purpose he sent Philip More Bishop of Agria to Venice who being brought before the Duke and his Senators spoke to this purpose My King most Illustrious Prince and you famous Senators doth so much confide in your faith humanity and power in the strait conjunction which for these many years hath been between your Common-wealth and his Crown as that for the common Interest of both States for the Iustice of his cause and out of the usual custom of your selves and your Ancestors you will favour what is just and assist him with your help who in this eminent War of the Turks would make his chief recourse to you and communicate his Affairs and Needs first to you Hoping not only to find you ready in your selves to do what you are able for the defence of his Kingdom but that by your power and intercession you will apply your selves to other Princes and facilitate their assisting of him and truly reason tells us that the first applications belong to this Common-wealth when opposition is to be made to the increasing of the Ottoman Empire for as her opportunity is great of troubling this Enemy by the power she hath at Sea so for the neighberhood of so many of her States she ought to covet the abasing of it and to be careful that together with the ruine of others her own danger do not encrease Therefore if you my Lords will be the first who shall move other Princes to take upon them the defence of the Kingdom of Hungary so as the courage of this new and fiercely minded Emperour may be allay'd who will leave nothing unattempted whereby he may hope to purchase Glory and Empire you will reap the fruit of real and true Honour of great safety and of the increasing of your State Consider Gentlemen to what an height the Ottoman Family is risen of late years And chiefly if I may be permitted to say so through the negligence of Christian Princes for meeting with no obsticle he marcheth on apace to Supream Monarchy if Constantines entreaties and protestations had been listned unto when Mahomet assaulted Constantinople assuredly the Grecian Empire would not have been destroy'd Nor would the like of the
Venetians 296 marries Giulia daughter to the Duke of Camerino Succeeds his Father in the Dutchy of Vrbine and confirm'd by the Venetians in their service falls into the Popes displeasure for the Dutchy of Camerino 361. Yeilds up that Dutchy to the Church 557. Is made General of the Venetian Militia 611. Marries Virginia Neece to Pope Paul the third 621 H HEnry the 8. King of England undertakes to reconcile the Venetians with the Emperour 76. enters into a League with Charls the 5th 193. Offers to engage for the safety of Italy 223. Treats about relieving Pope Clement besieged by the Imperialists 255. Angry with the Venetians and why 349. Is displeased that he was not included by the Christian Princes in their League against the Turk 414. Makes a League with the Emperour against the King of France 591 Henry the 2. Son to King Francis marries Catarina Neece to Pope Clement the 7. Succeeds his Father in the Kingdom of France 354 355. Intends to make war in Italy 620. Negotiates a League with the German Princes against the Emperour 638. Favourâ— the Senesi in their insurrection 649 Henry the 3. King of France in his passage through Venice made a Noble Venetian 616 I IAnusbei sent from Soliman to the Venetians 363. Being sent to the Venetian General is taken by those of Cimera and restored gratis 379 Islands of the Archiepelagus taken from the Venetians by Barbarossa 392 Julius the 2. Pope his Death and Character 12 Julius the 3. Pope elected with great hopes from all men of future goodness 630. He answers not those expectations 632. Discovers himself to be an enemy to the French 639 L THe Landgrave of Hessen and other Protestant Princes raise up a vast Army in Germany 355 A League negotiated between the Venetians the French 8 9 10 11 Concluded 12. A League between the Pope the Emperour the King of Spain Sforza Duke of Milan and the Switzers 101. Between Pope Leo and Charls the 5. and the conditions thereof 174. Between Charls the 5. and Henry King of England 193. Between Charls the 5. and the Venetians 199. Between the Pope the King of France and the Venetians 227 A League between the Pope the Venetians and the Florentines 223 Between the Venetians and Francesco Sforza Duke of Milan 318. Between the Pope the Emperour and many Princes of Italy 348. Of the Christian Princes against Soliman 387. A League between the Pope the Emperour the Venetians and other Princes against the Tuâ—k 413 414. Of the Princes â—f Germany against the Emperour 641 Leo the tenth chosen Pope 13. His Designs in the beginning â—f his Popedom ibid. His ill Will to the Venetians 31. Negotiates a Peace between the Emperour and the Venetians 72 73. His Designs in that Negotiation 75. Enters into a League with the Emperour 174. Restores Parma and Piacenza to the King of France 125. Gives the King of France a meeting in Bologna 126. Negotiates an accord between the Emperour and the Venetians 125. Sends his Legate to the Emperour 133. Suspects the French 138. Puts for an universal Truce among Christian Princes 160. Sideth with the King of France in the Election of the Emperour 162. Unresolved to confirm the League with France 165. Ioyns in League with Charls the 5. against Milan 174 Dies 179. Lodi taken by the Switzers and retaken by Alviano 107. Sacked by the Switzers 137. Yeilded to the French Taken by the Imperialists 178. Taken by the French 202. Taken by the Venetians 228 Lodowick the 12. King of France gets the Dutchy of Milan and the Kingdom of Naples 4. Hath new practises on foot for the recovery of Milan 7. Makes a League with the Venetians 12. Makes a Truce with Ferdinand King of Spain 15. Raises an Army for Italy 16. Annulleth the Council of Lions and adhereth to that of Lateran 31. Dies whiles he prepares for invading Milan 92 Lodowick King of Hungary prepares for his own defence against Soliman 163. Sends an Embassadour to Venice 168. 170. Is relieved with monies by the Venetians ibid. Lewis Lord of Tramogly General for the King of France in the Enterprize of Milan 16. Passeth into Italy and takes Milan and other Cities 19. Assaults Novara 22. Draws off from before it 23. His Camp is routed by the Switzers 26. Returns into France ibid. Luigi Badoara Embassadour for the Venetians in France 395. And in Spain 398. Commissary General in Dalmatia 425. Embassadour to Constantinople and his Commission 571. Concludes a peace with the Turks and yeilds up to them Napoli and Malvasia 573 M MAffeo Leone and others punished for revealing the secrets of the Commonwealth of Venice to forraign Princes 574 Malta bestowed upon the Knights of Rhodes by Charls the 5. Marano seiz'd upon by Frangipane â—8 Assaulted by the Venetians 58 59. Taken by Baltrame Sacchia and yeilded up to the French 589. Given by the King of France to Pietro Strozzi who selleth it to the Venetians 598. The Marquess of Saluzzo with the French Army in Lombardy 228. Succeeds Lautrech before Naples whence he suddenly rises 287. His Army is defeated by the Imperialists and himself taken prisoner ibid. Maximilian the Emperour intends to drive the French out of Italy 5. His qualities 10. He stirs up the Great Turk against the Venetians 55. Makes great preparations for the War of Italy 102. Agrees with the Switzers and some Princes against the king of France 127. Affirms that the State of the Church belongs to the Empire 130. Passeth with an Army into Italy 133. Takes in many places of the Dutchy of Milan and besiegeth Milan 135 136. Returns into Germany 137. Makes peace with France 151 152. Makes a Truce with the Venetians ibid. Dies 161 Maurice Duke of Saxony helps the Emperor in his Wars against the Protestants 615 Milan yeilded up to Francis King of France 115. Besieged by the Emperour Maximilian 136 Taken by the Army of Charles the 5.178 In what condition it was by Pope Leo's death 180. Assaulted by the Popes and Venetians Forces 229. Besieged by the French and the Venetians 309. Returns into the hands of Duke Francesco Sforza 324. Falls into the Emperours 363 Monsieur de S Paul sent by King Francis with an Army into Italy 288. Ioyning with the Venetians he takes Pavia 190. Makes new progresses in Lombardy 308. Goes against Genoa 309. His Army is routed and he taken prisoner by Leva 310 N NAples assaulted by the Leagues Army 240. Besieged by Lautrech 279. Much streightned both by Land and Sea 282. The Siege is raised 287 The Nature and Customs of Charls the Fifth 167. Of Francis King of France 168. Of the French 296. Noble Venetians go to the defence of Padua and Trevigi 51. Employed in great Gallies into the Levant upon diverse sorts of merchandise 159. Sent by the Senate to the defence of their Cities in Terra Ferma 280. What they are that are so called 615. The Number of the vessels that were into the
King of England did also oft times out of the said reasons indeavour to bring these two Princes to fair tearmes for that it very well became a great and wise Prince as he was and who had alwaies prefer'd the Interest of Christian Religion before any self-respect to use his best indeavours to introduce peace amongst Christian Princes that they might be able to defend their States against the Turks who having overcome the King of Persia in Battle totally destroyed the Empire of the Mamalucky and taken the Kingdome from Camâ—sone Gauro King of Memphis did very much advance by the ruine of other men and to the end that they might win greater Favour and Authority with the King the Senate knowing that it would be acceptable and commodious to the Kingdome of England resolved to send their great Gallioans towards the Rodes of that Island which had not for some late years been upon those Seas Whilst these things were treated of by Embassadors the War did notwithstanding still go on for after the Switzers and Dutch were gone Lautrech having left sufficient Garrison in Millan drew all the Army out of the City and not making any delay marched into the Territories of Brescia intending to renew the Siege of that Town the Duke of Burbone being at this time gone from Italy the supream Government of the Kings affairs were intrusted with Lautrech a man famous for many indowments of mind and who would have been more Famous in War had he not been too much opinionated After the departure of Cesar's Army the City of Brescia was left almost without any defendants for the Souldiers of the Garrison seeing Cesar grow less in his reputation and having no hopes of relief being also weary of the toylsome labours and inconveniencies of the late Siege and not having received their pay at due times were some of them returned home and some gone over to the Venetian Camp So there were but only 700 Spanish Foot left to guard the City under Captain Hiccardo but these were all men of known Valour and Integrity Where ore the Venetian Commanders thinking they might now hope well to get that City made the more haste not tarrying for the French who followed them a little more slowly to the end that finding the Enemy unprovided they might be the more confused at their unexpected approach Thus though the night came on whilst they were on their March not allowing any the least time for the Souldiers to rest themselves at the very instant of their Arrival they ordered their men before the Walls and suddenly clapt their scaling Ladders thereunto by which many of them began already boldly to mount and to put for entring the Town The Foot who were upon the defence astonished at this unexpected accident and confounded by the darkness of the night ran up and down every where striving to keep the Ladders from off the Walls and if any of our men were got up to the tops thereof they threw them down they fought in several places endeavouring to defend themselves some here some there They at the same time minded fighting the Enemy and their own defence The Combate drawing forth thus in length the Enemy having borne the first brunt grew hourly more corragious so as the Venetians being in a disadvantageous place where they could neither tarry nor fight were forced to quit the Enterprize and to retreat It was afterwards known that this designe miscarried by the Ladders being too short soon after came Lautrech with his Army wherefore the Commanders thinking they were now strong enough endeavoured to doe their best to storme the City They surrounded the Walls with 5. bodies and placed their Cannon in such parts as they thought most convenient and began to play so furiously upon the Walls as in a short time a part thereof fell down to the ground which facilitated the way to make an Assault Amidst these dangers and difficulties Hiccardo not at all discouraged provided carefully for all things not refusing any labour and all the Souldiers being equally desirous to defend the City labour'd both day and night about the Walls by day in repairing the Rampiers by night in bringing the Rubbish into the Town wherewith they quickly raiâ—ed new Rampiers where the Wall was broken down but the ruine which were made by so many Batteries could not be repaired in so short a time nor by so few men nor could sufficient Guards be kept in all necessary places at once Wherefore Hiccardo understanding that the Enemy were ready to give an Assault which he could not sustaine without evident ruine to himself and his men he resolved to surrender the Town This was welcome News to the Venetians who desired the preservation of that Noble City and to returne it unto the Common-wealth undefaced or ransackt which would have been hard to doe if the City had been taken by force the Commanders not being able often times to refraine the insolency and rapine of the Souldiers especially if Forreigners Truce was therefore made by a certaine tacite consent of both sides and by Messages sent between the Town and the Camp an agreement was made upon these conditions That the City should be delivered up to Lautrech unless it were releeved by 8000 men within three days that the Souldiers of the Garrison should be permitted to goe whither they licted provided it were not to Verona that no prejudice should be done to the City neither by the Venetian Souldiers nor by the French and that it should be lawful for the Count Gambara and for some few Citizens who had adhered to Cesar 's party to enjoy their Country and all their goods and that all their faults should be forgiven them These conditions were the more easily given way unto for that it was confidently beleeved so great a supply could not come unto the City in so short a time for the Dutch Souldiers who were come to the Castle of Aâ—fo to relieve the Besieged were returned back being routed and put to flight by a greater number of our Souldiers Things being thus agreed upon and no succour appearing within the pre-limited time Hiccardo and all his Souldiers march'd out of the Town in good order with their Colours flying and Drums beating and at the same time Lautrech and the Venetian Commissaries entred who were received by a great concourse of people of all conditions and of all ages manifesting shews of much joy whereby they witnessed their good will to the Common-wealth Lautrech took possession of the City first and then presently delivered it up to the Venetian Commissaries and the Common-wealths Standard was set up Thus this famous City after so great confusion of affairs having suffer'd very much and run several fortunes in War returned under the Dominion of her ancient Masters and was restored to her former peaceable condition When the News of the recovery of Brescia came to Venice great joy was throughout all the City and the Citizens by this
Mamalucchi have now fallen if that had stood These two joyn'd together did so counterpoise the Turkish Forces as their safety would have freed now the Kingdom of Hungary and the rest of Christendom from danger He who shall well consider the progress of the ancient Monarchs will find that their chiefest difficulty lay in getting to such a pitch of power and force as no one Potentate could of himself alone give a just counterpoise to their power Other acquisitions have been the sooner and more easily made by reason of the almost insuperable difficulties which have been still met withal in getting many Princes joyn in the destruction of one alone The Romans spent many years in conquering Italy but being by the Conquest thereof made stronger then the rest they in a few years vanquish'd so many Princes as they subjugated the greatest and farthest distant Provinces It is therefore evident that the longer Christians defer to oppose the Turks they make the danger the greater and the remedy more difficult I will not say that to take upon them the defence of Hungary is a glorious thing for Christian Princes to do not that it is a duty which they owe to their Religion to their profession not that it makes for every one of their Interests but I will more truly say it is necessary for the preservation of their States This Kingdom being lost which hath for so many years withstood the violence of the Turkish Forces on this side and retarded the course of their Victories what remains to keep them from over-running Austria from disturbing all Germany and from entring into the Confines of this your State This very Kingdom which hath hitherto been the great Bulwark to hinder their advancing if this be lost which God forbid it will be of great opportunity for them to the subjugating of other Nations and to the ruinating of other Kingdomes But this being defended as it is necessary it should be so is it neither impossible nor yet very hard to withstand their farther progress if Princes do not rather want will then Forces The Hungarian Nation by ancient custom and almost by nature haâ—h always been warlike our Princes and our people have won great and particular praise and honour in War nor hath my now King and Master nor his Subjects degenerated nor are they to degenerate any whit from the Worth of their Ancestors They have minds and for as much as is possible for men to have Forces ready to defend themselves But alas how can one only Kingdom not very great not very rich find men monies munition and so many other requisites for War to withstand the numerous Turkish Armies gather'd together out of so many Provinces Marry if it be assisted and succour'd by other Princes the Kingdom of Hungaries Forces will not only be so increased but even the Honour and Courage thereof as we no ways doubt to frustrate all the Enemies designs made against us nor will we refuse if occasion shall be offer'd to give him Battle in a pitcht field so to secure by our own dangers if God shall please to favour as we are to hope he will our pious and generous boldness not only of our own Country but all the Kingdomes and Provinces of Christendom for many years But I find I have transgress'd my bounds by my too long speaking I speak of things that are well known and to those that understand them better then I do The sum of all is this Our Kingdom is one of the out-walls of Christendom against the fury of the Turkish Forces Common safety and common defence ought to be provided for by common Forces and Counsels Your wisdom and piety makes you foresee and consider dangers and your power and authority endows you with means to give a speedy and opportune remedy thereunto The Embassadour was very attentively listned unto whose speech made the greater impression in all that heard him because they were all very well minded to the business it was therefore resolved that endeavours should be made with all the Princes of Christendom by means of the Commonwealths Embassadors to make them all joyn with common consent and force to assist the Kingdom of Hungary and to provide against such great dangers to the which they readily offered their best assistance and the power of the whole Common-wealth But these Treaties wrought no better effect then they had formerly done so as the danger growing daylie greater and King Lodowick thinking himself necessitated to fight the Turks for the freeing of Belgrado a strong and important City and the Frontire Town of that Kingdom from the fury of the Turks before which the Turkish Army was already incamped he sent Iovan Statilio his Embassador again to Venice to borrow some monies of the Senate by which he might increase his Forces and put himself with better hopes upon the fortune of Battel The Commonwealth had formerly many times furnished the King of Hungary with monies to assist him against the Turks and they thought themselves now more obliged to abbet that Kingdom out of the particular strait conjunction which they held with King Lewis and for that by reason of the greatness of the Ottoman house those respects were grown more considerable for which he had endeavoured the preservation and prosperity of that warlike Kingdom The Senate therefore resolved to send thirty thousand Ducats to King Lodowick together with greater promises and offers and not concealing the friendship which they held with him they ordered Lorenzo Orio who was their Embassadour in Hungary to follow his Camp Bet the King's forces had ill success Belgrado was lost nor were the other Cities of the Kingdom free from fear of the Turkish forces for Soliman left his Artillery and part of his Militia in Hungary intending to return thither as he told the Venetians by one of his Chiaus whom he sent to Venice to acquaint them with this his victory and subdue that Kingdom At this time to the great grief of the whole City Duke Loredano died who had governed the Commonwealth very prudently for the space of twenty years and who incouraging others by his invincible spirit had overcome the malice of Fortune and reduced the City to a peaceable and quiet condition He was of a great wit and natural insight into Affairs and of much experience in the world having spent his youth in continual Navigations and his riper years in managing the most important Affairs of the Common-wealth exercâ—sing the chiefest places of Magistracy both within the Common-wealth and abroad He dyed being almost 90 years old having even till then had vivacity in his Intellectuals though his body was subject to divers infirmities His Encomium was made by Andrea Navaghiero and he was buried with great pomp in St Iohn and St Pauls Church Antonio Grimani was chosen to succeed him a man famous for his wealth and for the honours he had attain'd to in the Common-wealth and one who had often times
Walls of Florence all the other parts of Italy were free and quiet the Pope the Emperour Ferdinand King of the Romans and the Senate of Venice having at last ratified an Agreement upon these conditions That the Venetians should relinquish the Cities of Ceruia and Ravenna the Apostolique See and to the Emperour Trani Monopoli and whatsoever they were possess'd of in Puglia that all other Cities Towns places which were as then in their possession should remain under the Jurisdiction and Dominion of the Common-wealth which was to enjoy them peacefully and quietly That the Inhabitants who were in those Cities and who had adhered to the Venetians might be suffered either to tarry there or to goe elsewhere and that wheresoever they should be they might injâ—y the goods which they possess'd in their countries and particularly that it might be lawful for such Venetian Citizens as had any possessions in these Territories not only to enjoy their Incomes but to carry them whithersoever they should please without being subject to any prohibition or Tax That the Venetian Citizens should also have all those priviledges and immunities confirm'd unto them throughout the whole Kingdom of Naples which they had before enjoy'd by the concession of the former Kings and that generally free and safe abode and commerce should be allowed to all the Subjects of the Confederate Princes in all their several Dominions and that they should be well dealt withal and have Reason and Justice done them as if they were of the same Country where for the present they did inhabit or negotiate That all past faults should be forgiven to those who during the time of War after that Maximilian took first up Arms against the Common-wealth for having followed the Imperial faction or had either been accus'd and condemned for any thing thereunto belonging and that they should be restored to their Countries and goods except such goods as were formerly confiscated for which the Venetians promised to pay yearly 5000 Ducates And that all faults should be forgiven to Count Brunoro di Gambara by name and that he should be received into favour who was then the Emperours Chamberlain That moreover the Venetians should pay unto the Emperour for what remain'd unpaid of 200000 Ducates promis'd at the agreement made the year 1523. 25000 Ducates within two Moneths and the rest which should appear to be due within one year following But upon express condition that before the disbursment of these monies those Towns and places should be restored to the Common-wealth which were thereunto due upon the same Articles wherein if any dispute should arise the same should be determined by two Arbitrators and one Umpire Moreover the Venetians were contented to gratifie Cesar with 100000 Ducates more within six Moneâ—hs and that because the rights of the Patriarch of Aquilegia were reserved in the Diet at Worms wherein he pretended to be injured in his jurisdiction by Ferdinand of Austria that this cause should be decided by two Arbitrators and one Umpire to the end that the Patriarch might be restored to what should be found due unto him and that this agreement might not only aim at the present peace of Italy but to provide for the future quiet and security thereof each of the aforesaid Princes were bound to enter into a perpetual League for the defence of each other in as much as concern'd the Estates in Italy And it was particularly expressed that the Venetians and Francisco Sforza Duke of Milan for whom the Emperour promised and stood bound should alwaies have each of them five hundred Curassiers in readiness and that when either the Dukes state or the Commonwealth should be assaulted by any Forraign Army each should be bound to assist the other with eight hundred Curassiers wherein the foresaid five hundred were to be comprehended with five hundred Light Horse and six thousand Foot together with a sufficient Train of Artillery ammunition and all the expences thereunto belonging during the war and that neither of them should grant passage victuals or any other accommodation to such as should intend prejudice to either of them but should use all the means they could to hinder them And on the other side the Duke of Milan and the Venetians were bound to defend the Kingdom of Naples from any assault that should be thereupon made by any Christian Princes with sixteen Gallies at their own expence In this capitulation all the friends and confederates of these Princes were comprehended so as they should not prove enemies to any of the chief contractors and the Common-wealths of Genua Sienna and Lucca the Duke of Savoy the Marquis of Mantua and Marquis of Monferrat were particularly nominated by the Pope by the Emperour and by Ferdinando and by the Venetians Antonio Maria Montefeltro Duke of Urbine But with this difference that the Venetians were not bound to defend the States of the others though they were nominated and the Duke of Urbine was comprehended in his person and State under the same conditions as were the chief contractors as having a dependancy upon the Commonwealth and as being by her taken into protection Touching the Duke of Ferara it was declared that he was only understood to be comprehended with the rest when he should have accommodated the differences which were between him and the Apostolique See Thus after so many vexations and long Wars things were setled and accommodated and a certain and secure peace was made to the great comfort of the Subjects and the no less praise of the Princes All men thought that this peace and agreement amongst the Christian Princes was made at a very opportune time so as they might joyntly make head against Soliman who being wholly set upon the glory of War and being encouraged by the discords of the Christian Princes was come with his forces against their Kingdoms threatning ruine For though he was forced to rise from before the Walls of Vienna and freed her so from danger at that time by reason that the Winter came on and that he had no great Train of Artillery as also for that the City was defended by very many valiant Souldiers yet he declared that he would return the next Spring with greater forces to assail that City and other Towns in Germany Soliman at his departure from those consines declared Iohn to be King of Hungary shewing that he aimed chiefly at the praise of valour and generosity He also made Luigi Gritti chief Treasurer of that Kingdom who was natural son of Andrea Gritti Duke of Venice born at Constantinople whilst Andrea being a young man was there upon his own private affairs Luigi proved to be a very ingenious man endowed with many noble qualities so as getting first into favour with Ebrahim the chief Bashaw and of supream authority in that Court and afterwards by his means into the like of Soliman he had done the Commonwealth very good service in their last troubles by keeping them in friendship with
sometimes urged the examples of other Popes who had at other times readily assisted the Venetians against these enemies to the faith of Christ sometimes he remembered the services done by the Common-wealth to that See for which she had alwaies so readily exposed her forces against powerful Princes But he oftest mentioned the great eminent danger of the other Christian Kingdoms and chiefly of the Church-Dominions if the Common-wealth of Venice should be weakened which was held by all men to be the surest Bulwork of Christendom The Pope being by these perswasions wrought upon very much to defend the Venetians shewed a very great zeal to the common good and an ardent desire to provide for what was needfull for this War and to assist and sustain the Common-wealth that her dignity might not be supprest by so potent an enemy nor her dominions and forces weakened Yet calling to minde what had been done formerly upon like occasions by other Popes and lately by Paul the third in the League made against Soliman he desired to be pardoned if he did not all he desired to do deploring the condition of his times wherein the monies of that See were much exhausted and also by reason of the commotions in France wherein the City of Avignon was much indangered being put to great expence and trouble Therefore though he often moved in the Consistory that the defence of the Venetians might be embraced that they might be assisted in this their necessity and though their cause was approv'd of in the Colledge of Cardinalls and generally favoured yet they came to no particular declaring what they would do onely it was granted at the first that they might raise 100000 Duckets for the maintenance of that war by a generall tax upon the Venetian Clergy from which no Prelate of what condition soever should be exempted The Pope propounded afterwards that the King of Spain's Gallies might speedily joyn with those of the Venetians whereby to make a powerfull Fleet to oppose the Turks and to disturb these their first designes And that in the mean time a League might be treated of with the said King and the other Princes of Christendom whereby their forces might for a long while be established to oppose the Turks And having made this be signified to the Senate by the Embassadour Suriano exhorting them to assent to this proposition and to put this businesse into his hands who as the common Father would be very zealous of the good of Christendom and would have a particular care of the good of the Common-wealth He found them all very well inclined to follow his authority and advice He resolved at the same time likewise to send Ludovico de Torres Clark of the Apostolick Chamber into Spain to Philip of Austria the Catholick King to exhort him to assist Christendom readily against Selino Ottaman enemy to himself and to the Catholick Faith which he did particularly professe to protect as by the glorious name acquired by the pious and generous actions of his Ancestors he was bound to do He therefore laid before him the great danger wherewith divers States of Christian Princes were threatned by the Turkish Fleets which though it was given out they were intended against Cyprus yet was it not certain but that they might easily and speedily fall upon his Dominions which though they were not for the present molested with war yet were they in the future the more exposed to the incursions and assaults of the Turkish Fleets when the Venetians should be weakened in their Maritime forces and the Turks Empire encreased So as he was to esteem the interests of that Common-wealth inseparably joyned with his own That the Ottaman Empire was a common enemy to all the Potentates of Christendom and more strong and powerfull then any one of them apart But that if all or most of the Christian Princes would joyne together they would exceed the Turks in power and might hope not onely to resist them but perhaps to beat and conquer them That the King was to consider that if he should not aid the Venetians at this their so great need he would lose much honour amongst the Turks making either his weaknesse clearly appear as if the Moors insurrections were sufficient to keep him so employed as that he could not make use of his forces elsewhere or else that he held but bad intelligence with the Common-wealth or with other Christian Princes by not moving against his enemy being invited by so fair an occasion but abandoning the common cause That he had used the same endeavours to the Venetians who had readily referred all things to him promising to stand to all that he should decree nor was their truth herein to be doubted since they knew by experience they could not ground any safety to themselves by peace with the Turks Moreover that great respect would be given to his authority since he had the spirituall arms in his hands and did declare himself to be the head and manager of all this businesse These things were prudently and effectually represented to the King of Spain in the Pope's name by Torres who presented him likewise with a Brief wherein the Pope did much deplore the miseries of the present times remembring therein particularly the many mischiefs which Christendom had suffered in severall parts through the wicked conspiracies of men branded with heresie and severall infamous vices who rebelling against God and against their Princes had with much audaciousnesse and fury shaken severall whole Provinces of Christendom and sought to corrupt the into grâ—ty of the Catholick Faith To which inward grievances other mischiefs and greater dangers were added by forrain enemies Soliman having attempted by great forces to bereave Maximilian Cesar of the remainders of the Kingdom of Hungary which fire of war was likely to have burnâ— forth throughout all Germany had it not been extinguished by Soliman 's death But that now new combustions and calamities did seem to threaten Christendom that therefore he knew it became him to have an eye to these commotions and to denounce so great dangers to Princes wherein he was to addresse himselfe chiefly to the Catholick King and to excite him to be the first that should embrace the defence of Christendome since God had endowed him to that purpose with greatest power and command That for what concerned himself he would not be failing in any thing that lay in him nor in pouring forth prayers continually to God that he would look with the eyes of mercy upon our actions These were the endeavours used by the Pope to the Catholick King who listning thereunto with much benignity and attention seemed to be very much rejoyced thereat shewing a very good inclination to the common welfare and to put an high esteem upon the Pope's authority and advice But because the King was then in Cordua and was to expedite the affairs in the Courts of Castile he excused himself that he could not give a positive
According to which advice as soon as they heard newes of the enemies approach Count Rocas parted from Nicossia with three hundred Horse which was all that in so great haste could be got together and with one hundred Dragoons commanded by Antonio dal Beretino and Lazaro Cocopani and marched towards the place which was designed for mustering all the Horse which was a fitting place for that purpose not far from the shoars of the Saline where it was thought the enemies Fleet would land their men because there was the best Anchoring and for that it was nearest the two chiefest Cities Nicossia and Famagosta Baglione went also from Famagosta with 300 Dragoons and 150 Stradiotti Pietro Roncadi who was Governour of the Albanese Militia going at the same time from Baffo with the rest of Cavalry which being all met they resolved not to advance any further nor to attempt any thing but to return all from whence they came were it either for that they considered their forces better or for the neernesse of the danger being much troubled at the suddain newes that above 300 sail for so it was reported were already upon the shoar or for that they thought it was too late and would be to no purpose to do what they formerly had resolved the enemy being already arrived and having begun to land their men So as all things were left free and safe to the Turks to their no little wonder for they began at first to suspect that this easie entrance into the enemies country did not proceed from any weaknesse negligence or cowardice of the defendants but that it might be done out of some designe or military stratagem to draw them at unawares into some snare They therefore knew not at first what to do and proceeded with much caution but having over run many parts and done much prejudice not meeting with any resistance they grew more bold They did not onely advance with their whole Camp but roved up and down every where whither soever their desire of pillage or any other thing drew them without any Order or Colours But the Commanders that they might lose no more time in vain began to think upon drawing near one of the two chiefest Forts of the Kingdom Pials was for expugning Famagosta first hoping to get it within a few daies which being lost he said That Nicossia must likewise necessarily fall soon into their hands for that being full of unnecessary people far from the sea-shore and in midst of a Campagnia possest by so many enemies it would not be able to be relieved without which it could not long hold out That Famagosta was a little and a weak Fort and so defective as it would not be able to withstand the first Battery nor were the defendants so many or so valiant as that they durst expect the assault of so valiant an Army whose reputation would be so much encreased by that victory as all things would become easie which might as yet peradventure be thought difficult Nay this sole example inâ—using terrour into all the Inhabitants would be sufficient to put them soon and with little trouble in possession of the whole Kingdom But Mustafa affirmed on the contrary that the reputation of so great forces ought not to be lessened by falling upon petty enterprises whereby to encourage the enemy and to dishearten their own men That Famagosta was possess'd by the Genueses for the space of 90 years and yet the Lusignian Kings were Masters of the Island at the same time So as it might be conceived the taking of that City would not make much towards the getting of the whole Kingdom whereas the whole Nobility were with-drawn into Nicossia and most of the People Wealth and Ammunition of the Island so as one labour might do the whole businesse That the alterations which are often seen to fall out in a short time when great actions are in hand are not to be foreseen nor was it certain that Famagosta would be so soon taken but that they should rather be necessitated to imploy those Forces elswhere according as the Christian Fleet should divert them so as if they should depart from the Island and leave the Enemy Masters of almost all the whole Kingdom they should get but little good by such an enterprise He further added that the Air about Famagosta was very bad the Town being seated low amongst marish grounds and that therefore it would be unsupportable to those that were not long accustomed thereunto that therefore they were not to carry their Souldiers where they were likely to perish of sicknesse but where they might give proof of their valour that to die without praise or merit was common that no worthy valiant man could fear the greatest dangers of War or of the Enemies Forces when they were accompanied with the hopes of glory Moreover that they had learnt by such Prisoners as they had taken that the men of chiefest Authority and best experienced Souldiers were with-drawn into Famagosta wherein the true defence of Cities lay not in walls nor Balworks when every mans valour is to be tryed in assaults the skill and worth of his Souldiers being much better as was known by experience in taking in of strong holds then was the art or industry of Christians in erecting or in defending them That their great train of Artillery the infinite number of their Pioners and their experience in such things would facilitate their throwing down the wals of Nicossia and the bringing of their valiant Souldiers to an assault wherein being to meet with but little resistance by reason of the paucity and pusillanimity of the defendants it was not to be doubted but that the victory would fall into their hands with as much may peradventure with more easinesse then they could hope for â—f Famagosta but certainly with much greater rewards and more worth their labour and hazard For these reasons and out of the respect born to Mustafa's authority they resolved to attempt Nicossia first towards which the whole Camp moved the 22d of Iuly having sent five hundred Horse towards Famagosta to hinder commerce between those two Cities All this while the Cavalry lay idle in Nicossia leaving the whole Country open and free to be pillaged by the Enemy though Caâ—ailâ—r Râ—ncadi and some other Gentlemen of the City did often earnestly desire that they might go out and shew themselves to the enemy to keep them from growing the bolder by reason of these the Nicossians too timorous peradventure too cowardly counsells But those who had the Government of affairs not thinking fit to hazard those men who were intended for the defence of the City would by no means be brought to give way thereunto Yet being more moved by the offences of their own men then by those of the Enemy when they heard of the Rebellion of Lifcara's family which had not onely suddenly come in to Mustafa but committing other out-rages to the prejudice of those of the
great the jealousies of States are and how easily Princes are more subject then other men to every impression of various affections The Catholick King feared that the French would make war upon him and desired peace The Christian King desired to keep fair with the Spaniards but apprehended lest their forces which were prepared against others might be turned upon his Kingdom Both these Princes were busied in other affairs and were therefore better pleased with Agreement and each of them feared the other would break it And yet those vain jealousies which seemed to tend to the quiet and safety of their affairs did in a manner afford occasion of many troubles and of great prejudice But the Catholick King was resolved before the Embassadour Tiepolo came to his Court to send to Don John that laying aside all other respects he should forthwith go with all the gallies that he had with him and joyne with those of the Venetians and when the Fleets should be met that he should immediately passe on to the Levant being hereunto moved either that he might the better know the King of France his minde towards him or that he did fear his forces the lesse after the recovery of Valentiannes and other prosperous successes which ensued in Flanders or that he better understood the inconvenience and prejudice which upon other occasions might arise to his affairs it having made much for the reputation of the French amongst the Turks by his seeming to be so concerned in all they did as that he was thereby enforc'd to abandon his other enterprises or else for that as a just and wise Prince he thought it did in no way become him to abandon the Articles of the League But were it one or more of these reasons that moved him thereunto it was then said for certain that this resolution arose from his own meer will for he had dispatched this order away to Don Iohn before he communicated it to his Counsellors fearing lest they might have propounded somewhat which might have diverted him from doing so as had formerly hapned But when Antonio Tiepolo was come to that Court being now no more to speak of the jealousies of France nor of the joyning of the Fleets he according to his Commission desired the King onely That since the best season for actions at sea was now well nigh over he would give Don John leave in case the occasion of affairs should so require it to winter abroad in the Levant shewing that great advantage might be made thereby for their Islands would by this means be eased of the burthen which was now become grievous and insupportable of having so long nourished so great a Fleet which burthen would be laid upon the enemies countries from whence they might easily be furnished with abundance of victualls Moreover they would the sooner and more easily prosecute any thing which they should either have begâ—n or should intend to do The courage also of those which were risen would thereby be augmented and others would be invited to do the like the enemy would be driven to within the straits of Constantinople and they would be hindred from comming forth early to prejudice Christians as they had done the preceding years and in fine the League would thereby get great reputation in all things and the enemy dishonour But he concealed somewhat from the King which moved the Venetians as much as any other reason to desire this which was that by this the Spaniards would be made forgo their so highly vallued interests in the African enterprises and by laying aside those thoughts would be brought to minde the common affairs in the Levant the more But all this did no good for the King alledging many reasons to the contrary would not give way thereunto following therein either his own inclination which was not to hasard too much to fortune or else the perswasion of those who liked not the League But howsoever this advice was not much liked it being thought that thereby occasion for great good successes if they should be favoured by fortune would be taken away and that Don Iohn ought not to have been limited in his Commissions granted him as Generall of the associate Princes which were that he should endeavour to do whatsoever might make for the advantage of the League which was questionlesly known would be very great by wintring in the enemies Countries in the Levant Don Iohn had been perswaded formerly to this very thing wherein the Pope likewise interposed his authority But he not being willing to determinate it of himself had referred the consideration thereof to Spain which was an evident signe that his common Orders were limited and restrained by particular Commission Whilst Christian Princes were thus imployed whilst the League proâ—â—eded very slowly the Turkish Fleet was already very numerous powerful at sea for Uluzzali who was declared General at sea had with great diligence rig'd up 100 gallies besides those former which as hath been said were gone under the command of Carozzali wherewith he likewise parted from the straits of Galipoli And when the whole Fleet was met he made forward with intention to pillage the Island of Candia and to do other prejudice to the parts belonging to the Venetians according as he should hear newes of the Christian Fleets proceedings At which time certain word being come to Venice of the suspension of the Spanish Fleet great sorrow was seen in all men their wonder encreasing together with their sorrow that the Spaniards who seemed at first to desire the League should when it was concluded so many difficulties were overcome nay when they saw their hopes were great deptive themselves of the present and assured advantage which they might have by the League for fear of dangers which were uncertain and far off and that they should give occasion of dissolving it when they ought to have confirmed it and establish it with more forces and confidence So as seeing they could not penetrate into their secret designes nor thinking it fit to ground any thing upon such helps the Senate resolved to order Generall Foscherini that waiting no longer for the joyning of the Fleets he should as soon as Commissary Soranzo should be returned from Corfu advance with their own forces for the consolation and safety of their subjects and affairs and that proceeding with caution and circumspection he should do as he should see occasion for Gods glory and the good of the Common-wealth Therefore when Foscheriâ—i had received this order being impatient of lying so long idle as soon as Colonna and Commissary Soranzo were come to Corfu he began without any further delay to endeavour the Fleets departure towards the Levant that they might approach the enemy Wherein finding all men willing a Councell was called wherein to boot with the three Generalls Pâ—mpeo Colonna Lieutenant to Mark Antonio and Commissary Sorâ—nzo did intervene Mark Antonio with much freedom and affection declared himself to be
THE HISTORY OF VENICE In the Times of Popes Iulius the 2d Leo the 10th Adrian the 6th Clement the 7th Paul the 3d Iulius the 3d Emperors Maximilian the 1st Charles the 5th Kings of Spain Ferdinand the Catholique Charls the 5th Kings of France Lodowick the 12th Francis the 1st Henry the 2d Kings and Queens of England Henry the 8th Edward the 6th Q. Mary Q. Elizabeth Dukes of Venice Leonardo Lordano Antonio Grimani Andrea Gritti Petro Laudo Francisco Donato Written Originally in Italian By PAULO PARUTA PROCURATOR of St Mark. Likewise the WARS of CYPRUS By the same Authour Wherein the famous Sieges of Nicossia and Famagosta and Battel of Lepanto are contained Made English By HENRY Earl of MONMOUTH LONDON Printed for Abel Roper and Henry Herringman at the Sun against St Dunstans Church in Fleetstreet and at the Anchor in the lower Walk of the New Exchange 1658. HENRY Earl of Monmouth TO THE READERS His Country-men IN my Author's Sololoquie in the latter end of his Politick Discourses wherein he gives you a short Relation of his Life He mentions this History of his which he terms Opera buona degna a good and gallant Work I took his own word for the Approbation thereof and truly I finde he hath made it good and if I have not injured him in making it speak my Language I am very confident you will be of my opinion for you will finde in it great variety of History handsomly woven and delightful intermix'd with Negotiations Treaties of Warre and Peace Leagues and Confederacies made between Christian Princes several Speeches and Orations made upon many several occasions and strongly argued and indeed whatsoever may make a Book seem pleasing to the Reader Which that it may do to thee is the wish of Thy Compatriot MONMOUTH An Alphabetical Table of the most Remarkable Passages contained in the Twelve Books of the present History of VENICE A ADrian a Fleming chosen Pope 196. He endeavours to compose the Differences thâ—â— were between the Christian Princes ibid. He honourably receives the Venetian Embassadors 197. He dies 204 Agostino Abondio Secretary hanged for revealing the secrets of the Venetian Senate 588 Alfonso Duke of Ferrara and his Designs 167. Is in League with the French and the Venetian 176. Hath many private Discourses with Burbon 244. Ioyns in League with the Princes of Italy 267 Admiral of France sent by King Francis into Italy with an Army 201. Draws neer to Milan and takes Lodi 202. Is driven out of Italy by the Imperialists and the Venetians 205 206 Andrea Gritti a prisoner in France 8. Is chosen by the Venetians for their Embassadour to that King 12. Comes along with the French into Italy 19. Is created General of the Venetian Navie 164. Is chosen Duke of Venice 204. Perswades the Senate to defend their Country 425 He dies 556 Andrea Doria a Genouese serves the Pope with eight Gallies against his own Country 231. Is suspected by the Colleagues ibid. Hired by King Francis to serve him 258. Qâ—lts the King of France and agrees with the Emperour 284. Censures past upon him for the business of Prevesa 440 441 Antonio Grimani chosen Duke of Venice after he had been many years banished 171 Antonio da Leva commands the Garrison in Pavia Comes with an Army into Lombardy 180. Routs the French Camp and takes their General prisoner 309 310. Goes to fall upon the Venetian Camp and is repulsed with loss 310 311 312. Is declared Captain of the League Is chosen Governour of Milan He dies The Authour what he proposeth to write of in this History 3. Whence he takes his Rise ibid. The great Army â—f Charls the fifth in Italy 315 B BArbarossa a famous Pyrate taken into pay by Soliman 339 Takes in the Kingdom of Tunis Driven thence by Charls the fifth Saves himself in Algiers Counsels Soliman to make War upon the Venetians 384. Takes some of their Islands in the Archipelagus and is Soliman's only General at Sea 420 421. Leads out the Fleet in the service of the King of France 593 Bartolomeo d'Alviano set at liberty by the King of France whose prisoner he was 12. Is chosen by the Venetians for their General 16. Takes Cremona and other places 17. Goes against the Imperialists 47. Fights Cardona and is beaten 48. Passes to Friuli and beats the Imperialists 70. Succoureth King Francis in Battel 113 114. Goes to assault Brescia 119. Dies before it 120 A Battel between the French and the Switzers near Novara 25 26. Alviano and Cardona at Olmo 48 49. King Francis and the Switzers before Milan 112 113 114. The same King and the Imperialists at Pavia 218 Bernardino Frangipane a Venetian Rebel 57. Seizeth on the Fort of Marano 58. He relieves Marano and routs the Venetians 60. Takes Strasoldo and Monfalcone ibid. Falls upon Ossofo 64. Is beaten thence 71. Taken prisoner and carried to Venice ibid. Brescia taken by the Spaniards 28. assaulted by Alviano for the Venetians 119. Much straitned by the Venetians 127. Relieved by the Germans ibid. Besieged again by the Venetians French 131. Assaulted by the Venetian and French Forces 139. Taken by the French and yeilded to the Venetians 140 141 C CAuses for which the Venetians may not easily fall out with the Turks 161. Why Charles the fifth drave the Turks out of Tunis Why Soliman turned the War against the Venetians 381. Why the Peace treated of between the Emperour Charles the Fifth and Francis King of France came not to a conclusion 416. What at last moved the Emperor and the King of France to make peace 603. The cause which moved Charls the Fifth to make peace with the Turks 608 Cardona General of the Spaniards in Italy 27. Takes in Brescia and Bergamo 28. Makes many shot at the City of Venice from Margera 38 39. Assaults the Venetian Army and is repulsed 45. Fights it and routs it 48 49. Recovers Bergamo 85 86. Charls of Burbone sent by King Francis into Italy 99. Left by King Francis to govern the affairs of Italy 129. Returns into France 139. Declared Lieutenant General for Charles the Fifth in Italy 203. He relieves Milan 229. Promiseth his Souldiers the sacking of Florence and Rome 224. Slain with a Musket shot as he scaled the Walls of Rome 250 Charls Duke of Burgondy Prince of Castile King of Spain 130. Stands for the Empire 162. Declared King of the Romans and Emperour by the name of Charls the Fifth 163. Intends to pass into Italy with an Army 165. Desires the Venetians to joyn with him 171 177 192. Makes a League with the Venetians 199. His Designs after the Victory gotten of the French at Pavia 221. Comes to an agreement with King Francis and sets him at liberty 224. Restores the Dukedom of Milan to Francesco Sforza 324. His designs upon Milan after Francesco's death 364. Cattaro assaulted by Barbarossa and defended by the Venetians 563 564. Clement the 7th Pope 204. Treats with
Cities and to enlarge their borders on all sides to the end that they might put their Affairs into a safer and a more honourable condition It also oft times hapned that by their civil ways without any noise of war which was supprest by peace by their negotiations and hopes of tranquility they won upon the Peoples good will and did enlarge their Confines In so much as the City being already become very powerful both by Sea and Land she seemed to represent the greatness and Majesty of the ancient Romans Which things if they had been sooner done the City of Venice would have arrived to such a height as she might have been paralel'd to the Common-wealth of Rome for Empire and warlike Glory But this advice was so long a taking as that all things fell out cross unto her For the Times began already apparently to favour the Ottoman Family which being come from a small beginning it is a wonderful thing to say how soon it increased so as having by great contest in war overcome many Kings and States and by its formidable greatness utterly ruined the Eastern Empire it bereft the Venetians of all hope of inlarging their Dominion in the Maratine parts Other hopes likewise of happy success were by a short delay spoiled and corrupted for if the Common-wealth had turned her Forces sooner upon the Vicâ—gerents of the Empire who taking occasion by reason of the Emperors troubles in the tedious wars of Germany usurped the free Dominion of many of the noblest Cities of Italy She might easily have regained them from their unlawful possessors who were yet weak and of no repute And then Italy being subdued how easie it was for them to subdue all other Nations and to spread their Empire from the East unto the West is easily demonstrable by the very proceedings of the Romans But howsoever the Forces Customs and Laws of this rich and flourishing Common-wealth continue in greater vigor and the Fates will one day open them the way to great Atchievements I have proposed unto my self to spend the time which shall be permited me in writing the Actions of this so famous City as well in times of war as of peace the memory wherof I will endeavor to leave to posterity with as great sincerity and uncorrupted Faith as I possibly can I thought it became me chearfully and readily to undertake this being laid upon me by publick Commission that I might imploy my time in the service of this my Noble and dear Country in that point wherein as I have said the care of our Predecessors may seem sometimes to have been wanting in which duty assuredly I will do my best Therefore laying aside all partiality and passions I have with a peaceable and free mind undertaken this business and if any one shall peradventure think that I do sometimes praise the Affairs of the Venetians too highly let them excuse me and think that it is not the love of my Country that moves me thereunto but only the desire of speaking truth the memory of these times and men not being to be sufficiently celebrated whose excellent worth was able to govern so many affairs and to sustain the violence of adverse fortune I am by the commands of the Counsel of Ten the supream Magistracy of this our Country to take the rise of this my Narration from the time wherein the History of Cardinal Bembo a Famous Personage ended and therewith the League made by the Venetians with Pope Iulius the second and with Ferdinand King of Spain against the French which League ended almost together with the life of this Pope It will be good and useful that in the continuation of this History the perfect form of our Republick be represented wherein may be seen the true Image of perfect Government for those things to which the wit of man hath not been able to attain in their fancying the Government of an excellent Common-wealth are all seen to be confirmed by time and experience in the City of Venice The memory of these times will afford various Examples of both Fortunes which may help very much to the acquiring of State wisdom and moreover many Testimonies of worth whereby great moderation and constancy in prosperous and adverse Fortune at home and in the wars true Justice and Fortitude may be found in our Citizens But before I begin what I intend to say I must expound some things taking them a little higher to the end that the truth of what is to be said may appear the more clearly It was already long since Italy was fallen into great calamity and being become the Seat and Receptacle of Forraign Nations she advanced a pace towards a long and hard slavery being by them rob'd of her Empire and of her Military glory For the French having a little before the time from which I am to take the rise of this my History assaulted the Kingdom of Naples by the means and advice of Lodowick Sforza Duke of Millan who did not therein foresee his own ruine the way was ever afterwards laid open for all the Italians greatest enemies to enter Italy to her prejudice and ruine For all our Princes being desirous of Noveltie and confiding in Forreigners they waged war against themselves renting this their unfortunate common Country in pieces by the Sword and by all injurious proceedings for they beleeved they might easily come by those Dignities and States by disturbing her peace which they dispaired of obtaining whilst Italy was in a quiet condition wherein how they were cheated the event did prove For they soon saw those evils turned upon themselves which they had prepared for others In so much as there was not any one part of this Noble Country which tasted not deeply of the miseries of war and which being long tormented with slaughters rapine and all sort of cruelty hath not lost almost all their ancient Priviledges and Dignities and changed their whole Aspect The unlooked-for coming of the French into Italy whether they brought a dreadful and unusual way of warring did so terrifie the Kings of Aragon as having more respect to their safety then to their Honour they forsook a Noble Kingdom and left all things as a prey to the avarice of the Conquerors But the French who had got the Victory more by an opinion which was had of their Forces then out of meer worth did through their negligence lose the fruit thereof and were soon driven home out of Italy which was chiefly done by the advice and Forces of the Venetians And had our Princes been able then to have bounded their Appetites the power of the French had not peradventure extended it self beyond the confines of their own Kingdom But hardly was this first Combustion over when suddenly another war was kindled in Italy the same way of civil discord being opened unto the French by which they had at first entred our Countries Their King Lodowick the twelvth having made a League with the
Venetians did again assault Italy with yet a greater preparation for war and won one of her most fruitful Provinces and which did most abound in Inhabitants and goodly Cities having driven the Family of the Sforza's out of it And soon after having a mind to be Master of all Italy calling in the Spaniards to assist him he together with them possest himself of the Kingdom of Naples Great contention arose between these two Potent Kings of France and Spain about the division thereof and Italy being made the Seat of war they often fought with various success and keeping themselves out of danger ruined the Countries of other men with sword and fire In these troublesome times whilst Italy was full almost in all her ports of Foreign Armies and troubled with various successes of war the Affairs of the Venetians went peacefully and prosperously on for Fortune not having as yet begun to frown upon them and they having accomodated the differences between them and Bajazet the Emperour of the Turks with whom before they had made war and put all their Maritime parts into a peaceful condition they turned their thoughts upon their Land Militia and to their Dominion on Terra firma and did with all diligence study how to increase their Forces and their Empire that their Common-wealth might be able when occasion should require to resist forreign Forces The Dignity and Fame of the City of Venice was hereupon so much increased as it now held the first place for Authority and Power in all Italy and by common consent all differences were referred to her there was not any one who intended to attempt any thing upon Italy who did not chiefly indeavor to have the Venetians for their Friends and Confederates Thus Maximillian of Austrea King of the Romans Elect Emperor of the West desirous to come into Italy to receive the Ensigns of Empire according to the customes of his Predecessors and to restore Italy to her Liberty by freeing her from the severe slavery of the French and to reduce her under the civil Germane Empire endeavored very much to win the Venetians to join their Forces with his or at least not to have them his Adversâ—ries But the Senate of Venice not willing to make more way for the barbarous Nations to ruine Italy whereby she might draw upon her the hatred of all her Neighbour Princes resolved not to forego the friendship which she had contracted with the French but to oppose the Emperour Maximillian if he should come into Italy in a war-like posture Hereupon arose war between them which hapned succesfully for the Venetians entring with greater Forces into the Emperours Confines took from him some Castles which belonged to the Patremony of the House of Austrea and joyned them to their Empire The other Princes did very much envy the prosperity of the Venetians where power being become so formidable they thought fit to suppress wherefore allmost all the Kings and Princes of Europe conspired against her and proclaimed war against Venice Lodowick King of France being the chief Author thereof who was obliged to the Common-wealth by many ancient and modern good Offices wherefore she thought she might very much confide in his Friendship As soon as this unexpected news came to Venice the Senators not shewing any sign of fear of this so great and dreadful War but being resolved to meet the Enemies Forces left nothing undone which might make for their defence and which might be done by Advice Gallantry and Force of Arms. But now they must give way to adverse Times the Common-wealths Army did unfortunately fight the Enemy upon the Banks of the River Ada and after the bad success of this Battel as if the Common-wealth had received a fatal blow out of a sudden dispair she freed the Noblest Cities of her Dominions from their former Oaths and gave them leave to submit unto the Enemy So as falling on a sudden from the hight of Happiness into great misery she was a great Example of the variety of humane Affairs Yet soon after the Senators resuming courage began to Rally their dispersed Forces to raise more Forces wherewith in a short time the Enemies Forces being separated and they having gotten some of the Enemies to joyn with them against their own confederates they revenged themselves of the French who were the first occasioners of their Calamity and drove them out of Italy and did likewise recover and defend many of their Noblest Cities and Castles by which success growing higher in their hopes they oft times refused peace when it was offered them being resolved either to obtain such conditions as whereby they might recover their ancient State or else put themselves again upon the utmost dangers of war Wherefore all men said that even in the obscurity of so much adverse fortune some light did yet remain of the antient Glory of Italy and of the Venetian vertue in the perpetual constancy of that Senate and in their generous invincible fortitude of Spirit The Venetians oft times when they were worsted treated with their Enemies which had overcome them as if they were to give not to receive Laws demanding restitution of whatsoever was theirs before the war began before they would lay down Arms. They had by this time recovered the Cities of Padua Trevigi Vicenza Crema and besides these the Towns in Freuli and the Cities of Feltre and Belluno submitted to the Venetian Empire but Verona was still in Maximillians hands the 〈◊〉 of Naples held Brescia whereinto he powered a great many Spaniards and the Switzers having won Cremona held it in the name of Maximillian Sforza Ferdinand King of Spain possesed the Towns and Havens of Puglia which formerly belonged to the Common-wealth having restored them to the Kingdom of Naples as Members thereof And the Castles of Romagnia which were won by Pope Iulius were by him annext to the Ecclesiastical State The Common-wealth was not then upon any good terms with the Pope nor with the King of Spain though not long before she had entered into League and Friendship with them Not with the one because he did favour Caesar too much and not with the other because contrary to Articles he detained the City of Brescia which appertained to her The Switzers friendship was greatly suspected though they professed adherence to the Common-wealth as well by reason of their ancient repute of not being over faithful as also for the new success of Cremona But she profest open enmity to Lodowick King of France and the time of League made for some Months with the Emperour Maximillian was expired all Treaties of peace between him and the Venetians having always proved vain out of their constant resolution to recover and the like in him not to quit Verona This was the Condition of the Times and of the State of Venice When in the beginning of the year 1513. counting from the Birth of Christ and 1092. from the building of Venice Leonardo Loredano being then
the French but that she might the rather recover her liberty by means of their Forces so much the more easily for that being now Lorded over by several powerful Princes every one of their Authorities would become weaker and less formidable and one not bearing with an others greatness it might so fall out as she might shake off the yoke of all forraign Nations That if she should now sit down by so great injuries done her by her Collegues she would assuredly be hereafter scorn'd by all people and injur'd without any manner of respect that this might be argued by the French mens so much desiring amity with the Common-wealth for no other reason save only that they knew how generous and powerful she was by the revenge which she had taken of them From this diversity of opinions and contention the advice for War or Peace was carried on uncertainly The doubtfulness of the thing it self was rendred yet more doubtful by the nature and condition of those with whom they treated For the Emperour Maximillian was of a lively Spirit able Body patient in undergoing Labor and with all was well acquainted with Military Affairs But his driâ—ts and affections were contrary to one another He was hasty in Council his Speech and Actions differ'd he willingly imbraced all that was presented unto him but did not much minde the effecting of them The Name of the Empire was large and magnifick but this Dignity was rather sustained by an appearing greatness then by any real strength It was otherwise with King Lewis the power of whose Kingdom was very great and his desire of War no less But his desire of Dominion was such as he made it lawful to break his word and to violate all Justice which the Venetians were sufficiently taught by the remembrance of their late received Injuries Therefore as his Friendship seemed in some respects greatly desireable so in some other it was as dangerous and suspitious No certain hope was to be built upon the Popes nor the King of Spains promises their assistance being weak and uncertain and their Counsels not very sincere which was sufficiently witnessed by their past Actions So as it might easily be known that their thoughts were set only upon their own particular designs not upon the preservation of the Common-wealth Hence it was that the hopes and hazards of War were equally poysed The Senators opinions being thus divided the good Fortune of the Common-wealth did at last decide the business which had destinied her to a larger and more lasting Empire For this business being long discust by the Colledg of the Savii who are sixteen pickt out by the Senate distinguisht amongst themselves by several degrees of Dignities and by distinct Offices to whom it belongs to advise of all publique Affairs and report them to the Senate it was by a joynt Vote propounded that by all means the League was to be made with the French whereby the Common-wealth might be freed from the Treachery of the Confederates The Senate was well pleased with the agreement and with almost an universal consent the renewing of the War was agreed upon and that the business might be the more easily proceeded in they not having of many days received any Letters from Gritti the Senate sent one speedily away to treat the business with the King and Luigi di Pietro Secretary to the Council of Ten was chosen out to this purpose He was enjoyn'd first to endeavour Gritti's liberty if it were not already granted him For the Senate had at the same time chosen him for their Embassadour authorizing him to confirm the agreement and to bind the Common-wealth by oath to the observancy thereof but that if Gritti's setting at liberty should be too long delayed that he himself should act that part with the King that he should leave nothing undone to get Cremona and Giaradada to be restored to the Commonwealth but that if he should finde no hope thereof he should not notwithstanding delay setling the agreement provided that things agreed upon should imediately be put in effect and that the Kings men should forthwith come into Italy For all the hopes of Victory seemed to consist in making haste and in the terror of a sudden War whilst the Enemies being but yet weak might be easily supprest But before the Secretary could get to the Court of France the Pope unexpectedly dyed notwithstanding which News he was not sent for back it being uncertain who should be chosen next Pope and no less uncertain how he would stand affected to Venice and howsoever the Senate thought the Friendship of so great a King must be a great Establishment and Reputation to their Affairs It was said that a great affliction of mind was the chief cause of Pope Iulio's death for being very much subject to passion and immoderately desirous of Glory he could not long lye under the grief hearing his advice mightily blamed by all men That by his too much severity he had forced the Venetians to make Friendship with the French and was cause of re-kindling the War in Italy which not long before he had much to his Praise extinguished It was evidently seen by many signs that Iulio was of a very eager Spirit which neither his Age nor Dignity was able to correct or temper As soon as the Secretary was come to France the King granted Gritti his full Liberty and the League was suddenly concluded upon these conditions That Cremona and Giaradada should be understood to be annext to the State of Millan and to belong unto the King but that Brescia Burgamo and Crema should remain free to the Venetians and that the King should quit all his Claim or Right therein to them That the Collegues should be bound to assist each other and to run the same fortune in War till such time as the King should be Master of the whole State of Millan and that likewise the Common-wealth should be re-invested in all that she was possest of in Terra Firma before the War That all Prisoners on either side should be set at liberty and restored to their Goods and Countrie and that free commerce might be granted both in the State of Venice and in France It was afterwards added that by joynt consent they should use all diligence to draw any Prince of Italy into the League and particularly the Pope who if he would enter thereinto should be allotted the first place The League being thus concluded and establish'd by Oath on all sides free power to depart the Kingdom was permitted to Gritti to Bartholomeo a' Alviano and to all the other Prisoners Things being thus disposed of and confirmed the Senate thought it was fit to give an account thereof to the other Kingdomes and chiefly to the King of England which by publique order was done by the Common-wealths Embassadour then resident in that Court Who said That the Venetians moved by the Counsels and friendly Advertisements of that King had the more
too much trusting the Spaniards to put the whole Affairs of Italy into their hands that they had condescended that an Italian Duke should be Master of Millan because they knew he was rather to be a Prince in appearance than in effect whereby they hoped they might reduce that State upon the first occasion that should be offered under their Dominion That therefore moved by the same Interests they profess'd now to defend Maximillian Sforza that they might make use of the Millaneses and of the Switzers to drive the French out of Italy whom they thought they ought only to fear That it might clearly be seen the Spaniards did no less aspire to the Empire of Italy then did the French but whereas these made their way by open Force the others finding themselves to be too weak sought to work their ends by cunning and by cozenage and did under a colour of Friendship with the Italians undermine their Liberties That therefore it was very advantageous to suffer the Forces and Reputation of an other Forreign Prince to increase in Italy to obviate their Power since that the Italians who had been so long afflicted with War were not able of themselves to defend themselves against Forreign Nations The Venetians did by these reasons make good their Counsels and Actions but whilst these things were in Treaty with the Pope all sides made diligent preparations for War Nay Princes seemed to be the more set thereupon for that Leo by his various thoughts and promises made many of them hope to be able to maintain the War by his Help and Authority But the Venetians were more sollicitous in this business then the rest as those who found themselves most necessitated to continue the War therefore they raised men diligently in all parts to make up an Army They sollicited the King of France continually to come speedily into Italy shewing him that the Victory consisted chiefly in celerity That if such Cities as were not yet provided of Garrisons should be on the sudden assaulted they might be easily reduced into their Power But that if the business were spun out in length greater difficulties would daily arise King Lewis being moved by these Exhortations bent himself wholly upon this War and being desirous to imploy his whole Forces therein he agreed with Ferdinando to lay down Arms on the other side of the Mountains for a certain time This King was so carryed away with a vain glorious desire of recovering the State of Millan as he valued neither fear nor infamy So as not caring what blame he might incurre thereby he by this suspension of Arms gave over his Friends and Kinsmans Cause the King of Navarr who for having taken part with the French was a little before driven out of his Kingdom by the Spaniards and reduced to a miserable condition And being likewise advertised of great preparation for War made by Henry King of England a powerful Prince to assault France he contemn'd the Forces of that Kingdom though they had oft times made the French feel them to their Cost For having already in his mind taken in the whole state of Millan and taken the Victory for granted he thought he might bring back his victorious Army time enough to defend his own Kingdom before the English devested of all Military Preparations by reason of their long Peace could provide all things necessary for so great an Enterprize All the Kings men meâ— then according to Orders in the City of Susa that they might the more easily pass from thence into Italy Lewis Lord of Tremuglia a Personage very famous both for his Birth and for many places which he had discharged was made chief Commander of the Army Yet the War was for the most part govern'd according to the pleasure of Giovanni Giacomo Trivulcio who was at that time in great estimation for his great experience in Military Affairs 'T was said that the French Army consisted of about 20000 fighting men 〈…〉 muster'd 8000 choice Italian Foot to which were added 200 Câ—rassiers and 500 light Horse and a great Train of Artillery which did much strengthen the Army Two noble Venetians Domenico Contareno and Andrea Loredano were the Commissaries general whose particular care it is to provide Victuals Monies and all things requisite for the Army and then to be assistant in their Advice to the Captain General in all difficult businesses for the Venetians do themselves execute all the places of the Militia by Sea but in Terra firma by their ancient wont and the Custom of their Fore-fathers they manage their War by Forreigners At this time Bartholomeo Alviano was Captain General of the Venetian Army who being lately returned from France and Count Pitigliano being dead was chosen by the Senate to succeed in his place with the same Conditions which were granted formerly to Pitigliano His yearly pay was 50000 Duckets and he was bound to keep still on foot 300 Curassiers and 500 Cross-bow men on Horse-back to be ready upon any occasion to serve the Common-wealth This man when his place was conferr'd upon him went to the Army which was then upon the Banks of Adice and thinking it fit to be speedy in the business began forthwith to exhort the Senate that he might anticipate the time and that they would suffer him to march with his Army into the state of Millan whilst the Enemy were unprovided of aid and the Cities ungarrison'd That all other attempts would be in vain or to very little purpose that it was requisite that the Venetians should run the same fortune as did the French in 〈◊〉 War That if Affairs should go well with them it was no question but they were to share in the good Fortune but if otherwise they had no hope neither of getting any thing nor yet of keeping any thing that they had lately re-gained But the Senate after they had well and narrowly examined the business resolved that the Army should not pass the Rivers of Po and Ada for what remain'd they left the whole managing of the War free to Alviano with leave to direct his Forces and Designs whither he should be invited by the negligence of the Enemy or advised by his own Industry and Reason There was not as yet any certain News come that the French were past the Alpes therefore the Senate thought it a rash Counsel to leave their Countrey exposed to the Injuries of the Enemy and to send their Army to a place from whence in any case of adverse fortune they could not return But Alviano being very fervent in all he took in hand and very quick and bold thinking that the occasion and the present condition of Affairs invited him so to do resolved to advance immediately with his Army and took his way first towards Verona hoping to get that City Pandolfo Malatesta was taken into pay by Cesar at this time and made Governour of one of the Towers who allured by greater rewards had sided with the
any Prince which was not done by his Council and Authority Wherefore it was that at the same time and by the same means he endeavoured contrary things The Count di Caretto who was gone a little before this time from Venice to the Vice-roys Camp his Secretary who stay'd at Venice to dispatch such things as should occur was present at the treaty of Peace which was negotiated by Santesio and did by Order from him interpose the Kings Authority therein But this business which had been so often in treaty had no better success now then it had at other times For the Venetian Senate being disposed alike in all Fortunes and not yielding any thing to the present calamities resolved not to accommodate their counsels to their Enemies desires but to do in what concern'd either Peace or War what they thought stood most with the Dignity of the Common-wealth There was one thing only which might seem to detract from their hopes and from their constancy of mind which was that certain News was given out that the King of Fraâ—ce with whom as it hath been said Ferdinando had made Truce for what concern'd Affairs on the other side the Mountains did also treat with him upon conditions of Peace which if it should succeed there was reason to doubt that Caesar would likewise joyn with them and that being all joyn'd together they might once more endeavour the prejudice of the Common-wealth And this was the more likely to be believed for that the King of France stood in need of such Friendships now that a heavy War was threatned him by the English The English Army which was very numerous was already past over the Sea to Callis in France and King Henry was ready to pass over himself to be present at this Enterprise Therefore upon this so weighty occasion the Senate thought fit to confirm King Lewis by all means possible in his former taken resolution and to exhort him by the mouth of their Embassadour Dandalo who was then Resident at that Court not to give the Affairs of Italy quite over That he would endeavour as soon as might be to renew the War before the Reputation which he had wonne was lessened and before his Claim to the Dukedom of Millan which did now begin to be of Force and Vigour should grow stale That the Forces of so great a King were not so much lessened for one Rout received at Novara as that he should suffer the Switzers a Mountainous Nation and which wanted all things to say they had driven a powerful Prince out of his Dominions and rob'd him of all the Praise and Profit of the Victory which he had almost already got That his Majesty of France would put on such Resolutions as became his greatness and assure himself that the Venetians would never be wanting in any thing to him That he might command their Forces Men and Money for whilst they had any Power nay whilst they should have Breath and Life they were ready to expose themselves to all hardship and danger for the Greatness of the Kingdom of France and in defence of the common cause To these things King Lewis answered That he very much thanked the Venetians for this their Civility he gave them very good words and hopes shewing a great desire to revenge himself of his Enemies for the Injuries which he had received that it was true his Forces were somewhat diminished but that his mind continued still the same and chiefly in prosecuting the War and continuing League and Friendship with them That it was the ancient Custom of the Kings of France not to be grievous but helpful to their Friends That therefore though he should little mind the Affairs of Italy for any Interest of his own he would not be unmindful of his Obligations to the Venetians wherefore he would be ready with all his might to help them to recover their ancient Dominions and to increase their Honour and Dignity But it was certainly held that the King of France could not minde the Affairs of Italy that year his Kingdom being infested in several parts for not only the Kâ—ng of England but Cesar and the Switzers had declared themselvs his enemies Yet the Venetians thought it must needs make for their Affairs to keep the Kings mind by these means still set on Glory and confirm'd with hopes of better successe and to keep him their Friend as much as they could And that they might begin to receive that advantage by this Negotiation at least which they could not as then expect from his Forces they exhorted the King that since he could not at present imploy his Forces nor his thoughts upon the Affairs of Italy he would the mean while endeavour to remove all those Impediments which might afterwards when he should have leisure to think thereon make his acquisition of the Dukedom of Millan more difficult That therefore he should endeavour to get help from all parts and that he should chiefly get the Pope to joyn with him in League and Friendship Which thing being desired very much by his Nobility and generally by all the people of France Lewis was perswaded to send the Bishop of Marcelles Embassadour to Rome to let the Pope know That he had annull'd the Counsel which he had formerly removed to Lyons and was ready to joyn with that of Latheran which was then celebrated in Rome and that following the Custom of his Ancestors he would alwayes highly honour the holy Name of Pope and would be ready to defend the Church of Rome to the utmost of his Power At the same time the Venetians sent ten Embassadours to the Pope all of them both for Age and Dignity the chief of the City that they might witness the singular Affection and Reverence which they bore unto him which having formerly endeavour'd to do they had appointed their Embassadour at Rome Francisco Foscari that as soon as the Counsel should be begun which the Pope had intimated to be held at St. Iohn of Latherans he should be present there in the name of the Common-wealth But afterwards they found the Popes mind to be otherwise disposed than they had thought for fearing now no more the French Forces after the Rout at Novara which was the reason why till then he had handled his business variously desembling his secret Intentions expecting the Issue of that War he began to discover himself and the Practices which he had held secretly before with the Common-wealths Enemies He reprehended the Venetians and blamed them for having call'd back the French into Italy to their own prejudice and the like of others and that they who ought moâ—e then all the rest to have laboured the quiet and liberty of Italy were the cause of raising new Commotions and of bringing her again under the Slavery of Barbarians Which that they might appear the more hainous faults he accused them of being minded if their Affairs had succeeded prosperously to turn their Forces against
the discords of our Princes having possess'd themselves of many Christian Kingdomes almost without any gain-saying The Cardinals upon this occasion putting the Pope frequently in mind in the Consistory of his duty and of the imminent dangers were resolved to make him re-assume the Treaty of Peace nor to be quiet till he had effected it to the end that Peace being had amongst the Christian Princes they might all of them with all their joynt Forces bend themselves against Selino the common Enemy They shewed plainly that nothing appertained more to his charge and degree then this or which at least might be of greater glory to him But the Pope though hee were of the same mind yet being troubled and perplexed he be-thought himself of many things for as this Counsel if it should take good success promised assured Praise so divers considerations of Peace and War and much difficulty which appeared to be in the whole business made him afraid and with-held him from the Enterprize for to put an end to so many Wars was of it self thought to be a very difficult Affair but more difficult to find out such a composure as Leo thought might prove good for him and advantagious for the Affairs of the Church for he could have desired that the French might neither have been kept so low nor yet have been so exalted If no remedy were to be found against such great Preparations of War as were preparing against them it was to be feared that the Affairs of France might grow to so low an ebbe as they could no longer give a just Counterpoise to the Dutch and Spanish Forces so as they being become Masters of all they might at last put Fetters upon whole Italy but on the contrary if the Enemies Forces being weakned and divided by his Counsels France should be freed from so heavy a War he knew he had not sufficiently provided for his own safety nor for the Liberty of Italy for nothing was more sure then that King Lewis being an Enemy to peace and quiet would never give over his ancient and natural desire of War But that being freed from the fear of the English Forces and having put his own Affairs into a sure condition he would soon turn both his thoughts and his Forces upon Italy for the recovery of the state of Millan which might be evidently seen since that though he found himself beset by many difficulties yet he had always refused all conditions of Peace which might make him quit his pretentions to the State of Millan The Venetian Affairs were almost upon the same conditions the which the Pope thought could not he reduced to such terms but that they must bring great difficulties along with them for he desired that the Dignity of that Common-wealth might not be much diminished nor yet her Forces much increased He knew that it imported much for the Honour of all Italy that the Venetian Common-wealth should remain whole and intire that to this end Pope Iulio had endeavoured the re-raising of her much abased condition and that following for the same reasons the last and wisely taken Counsels of his Predecessour he had labour'd much to put the Venetians into a peaceable condition But on the other side calling to mind their ancient greatness he thought that if Fortune should smile on them again they would become no less formidable then the other Potentates Thus whilst he waver'd in his Resolves somtimes hoping sometimes fearing his proceedings were different and contrary sometimes he shew'd himself to be but ill satisfied with the Venetians and to be no good Friend of theirs other times he would appear well disposed towards them Whilst the Pope was thus doubtfully minded the War continued still in the same heat the sharpness of the Winter not having any whit hindred it for Prospero Colonna being past with the Millaneses to Crema was joyn'd with the Spaniards so as that City was the sorelier besieged The Paduan Territories wherein the Vice-roy had taken up his Quarters were vexed with continual Inroads and the War grew sharper in Friuli that Country having been some years before mightily terrified for not having any City or Cittadel in it strong either by art or scituation nor able to hold an Enemy play long the Inhabitants were forced to follow his Fortune whosoever was Master of the Field But the Emperour nor the Venetians having neither of them any strong Army in that Country the unfortunate Inhabitants were by the various success of War continually vexed with Pillage and Taxes So as for a long time it had undergone much Calamity and they who were most affectionate to the Venetians were by their Enemies worst used Amongst the rest Christofolo Son to Barnardino Frangipane gave a noteable Example of Cruelty for after having burnt a certain Town in the Territories of Marano he commanded that all the Inhabitants should have both their eyes put out and that their right thumbs should be cut off because they adhered to the Venetians and had hindred him from Victuals Bernardino Frangipane was a little before this turn'd Rebel to the Common-wealth and had sided with Cesar and much vex'd that whole Country He often sollicited the Dutch Commanders that drawing some Country people out of the next Towns of Carnia and Carinthia they should mischief the Territories and Subjects of the Common-wealth So as these people entring into Friuli not as Souldiers nor after the manner of War but as Theeves and Murtherers they destroy'd the Country by plunder and fire and robb'd the Citizens of all that they had By which Injuries when the Venetians were at last constrain'd to send better succours into that Country to keep their Affairs from falling into farther ruine the Enemies who had no warlike Tackling and who were come as hath been said rather to pillage then to fight being loaded with Booty when they heard of our mens coming hasted homewards But hardly was this Country reduced to quiet when our men being to go elsewhere to oppose other designs of the Enemies who assaulted the State of the Common-wealth not in one part only but in many at one and the same time either the same men who were but a little before gone from thence or others of the same sort drawn by a desire of prey return'd with great fury to assault the Territories of Friuli insomuch as they left not any thing at all to those unfortunate Inhabitants The Enemies being at this time grown very powerful so as keeping in that Country they kept some Towns which they had gotten by fraud longer then they had used to do the Senate thought it fit for their safety and reputation to turn their Forces into those parts to the end that the Enemy might not grow more bold to their prejudice and that those people might not totally forego their love and esteem of the Common-wealth A little before this Frangipane had by fraud possess'd himself of the Fort Marano having to this purpose made use
times and upon whatsoever events before any other Friendship which might be propounded to them but also if occasion should require be as ready for their service to undertake new enmities that the condition of times had often caused an interruption of their offices of good will which was not notwithstanding irradicated out of their minds And that though the Embassadours should find a ready willingness in the King concerning the Affairs of Italy and of the Common-wealths Interests they would not notwithstanding forbear to make use of publick authority to exhort him to come as soon as might be into Italy promising him that the Venetian assistance should be such and so ready as it was not to be doubted but that being joynd with his Forces they might break the Forces of the common Enemies and taking from them that which they had injuriously possessed reduce such things under the Dominion of the King of France and of the Venetian Common-wealth as did belong to each of them The Embassadours were enjoyn'd to perform the like offices with the King of England that there had always many good offices been mutually observed between the Kings of England and the Common-wealth that they were confident that Henry would carry himself so as they shewed not need to desire any farther demonstration of Love from him but that he would of himself do whatsoever he knew might make for the good of the Common-wealth But that they should chiefly entreat him to endeavour the increase of the King of France his affection towards the Common-wealth and by his exhortations incite him to send his Forces away immediately into Italy to their succour whereby great glory would redound unto his name This was that which was given in charge to the Embassadours But whilst they were upon their way King Lewis fell sick and dyed It was thought that his death would have caused great alteration of Affairs The Embassadours were not recalled but commanded to go on and for what concern'd their Embassie they were to expect new commissions from the Senate King Lewis afforded the Common-wealth of Venice occasion of proving various successes of Fortune His Friendship was useful to them at the beginning for they made good advantage of his asistance to revenge the Injuries done them by Lodowick Sforza so as she got Cremona a great and rich City and for a while the favour and friendship of so great a King seemed to win the Common-wealth no small credit with other Princes but afterwards when not to part from the Friendship of the French the Venetians took up Arms against the Emperour Maximillian they fell into great troubles and dangers Moreover Lewis was the first Authour and Driver on of the League of Cambray which was cause of great ruine to the Common-wealth as may be partly known by what you have already heard Lastly he who had plotted so great mischiefs against the Common-wealth re-assuming his first affection towards her began to desire and to endeavour her exaltation and did at this time use all the means he could to make her return to her former Power and Honour And certainly the Common-wealths recovery of her State in Terra firma afterwards by the asistance of the French must be chiefly attributed to Lewis who did use the same various and uncertain Proceedings all his life time so as he made others by reason of his inconstancy make trial of Fortune several times so did not he neither continue stedfast either in prosperous or adverse fortune nor did he long make trial of the same luck All humane Affairs are for the most govern'd by such mutual alterations The End of the Second Book THE HISTORY OF VENICE Written by PAULO PARUTA BOOK III. THE CONTENTS FRancis Duke of Angolema is declared King of France He is well minded towards the Common-wealth which send Embassadours to him their Proposals to the King They go from thence to England Pasqualio sent to the Duke of Burgony Martin Georgio Embassadour at Rome The Pope cannot be reduced from his obstina y by the new Venetian Embassadours The King of France prepares for War he goes to Lyons The Switzers differences are adjusted by the Emperour and Ferdinand the Pope enters into League with Cesar. Embassadours sent by the King of Poland to the Senate The French enter Italy Alviano recovers Lodi The Armies are described Sedunense his Oration to incourage his men to Battle Colonna taken Prisoner A bickering between the French and Switzers before Millan The business succeeds well at last on the French behalf by Alviano's succour The number of the dead and the Victory uncertain Millan is in the French mens hands Sforza surrenders the Castle and himself The Kings Entry into Millan Alviano attempts the taking of Brescia and dyes there Giovan Giacomo Trivulcio succeeds Alviano The Spaniards defend Brescia stoutly The Venetians recover Peschiera and other Towns The Bastard of Savoy joyns with the Venetian Army departs from the Camp Pietro Navarro serves the Venetians he endeavours to take Brescia but in vain The Pope and King of France speak together at Bologno Brescia is relieved by Roncandolfo Wherefore the Venetians retreat from thence Trivulcio being distasted leaves the Army Theadoro Trivulcio succeeds him The King returns to France Andrea Trevisano near Barbone The Pope endeavours to alienate the Venetians from the French but fails therein New Wars made by Cesar by the King of England and by the Pope Cesar prepares to enter Italy The Venetians recall the French and take 8000 Switzers into pay Cesar attempts to take Asola but fails therein the French being afraid to retreat to Millan and are incouraged by Gritti Cesars Army is dissolved Brescia returns under the Venetian Government Lotreco betakes himself slowly to the Enterprize of Verona He retreats at last and is distasted by the Senate who are jealous of his Actions The King of France and Duke of Burgony meet at Brussels Divers difficulties which arise there an agreement is made at last by which Verona returns to be under the Venetians THeir time of rejoycing for the death of King Lewis who were troubled at the power of the French in Italy lasted but a little but the Venetians hopes began quickly to revive who desired the return of that Nation into Italy to reduce their Affairs to a better condition who were likely to have suffer'd longer by the late Kings death for Prince Francis Duke of Angulesne to whom by their ancient rights of that Kingdom he being descended of the House of the Capets and the nearest a Kin to the late King the succession did belong was declared King of France He being young and of an eager Spirit of a lively and ready wit greatly desirous of War and all things fitting for War being ready and prepared by King Lewis every one thought that the new King who suddenly had his eye upon Millan and wanted not Forces to assault it would forthwith send a powerful army to that purpose beyond the Mountains and
he was the more fervent herein for that he thought he had just cause to undertake this War since new reasons were added to the ancient pretences which the Kingdom of France had to that State for he had married Claudia eldest daughter to King Lewis to whom the state of Millan might seem to belong her Father being â—on to a daughter of Iovan Galleazo Visconte But the desire of redeeming the ancient reputation of the French Militia which he knew was much lessened by the unfortunate success of the battle before Novara by the dishonourable conventions made with the Switzers at Dijune and by the loss of two noble cities Terroana and Tornai which were taken by the English prevailed most with this young King who was desirous of Military Glory Which mischiefs King Lewis could not remedy for just when Fortune began to smile upon him and that the honour of France began to revive he dyed Francis therefore thought he had a fair occasion offer'd him of doing what he so much desired if by his Forces he should win a noble Dukedom which did of right belong unto him by which Enterprize the Glory of his name would be much increased and the Power of France and whereby way would be made for greater atchievements He therefore together with the Government of the Kingdom took upon him the same thoughts of renewing the War in Italy wherein his Father in Law Lewis had been much vers'd And knowing that Friendship with the State of Venice might make much towards his getting the Victory as soon as he had taken the Crown upon him he writ kind and affectionate Letters to the Senate wherein he acquainted them with his being King and shewing a ready and good affection towards the Common-wealth he seemed to desire to know their opinion touching their renewing of their League with the Kingdom of France and that if he should find them disposed like himself the League and ancient Friendship might easily be renewed to the common good He made the Bishop of Aste signifie as much unto them who was then in Venice having been sent Embassadour thither by King Lewis Wherefore the Venetians who at the same time coveted friendship with the French and desired that they would come into Italy and who as soon as they had heard of Lewis his death had charged their Embassadour Marco Dandalo that he should endeavour to pry into the secret counsels and intentions of the new King and should begin to treat of renewing the confederacy when they had received these Letters and Embassies from the King seeming to put an high esteem upon his Friendship they humbly thanked him for his affection to the Commonwealth and for his desire to assist them They promised to correspond with him in love and affection saying they knew very well how much it imported both of them to keep the Forces of France and theirs joyn'd together by reciprocal obligations of League That they were therefore ready to renew the present League and would always be ready to assist him in getting some Footing in Italy and in aggrandizing his Power so as he might be a terrour to his Enemies and a friend and sure help to the Common-wealth Moreover the Embassadours who were sent as you have heard to the Kings of France and England and who being upon their journey had tarried at Lyons after Lewis his death were ordered to go on and had commissions sent them to renew the League with the King of France These when they were come to Court did easily renew the League upon the former Articles To which the King was already so much inclined and treated with such fervency of the Affairs of Italy as he labour'd in all his discourses with the Venetian Embassadours to shew them what reasons had moved him to undertake this War affirming that he would never lay down Arms till he had gotten the state of Millan and till the Common-wealth had recovered all the Cities which she had lost and were returned to her former Dignity The Venetians were very glad of this the Kings resolutions and fearing lest this so great fervency might as it often falls out be by some new accident abated they shewed him how that the chiefest hopes of Victory lay in expedition to the end that the Enemy whose Forces were now much diminished and their resolutions doubtful and uncertain might not have time to recrute and re-assume courage and that the City of Crema this mean while which was known by experience might be a great help towards the recovery of Millan might not run any farther hazard which having for so many years undergone the inconveniences of War was now brought to great extreamity and that the Truce made with their Enemies being now near an end stood them in no stead for they had heard it credibly reported that Prospero Colonna had assembled his Forces together from all parts and prepared to besiege that City That the Senate would not be wanting in any thing that was in them to do who had already begun to raise new Souldiers and to provide Arms Money and Ammunition Moreover that though the War were chiefly to be made by Land-men yet thinking it not fit to lay aside the thought of ordering their Fleet that they might upon occasion therewith molest the Enemy they had resolved to rig out many Gallies entreating his Majesty that he would do the like The Embassadours having thus done all they had in command with the King at Paris they went into England to fulfill the other part of their Embassie where being graciously received they shewed in their first Audience The Venetians great sorrow for the death of King Lewis husband to King Henry's Sister a great Friend to the Common-wealth They then told the King how highly the Common-wealth was bound unto him for that in the Agreement made formerly with King Lewis and lately with King Francis he desired that she as a Friend and sharer with him in all his Fortunes might be particularly named and included in the League But afterwards at a more private Audience they earnestly desires him that he would by his Authority and by his exhortations confirm the King of France in the mind he seemed to be in of intending the Affairs of Italy and of sending assistance speedily to the Venetians and that in the mean time peace and friendship should be held inviolably between them from which great safety was to arise to both their States and much advantage to all Christendom that the Senate of Venice for their parts would never be wanting in any thing which might make for the gâ—od of the Crown of France or that of England and did very much desire that these present Kings as their Predecessors had done might know that the Common-wealth was much bound and tyed unto them This Embassie being done Giustiniano stay'd behind with Henry to treat of the Common-wealths affairs but Pasquillio return'd to France and being come to Paris he met with Letters and
they were able to defend it it cannot be said that this was a real Victory the War not being thereby ended nor the Enemy routed And certainly as by the Switzers admirable Valour the French bought all dearly which they got by fighting so by their natural fickleness the French got greater advantage by this Victory for the very next day to the day of Battle the Switzers giving over the thought of defending Millan leaving only a Foot Garrison in the Castle whither Maximillian Sforza was forc'd to retire return'd to their own homes and Cardinal Sedunense knowing that by the bad sâ—ccess of his counsels he had lost his former authority with the Souldiery so as all that he could say was not able to make them stay one minute longer leâ—t Millan likewise and went by the way of Trent to find out the Emperour This may teach Princes upon how weak foundations the saâ—ety of that State is grounded which wanting a Militia of its own is forc'd to have recourse to mercenary Forreigners After this Victory the French were every where Masters of the field and easily reduced all the Towns in the Dukedom of Millan into their power The Vice-roy who had not stirr'd all this while from about Placenza dispairing to defend the State of Millan any longer and suspecting also that the Pope had quitted the League went into Romagnia and by little and little brought all his Army from thence to the Kingdom of Naples And at the same time the Popes men went to Reggio in Lombardy so as Sforza's State being bereft of all hope of help or of returning to its pristine condition Millan and all the other Cities yielded of themselves to the French and sent Embassadours to the King to beg pardon for all that was past and to promise obedience for the time to come the Embassadours were received and a great sum of money was imposed upon the Millaneses to be paid according to every mans abilities But the King would not as yet enter into Millan for Sforza keeping the Castle still he thought it stood not with his honour to enter armed into that City which he had not totally reduced under his Dominion But for the present the Duke of Burbone entred the City who received it in the Kings name and committed the reducing of the Castle to Navaro's charge who having play'd upon it a good while with his great Guns began according to his custom to fall a mining He was excellent good hereat and by applying fire to the Gunpowder wherewith he fill'd his works under ground he was wont to blow up Walls and Towers which were otherwise impregnable Wherefore Sforza being much terrified and being a little besides himself by reason of a long sickness contracted by so many adversities being also advised by such as were none of his best friends he resolved a moneth after the Siege began to receive Antonio Bratano a Doctor of Law into the Castle to treat of surrender and concluded at last that he would put both the Castle and himself into the hands of the French though it were so well victuall'd and mann'd as it might have held out a long while He was upon these conditions received by the French That he should be forthwith carried into France from whence he was never to depart that he should for ever quit all claim and right which he had to the State of Millan to King Francis being to receive such a revenue from him as whereby he might live commodiously and with honour The King having by agreement received the Castle he entred Millan in great Military Pomp and almost in manner of Triumph environ'd by the choicest and richliest array'd of all his Chivalry He here received an honourable Embassie sent unto him from the Venetians to congratulate his Victory These were four of the principal Senators of Venice grave and reverend for their age and famous for the supreamest Honours of the Common-wealth Georgio Cornarâ— Andrea Gritti Antonio Grimani and Dominico Trevisano Procurators of St. Mark the chiefest Honour in that Common-wealth next to the Duke It fell to Trevisano's part as being youngest to make the Oration which is said to have been thus delivered As soon as the so greatly desired News most Christian King that your Majesty had taken your journey towards Italy came to Venice all our Souls were overwhelm'd with joy as if even then the Victory had been certain for we very well knew that there was no force which could withstand your singular Worth and your invincible Army wherefore our Common-wealth judging that they had great occasion of joy offer'd them at this your coming that they might not let slip any thing whereby they might manifest their affection and observancy had chosen us her Embassadours to wait upon your Majesty and congratulate your having brought your Army safe into Italy and return'd your Affairs to that ancient Honour to which questionless prosperous success in War would soon bring them The Senate did afterwards desire that all the Forces of their Common-wealth might be offer'd you by us as hath been formerly done by other Embassadours that your Majesty might please to make use of them upon whatsoever occasion either for your own greatness or for the conveniency of your Army We could not execute this our Commission which was long ago given us before now because the ways were every where block'd up by the Enemy but it hath hapned by divine providence that we who were sent to congratulate the hopâ—s of your beginning to be victorious may now give you joy of your already won victory for out-doing the thoughts of all men you have atchieved those very great things which we out of a singular affection and desire of your prosperity were in our thoughts designing Since having by a miraculous confidence in your self and constancy of mind made your way through craggy Cliffs and almost inaccessible Mountains you have master'd all difficulties past over the Alpes even there where they were thought to be impassable and have conducted your Army in four days space intire and safe into Italy Having thus overcome the asperous Mountains you have instructed us that nothing is so difficult through which the valiant man cannot make his way and that a magnanimous Prince ought to esteem nothing too hard for him to overcome but you have chiefly shewn your Worth to be such and so excellent as you can rule even nature which rules and governs all things That which amongst other of that cry'd up Commanders Actions Hannibal is numbred as a thing of singular praise to wit that he durst venture to pass over the top of the Alpes with his Army and that in 15 days space he conducted it safe over your Majesty by a more singular virtue and in a more excellent manner have out-done by having brought over your Army Artillery and all your warlike Preparations in a much shorter time into the Confines of the Enemy by rougher and by straiter ways But whilst men
and if he should find in him a well disposed will to be then able to increase it and to dispose of the Kings Forces at his pleasure But King Francis seeing his ancient Enemies re-kindle their hatred and his Friends behave themselves as Enemies and that they all conspired together against him as it is always seen that prosperity produces envy thought nothing could make more for his good at the present then to take the Pope from his Enemies and joyn his Holiness to him Cesar and the Switzers were already joyn'd together and it was commonly said that the King of Spain and King of England were likewise joyn'd with them the latter because he could not willingly endure to see the King of France his power and glory increase so much and the other because it was held for certain that when the French should be at peace with the rest he would soon make War with him either to put the King of Navar into his State or else to recover the Kingdom of Naples Wherefore King Francis finding such dangers threatened him by so many Enemies thought he had provided the better for his affairs by how much he should joyn in a straiter League and Friendship with the Pope Those things being then thus disposed of which concern'd the annexing the Forces and Authority of the Church unto him he began to think of his return into France to comply with his wives entreaties but much more to secure his Kingdom from the imminent danger of War by the men that he brought back with him and he stay'd now only that he might first somewhat establish the Venetians affairs and so increase the Forces of the League as though he were not himself in person in Italy he might have no reason to fear the Enemy for what concern'd the State of Millan Therefore as soon as he was gone from Bolognia and arrived at Millan he chiefly minded the sending of more Forces time enough to the Venetian Camp before Brescia Which was already reduced thereby to so great straits as it was thought it would soon fall into the Common-wealths hands It was known that the Souldiers who defended it and who had already shew'd great Valour in resisting many assaults being weary through so many inconveniences of the Siege and chiefly not having received pay nor relief nor Cesar not having taken any provision for it were brought almost to the very last point of despair in so much as the Spanish Souldiers had agreed that if the promised relief should not come from Cesar within twenty days they would deliver up the City to the Venetians upon condition that they might be permitted to go forth with their Colours and their other Military Affairs The King was particularly inform'd of these Proceedings by the Venetian Embassadours who accompanied him all this journey and shew'd him how affairs went and desired him not to give over the hopes of getting that City but to send his men forthwith to the Venetian camp to keep the Dutch Foot from relieving the City who were led on by Captain Roncandolfo which if it should succeed well so many moneths time would be spent in vain and they should lose so fair an opportunity of putting an end unto the War But though the King very well knew the importancy of the business he could not use such diligence as that the French aid could prevent the coming of the Dutch Foot who being 8000 in number entred all safe into the City the 20 days not being yet expired not meeting with any obsticle for the Common-wealths Souldiers who when News came of the Enemies approach were sent to the strait Passes of the Mountains basely retreated to the Army not staying so much as to look the Enemy in the face The Dutch had for their guid in this their voyage Captain Lodovico da Ladrone who being very well practised in those parts led them over the tops of Mountains by unusual ways so as getting at unawares out of those strait and difficult Passes they caused thereby more fear in our men When News came to the Venetian camp that the Enemy was come they differ'd in their opinions some were for continuing the Siege some for carrying the Army elsewhere but the number of the Dutch Foot being given out to be greater then indeed it was and the Spies having informed at the same time that Marco Antonio Colonna was gone out of Verona and entred into the confines of Mantua and hasted to assault them the Venetian Commanders fearing that if they should tarry any longer they might easily be incompassed on both sides by the Enemy thought it best to raise the Siege So the Artillery being brought into the Cities of Crema and Cremona the Army march'd to Castelnedulo six miles from Brescia When this News came to Venice it caused much wonder and as much sorrow in all the Citizens who built confidently upon the getting of Brescia The Captain General and Commissaries had by letters advertised the Senate that all the Passes were so guarded by our Souldiers as it was impossible for the Besieged to receive any succour And this was the more credibly believed because News came at the same time that the Forces which were sent from the French to assist our Camp which were 3000 Dutch Foot and 400 Horse were already on their way from Millan And assuredly the Common-wealth lost no little reputation hereby to think that so few men gathered together out of the Countrey unexperienced in the Militia without either Artillery or Horse should infuse such fear into a numerous Army so well provided of all things as was that of the Venetians and French and which expected new succours suddenly as should make them give over their hopes of getting the City by Siege and to change their Quarters Trivulcio was accused by many of too much haste and bad advice in losing the opportunity of putting an end unto his business which so much labour had been bestowed about Whereat he being very much incensed he demanded leave to quit the Service of the Common-wealth alledging that he was sent for home about some private affairs of his own which would not suffer him to tarry any longer in the camp But the Senate who thought this mans reputation and skill might be of great help in that War writ unto him and exagerating his Worth said They had always found much fidelity in his Actions and much readiness and had never found fault with him but much commended him for it that it became not the gravity of a Senate when things wisely undertaken did not succeed well to lay the fault upon the Authors according to the custom of the common people that they therefore never blamed any thing but the bitterness of the Season and the Fortune of War which had been so long averse to the Common-wealth so as though they might be sometimes troubled at the success of the Commanders counsels and advices yet knowing them to be good they did not
Streets and being come to the cathedral Church had much ado to get in at the Gates Here Lautrech having received the Keys of the City from the Bishop of Trent did at the same instant give them into the hands of the Venetian Commissaries Andrea Gritti and Giovan Paolo Gradinigo Then some of the chiefest of the Citizens did together with the Commissaries and in the name of all the rest congratulate the return of that City to under the command of the Common-wealth attesting the Citizens constant good will towards her and promising Loyalty and Obedience thereunto at all times These things being ended and the French assistance being to be dismis'd the Senate that they might not omit to shew their respects and love to so gallant a man and one who had deserved so well of the Common-wealth as Lautrech resolved to present him honourably in the name of the publick and charged Commissary Gritti to wait upon him to Millan When he came to Lodi he found Giovan Giacopo Trivulcio there who was come to meet him and to bring him the Order of St Mihel from the King Then after the passing of many complements on both sides Gritti left him who according to orders received from the Senate went to visit the other Cities belonging to the Common-wealth to provide for all things necessary for them and to confirm the people in their love to the Common-wealth And at last after having for so many years perform'd his faithful service with much applause to the Common-wealth having won much love amongst the Citizens and glory amongst Forreigners he returned to Venice Great joy and general Feastings was had throughout the whole City Every thing seemed to smile and to eccho forth joyful acclamations But chiefly all due praises were rendred to God and solemn processions devoutly made by publick Decree for many days thanks being given to God for his great goodness in having granted them a desired peace after so long and troublesome a War Great alms were given to Monastries and to Alms houses and such Citizens and Forreigners as had served the Common-wealth faithfully were well rewarded The Common-wealth being thus restored to her pristine greatness after having suffered so many Calamities and the Affairs of Italy being put as it was thought into a firm and settled condition the Venetians hoped they had been freed from all Fears for many years The End of the third Book THE HISTORY OF VENICE Written by PAULO PARUTA BOOK IV. THE CONTENTS THe Peace of the Common-wealth such Cities as were return'd to their obedience send Commissioners to the Senate Padua and Verona are strangely fortified The Venetian Merchants obstructed in Spain The situation of Venice A voyage of the Common-wealths Galltouns An end of the Truce with Maximillian A treaty of peace between him and the Venetians Universal Truce treated by the Pope Truce concluded between Cesar and the Venetians the conditions Maximillians death Francis King of France and Charles King of Spain contend who shall be Emperour Francis sends Embassadours to Venice to stand for him Charls is declared King of the Romans Soliman succeeds Selino in the Turkish Empire His nature Lodowick King of Hungary prepares for War He sends Embassadours to Venice The Venetians send Embassadours to Constantinople to confirm the peace The King of France scandalized at Charles his being chosen Emperour treats of confederacy with the Venetians The Pope hisitates The Dyet is held at Worms Cesar endeavours to make the Venetians his friends Cesars genius the like of the King of France The Peace of Italy is disturb'd The King of Hungary sends an Embassadour to Venice The Senate resolves to help that Kingdom Soliman takes Belgrado and frights all Hungary The death of Duke Loredano Antonio Grimani succeeds him The King of France speaks with the King of England at Ards in Picardy Commotions in Spain Risings in Germany New designs in the King of France The Pope agrees with Cesar. The Venetians endeavour Peace Preparations made by the Pope and Cesar. Lautrech goes for Italy The Venetians arm their Confines Ioyn with the French The Imperialists before Parma They retire to before Millan They take it Lautrech gets safe with his Horse to Como He winters in the Territories of Brescia The Duke of Ferrara in Field The death of Pope Leo the tenth The consequences thereof Lautrech marches into the field again He attempts Parma and Pâ—acenza but in vain He returns towards Millan Takes Novara and Vigueano The King of France prepares to go for Italy Lautrech gives over the Siege of Millan Sits down before Pavia Withdraws from thence The French and Imperialists meet at the Charter house of Pavia The Imperialists retreat to Biccoca where they are assaulted by the French The Switzers make a gallant retreat are backt by the Venetians The Switzers Impatiency marrs all Alberto Pietra's speech to make them keep the field They disband The Venetians and French retreat to the confines of the Common-wealth Lautrech repasses over the Mountains to acquaint the Court how Affairs go in Italy THe ensuing years contain more prosperous successes and will afford me more delightful matter to write on Wherefore I hasten thereunto as abhorring the memory of the past calamities and as weary as if I had had a part in those troubles and dangers The Common-wealth after the past Wars enjoy'd three years quiet in which time being healed of her so great labour and grievous adversity she began to hold up her head again and to resume her ancient power and reputation The Wars therefore which we now shall write of made by the Common-wealth on Terra firma though they be no less remarkable for the Grandetsa of Princes for famous Commanders Forces length of time and other circumstances yet were they more prosperous and of less danger the Common-wealth having taken up Wars for the space of almost ten years no less to defend the Affairs of her friends and confederates then her own and more for glory then safety In the beginning of the year 1517. all Truces being solemnly published as you have heard in the former Book and all men hoping that secure peace would assuredly ensue all the Cities on Terra firma which before the late War were under the Dominion of the Common-wealth were returned to her obedience and sent their Deputies to Venice to congratulate with the Senate that Arms were laid down with Honour and the State recovered And they did also willingly offer all their means forces and fortunes to be at the Common-wealths service The Senates first and chiefest care was to ease the City of Venice and all the other Citâ—es and Castles on Terra firma of many grievances which were imposed upon them in the more troublesome times of War by reason of the scarcity of publick monies to the end that private mens means being restored unto them in the time of peace they might be the readier to assist the Common-wealth at another time of need It was likewise
provided that the places of Magistracy as well of the whole State as City which were formerly granted upon certain loans of money to the publick should be disposed of without any such loan consideration being had to every mans worth and merit and likewise that all such as did serve the Common-wealth in any place should be paid their full stipend part whereof was formerly made bold with for the greater occasions of War Nor were such things forgot as tended to the convenience or splendor of the Common-wealth Study was renewed in the City of Padua which had been given over for the space of eight years and many famous men in all sorts of learning were brought thither This University famous throughout the world for the excellency of all learning for the number and quality of Professors and for the abundance of Scholars was a great adornment to the Common-wealth and a great convenience for all other Nations for to this place came many from all Countries to be instructed in the learned Arts. But the pleasantness of peace had not made them forget the occurences of War nor lessened their care in things belonging to the preservation of the State The wise Senate thought that whilst their thoughts were not imploy'd elsewhere it became them in wisdom to provide for such things which being ordered and disposed of in peaceful times do either keep the storms of War far off or if they shall happen make the State the stronger and more able to resist them They were chiefly careful in seeing Padua and Verona well munited the soundest foundations of their Empire on Terra firma The Senate spared therefore neither for cost nor labour to make these very strong Fortresses to the end that for the future the Enemy despairing to win them might not think of assaulting them Andrea Gritti and Georgio Cornaro were appointed to take the care hereof who going to those Cities were with the advice of Trivulcio and the other prime men of the Militia to deliberate and do whatsoever should be requisite for the exact and secure defence thereof Many things were there renewed which had been destroy'd by the War and many new works were added Great Bastions were built in several places of the Wall according to the modern â—ashion Many noble Gates were also made not only for safety and conveniency but even for ornament And certainly if we shall justly consider with what Grandezza what illustrious shew and what regal expence these strong holds were in these times built by the Common-wealth we shall find that the Venetians ought to be as much admired for the magnificence and stateliness of these as were the ancient Romans for their hot Baths and Aquiducts and other rare Fabricks And because the friendship and saâ—e commerce with the Ottoman Empire was of great importance for the preservation of the peace and quiet of that City by means of Traffique the Senate chose two Embassadours Luigi Mocenice and Bartholomeo Contarini to send to Selino to congratulate the victories which he had won who inflamed with the glory of War after his prosperous success in Persia had assaulted the Empire of the Mamalucchi with a puissant Army and overcome in Battle Campsone Gauro King of Memphis had chased and routed his Forces and subjugated great and rich Provinces which had been long under the Empire of the Soldans of the Mamalucchi whereby he had much inlarged his confines Therefore his friendships was for these respects much the more to be desired hâ—s power being so much increased and become formidable and since the Venetian Merchants exercised great Traffique in those Countries which he had lately won To this was likewise added that the pretentions of a certain Tribute paid by the King of Cyprus to the King oâ— Egypt for which the Common-wealth paid 8000 Duckets yearly to the Soldans of Caire as the Lusinian Kings had wont formerly to do were now together with the Empire of the Mamalucky past over to the Ottoman Princes These Embassadours sailed therefore first to Cyprus and from thence went to Damascus where Selino winter'd with all his Army Their commission was chiefly to endeavour That the Venetians who by reason of their merchandizing had wâ—nt to keep in Alexandria Tripoli Baruti Damascus and other places of Marchandize in those Regions might enjoy the same rights and priviledges whâ—ch had been long granted them by the Lords of Egypt and Soria And that the Common-wealth might likewise be permitted to keep her Magistrates in those places with the same authority and dignity as they had done formerly who were to have a care of the Venetian Merchants Goods and Persons These things were easily granted by Selinus who having at this time turn'd his thoughts and forces elsewhere desired friendship with the Venetians and in the begining of his new Empire to increase traffique in that Province for his own particular good for the conveniency of his subjects and for the Interest of the publique Revenue They were at the same time likewise to treat of the like Affairs with Charles King of Spain to wit that the commerce and traffique which had been long before held in his Kingdomes and States might be confirmed and that also the Venetians might be suffered to go into those parts and to contract Merchandize as they had always been allowed to do in King Ferdinands time Wherein it seemed there was now some interruption for Charles his Officers he being but newly come unto his Kingdomes had perswaded him that he might easily and much to the advantage of his customes tranfer all the merchandizing which was had in divers Maritime Cities of Africa into the sole City of Oran which was in Charles his possession if the Venetian Vessels which were wont first to touch there and then to pass into the Spanish Rivers should be forbidden to enter upon any such occasion into the Havens of his Dominion when they had tarried to contract any Merchandize in any of the Moores Cities By which prohibition it was hoped that those Inhabitants might be necessitated to come to Oran and to furnish themselves there with divers sorts of Merchandize which cannot be brought them from elsewhere many whereof they keep for their own use and make much advantage by carrying many others to the Ethiopians Moreover the Spaniards had laid new Imposts upon our Merchants for whereas formerly one only tax of ten in the hundred and that only of such things as were exported was wont to be paid now two tenths of all things as well imported as exported were exacted and that according to a price limited by them But the business was much otherwise then the Spanish Ministers represented them for neither would the Moores have thought they could traffique securely in those Towns which belonged to the Spaniards whom they held to be their bitter and perpetual Enemies neither would the Venetians have run the hazard of so long navigation if their profit should have been so much lessened by
the establishing of a Peace To the end that they might not be thought to disturbe so great a good to all Christendom out of any particular respects unto themselves But as for the motion which was particularly made unto them by Leo of making War against the Turks they answered when things should be hopefully begun and that they should be prosecuted with like fervour the State of Venice would be readier then any others for such an Enterprize nor would they at any time be wanting unto themselves to whom they knew the care of these common dangers did more particularly belong as being most concern'd therein Nor would they be backward in the good of all Christendom nor in obeying the Popes pious and earnest entreaties But that notwithstanding by reason of the condition of their State by Sea which was every where environed by the confines of this powerful Enemy and not being able with their much weaker Forces to withstand the first Onset of the Turks nor to sustain the War in their own Territories before the Ottoman Empire should be assaulted by the Armies and Fleets of the Confederates they could not be the first in declaring themselves Enemies to the Turks But Truce with Cesar being treated of by Antonio Iustiniano who was Embassadour for the Common-wealth with the King of France it was at last concluded upon these conditions That all Arms should be suspended for five years And that people might live peaceably in either State without either doing or receiving any injury That it might be lawful for Cesars and the Common-wealths Subjects to travel and traffique safely in each others Country as in time of Peace That each of them should keep such Towns as they were now possess'd of that all Prisoners of War should be released except Christopher Frangipane who was to be sent into France to be kept there that during the time of the Truce the Venetians should pay Cesar 20000 Duckets yearly And that the Venetians should pay the fourth part of what they had got by the Revenues of such as had followed Cesars party to the former Owners And the differences concerning the confines being many and hard to decide and chiefly in Friuli they could not as then come to any determinate end Cesars Commissioners saying that they had no orders nor power to treat thereof but the settlement in this point as in all other difficulties was left to the King of France as to the Authour of this agreement Wherein he afterwards decreed that the Emperour and the Venetians should chuse Commissioners who meeting in Verona whither he would likewise send one who should represent his name and authority should treat upon and resolve the business of confines The State of Venice chose Francisco Pesaro for them and acquainted the King of France therewith saying that they would be ready to send their Commissioner to the place appointed as soon as they should hear that Cesar was about to send his Whilst these things were a doing the Emperour Maximillian fell sick and dyed in the beginning of the year 1519. Whereupon the Souldiers that were in Garrison at Gradisca and Marano entring licentiously into the confines of the Common-wealth plunder'd many of the Venetians Subjects Houses and committed many other Hostile Acts wherefore the Senate write Letters to the Viccars of the Empire telling them that for their parts they would not violate the Truce nor innovate any thing for Maximillians death provided that the Commanders and Souldiers of the Empire should abstain from doing injuries Which being by them praised and embraced the Truce was afterwards inviolably observed on all sides Now they began to treat of chusing the Emperour whereunto Francis King of France and Charles King of Spain did chiefly pretend Princes of rare endowments of mind and very eminent for Fortune but very formidable by reason of their great power The Princes of Italy were not a little troubled at this Election considering that whether of these two should be exalted to the Dignity of the Empire when they should have the reputation of the Empire added to the already potent Forces of their own Kingdomes and be made much greater then the other by the help of Germany he would endeavour to drive the other out of whatsoever he possess'd in Italy and so this Counterpoise being taken away they would at last bend their thoughts upon making themselves Masters of all Italy for ambition does always increase in great Princes together with new acquisitions and the unquenchable thirst of Government grows greater Therefore such an Election could not but be bad for Italy Yet ballancing all things well it was thought less dangerous for Italy that the King of France should be made Emperour then the King of Spain for they considered that the former as being a Stranger would be of much less power in Germany and that the French Nation as it is very hot and violent at the first so not being very constant to its purposes often times neglects and gives over those very things which it did before so much desire and endeavour wherefore the French are commonly thought better at getting then at keeping The Italians hoped that the Empire of the French in Italy though it were great might by some accident decline and at last be extinguished Which was not to be hoped for in the Spaniards who when they have once much inlarged their Dominions and laid a good ground-work for it all labour and endeavour to drive them out would be but in vain These were the reasons which did chiefly move the Pope and the Venetians to favour the King of France in this his standing for the Empire His Embassadours which he had sent to Rome and to Venice for this purpose were therefore willingly listned unto But to boot with all this Monsieur de Taligni who was sent by the King for this purpose to the State of Venice made several other propositions He desired the loan of a good sum of money that his King when he should be declared Emperour might have wherewith to supply many gifts and great expences which he was to be at and moreover that the Venetians would forthwith send some Souldiers into Germany to secure the Electors from any violence And that the Senate would declare what was to be done if Charles should enter Italy with an Army as it was given out he would do to go to Rome and force the Pope to free him from the Oath which he took from Julius the second when he was invested in the Kingdom of Naples note that it was decreed by Pope Urban that whosoever should possess that Kingdom should not take upon him the Imperial Dignity which was the chief reason why Leo used means to the Electors to keep Charles from being chosen Emperour To which demands the Senate answered That the Common-wealth was so highly obliged to the King as that they wish'd him all prosperity for they had always thought that whatsoever addition of State or Honour
should befall the Kingdom of France would be of no small importance for their security wherefore they would imploy all their endeavours and power for the aggrandizing of the King thereof and that though the publique Exchequer was very much emptied by reason of the long Wars yet if need should require they would overcome all difâ—iculties to accommodate him with the sum of 100000 Duckets But as for sending their Forces beyond the Mountains nothing could be of less use to the King nor of more prejudice and danger to themselves for they should shew a great will to do harm where they could do none That all the strait and difficult passages by which their Souldiers were to pass into Germany were possess'd by the Dutch and well guarded and garrisoned by them That as it would be very hard for their men to pass over the Mountains and to get into Germany so it would be easie for the Dutch to fall down from several parts into the Confines of the Common-wealth and put their Affairs into great confusion But if that Charles being unprovoked by any injury should come armed into Italy and should attempt to violate the sacred Majesty of the Pope of Rome the Senate of Venice would not differ fâ—om what their Ancestors had ever proved themselves to be to wit DEFENDERS of the ECCLESIASTICAL LIBERTY and DIGNITY which name of Honour and true Glory was always held by them in high esteem and should be preferr'd before the Imperial greatness Whilst King Francis treated thus by his Embassadours Charles who partly by favour making large promises to the Electors partly by fear having already got many men together had got the good will of the Electors he was declared King of the Romans Almost at the same time Soliman only Son to Selino his Father being dead possess'd himself quietly of the Empire and was put into the Seat of the Ottoman Princes without any contention Only one Agazzelle a Captain in Soria proved contumacious and a Rebel to the new Emperour but his Rebellion was soon supprest and all the Provinces of the Empire became obedient to Soliman in whom there appeared evident signs of an high and great Spirit so as being come to the Empire there was no doubt but that he would flye high and plot great mischiefs against Christendom Yet the Christâ—an Princes not minding so great a danger whilst the want of experience in the young Prince their innate Enemy might somewhat allay his power having other thoughts suffer'd the greatness of the Ottoman Empire to increase and be better established Only Lodowick King of Hungary took up Arms and endeavour'd help from all parts whose Kingdom was likely to partake first of the mischiefs of War for Soliman would not renew the Truce with Lodowick which when it was formerly offer'd him by his Father Selino was by him refused being thereunto advised by the Emperour and the King of Polonia because Selino was then busied in Wars far off which was perhaps a generous but no good counsel Lodowick sent therefore his Embassadours to all Princes Courts chiefly to Rome and Venice admonishing what danger others were in by his ruine To this the Venetians answered that the Ottoman Empire was a good while since grown very formidable to all men but more particularly to their Common-wealth by reason of the neighbourhood of their States That for their parts they had never refused such invitations but had oft times both by words and example excited other Princes to withstand the growing power of so great an Empire But what were they able of themselves to do They therefore chose Marco Minio for their Embassadour whom they sent with their acustomed presents to Constantinople to confirm the Articles of peace after the same manner as they were concluded a little before by Antonio Iustiniano as you have heard adding thereunto those things which Selino after his conquering of the Mamalucchies Empire had lately promis'd to grant To wit that the Venetian Merchants might enjoy the same priveledges and immunities in their goods in Egypt and in Soria as they had anciently done Which Soliman was so ready to grant as the Eastern Seas being then much infected by Pirats he offer'd to send out his Fleet against them if the Common-wealth would do the like to the end that the Seas might be kept open and that the Venetian Merchants might continue their trafique by Navigation into Nations which were under the Ottoman Empire of which his ready will and desire of peace and friendship Soliman had given testimony having at the same time that Minio prepared to go for Constantinople sent Acmat Ferrat on his behalf to Venice to acquaint them with his accession to the Empire and that he would continue those conventions and friendly offices with the Common-wealth as his Father Selino alwaies had done This peace with the Turks was very opportunely made to the yet unsetled condition of Italy and for the quieting of those suspitions which the Senators were full of the beginning of this year by reason of News that was spred abroad of a great Fleet that was to put forth from Constantinople wherefore the Senate not thinking it fit to be at the discretion of a barbarous Prince naturally ambitious and grown insolent by new victories had been very diligent in furnishing all their Sea-Forts with great Garrisons and added 50 Gallies to their Fleet wherein the Common-wealth's chief hopes seemed then to lye and they made Andrea Gritti Captain-General of the Navy Moreover the order of the Militia of the men of that same Country was instituted in the Kingdom of Candia as it was done some years before in the State by Terra firma to the end that upon any sudden occasion the Garrisons of Cities in Countries far off and which it would be hard to succour speedily might be increased The charge hereof was given to Gabriele Martiningo who was honour'd with the title of Governor of that Island But these provisions proved unnecessary for that occasion for Selino had by his death put a period to these thoughts of War and Soliman did readily confirm the Articles of peace as hath been said wherefore the Venetian Fleet the other dangers being removed went into the Seas of Barbary which were infested with many Pyrats to secure their great Gallies which Sayled through these Seas not without great danger of Pyrats by the taking of many of whose ships the Sea was much cleansed and the way was opened for those Voyages Thus did the Venetians temporize with the Turks and kept friendship with them since there appeared no hopes of overcoming them For that the Christian Princes kept still at enâ—ity within themselves little minding the much greater common danger The King of France being greatly scandalized at the conâ—erment of the Empire upon Charles of Austria and fearing least his Forces and Authority being so much increased he would suddenly fall into Italy and bereave him of the State of Millan had signified to
of the League for these Respects was delay'd and doubtfull it was known by a new and unthought of Accident which did alter the whole course of affairs and was cause of grievous and important Tumults that the Pope after having shew'd so great a desire for the peace of Italy and after so many negotiations had with the French to oppose such as should go about to disturb it had secretly agreed with the Emperour to assault the State of Millane by their joint forces All men especially the Venetians did strangely wonder and were very much confused that the Pope by taking away the Counterpoise of the French Forces should by his forces and authority increase the Emperours power in Italy which he himself had but a little before made appear to be so suspicious and formidable to the Church and to all the Italian Princes and that it ought to be supprest or at least moderated By the Pope's consent and counsel several secret practises were held by the Imperialâ—sts with those that were outlaw'd in Millane whereof there were many principal Noble men of great attendance and authority that by their means tumults should be unexspectedly raised at one and the same time in several Cities to drive out the French of Force who feared nothing less whose Garrisons were already much lessned and when Lautrech was absent who was gone a little before to France But these consultations coming to the knowledge of Monsieur di Lerce brother to Lautrech and to whom he had left his Lieutenant in Italy before the time was ripe to put them in execution he speedily raised so many men as did suffice to suppress these Plots and many of the Outlawed being by him driven out of the State of Milan where they had secretly hid themselves and fled to the City of Regio where they were received by him that was governour for the Pope who as hath been said was conscious of what was formerly agreed on with Cesar and knew all these Designs And these men being pursued by the French even to the gates of Regio the Pope complained grievously that the French beaâ—ing so little respect to his dignity and authority and to the friendship which he held with the King of France should go to his Forts and seek to use violence anticipating by these complaints which were chiefly made to the Senate of Venice those which were rather to have been made by the King of France that the Pope contrary to the agreement which was made between them should suffer that his rebellious and contumacious subjects and who were Out-lawed should be received into the Cities belonging to the Church just when they sought to disturb his affairs But the Venetians being desirous as much as in them lay to appease these tumults for the Pope's more resolute will and his confederacy made with Cesar though it were ratified by him was not as yet publiquely known laboured to free the Pope of these suspitions shewing that the proceedings of the Kings of France had always been such towards all Popes and that upon their knowledge the now present King bore so great a respect to the affairs of the Church and such observance to this Pope's person as a contrary opinion was not now to be grounded upon so slight an occasion nor ought so continued and so good an Intelligence betwixt that Kingdom and the Apostolique See be broken upon such a cause They therefore earnestly desired Leo that before he should settle in such an opinion as might produce many pernicious effects he would be pleased to write to the King to know his mind and to be better informed of what had hapned But it was in vain to perswade the Pope who though he seemed to put on new resolutions upon this new accident had notwithstanding for certain established his agreement already with the Emperour wherein it was accorded That when the State of Milan should be recovered by their joynt Forces the Cities of Parma and Piacenza should return to the Church and all the rest of the State of Milan should be assigned over unto Francesco Sforza That the Pope should forthwith absolve Charls of his oath which he took at his being invested into the Kingdom of Naples that so he might with the better Title hold the Empire All Treaties of agreement being then despaired of the Venetians resolved to be by no means failing to the obligations which they had to the King of France touching the preservation of the State of Milan It was known that many souldiers were assembled by order from the Pope and Emperour to the end that since they succeeded not in their secret practises they might forthwith betake themselves to open force To which purpose the Pope though under other pretences had already taken six thousand Switzers into pay and Prospero Colonna who was declared Captain General of the Enterprize went to Bologno to raise a great many souldiers and the Viceroy of Naples with the Cavalry of that Kingdom and Marquis Pescara with the Spanish Infantery were come to the banks of the River Tronto to be ready to pass over upon the first occasion Wherefore the Venetians hasted to take six thousand Italian foot into pay and mustering all their Horse in Brescia they ordered their Governour Theadoro Trivulcio to march with them to the banks of Ada and that if the French affairs should require it he should pass over it They likewise commanded Paolo Nani who was then Commander of Bergamo that he should wait upon the Governour and follow the camp executing the place of Commissary This news being this mean while come to France Lautrech returned speedily into Italy began to provide for the succouring of the State of Milan in time there not being sufficient Garrisons there in it to defend it if it should be fallen upon by a powerful Army His chief care and diligence was to keep the new succour which the enemy expected who had already about a thousand Curassiers and eight thousand foot from joyning with them The Pope had lastly taken three thousand more Switzers into pay for half of his former number of them were diminished And at the same time Ferdinand brother to Charls being come to Villaco to raise six thousand foot in those parts prepared as soon as his number should be full to pass with them into Italy for whom Cesar demanded passage from the Venetians They answeted they could by no means satisfie him in that his desire by reason of the agreements which they had made with the King of France wherein to fail was to falsifie their words But to be sure that they should not enter against their wills they gave order for the stopping of all passages and placed diligent Guards in them And because there were several Passes whereby the Dutch foot might fall down into the Territories of Verona and joyn with Colonna's men so as it would be a difficult matter to secure them all by putting sufficient Garrisons into them the Venetians
peace Cesar prepares to succour Genua Giorgio Sfonspere musters 10000 Dutch at Bolzano and in despite of the Confederates passes into the Country of Mantua Giovan de Medici his Valour The Dutch pass into Tuscany The Venetians succour the Popes State and send Marco Foscari to Florence The Imperial Fleet towards Genua is pursued by the Venetian Fleet chas'd by Navarro gets at last to Gaetta and lands the Vice-roy of Naples Renzo de Ceri sent by the King of France to Rome The Viceroy succours the Collonesi and besiegeth Frussolone The Colleagues attempt the taking of Naples their proceedings Important actions before the City The Neapolitans are afraid and are supported by Don Ugo Moncada The Ecclesiastical Army in disorder Burbone comes forth of Milan to joyn with the Duth and goes to Bologna The Pope the mean while concludes peace with the Viceroy his little discretion in laying down Arms his fears and his excuse to the Colleagus Embassadours A Tumult in Florence appeased by the Duke of Urbane Burbone despairing of the Enterprise marches towards Rome desires passage from the Pope which is denied wherefore he besiegeth the City he is shot upon the walls thereof with a musket and dies The Emperours Army enters Rome The Pope retires to the Castle of St Angelo Rome in a few dayes undergoes the miseries of being sack'd of Famine of Pestilence and suffers totall desolation of all things as well sacred as prophane THe Fortune and reputation of the French being much declined by their being driven in a short space out of the State of Milan and by Forces not greater then their own it was generally thought that the Venetians whose Army was defeated and the greatest part of their Horse by them dismist they having likewise given leave to their Commissary Gritti to return from the camp and come home having largely made good their Confederacy with King Francis though they got but little good thereby would at last follow the victorious Fortune of Charles the Emperour who as he had formerly seemed to desire their friendship so did he now more then ever endeavour to draw them to side with him hoping by reason of the low condition which the French were in to be able to seperate them from King Francis and believing that the preservation of the State of Milan and the good end of all the war did chiefly depend upon this new Confederacy and upon the assistance and forces of the Venetians for it was very certain that king Francis made great preparations to pass into Italy with a powerfull Army and that if he should be assisted by the Venetians the Emperialists and Sforzas would not be able long to maintain the burthen of so heavy a war As on the contrary if the Venetians should joyn with the Imperialists it was thought that the French would be kept from retiring into Italy being they were to meet with so stout resistance and that King Francis seing himself deprived of the Venetian's aid would lay aside all thoughts of coming into Italy as despairing of good Success Cesar therefore laboured hard to effect this and did not onely treat thereof at his own Court with Gasparo Cotarini who was Embassadour there for the Com-wealth acquainting him with many reasons wherefore the Senate should be perswaded to joyn in like Confederacy with him to defend the States of each other as they had of late years done with the King of France but he likewise interposed the authority of the King of England with whom Charles having had speech at his return from Spain he had had much discourse thereupon and the Cardinal of York had the copy of the Capitulations drawn up by the Emperour's Lord Chancellour and having acquainted Gasparo Contarini with them offered to moderate them and to make them such as the Common-wealth which had complained thereof as being too severe should have reason to accept them But the business requiring some length of time by reason of this distance of place a League was concluded between Charles and Henry reserving room for the Venetians to be comprehended therein if they would declare within three months and if they would accommodate their affairs first with Cesar either by way of Truce or Peace which being communicated to the Senate produced as then no other result save onely fair correspondency in general with a shew of being much inclined to peace and to friendship with Cesar so it might stand with the honour and safety of the Commonwealth and that since the Cardinal of York had already offered himself to be a Mediator and stickler in the business of greatest difficulty it was requisite to hear what he would propound before any resolution could be taken But the news of the French preparations for the affairs of Italy increasing dayly and greater doubts arising in Charles and Henry by reason of the Venetians delaying to put on any resolution that their State would continue their confederacy with France they resolved to send Embassadours to Venice to accelerate the conclusion of the League which was propounded by them The King of England's Embassadour came thither first which was Richard Pace who having received his Commission from his King whilest the said Richard was at Rome discharged his trust together with the Emperours Embassadour which was resident at Venice desiring in their Princes name that the Senate would declare what they intended to do when the King of France should return with an Army into Italy to possess himself of the State of Milan But the Emperours Embassadour proceeded further desiring that the Commonwealth would wage war against the King of France if he should not desist from troubling Cesar and from disturbing the peace of Italy alledging that the Venetians were bound to do so by a particular Confederacy made two years before at London wherein by particular consent of their Senate the State of Venice was named amongst the chief Contracters The Venetians proceeded very maturely in this Treaty weighing how pernicious any resolution they could put on might prove to the Commonwealth according to the various events which might happen in the affairs of Italy and by the secret Counsels of Princes for it was certain That if the King of France should through any accident that might happen delay sending a powerfull army on this side the Mountains his reputation would be so much lesned and the Forces and authority of his enemies so confirmed as the adherers to the French would be exposed to eminent dangers and on the other side to forego their Friendship to boot that it went against their general inclination brought with it no lesser difficulties For it was rather to be believed both in respect of the power and wealth of the Kingdom of France and out of the immense desire that King Francis had to get the State of Milan that the French would return with powerfull Forces on this side the Mountains and regain his former power and authority so as they might have means
they should deal friendly and neighbourly with all the subjects of the Commonwealth But to return to the Treaty of the League Many things were urged by Cesar's Agents to obtain their intent That it was not reasonable that since Cesar did prefer the friendship of the Commonwealth before his other conveniences and interests he might also make use thereof for the preservation of his own States nor ought it to be esteemed so hard a thing nor so prejudicial to the Venetians to send their Armies into the Kingdom of Naples since there was an example thereof when not many years since they sent the Marquis of Mantua with their men to assist the King of France To satisfie which particulars in part the Senate resolved to promise Cesar some Gallies for the defence of the Kingdom of Naples provided that in time of such need they should not be busied in the Turkish War The slow and irresolute councels of France concerning the affairs of Italy made the Venetians the more inclinable to agree with the Emperour which affairs they thought the French to be far from thinking upon for that it was said all their forces would be turned upon the Kingdom of England and truly if no other accidents had intervened the confederacy with Cesar had then been concluded for Embassadors came from the Archduke Ferdinand in whose name Cesar's agents had formerly treated who brought word that their Princes pleasure was not to come to any certain agreement of Peace at that time but only to a renewing of Truce for five years for being but newly entered as he said into the Government he was not so well informed of the State of his affairs as was requisite to come to such an agreement so as the Archduke being excluded from this confederacy whereby the chiefest difficulties which were between the Commonwealth and the House of Austria were kept on foot the Venetians resolved not to conclude any thing with Charls the Emperour Moreover the Pope had at this time sent Campeggio Bishop of Feltre to the Venetian Senate to exhort them to embrace the Universal League and to put all other differences which were between them and Cesar into his hands alledging for this his request that he feared if the Commonwealth should first conâ—ederate with the Emperour and so forego the friendship of the French the French would the more hardly be brought to joyn with the other Christian Princes in the general League against the Turks This gave the Senate a just cause of new delay but of all things else Adorno's death did chiefly impede the conclusion of this business who died in the beginning of the year 1523. A wary and wise man who by his fair carriage had won favour with the Senators Marino Caracciola the chief Apostolique Notary who was already gone from Spain and destined an Embassadour for Rome was sent to Venice by Cesar to supply his place The King of France having certain knowledge of these practises who did much suspect them before sent Renzoda Ceri and soon after Ambrogio da Fiorenza and Monsieur di St Valiere to Venice that they might assure the Venetians of the many preparations for War which were making in France and of his resolution of coming himself in person into Italy and that consequently they might solicite the Venetians to order their forces for the sudden attempting the enterprize of Milan thinking hereby to remove the chief cause of the Senate treating of a new confederacy with Cesar which the King and Court knew to be because they feared that Forces would not come so soon nor so strong from France as was requisite But all these endeavours were of less efficacy because little belief was given to the words nor promises of the French of whom they had heard so much and seen so little Wherefore some colour for delay being made by reason of the endeavours of an universal Truce as hath been said which was so much put for by the Pope the Senate answered the Embassadors That they neither could nor would do any thing till they saw an end of this business left they might seem to trouble the peace of Italy and spoil the hopes of great good to Christendom But the King of France having reasons for Truce propounded to him by the Venetians and by the Pope himself said That he was not dis-enclined to lay down Arms nor that he did desire to enjoy what belonged to another but that his honour would not permit him now to desist from the recovery of the Dukedom of Milan which was his wherein if the Pope and Venetians would assist him they should finde him very ready for the future to do any thing which might be for the common peace and safety but that it was in vain to attempt the union of the Christian Princes and the settlement of the affairs of Italy without this To which purpose and in witness of his good will he sent Lodouico Canosa Bishop of Bayeux to Rome and to Venice But howsoever there was more noise of Wars heard then effects seen so as many moneths being spent in these transactions with great variety of counsels and opinions Peace and League was at last with great solemnity concluded between Cesar and the Venetians the particulars whereof were these That the Venetians should possess the Cities Towns Villages and other places of their Dominionâ— in the same Iurisdiction as now they did That they should pay two hundred thousand Crowns to Cesar within the space of eight years That the Citizens of their State who had adhered to Cesar should return into their Country and should be received into favour all faults being forgiven to such of their Citizens as had followed Cesar 's party to whom in lieu of their confiscated goods five thousand Ducats of yearly Revenue should be assigned That restitution of all places taken should be made by all parties as was agreed upon at Worms which as soon as it should be performed in its other parts the Venetians should be bound to disburse thirty eight thousand Ducats as was likewise determined by the agreement at Worms That it should be lawful for the subjects of the Venetians as also for Cesar 's subjects to live freely and commerce in either of their Dominions and that they should be civilly and lovingly treated as subjects of the same Country That for the defence of Milan Sforza for whom Cesar engaged his word should be bound to maintain continually in time of Peace five hundred Curassiers and that the Venetians should maintain as many but that in time of War the number should be increased to eight hundred Curassiers five hundred Light Horse and six thousand Foot with an answerable Train of Artillery and that Charls should be obliged to do as much for the defence of the State of Venice and they all of them promised to hinder for as much as in them lay the coming of any victuals to any Enemies Army which should come to the prejudice of their
States It was also added that the Venetians should be particularly obliged to defend the Kingdom of Naples in time of War with five and twenty armed Gallies which defence was intended to be made against Christian Princes and when the Commonwealth should not be busied in any Turkish war The Kings of Poland Hungary and Portugal the Duke of Savoy Commonwealth of Florence Antonio Adorno Duke of Genua the House of Medici and the Marquis of Monferato were included as friends to all parties concerned in this confederacy and the Pope and King of England were named as Keepers and Conservators of these Articles The Peace being thus concluded Lorenzo Priâ—li and Andreâ— Navagiero were chosen Embassadors to be sent from Venice to the Emperour and Carlo Contarini to the Archduke Cesar's brother to congratulate this renewed confederacy and to witness the Senates desire to continue in friendship with the House of Austria And because Trivultio Governour of the Venetian Militia depended much upon the French party that charge was taken from him yet they were very civil to him in their words and seemed very well satisfied with his service offering him a pension of three thousand crowns a year if he would live in the Commonwealth as a private man till a better time and occasion should happen But he refusing all offers would return to France This place under the same Title of Commissary General and upon the same conditions as Trivulcio had served was given to Francisco Maria della Rouere Duke of Urbine he and his State being protected by the Commonwealth against whosoever should molest it They discharged themselves to the King of France answerable to the time and occasion excusing this their resolution partly by reason of the slowness of his provisions by which their hopes which were grounded upon his forces and assistance were too much weakned and partly by reason of the Pope's commands that they might no longer hinder nor delay the Treaty of universal peace which he did so affectionately propound and desire But the resolution the King of France put on when he was assured of the League made between Cesar and the Senate was certainly very strange differing from the common opinion of men and very void of reason Whence it may be conceived how hard it is to know the secret thoughts of Princes by any force of argument or by the rules of ordinary reason or to foresee their actions before they be done King Francis who being entreated and solicited by the Venetians to come into Italy when he might hope to be received and assisted by the Commonwealth which he in his own judgment knew to be of great concernment was either averse thereunto or at least but cool therein now when he wanted such friendship and aid when he was sure to meet with great opposition in Italy where all were become his enemies when the dangers and difficulties appeared to be greatest resolved to undertake the business of Milan But the Duke of Burbon's rebellion being at this time discovered so as he had reason to apprehend danger at home he was forced to forbear that his fervency at that time so as tarrying himself with part of his forces in France he sent Monsieur di Boniuette Admiral of France into Italy with two thousand Lanciers and twelve thousand Foot of several Nations Though Prospero Colonna was not ignorant of these preparations yet did he not so much consider them as the importancy of the affair required But when the French Army began to move and that those suspicions proved true which he would not credit before he assembled speedily all the men he could and came first to the banks of the Tesino hoping to hinder the enemies passage which quickly finding he could not do he entred with part of his souldiers into Milan and with the rest encreased the Garrisons of Pavia and Cremona abandoning Lodi to the end that he might not weaken the more important places by dividing his small forces into so many Garrisons The Venetians being advertised hereof that they might readily make good their new confederacy ordered their Curassiers to go towards the banks of Oglio and resolved at the same time to raise six thousand Foot and four hundred Light Horse for the defence of the State of Milan and other three thousand to dispose of in the Garrisons of their Cities They made Lunardo Emo Commissary General of the Army and acquainted the Duke of Urbine that he would come speedily into Lombardy to execute the place which he had taken upon him But the Admiral being quickly past over the mountains and it being said that he advanced with his Army to pass over the Tesino the Venetians resolved to bring their men into Giaradada to secure the Cities of Bergamo and Crema and that they might be the readier to succour Milan And because the Duke was long a coming they sent a Secretary of the Pregadi to hasten him But the French having taken up their quarters between Binasco and Bigrassa twelve miles distant from Milan and the Duke not being as yet come unto the Army they were doubtful whether they should pass over the Oglio or no. Thinking it then the safer way to bring their Army which they understood the French intended to assault into some strong place upon the Banks of Ada where it might be free from that danger So the Venetian Camp was at last brought to Pontivico whither the Duke of Urbin came within a few days Not far from hence was the Marquis of Mantua encamped with other forces Wherefore Colonna did earnestly desire both of them that they would joyn together and enter into Lodi which was not yet possess'd by the Enemy But they both of them refused to do it the Marquis saying that he would go with his men to succour Parma holding himself bound to do so as being a Souldier of the Church and the Venetians General because he thought he could not do it without much danger So as Lodi being abandoned by all fell easily into the French-mens hands Who having resolved to succour the Castle of Cremona sent to Marignano Frederico Bozzole with 6000 Foot and 400 Launciers wherewith they began to straiten the City which having within it 4000 Foot and 100 Curassiers did manfully defend it self and beat back the French several times Yet Cesar's Embassadour and the Duke of Millans did earnestly intreat the Senate of Venice that their men might pass as soon as might be over the River Oglio and incamp in some strong situation in the Territories of Cremona that so by raising jealousies in the French they might keep them from persisting in the Enterprize of Cremona But the French intended nothing but Milan before which they were sate down and that they might keep it from being relieved endeavour'd to hold those forces which might assist the Besieged busied else where For which their intention it made much that they should keep their men at Caravaggio and Montia in the
Italy for all his Armies unfortunate success nor any whit abated his former fervency but being the rather more incens'd for that the Imperialists not content to have defended the State of Milan had endeavoured to trouble him in his own Kingdome and to provoke the King of England against him had been very sollicitous and carefull in providing all things necessary for his own comming very speedily and very strong into Italy which he might the easier do by reason that all his men were returned safe into France The Venetians were much troubled at these mighty and important preparations of the French Not only in relation to the great expences and disturbances to which they were obliged by the League which they had made with Cesar for the defence of the State of Milan but for fear of their own affairs The King appearing to be very much offended with them not only for what they had at first done against him but for that being afterward desired to re-assume their friendship with him they would not forego Cesar and for that Martino Bouolino being lately come to Venice in the names of the Lords of the three Leagues to intreat and exhort the Senate to renew their ancient confederacy with the French the Senate persisting in their opinion and justifying their last actions by the necessity of the times and by the Popes command said they could not at the present satisfie their desires by reason of their new League which they could not be faulty to without some marks of infamy and peradventure not without some danger Therefore things continuing in their former condition and the French Army passing notwithstanding over the Mountains the Venetians made all their Souldiers which were in the several Garrisons of the State be brought to the Territories of Verona and having thereof framed the body of an Army they commanded the Duke of Urbiâ— and the Commissary Pesaro to come speedily thither and there to expect Orders from them But the Pope being more afraid and full of jealousies did continually sollicite the Venetians to keep inviolably in good intelligence with him and in reciprocal good will and to proceed always with one and the same advice and counsel since the respects were the same in them both for the defence of their own particular States and for the common Liberty of Italy He commended their keeping fast to the Imperialists and their minding the defence of the State of Milan if they really thought they could do it but that if they should see they were not able to resist the powerful Forces of France they should begin betimes to reconcile themselves with the most Christian King not tarrying to make peace upon unreasonable conditions when the King should use such insolencies towards them as do usually accompany the victories and good fortune of Princes That they must consider the power of the French was very great and apt to turn the whole State of Italy upside down Since to boot with the numerous Army which the King brought with him his Forces that had defended Marcelles now that that City was freed from danger were imbarked for Italy and bent against the Kingdom of Naples And on the contrary that all the Emperours designs upon the Kingdom of France were proved vain and no less then the rest their hopes grounded upon the Duke of Burbones rebellions That the King of England growing apprehensive of the Emperours too much greatness gave certain signs that he would not keep the capitulations made with him Wherefore if it should be thought fit for the Church and the Commonwealth to think of an accommodation with the Christian King they must not lose time which was to their manifest danger and prejudice But that they should rather send sufficient commission to their Embassadour Marco Foscari who was at Rome to intervene and listen to those Treaties which were already promised by the French Which things though they were propounded by the Pope by the way of advice yet it was evident that he was inclined to a new confederacy with the French to secure the State of the Church and State of Florence which he had the greater care of because the Duke of Albany being to pass through Tuscany to the prejudice of Cesar's affairs the Florentines were exposed to more certain and nearer danger But the Pope cloaking this particular Interest as much as he could labour'd to prove that his only aim was at universal peace and to free Italy from War for the common good of Christendom and that he labour'd to break the business to the King of France to dispose him the easilier to an agreement with Charles and Ferdinand of Austria To which purpose he said he would send as he did afterwards his Almner Mattheo Giberto to entreat the King to make peace with Cesar. But which commission even then as was afterwards known to negotiate particular conventions for himself and for the Florentines the Commonwealths interest being neither wholly left out nor wholly considered But the Senate were of opinion that no greater necessity appearing they were not to forego their friendship and confederacy with Cesar as unwilling to shew so much inconstancy as also not to make the Emperour their Enemy before they had more certainty of the King of France his good will And therefore they had resolved that their men should enter in to the Dukedom of Milan for Cesars service But the Duke of Urbin not obeying this order suddenly gave them to understand that it was very dangerous for the affairs of the Commonwealth to pass at that time so forward with the Army for by securing the State of Milan so early by their forces they gave the Enemy occasion to turn elsewhere and peradventure upon their Commonwealth that therefore they might expect till the French Army was passed over the River Sisa and then put their resolution in effect But the French without any delay came into the State of Milan before it was thought they would have done so as the whole Army drew near the City and got into the Suburbs by the Gate Ticinese before the City which was but ill provided of Rampiers and victuals could be sufficiently succour'd So as all the Imperial Commanders together with their men that were within the Town were glad to retreat suddenly the Duke of Bourbon the Viceroy and Sforza went to Soncino and the Marquis of Piscara to Lodi But their chief care was how to Garrisonnize the City of Pavia very strongly which they thought might be better defended then any of the other Cities They therefore put Antonio da Leva thereinto with three hundred Curassiers and five thousand Foot part Spanish part Dutch all of them being old Souldiers Thus did the French easily get Milan which was abandoned by the Imperialists But the King would not suffer the Souldiers to enter the Town to preserve it from sacking At the same time Iohn Stuart Duke of Albany sent by the King of France to assault the Kingdom
said King not to offend one another nor to assist or favour either others enemies whereby some hopes of Peace was commenc'd and moreover the Venetians agreed to renew their former interrupted confederacy with the King but with a particular condition of not being bound to assist him in this present business These things being privately concluded the Senate excusing themselves for not making their men advance answered the Emperour's Agents who still prest for a resolution That they could not disobey the Pope the rather for that it was hoped Peace would ensue thereupon whereof the Pope with Cesar's consent had begun to Treat they therefore would not interrupt it by fomenting the War or occasioning the prolongation thereof The agreement being thus established the King sent Monsieur di Ron Cafore to congratulate the concluded League and to testifie his continual good will towards the Commonwealth though through the malignity of times and through various accidents their friendships had been interrupted He exhorted the Senate not to trust the Imperialists and promised that he would never forego the Common-wealths friendship He afterwards desired that this League which was privately concluded should be presently published wherein he found the Venetians of the same opinion thinking it would be a means that when the Imperialists should know those Forces were now against them which they hoped would have helped them to make them quit the possession of that Dukedom which they knew they could not keep and so come to some agreement whereas on the contrary nourishing themselves with hope of being assisted by the Venetians they would continue making provision for war and growing in time stronger it would be harder to come to any agreement afterwards But the Pope advised the contrary alledging That it was fit this confederacy should be kept secret to the end of reducing the Imperialists to greater necessity and danger which they would be when the French should be past over the Po as they said they would do promising that they would pass back again whensoever the Pope should please but he was forc'd almost to discover it being to grant passage to the Duke of Albenyes men who was sent as hath been said by the King of France into the Kingdom of Naples Wherefore the Pope seeming as if the Duke had violently usurped licence to pass with his men thorow the State of the Church and Tuscany and that he was wholly minded to stand a Neuter and to endeavour a general Peace He began to proceed with protestations admonishing both the Princes to lay down Arms and to put whatsoever either of them was possessed of in the State of Milan into his hands that so they might come to make a firm Peace wherefore the Imperialists growing jealous that the Pope had agreed secretly with the King of France as indeed he had and might seek to bring over the Venetians also to the French party they offered the Senate to refer the investing of Francisco Sfâ—rza to them and the pitching upon what sum of money the Duke should pay unto the Imperialists for it which the Venetians refused to do saying That such a decision did not belong unto them but to the Pope There were many things which past at the same time between the Imperialists and the King of England to move him to make War the next year against the King of France to the which purpose the Cavalier Cassal was come to the Imperial Camp which made the Imperialists more fervent in their own defence for that they hoped the King of France being molested in his own Kingdoms might be forced to pass speedily back again over the mountains to defend his own affairs the convention made between him and the Pope and the Venetians being not yet published For the news being confirmed of great preparations made by the King of England which was thought would make the French turn their forces elsewhere the Venetians did not much minde the divulging of it But the event of the business of Lombardy and of all those councels was finally to depend upon the success of Pavia the Siege whereof continued longer then was expected whereat the Pope and the Venetians were exceedingly troubled not so much for that the length thereof did much defacilitate the good end of the business as that they feared the French Commanders impatient of so long delay might perswade the King to come to a day of Battel with the Enemy whereby together with that Army the safety of their States and of the Liberty of all Italy would be put to the arbitriment of Fortune and Italy having no other means of making opposition would be left in prey to the Imperialists if they should prove victorious Whereat the Venetian Senate being troubled they did very much solicite Ronchfancora laying before him that the interest of the Confederates and the Kings own safety and glory and victory did wholly consist not in hazarding any thing but in making good use of time and of his enemies disorders and wants The like desires the Pope made likewise known to Alberto da Carpi Embassadour at Rome and did also send an express messenger with the same desires to the Camp But all these endeavours did but little good the King shewing himself every day more and more resolved not to rise from before Pavia but rather if the Enemy should draw nearer come unto a Battel whereby he was unnecessitated to hazard his own fortune and the like of his confederates which were all exposed to danger Wherefore the Pope the Venetians and Florentines resolveâ— to joyn in a defensive League for the preservation of their own States being to this purpose to take ten thousand Switzers into pay upon the common expence and each of them to encrease their own forces as much as they could which things whilst they were slowly and with various resolutions discuss'd the rout of the French Army ensued together with the death of many of the chief Lords of the Kingdom and the imprisonment of the Kings own person The Cesarians were come from Lodi to relieve Pavia which was reduced to a great scarcity of all things they being gotten to be strong enough and for Foot almost equal to the French Army though far inferiour to them in Horse and drawing near to the French Camp they forced the King either to suffer them to relieve Pavia or to come to a day of Battel the thing which they desired that they might put their desperate affairs to the utmost tryal and fortune favouring their forwardness they had the opportunity of assaulting the King in the Park where he contrary to the opinion of his best experienced Commanders would needs stay So as the French not being able to come into the field till it was too late nor to make use of their Horse wherein they did exceed the enemy the whole Army was routed and put to flight and the King taken Prisoner Monsieur d'Alanson only escaping with the Reer This so great and
with all men and who was then Moderator in the weightiest affairs of Princes touching preventing Italy from the eminent dangers threatned her by Cesar's greatness wherein they hoped to finde that King the readier because it was very like that such a Victory would purchase Charles much envie and might alienate the minde of Henry more from him who being haughty and ambitions would unwillingly see him so eminent above all others and to become Lord of Italy Yet the Venetiens finding the Pope still inclined to accord with the Imperialists they as resolving not to part wholly from his courses began to think upon some conditions and therefore the Viceroy having sent Iovan Sermento to Venice to give them an account of the victory they treated very civilly with him seeming to bear good will to Cesar and ordered Lorenzo Priuly and Ardrea Navagiero who being formerly destined to be sent to Charles had by publick directions tarried at Genua to pursue their journey and go to Spain to congratulate with him for the Victory which he had wonne and to excuse their slowness in sending their men to his Camp But Charles when he had received the news of his Armies so prosperous success though he did inwardly rejoice being inflamed with a desire of glory and Empire and hoped for better things yet shewing great moderation in his words and outward appearance he said he would as it became him to do use this signal favour which God had been pleased to bestow upon him to the service of Christendome and to universall agreement Wherefore he sent the Duke of Sesta not long after to the Pope to proffer him peace and to assure him that he very much desired the Peace and Tranquillity of Italy He made the like be done to the Venetian Senate by his Embassadour Alfonso Sauces and by his Secretary Caracciolo who was not as yet gone from Venice But the more the Cesareans seemed to desire Peace and League with the Italian Potentates at a time when they might rather expect to be desired then to desire others they gave the more suspition that their secret thoughts were pernitious to the Liberty of Italy The Venetians did therefore temporize neither concluding nor excluding these Treaties and this the rather because Propositions made unto them by the French caused them to suspend their judgements Gasparo Lormano being come at the same time to Venice being sent thither by the King's Mother who was then Queen Regent of France who shewing That the Kingdome feared no offences that it had fores sufficient and ready enough to be imploy'd in the recovery of their King desired the Senate that they would not abandon so glorious a cause and so advantagious for their Commonwealth but that they would joyn with the Lords of France to set her Son at liberty by force of Arms whereby the safety and liberty of Italy would likewise be had To which desires the Senate shewing first the great resentment they had of the Kings misfortune and that they wish'd very well to the honour and welfare of the Crown of France did not as yet give any positive answer but reply'd only that the weightiness of the proposition required time and advisedness to ground any solid resolution thereon But in the mean while the Pope who had sent the Archbishop of Capua to that purpose to Spain ratified the agreement which was formerly made with the Viceroy including the Senate of Venice if they would declare their consent thereunto within twenty days Wherefore the Senate was almost necessitated to dispatch the treaty by many though unresolved endeavours with the Emperours Embassadours and that they might accommodate the most important businesses for some others remained undecided Pietro Pesaro was sent to Milan to negotiate with the Viceroy But the French did not for all this forbear pressing their desires not having altogether quitted their hopes of making the Venetians joyn with them though the Popes authority and advice had as then drawn them to be of a contrary opinion They therefore sent the Bishop of Baiosa to Venice and Ambrogio da Fiorenza who in the name of the Queen Regent and of the whole Kingdom did upon more mature advice make better grounded proposals then the first were touching the League and freedom of the King in which respect but much more because every day new and clearer signs were discovered of Cesars ambition and of his Counsellours designs which were all bent to make him absolute Master of Milan and to put a yoke upon Italy the French Embassadours had attentive audience given them in the Colledge and the business was taken into new consideration and put into a way of Treaty At this time the Marquis of Pescara was come into Milan with 3000 Foot 200 Curassiers and a good number of light Horse and had desired the Duke that he would cause the Castle of Milan together with the like of Cremona to be delivered up unto him publiquely affirming that he was sent by Cesar to take possession of Milan in whose name all exactions expeditions and the whole administration of Government was made and he endeavour'd to make all the Cities swear Fealty unto him Wherein though the Pope did appear very much in striving to make Cesar keep his articles of confederacy and assign over the State of Milan to Duke Francisco Sforza yet it did no good sometimes one reason sometimes another being alledged for the delay thereof and amongst the rest that he had treated of delivering up the Castle of Milan to the Venetians A thing which was never so much as thought upon much less negotiated by any of the parties These things did alienate the minds of the Venetians from the Emperour dayly more and more and increased their jealousies and made them not adhibite faith to what Gaspero Contarino who was their Embassadour with Cesar did inform them of being made to do so by him that Cesars mind stood well affected to the quiet of Italy and to a general peace Therefore the Venetians seeking out an occasion to break off the treaty of agreement proposed divers difficulties the chief whereof was that the Duke of Milan being one of the principal Contractors the League could not be well concluded if it were not first known what was to become of him and of his State The dispatch whereof was thought to be cunningly delayed which made them believe that these calumnies were forged which were laid upon Sforza thereby to bereave him of his State with an intention to keep it though large promises were made that it should be given to the Duke of Bourbone or to any other that the Collegues should like of The Pope likewise beginning to discover these artificial proceedings of the Imperialists did no longer believe any thing they said Wherefore to proceed speedily against the common danger he resolved to joyn in a good and strict intelligence with the Venetians quickly since there would be some difficulties in concluding the French in the
League which would cause longer delay a thing very prejudicial to the present business The agreement was then concluded by the Pope on the one side who ingaged himself for the Church and for the Republique of Florence and on the other side by the Duke and Senate of Venice By which agreement it was said That these Potentates did joyn together to avoid the eminent dangers as they had been taught by the experience of times past and to lay more solid foundations for the quiet and safety of Italy and for their own particular States That each Prince should take upon him the protection of the other Princes States and persons that all the Confederates should run the same fortune that not any one of them should treat with any other Princes in any thing which might be repugnant hereunto that they should succour each other with 4000 Foot 400 Curassiers 300 Light Horse and with greater numbers also according as their several needs should require Hereunto was added that the Venetians should be bound to protect the greatness of the Medici and suppress such commotions as should be raised against them by any seditious Citizens and particularly to favour and assist whosoever the Pope should place in the City of Florence as head of that Government These things being thus accommodated the Pope beginning now to be more sensible of that true fear which he slighted before gave straightways order to the Marquis of Mantuâ— that he should go with the Curassiers into the parts about Parma and was very diligent in continuing the Treaty of bringing the Grisone Foot and the Switzers which being formerly begun was but slowly prosecuted And on the other side the Venetians resolved to increase their Army to the number of 10000 Foot to raise 300 light Horse more in Greece to bring other Commanders and to provide for their own safeties in every thing being much encouraged in all this by the King of England who growing jealous of Cesars greatness and perhaps envying his glory discover'd himself to be very much displeased with the success at Pavia and with the King of France his being made Prisoner affirming that he was ready to do any thing whereby to free the King and to keep Italy in safety The Italian Potentates being thus agreed there was hopes of easie coming to an union with France but the Treaty was proceeded in in a diverse manner and in somewhat a diversity of affection for the Pope thinking that he had put some stop to the present dangers by the already made confederacy and that he might enjoy better conditions from Cesar and have them better observed proceeded coolly in the agreement with the French the rather for that since the coming of the Duke of Sessa to Rome who was sent thither by Charles to attest his desire of peace and his willingness to restore the Dukedom of Milan to Francisco Sforza always provided that he should prove innocent and if he should be found guilty he would invest his Brother Maximillian Sforza thereinto But on the contrary the Venetians were very fervent in their endeavours that they might come to a speedy agreement with the French fearing lest the Spaniards proffers might tend to no other end then to break the Treaty of the League and to slacken the provisions for War And fearing likewise lest the Queen by reason of these slow and irresolute counsels of the Italian Princes witnessing either their not very great good will towards that Kingdom or their weakness in forces and that being resolved to do all that she could for the release of her Son she would at last make some conditions with Cesar with whom some Treaties to this purpose were known to be already begun Therefore the business with the French proceeded on with some diversity and uncertainty not coming to any settled conclusion The quantity and quality of the forces which the Collegues were to put together for the common service of the League was already agreed upon To wit 30000 Foot â— 4000 Curassiers and 3000 light Horse to be imploy'd in such service in Italy as might prove more advantagious The French were moreover bound to make War with Cesar upon the Confines of Spain and other articles were in Treaty when in the beginning of the year 1526. unexpected News came to Venice That an agreement was made between the Emperour and the King of France whereby the King was to be set at liberty and peace and good intelligence was to be had between these two Princes which was to be strengthened by the tye of Matrimony the King being to marry the Lady Leonora Cesars Sister and Cesar to marry the King of Portugals Sister and the Dukedom of Milan was to be given to the Duke of Burbone who was likewise to marry the Lady Renea the Kings Neece A thing which had been formerly feared but not now so much as before for that the Queen did constantly affirm that she had sent her Embassadour Alberto Carpi who was then at Rome sufficient commission to conclude the League The Pope and the Venetians were sorely troubled at these tidings but this their trouble was somewhat mitigated out of a common opinion that King Francis would not observe his articles made with Cesar. The which was the rather believed because it was said that he was departed very ill satisfied with his Treatment whilst he was a Prisoner and much worse with the agreement it self whereby to purchase his liberty he was forc'd to put Charles into the possession of Burgony To know whether he was really disposed to do thus or no and to increase this desire in him the Senate sent Andrea Rosso Secretary to the Pregadi immediately away to France to treat upon this important business and the Pope taking the like course sent Paolo Vittori thither with the same direction Nor was it hard to draw the King thereunto for at the very first speech which he had with these he complain'd very much of Cesar for having dealt severely with him in all things He said That he would not be wanting to the welfare and safety of Italy if the Italian Princes would not be wanting unto themselves Which he would quickly witness being ready to joyn with them and to make good whatsoever had been formerly negotiated and for the most part concluded with the Queen his Mother and the Kingdom that therefore they should exhort their Princes to send them sufficient authority there for they should always find him ready and constant in this point and in the same mind for what concern'd the common good He said he hoped that the King of England would be of the like intention and no less desirous to abate Cesars greatness and to provide for the defence of Italy To whom he would speedily send his Embassadours and could wish the Italian Princes would do the like for it would help the business very much that the Emperours designs might be opposed by the full consent and forces of so many
altered the Colleagues should contribute such Forces as should be requisite to effect it and that when it should be gotten the Pope should determine to whom it should be given so as might make most for the quiet of Italy and so as it were done with the satisfaction of the Confederates without whose consent the Pope promised he would do nothing in that point that the new King who ere he should be should pay the usual Tribute to the Church and 70000 Duckets to the King of France whose pretences should remain entire to that Kingdome if it were not won now This being agreed upon the League was finally concluded in France Don Capona intervening for the Pope and Secretary Andrea Rosso for the State of Venice The end of this Conjunction was specified to be The freeing of the State of Milan from the oppression of the Imperialists the Liberty of Italy and the recovery of the King of France his children adhering for what concerned particularities and preparations for War to what had been formerly treated on and concluded with the Kingdome before the King had his Liberty Yet it was not published till they might know the King of England's resolution who was desired to be one of the chief Contractours For it was thought that his name and authority might adde much to the reputation thereof It was therefore resolved that some should be sent into England from the Colleagues to request Henry that he would quickly declare in the behalf of the Confederate Princes against Cesar. For the Pope there went Iovan Battista Sanya a man of an high spirit and great with the Datario for the King of France Ioan Ioachino and Mark Antonio Veniero for the Venetians who was intended before to be sent Embassadour thether from the Common-wealth But the king of England though he said he was very well inclined to this League and not well affected towards Cesar resolved notwithstanding not to declare himself publickly till he had desired Charles that to gratifie the Colleagues he would set the son of the most Christian King at Liberty and restore the State of Milan to Francisco Sforza which if he would not do he declared he was to denounce war against him in all their names which though it was consâ—nted unto yet the business was prolonged and divers difficulties promoted So as any longer delay being thought to be unseasonable the League between France and the Princes of Italy was published and proclaimed with great solemnity and it was generally thought that the Forces of this League would be able to quel the Imperialists and to drive them out of the State of Milan especially since the Castles of Cremona and Milan held still for Sforza There were at this time in the Venetian Army 1000 foot 900 Curasiers 800 Light-horse and a great many Switzers were suddenly expected taken into pay partly by the Pope and partly by the Venetians and partly by the King of France who when they should be arrived it was resolved that the Colleagues would go to succour the Castle of Milan to attempt the taking of that City and that on the other side the Marquis of Saluzzo should fall down into the Dukedome of Milan wiâ—h the French Curassiers and 10000 foot raised at the Confederates common expence and assault the Cities of Novarra and Alexandria and that in the mean while the Maritime affairs should be prepared to molest the Imperialists in other places and to divide their Forces The Venetians gave order to their Captain Generall and to Commissary Pietro Pesaro to bring their Camp as soon as might be to Chiari in the Territories of Brescia to begin the war and the Pope ordered all his Commanders and souldiers to go into the parts about Parma to the end that being joyned together they might do what should be thought best for the League But this joyning of forces was unseasonably deferr'd by reason of the difficulty in what place the Armies were to meet for Francesco Guicchiardini who was Lieutenant General of the Ecclesiastical Army would not give consent that the Pope's men should go to Cassalle Maggiore as it was first resolved alledging that the State of the Church was not to be abandoned though it was urged on the contrary that they being masters of the field there was no cause of fear This mean while Malatesta Baglione came to Lodi with a Troup of Vinetians where he had private intelligence with Lodovico Vistarlino a Citizen thereof and though there were in it a good Garrison of 1500 foot yet he easily took it and held it in the name of Francisco Sforza After this the whole Venetian Army past over the Poe and two dayes after the Popes men joyn'd with them and they went all to Milan the Duke of Urbane had good hopes to get the City at the first assault for he was informed by some of the Milaneses that the people were up and ready to side with them as soon as their Army should be come to the City and that the Imperial Commanders having already sent away their baggage would soon be gone themselves and give over the defence of the Town This was so verily believed as Lodovico Count di Belgiojoso had desired the Duke of Urbane to give him 2000 Foot with which he offerr'd to relieve the Castle of Milan The whole Army of the Confederates being advanced they quartered in the Monastory del Paradiso toward the Porta Romana with a firm intention to give an assault hoping to win the Suburbe and to lodg there and the enemy being often come forth to skirmish were still valiantly repuls'd by our men but soon after came the Duke of Burbone with a good number of foot and did not onely make good his station against such as skirmished with him but indammaged them on sundry parts so as the Duke of Urbane failing of his hopes of getting the city by assault and fearing lest he might fall into some greater disorder if he should tarry long in those quarters retreated with the whole camp in good order to Marignavo without receiving any prejudice But great hopes having been had by the Armies being drawn near Milan of good success in the Enterprise and there being great necessity of relieving the Castle of Milan the Senate when they heard by their Commissary that the camp was raised were very much amazed and grieved and the Duke to justifie this his act sent Luigi Gonzaga to Venice who might by word of mouth give an account of what was done and of the reasons which had moved the Duke thereunto whereupon the Senate were satisfied but the Pope was not so easily appeased he did not onely complain very much of this action but likewise of the manner of the Dukes proceedings for not having acquainted those that imployed him with his most important counsels which Guicchiardini did aggravate to the Pope by his bad offices done to the Duke being displeased with him because his Discourses were not well listned unto
by the Duke nor had in such consideration as he thought was due to his reputation and degree but were rather despised as comming from one of another profession and who as the Duke had wont to say ought not to meddle in matters which belonged to military men So as to give the Pope satisfaction the Senate ordered the Duke that for the future he should acquaint Guicchiardini with all businesses of importance which were treated of in the Camp All things appertaining to the Fleet were this mean while prepared for that some attempt might be thereby made upon Cesar's Territories The Venetians to this purpose chose Luigi Armero for their Commissary and sent him to Corfu where the other Commissary Iovan Moro was with the Fleet from which Armero was to take 12 Gallies and come along with them with all speed to the Sea Coasts near Rome to joyn with those of the Pope and of the King of France and then joyntly fall uppon such Enterprises as might be for the service of the League Divers things were propounded touching whether the Maritime Forces were to go The Pope desired that they might go into the rivers of Pugliae to break the designes of the Collonesi and to divert their Forces in those parts who having raised 7000 foot and a good number of horse in Naples began to be very formidable unto the Pope But the King of France and the Venetians thought it would be more advantagious for the League to have them go against Genua as well for the fitness of that city for other actions as for that if they should succeed well therein it would add much to the reputation of the League Pietro Navarro was declared Captain General of the Confederates Fleet a man of long experience in war who though he were propounded by the King of France yet he received stipend from the other Confederates but the Gallies belonging to the Church and those of the Commonwealth being already in a readiness those of France were slow in comming with the Captain General which gave them just occasion of dislâ—ke and of no slight suspicion that the King of France his ends aimed onely at his own advantage dispising the interests of the League of which his mind there appeared other signes for but little of 40000 Duckets which he was bound to send into Switzerland for the levying of 10000 Switzers was as yet sent thether whereby the League lost no little reputation And though the Venetians had sent Secretary Sabbadino thether to solicite the raising of those Foot yet could he not much encourage them nor hasten their departure nor was there any news heard of any preparation made by the King to make war upon Cesar on the other side of the Mountains as by his Articles he was bound to do But the King besides some excuses which he made finding how ill the Colleagues were satisfied by their pressing sollicitations or else being conscious of his own faultiness and fearing that therefore the Pope and the Venetians laying aside his interests as he seemed to have little valued theirs might treat of peace with the Emperour apart by themselves sent Monsieur di Sange into Italy to excuse his tardiness with directions that he should first pass thorough Switzerland to sollicite the departure of those of that Nation or at least to make it be beliâ—ved that he had done what he could therein He therefore coming first to Venice and then to Rome used the same endeavours in both places laying the fault of the slowness of the French mens passage into Italy upon the Commanders and other officers and affirming the Kings very great desire to prosecute the war and that he would not onely make good his Articles but exceed them by increasing his Forces for besides the forenamed Fleet he was rigging up many tall Ships in Britannie that he might come forth the stronger and suppress all the Forces that the enemy could make by Sea and that he was no less carefull of levying the Switzers and that by his procurement the general Dyets were summoned wherein all things should be resolved in favour to the League But he chiefly assured them that the King would not treat of any agreement save such as should tend to a generall peace and so as the other Colleagues should be content with The King did likewise attest this his resolution to Iovan Battista Sanga who being sent as aforesaid by the Pope to the King of England stayed some dayes in the Court of France for same business The Venetian Senate taking these assurances very thankfully and seeming fully to believe them answered That they never doubted the King's good intentions towards the Leâ—gue and particularly towards their Commonwealth as knowing both his wisdom and his ancient affection to the Venetians they therefore promised That not only in thâ—â— cause wherein their common interests were concerned but in all other things and at all other times their Will and Forces should be inseparably joyn'd to his And as for any Treaty of Peace they never were averse from it nor had they taken up Arms to any other end but that they might come to a safe peace Therefore as far as it might stand with the Dignity of the League and the Confederates safety they should be very glad of it Yet knowing that such a peace was rather to be desired then hoped for at this time the Pope and the Venetians endeavouring to incite the King's mind the more to War resolved to let him know that if they should get the Kingdom of Naples his Son should be King thereof the Commonwealth retaining such a part thereof as should be answerable to their deserts labour and expence To correspond whereunto the King made a new offer of other three hundred Lanciers and twenty thousand Ducats more monethly for the service of the League if the enterprize of Naples should be undertaken The Commissary Armero was come from Corfu to Terracina with thirteen Galâ—es where meeting with Andrea Doria who was come thither with eight Gallies for the Pope's service they went in company together to Cevita Vecchia and from thence to Ligorn where they met with Pietro Navarro with sixteen of the King of France his Gallies and being resolved to reduce Genua to the King of France his devotion to the great advantage of the Colleagues they made Frederick Fregose who was Archbishop of Salerno head of that Government and came with their Fleet first to Porto Venera which Town together with that of Spetia and with all that part of the River till you come to Monaco yeilded soon to the Colleagues Then dividing the Fleet Dâ—ria and the Veneâ—ian Commissary went to Porto Fino twenty miles from Genua and Navarro with the French Gallies to Savona which City willingly yeilded unto him The first and chief designe of the Leagues Commanders was to keep Genua from being victualled by Sea and the City being but badly provided of victuals and not knâ—wing well how to come by
Council of Ien that he might give an account of his actions and particularly of the Corn which he had suffered to be brought into Genuâ— and why he went not with his Fleet to Carthagena and Augustino de Mala was chosen to be put in his place who was then Commissary in Friuli and who had formerly exercised the like charge at Sea But Armero did so fully clear himself of all the faults that were laid to his charge as he was absolutely acquitted thereof And it was known to be true that the not sending of some men from the camp in Lombardy who might have straitned that City by Land as had been so oft desired by the Commanders at Sea was the cause why the Fleet missed of the fruit of the hoped for victory But the Pope was more troubled at the Viceroys being come into Italy then the rest were and grew more jealous and fearful for it was said that these men that were landed by the Fleet were to joyn with Fronspera's Forces Wherefore the Archbishop of Capua was sent to Gaetta to treat of agreement with the Viceroy and to propound a suspension of Arms till it was concluded But the Viceroy standing upon hard conditions requiring a great sum of money and the assignation of some Cities the Treaty broke off for that time The Pope being somwhat enheartned for that his Army was much encreased in reputation and Forces by the coming of Renzo da Ceri who being sent by the King of France into Italy and having brought the Fleet to Savona was already come into the Ecclesiastical Camp which kept about Rome to suppress the Collonesi But on the other side the Viceroy was the more solicitous in endeavouring to get into the Ecclesiastical State to defend the affairs of the Collonesi to enforce the Pope to quit the League and to contribute some monies to the Army Therefore making forward he went with the Camp to Fursolone hoping to get the Town either by siege or storm having already twelve thousand Foot in his Army But Renzo da Ceri and Alessandro Vitello being come thither with the Churches Forces which were much encreased in number by the Popes diligence in raising new Foot to relieve the Town after some days battery and some slight skirmishes made with them within who sallied boldly out to disturb the Enemy the Imperial camp rise from the Town not having done any thing remarkable and retreated to Cessano and afterwards to Ceperano The Pope being somewhat encouraged by these good successes and beginning to hope well suffered himself easily to be perswaded to enter immediately though it were now in the depth of winter and Ianuary being begun and therewith the year 1527 upon the business of Naples as had been formerly proposed and councelled by the Confederates Wherefore the Venetians ordered Agostina da Mula their Commissary by Sea to go to Cevita Vecchia and that joyning there his Gallies with those of the Popes they should both of them fall upon the enterprise of Naples But the French Fleet being slow in coming the Venetians went to Terracina to take in 3000 Foot brought thither by Horatio Baglione who was set at Liberty by Ciement having been formerly imprisoned by Leo in favour of this undertaking Monsieur di Valdamonte was come to Rome from France to whom as being descended from King Renato the ancient pretences of the house of Anjou to the kingdome of Naples did appertain it being hoped that out of a certain affection which remained yet in the memory of many towards those Princes and towards the French party the presence of Valdamonte might be of some availment whom the League profest they would make King of those States he being to marry the Popes Neece who was daughter to Lorenzo de Medici and was commonly called La Dutchessina d'Urbino Valdemonte being got aboard this Fleet which consisted of 22 gallies with these designes and these hopes they all made towards the Rivers of Naples Renzo being to go by land with 10000 Foot and to enter into Abruzzo Doria went before with his Gallies and assaulted Pozzâ—olo a very opportune place for the Confederates if they should get it by reason of the conveniency of the Haven of Baia but being beat back by the Artillery at his first accost he gave over any further attempt and when the rest of the Leagues Gallies were come up they resolved to batter Castello a mare that they might have a safe receptacle for their Gallies and after having thrown down some parts of the wall the Forces of the Gallies were landed that they might assault it both by land and Sea and Paolo Giustiniano master of one of the Venetian Gallies was the first that entred the Town with his men through a breach made by the Cannon of the Gallies who being followed by the rest the town was taken and sack'd and the Castle yielded not long after After which success almost all the Maritime towns whithersoever the Leagues Fleet came surrendred and if any made resistance it was presently storm'd as was that of Lorento and of Torre del Cervo so as they were in a short time masters of almost all the Rivers and were got very near Naples Renzo was this mean while entred the Kingdome by land having happily pass'd over the river of Tronto and rendred all the Viceroy's endeavours vain who sought to hinder him and beginning prosperously he had reduced into his power the Town of Aquila in Abruzzi and the Counties of Tagliacozzo Alva and Celano Wherefore the Captains of the Fleet being now near Naples and being thereunto invited by these prosperous successes consulted whether they should draw near Naples or no and put for a period to the War They considered That if this city should be won the war might be said to be ended the chief means of raising monies for the maintaining of the war being thereby taken from the enemies and they being thereby driven out of their nest and of their chiefest receptacle by keeping wherein their chiefest hopes of desending that State did consist whereof when they should be deprived their courage would soon fail them so as they might be easily driven out of the whole Kingdome nor was the enterprise so hard but that they might have reason to expect the effecting of it The City was but weakly garrison'd nor was it apt to expose it self to danger nor to undergo the troubles of war or inconveniences of a siege to preserve the insolent Dominion of the Spaniards which was most troublesome to them nor were the Nobles otherwise minded though for fear of their goods they were forced to appear well pleased with that condition They considered further that this disposition of the Neapolitans might easily be increased and that they might be incited to some insurrection by promising the city to forgive the so many debts which it owed unto the chamber and to free them for the future from many grievances if they would be willing to
come himself to Venice to justifie his actions the Senate either being better informed or that they might the better accomodate themselves to the time and affairs would not suffer him to leave the Army but removing away the Guard from his Wife and Son seemed to be satisfied with him But the Venetians since they could not make Lautrech alter his resolution made their men come into Lombardy which were then about fifteen thousand foot having left three thousand five hundred Light Horse with Lautrech for the enterprize of Rome being thereunto moved out of the pressing care which they had of retaining the Towns which they had recovered in the Dukedom of Milan the weight whereof lay only upon the Common-wealth Francisco Sforza being so exhausted of money as he was hardly of himself able to maintain the ordinary Garrisons of the City much less to bring men into the Field as he was bound to do by his Articles and as was necessary to resist the Forces which were prepared by Antonio da Leva Moreover the respect of their own affairs did not a little move them and the fear of bringing the danger home unto themselves bereaving their Country of defence by sending their Forces so far off and especially because they heard that many armed people were gathered together in the parts about Tirol and that great provision of victuals and munition was made in the City of Trent to be sent into Italy And this fear made the greater impression in them because now Ferdinando of Austria who had quieted the affairs of Hungary by the victory he had gotten over Giovan the Vayvod of Transilvania had better conveniency to attend the affairs of Italy as he had oft times seemed very desirous to do Wherefore thinking it necessary to encrease their Army to the number of twenty thousand foot and to make greater provisions to maintain another great War the Senate entreated the King of England that he would be assistant to the Commonwealth and to the cause of Italy by contributing part of the expence in so great a need to the payment of that Army which was to maintain the Liberty of Italy which he had so often promised to defend But the King affirming still that he would make War upon Cesar in Flanders and free Italy from any such danger by diverting his Forces shewed that it was good for the common service to lessen the provisions which were destined for such enterprizes so as the Commonwealth being to be alone at so great expences and the publique Treasury being already much exhausted by the so long War was forc'd to have recourse to many extraordinary ways for the raising of monies Amidst all these preparations for War the business of Peace was not notwithstanding quite laid aside but the Emperour seeming to desire it had several Treaties with the King of France and with the Venetians somtimes apart for particular agreement and somtimes joyntly for a general peace The demands which were made on the King of France his part and on the Venetians were That Cesar should set the King of France his Sons at liberty That he should free the Pope and forgo whatsoever he held that belonged unto the Church That he should restore Francisco Storza Duke of Milan unto his State and that he should remove all his forces out of Lombardy and out of Rome Which Cesar neither wholly accepting of nor yet altogether denying he sought by various difficulties to hold on the more certain resolution chiefly by demanding a great sum of money of the Venetians whereby holding the business on foot but full of doubts he desired to take the advantage of time and to steer his course according to the event of the affairs of Italy and according to the preparations made by his Brother hoping the mean while to conclude the particular agreement with the King of France more to his own advantage to whom as the King acquainted the Venetians afterward he did at last propound The excluding of all the other Colleagues and the appropriating of the State of Milan to himself Whereby and by his first resolution in all his Treaties of having Sforza's cause decided by Judges and that in the mean while he should keep the City of Milan in his own name and with his Garrisons it might easily be conceived that all his Treaties tended only to this that the Confederates Armies being disbanded he might put himself in safe possession of the State of Milan so as all thoughts of Peace being laid aside War was again denounced by the Confederates to Cesar wherein thinking that it might make much for their advantage if they could draw the Duke of Ferara and the Marquis of Mantua into the League and having tryed them both they concluded with the Duke of Ferara to receive him into their League upon condition that he should maintain two hundred Curassiers at his own charges in the Colleagues Army and that he should contribute ten thousand Ducats monethly for the space of six moneths towards the payment of the Foot For which the Confederates were to take him and his State into their protection After which agreement a large and stately Palace which did formerly belong to him in Venice was restored unto him But the Treaty was somwhat more difficult with the Marquis of Mantua for he desired to be declared Captain General of the League in Lautrech's absence To which the Venetians would not consent in respect of the Duke of Urbine But at last Girallimo Zane Podesta of Verona being gone to Mantua in the publique name to treat of this business he concluded it without that condition taking the person and the State of the Marquis into the Confederates protection But Cesar seeing he was to make his party good against so many enemies and desiring to make his cause appear less dishonest and by so doing to sever the King of England perhaps from the rest of the Confederates he resolved at last to give the Pope his Liberty To which purpose he sent sufficient commissions to the Viceroy and to Don Hugo di Moncada who being dead the Viceroy concluded the Agreement The Pope being to leave according to former Articles Ostia Civita Vecchia and Civita Castellana in the Emperour's possession and paying the same sum of money though with some further respite of time And passing his word above all things else that he would not oppose Cesar in the affairs of Naples nor of Milan The Colleagues in the beginning of the year one thousand five hundred twenty eight prepared to make War with most powerful forces both by Land and Sea and chiefly to fall upon the Kingdom of Naples as the King of France had long before desired and intended Wherefore he prest the Venetians that they would encrease their Gallies to the number of twenty four according to the first capitulations But they said they had fully made good their promise with the former sixteen because of these there were eight Bastard Gallies every
Which we may assure our selves of if we will reflect upon the many calamities whereinto we were led not many years ago by the like accident and through the too great desire of preserving these Cities the names whereof I wish may not prove fatal and as it were the original of many troubles to our Commonwealth The memory hereof is so fresh and so unfortunate as such an acquisition ought at all times to be abhorr'd by us Is this the first time that occasion hath been offer'd us amidst the so great revolution of the Affairs of Italy to possess our selves of these Cities Have we not been often invited thereunto of late years by the French And if we will remember well we shall find we have formerly had both better opportunity and juster occasion to do it both when the Pope hath had bad success and in the vacancy of the Popedom and when he shew'd himself to be an Enemy to the State Yet this very Senate hath always wisely dispised such invitations esteeming the loss certain and the benefit of such an acquisition but seeming And we ought now to continue the rather in the same opinion for that this small addition to our State if we were sure to keep in free and peaceable possession of these Cities it doth either block up the way of advancing to greater and more noble acquisitions or doth make it more difficult for if we succeed well in the business of Naples as we may hope to do if the Pope declare himself for the League or at least appear not an Enemy to it we shall recover many Towns in the parts about Puglia which belong unto us by articles which both by the condition of the Country by the conveniency of Havens and for the affection of those people towards our Commonwealth do in themselves and in hopes of greater matters deserve to be esteemed by us equal with whatsoever other acquisition the Commonwealth can make But I beseech you how do you think the King of France or the King of England will interpret our refusal or prolonging the delivery of Cervia and Ravenna to the Pope they being required by him Doth not the King of England profess that he engageth himself in this War only in regard of the Church and Pope as being desirous to preserve the name which he hath gotten of being Defender of the Faith And the King of France to whom as we have lately understood from our Embassadour the Pope hath intimated that he will enter into the League if he have these Towns restored what will he think of us if he shall see that we do neglect the so important Interests of the common Confederacy and yet it is in the friendship and assistance of these Princes that we must place our hopes We shall assuredly be drawn by their entreaty and by necessity to do that which now we shall deny to do and yet shall we lose all our thanks for this action from the Pope from whom we may expect so many favours and so much advantage and lose the praise of having defended the Dignity and State of the Church to which our Commonwealth hath always aspired And to say nothing of what hath been done by our Fore-fathers famous and worthy actions have not we our selves even now been at very great expence and hazarded our men to so many dangers to free the Pope out of prison and to drive the Imperialists out of the Churches Dominions Who will certainly have a fair pretence to keep those Towns which are in their hands when they shall see the same done by us since by our example they may cloak their designs with some excuse and seeming honesty But since I have heard those that are of a contrary opinion object more against the unseasonableness of the time then against the thing it self let us confider I beseech you whether being to do it it be not better for us to do it now then to defer it to another time and to another occasion Really I cannot see what more advantage can be hoped for from the resignation of those Towns then that which is now propounded since the Popes friendship can never make more for our advantage then at the present when it lies in his power either to further or obstruct our good success in the Kingdom of Naples according as he shall shew himself favourable or an Enemy to the League But if the affairs of War shall prove amiss as the worst is always to be feared for the end of War doth often differ from the beginning nay I will say more let what will happen if Cesar and the King of France shall agree as we very well know what Cesar hath often said that though he should lose the Kingdom of Naples intirely it will be in his power to re-have it whilst he hath so good a pawn in his hands as the Kings Sons What will be our condition when we shall be abandon'd by the King of France have the King of Spain our Enemy the Pope so far from befriending us that he will not be well satisfied with us and perhaps necessitated by contracts made with other Princes as it fell out in the times of Julio and of Leo to prosecute and offend us The fortune of the Common-wealth is not yet so well settled after so many storms as that we ought to lanch forth into the same Sea without fear of more dangers We by the good advice of temporizing have even in our greatest adversities not only saved but recovered our Commonwealth and her ancient Dignity more then we could have done by force of Arms. We may also hope for more prosperous success in the future if we walk in the same way But howsoever we ought always to endeavour to carry our selves so in all our actions as though better fortune may peradventure be wish'd for to our Common-wealth yet it may not be wish'd that this Senate had been wiser These words wrought much upon the Senators though most of them were formerly of another opinion Wherefore Luigi Mocenico who was one of the chief of the Colledg who had advised the Senate to dismiss the Popes Nuntio with an express negative standing up spoke thus If we shall regulate our thoughts and our opinions according to the various interpretations that may be given them and not according to reason we shall proceed so diversly and with such uncertainty in all our affairs as we shall make chance the guide of our counsels But certainly our actions have been such and such our intentions towards the common good and particularly towards the Apostolique See as there is no cause to doubt our faith and sincerity Have we seized upon the Cities of Cervia and Ravenna by force or rest them from the obedience of the Church to bring them under our Dominion Is it not well known that being sought unto for help by the Governour of Ravenna and knowing what danger that City was in of falling into the Imperialists hands
were overcome Moreover monies which came to him from France falling far short of expectation and being not sufficient to pay the Souldiers he feared that if the business should be spun out at length he should not be able to maintain the Army But Lautrech's nature was more prevalent with him then all other reasons he not being accustomed willingly to listen to or to value the opinion of others or to forgoe that advice which he had once thought to be well taken So as though he had every day reason to alter his minde and to accommodate himself unto the times yet would he never give way to remove his quarters nor to give leave to any one to be gone till extream necessity infor'd him to do that which reason should have perswaded him unto For many dying dayly not onely of the private souldiers but of the most principal personages as Luigi Pisano and Pietro Pesaro both of them Venetian Commissaries and not long after Valdemonte many others who fell dayly sick were carried to Gaetta and to other neighbouring places and others without leave abandoned the Camp But Lautrech was yet more molested at another accident which broke all his hopes of good success Andrea Doria not being satisfied with the French left the Kings service and took pay of Cesar. Many things had happened which had alienated Doria from the French but especially a disdain which he conceived for not being esteemed or rewarded as he thought according to his deserts he not having obtained the place of being Admiral at Sea which honour was at this time conferr'd upon Monsieur de Barbesi nor been able to procure that his Country Genua should have the superiority over Savona as she had formerly had many signes having already appeared of this his ill satisfaction the Pope had begun formerly to suspect Doria and had signified as much into France exhorting that he might be kept better affected to the League and not to suffer him to bethink himself of passing over to the Enemy with so many Maritime forces to the great prejudice of the common Affairs But the King being at this time jealous of all the Popes proceedings his advices were of less authority with him Yet the King finding this at last to be true and thinking it a business worth consideration and not knowing how to remedy it or being peradventure desirous to free himself of this expence without being thereby disadvantaged he earnestly entreated the Pope that he would take Doria into his pay whom he found inclined to serve the Church and not to suffer Cesar's forces to be so much increased by the addition of his Gallies The Pope seemed to have the same desire but being loth to do any thing which might displease the Emperour excused himself as not being able to do it adding that when he should by the Kings means have recovered Ravenna and Cervia he might more freely lay some tax upon the Ecclesiastical estate and apply it hereunto Wherefore Doria agreed with Cesar to serve him with 12 Gallyes and to receive for his sallary sixty thousand Duckeâ—s a year This alienation of Doria's was very prejudicial to the Colleagues and to the business of Naples for the Venetian Gallies being now left alone were forced to quit the works about the Trenches which their Slaves wrought upon and to fall to guard the Seas and Admiral Barbesi being come with 16 Gallies from France not daring to go to Naples stay'd loytering at Savona having landed many of the foot which were destined to relieve Lautrech that they might guard Genua so as things more grievous and more prejudicial arising every day from this accident the League went daily less in reputation and those of the Kingdome who favour'd the French were as much discouraged as they were before inheartned and put in hopes by Brunswick's rout Yet to make good the enterprise of Naples as much as might be there were some Barons who depended upon the French partie as the Duke of Gravina the Duke of Castro the Prince of Melsi whose ransome not being payd by the Imperialists had made him turn over to the French and some other principal personages who raised some number of Foot to assist Lautrech and to maintain the reputation of the League and of the French in the Kingdom But Lautrech could not make any speedy use answerable to the present occasion of the men that were with Renzo in Civita Vecchia by reason of the Pope's dubious counsels who being press'd first by Lautrech in high tearmes and little less then threats to declare himself for the King and afterwards in a more submissive manner and and with promise to re invest his family in their Country could not notwithstanding be brought to any settled resolution seeming in words to be zealous of the common good and that he had no other object then peace the which that he might mediate with better success and more fidelity he would not forego his neutrality But there appeared many signs to the contrary that he had a good inclination to make his friendship with Cesar upon particular Articles Yet being unwilling to make Lautrech more his Enemy before all things were concluded he said that his declaring was not of any great importance since as he had often said he had not sufficient Forces to joyn in any enterprise but that without renewing any further confed'racy the King of France might assure himself of all safety from the Churches Territories and not to be any wayes incommodated thereby Through these resons the forces of the French army grew daily weaker and disorders did increase more and more And on the other side the besiegeds hopes did better in beleiving to be able to maintain the Siege and to bring all things to a good end The forces so often demanded by Lautrech and as often promised by the King came not as yet from France and the people which were mustered in the Country were not sufficient to recruit the Army nor to supply the needs of all military actions there was great want of all things in the camp for the Enemies Horse issuing forth often to disturbe their victuals which was brought them from adjacent places had made them of Besiegers become besieged and by cutting off certain Aqueducts had deprived them of their best water The inconveniences were so increased as there was not any one company in the Camp which was not sorely infected the Souldiers grown weak and weary could not wield their Arms but throwing them away neglected all Military exercise kept no order nor discipline and grew full of despair Insomuch as many Souldiers and especially the Curassiers abandon'd the Camp without their Captains leave the Captains were some of them far off being gone into other parts to be cured some kept useless in the Camp being seized upon by grievous sickness Amongst the rest Lautrech himself fell sick being not less afflicted in mind then in body by reason of the great danger whereinto he saw
Enemy out of those Confines and by getting safe possession of the State of Milan Moreover it might be hoped that by keeping the Forces of the Colleagues joyn'd together and near at band they might at last draw the Pope into the League the which had been several times attempted in vain Monsieur de S. Paule and the other French Commanders were of another opinion viz That the business of Naples was not to be abandoned losing thereby their reputation both with the people and with the Enemy shewing amongst other things how necessary it was to keep the Imperialists imploy'd in the Kingdom of Naples so as they might not come and joyn with Antonio da Leva whereby growing very strong they might settle themselves in the possession of both those States In this diversity of opinion they pitch upon a way which might serve both their desires to wit not to give over the affairs of Naples totally but howsoever to intend chiefly the business of Lombardy wherefore since some Towns in Pâ—glia held yet for the confederates and were well affected to the Venetians and to the French it was resolved they should make head there and reinforce their men that they might make some other attempt and keep the Imperialists in fear and jealousie The Venetian Senate did therefore order their Commissary at Sea to go with his Fleet into Puglia to put very good Garrisons into all the Towns which held for the Commonwealth and for the King of France and to fall upon taking the Castles in Brandizzo and on the other side Renzo da Ceri and the Prince of Melfi were to pass into those Sea coasts with five thousand foot for the transporting whereof from Ancona to Puglâ—a the Venetians sent eight Gallies and other Vessels It was also resolved that the Fleet should be encreased and reinforced that they might make some other attempt in the Kingdom and keep the Imperialists busied in several places To which purpose the Venetians promised to lend the King twelve Gallies The Senate did moreover very much solicite the other Confederates as the Florentines and Duke of Ferrara that beaâ—ing patiently the adverse fortune about Naples they would seek to provide against other dangers by lending ready and stout assistance towards the renewing of the War in Puglia whereby the enemies forces would be kept far from their Territories being employ'd in defending their own affairs Whereunto these Princes shewed themselves very forward the Florentines offering moreover to keep up a body of men in Tuscany and the Duke of Ferrara an other at Modena to provide for all occurrences But as for the affairs of Lombardy and the State of Milan wherein the forces remained entire it was resolved to advance towards Milan and both the Armies being come to Landriano the Commanders thought it not fit to fall then upon the expugning of Milan which would be a thing too hard to effect Leva being entred thereinto with his Army after he had fetch'd much victuals into the City therefore they took an other course they fell upon the enterprize of Pavia which they thought they might be successful in for that there was but a weak Garrison there of only one thousand foot wherefore the Confederates Army marched speedily thither to prevent all impediments which they might receive from Leva if he should be aware of their march they encamp'd before it and began to play furiously upon the walls the Duke of Urbine having with much perswasions got some pieces of Cannon to be brought along and carried over the River Tesino So as a great Battery being soon begun they prepared to give an assault wherein the first place falling to the Venetians lot it hapned that whilst they were ordering their affairs some averseness thereunto appeared in the Switzers foot But the Duke of Urbine having sorely wounded oneâ— of their Captains with his own hand who said that there was not any one who could make his Souldiers move but himself and at the same instant turning the Cannon upon them he brought them all to be obedient so as a hot assault being given wherein the Duke of Urbine was one who together with some of his Curassiers all of them being on foot put himself into the first ranks and assaulting such Bastions as were best defended got the praise of being most nobly bold The Town was taken and sack'd and the most of the defendants slain and soon after the Castle also yeilded whereinto Galleazzo da Birago together with such souldiers as were left alive retreated they had their lives given them the Dutch foot being permitted to return to Milan and the Italians to return to their own homes The getting of Pavia proved very advantagious and of great credit to the League not only in its own respect but because it was accompanied with the quick surrender of Novara and of other neighbouring Towns whereby the enemy who received much victuals from thence for the nourishment of the Army which was in Milan was much incommodated The Venetian Senate was much rejoyced hereat hoping that it might in the future somwhat counterpoise their late loss at Naples they commended and thanked Monsieur de St Paul for it exhorting him to prosecute the prosperity which was promised by this good beginning not despairing but by his happy conduct they should get Milan and recover Naples The alteration in Genua was very unwelcome news to France wherefore the King sent an express Commission to Monsieur de St Paul that before all other things he should mind and endeavour the returning of that City into her former condition to the relief whereof the three thousand foot which were thereunto designed refused to go for want of having received their pay which put Trivultio into so great difficulties as he protested he would surrender unless he received some speedy succour Thus the affairs of the League which began to be a little refresh'd fell quickly back into great straits for as the opportunity which was offered of getting Milan was very great by reason of the rescent reputation won at Pavia and through the sufferings whereunto Leva's Arms was reduc'd but chiefly by the excessive and unsupportable Taxes imposed by the Imperialists upon the people of Milan which had made them ready to mutiny and to throw off the yoke of so severe servitude so was it requisite that to the â—ffecting thereof they should make use of all their forces together and to beleaguer that great City with two camps and yet Monsieur de St Paul setting his heart upon the relief of Genua did not only refuse to go to Milan but prest the Duke of Urbine very much to go along with him and to carry his Venetian forces to Genua that they might proceed therein the more securely to which the Venetian Senate would not consent since by sending their forces so far off they should not only lose all the advantage of their victory and make the Duke of Milan despair but should expose Bergamo and
his Sons since he could not be perswaded thereunto by reason After these perswasions the King appeared to be somewhat more fervent touching the affairs of Italy so as they hoped they might be able at one and the same time to renew the Wars both in Lombardy and in the Kingdom of Naples And to make some notable advancement by anticipating the coming of Cesar and of his succours The Senate were therefore of opinion that the Duke of Urbine should come to Venice where in the presence of the Embassadours of the King of France and of the Duke of Milan's and of a Gentleman sent to that purpose from Monsieur di S. Paule many long consultations were had touching the manner of managing the War And at last it was concluded that the first thing to be done was to mind the business of Milan but rather by the way of siege then assault by taking in the neighbouring places and by reducing Leva's Army to want of victuals and in the mean time to raise greater forces and the number pitch'd upon were twenty thousand foot to wit eight thousand French eight thousand Venetians two thousand of the Duke of Milan's and two thousand Landsknechts which were expected from Lions and were already taken into pay at the common expence and as for the Enterprize of Genua that it should be managed according as occasions should fall out and as things should succeed in Lombardy But the greatest security for the affairs of Italy was judged to depend upon the keeping off Cesars coming it was therefore resolved that the French Fleet should be increased as much as might be as also the Venetian Fleet and particularly in great Vessels to the end that they might keep the better at Sea and oppose the Imperial Fleet which consisted of like vessels to the end that when Cesar should see he could not sail without great danger he might keep from doing so Yet it being afterwards known that the Kings inclination lay to make War with Cesar beyond the Mountains accordingly as was formerly designed the Senators began to differ in their opinions Andrea Navagiero being at this time chosen Embassadour to be sent to the Court of France to renew the first desires what they ought first to exhort the King to whether to come in person into Italy or to send his Armies to the Perenean Mountains and assault Spain Amongst the rest Luigi Mocenigo a man vers'd in the management of the weightiest Affairs of the Commonwealth and one of great authority was of opinion that they were chiefly to perswade the King to send his forces to the confines of Spain so to divert the War which was intended to be made in Italy In these times so full of difficulties said he in an Oration which he made we must take many things into consideration and proceed therein with much temperance The Art of a skilfull Phisitian consists in curing his patient so that his malady draw not on another sickness and the Pilot who sails in the sea where are many Rocks if he know not how to steer his ship whilest he endeavours to shun one rock may give against another We are now assuredly in a very narrow condition we have to do with all the precepts of civil wisdome and are to consider many things at once Our Common-wealth through so many and so long wars is now become weak the times are subject to chances and we sail amidst many dangerous rocks Doubtlesly we ought to be concerned in Cesar 's greatness for he threatens the ruine of the Italian Potentates It is a usefull or rather a necessary Counsel to seek by all means how to suppress him For by fautering him or suffering him to grow greater he becomes daylie more formidable and the remedy proves harder Yet I am of opinion that to attain unto our true intentions it is not good neither ought we to use all remedies though they may seem proper to cure our present maladies For it is not our thoughts nor our intentions to keep Cesar low out of any hatred we bear unto his person or out of any Rivalship that our Commonwealth hath with him but onely for our own conveniency and safety that our State may not be exposed to his victorious will That if he should possess himself of the State of Milan we meet not with so powerfull a Neighbour as to be in perpetual jealousies of him Whence it may be easily conceived that it makes not for our advantage to suppress Cesar so as to raise up another Potentate in Italy of equal power and authority with him who may in time bring us into the same dangers which now we strive to shun For my part I doubt very much whether the coming of the most Christian King into Italy be like to prove that powerfull means which others may believe of keeping Cesar far off and to confess the truth I cannot promise my self that when we shall have our desire in this we shall find such continency in the King as that driving the Imperialists out of Italy he be to restore her to peace and safety but that he will rather claim the whole fruit of the victory to himself The King of France is no less desirous to become master of the Kingdom of Naples and of the Dukedome of Milan then Cesar nor are his pretentions thereunto weaker The so many wars made for this intentâ—on and many other signes discovered upon other occasions though cloaked under other ends shew that this Kings thoughts have been sucâ— and such the like of his Predecessors Who can secure us that when the King shall be become Arbytrator of the Affairs of Italy and not being counterpoâ—sed by the Imperial forces and that he shall know he stands not in need of our help to keep possession of these States that he may not slight our Interests and forget all that we have done to exalt him The desire of Rule doth oft times so blind men as it suffers them not to see reason makes them violate all Laws and value nothing but their own peculiar and apparent profit So as if Italy be to be subjected what doth it impâ—rt us whether it be by the Spaniards or by the French He who shall consider things aright will find that these two differ in many things among themselves but that as for us they are to be of a like prejudice and danger For though for what relates to our present affairs it may seem that we ought as much to desire the comming of the King of France into Italy as to fear the like of Cesar 's the one being a Friend and Confederate and that the dangers which may incur by him are more uncertain and farther off and that the other thinks himself injured by us and meets with many occasions of discord from our Common-wealth Yet it is not to be doubted but that it were by much best for us that neither the one nor the other of these Princes had either State Forces
pretentions or so much as thoughts upon the affairs of Italy Which since it cannot be entirely effected by us answerable to our occasions and desires yet wee should indeavour as much as in us lies to keep their persons far from henâ—e for we may be sure that the sight of these noble provinces of Italy will kindle in them who are easie to take such Impressions a greater desire of possessing themselves thereof and that by their presence those things will be much increased which we would lessen For where a great prince is in person he aâ—ds much of reputation to his affairs and he may easily and by many wayes purchase unto himself favour authority and power Wherefore do we not think then of some other means of keeping Cesar out of Italy since there be others whereby we may much better effect our desires without these dangers For say the King should resolve to pass over the Mountains it is not likely that that would keep Cesar from coming also into Italy by sea nay it may be if â—e were less resolved to do so this would make him do it the sooner lest he might sâ—em to yield unto a Prince who is not only his rival in glory but his open and declared enemy as if he should confess that after he had divulged he would make such a voyage he had forborn doing so for fear of him leaving his Army and all that he is possest of in Italy a secure prey for others But if on the contrary the French will resolve to march with powerfull forces to the Confines of Spain and assault some of their Frontier Forts what reason is there to believe that when the Emperour shall be molested in his own Dominions he will abandon their defence to fall upon Italy a business of such difficulty and that he will leave his own affairs in apparent danger out of uncertain hopes of getting what belongs to others Hannibals example is very remarkable and may be very well paralel'd to this which we now treat of whom the Romans could never get out of Italy till they resolved to assault Affrica and so compel him to turn those forces which he had long made use of against them to defend his own Country Moreover it is an excellent rule when the fire of war cannot be totally extinguished to keep it as far from our own houses as we can and to carry it elswere and we who see that Italy is made the seat of war whereinto so many Transalpine Forces have had recourse to vent their fury and glut their wicked wills to the great prejudice and almost total ruine thereof shall we mediate the coming in of new forreigners thereinto so to continue those miseries and to make them more and to foment that fire in our bosomes which hath long burnt to our great cost and prejudice if the King of France shall come into Italy we are sure we shall rekindle a new and heavy war for either Cesar will resolve as I verily believe he will do to come in person with so much the greater forces for that he shall know he is to meet with so much the slouter resistance or else he will send the greater forces into Italy and will adde thereunto as much as he is able in the Kingdome of Naples and Dukedome of Milan for it is not to be imagined that whilest he shall be safe at whom and sufficiently powerfull and victorious in Italy he will abandon his fortune and forego the possession of so many places which he is master of in Italy for fear of the coming of the French And why should not we think that the king may be of himself well inclined thereunto whom we hear that moved thereunto by these reasons hath set his thoughts upon Spain and that he already begins to prepare for it So as the moving him to make war there will not oneâ—y be advantagious for us but we may the sooner obtain our desires I know not therefore what we have to commit unto our Embassadour Navagiero 's charge in this point since the Kings will and our advantage concur therein And certainly if we know how to use the time and occasion which is offered us we may hope that the King by the authority of this Senate and by Navagiero 's wisdome and eloquence may be perswaded to confirm his opinion in molesting the Emperours Dominions with new wars and with Forces befitting the cause and the grandure of his majesty and of his kingdome whereby we shall not onely attain unto our chief end of keeping the Emperour for the present out of Italy but we may hope to find him the easier to be brought hereafter to make a fair agreement Many were pleased herewith but it was opposed by many others particularly by Marc Antonio Cornaro who though by reason of his years he was of less Authority yet he was of great esteem for his eloquence This man in answer to what Mocenigo had said spoke thus If it were as easie to find out a remedy for the so many miseries of Italy and for our molestations and dangers as we have just cause to commiserate the condition of these unfortunate times I should very much approve that we should think of what might secure us not onely from our present dangâ—rs but from all those which may a long time hereafter befall us But I am shrewdly afraid that whilest by an immature cautiousness we fear every thing and would foreseâ— and provide against whatsoever accidents may occur we ruine our present condition and lose the opportunity of applying those remedies which doubtless may help us at this our present and greatest need Concerning Cesar 's coming into Italy as we may be sure thereof unless his way be stopped so is it for many reasons very much to be feared He is at the present possess'd of almost all the Kingdome of Naples and of a good part of the Dukedome of Milan he hath powerfull Armies in boâ—h thesâ— Countreys Genua also a city so opportunely situated for the affairs of Italy hath put it self into his protection If he settle himself in these several parts by his coming into Italy and by extinguishing the remainder of the French Army what hopes have we of ever driving him out he pretends to possess the Kingdom of Naples by right of Inheritance and by the investment of the Pope himself we may see how he means to behave himself concerning the Dutchie of Milan since making divers subterfuges he could never be brought to assign over the City of Milan to Francisco Sâ—orza as by agreement he was tied to do On the other side the King of France is not now possess'd of almost any thing in Italy He hath put the Towns of the Dukedome of Milan which he hath gotten by his forces into the hands of Francisco Sforza in the Kingdome of Naples he quits the Towns of Puglia to us and is content that a particular King be put over the rest He hath
no other Army in Italy then those few men that are with Monsieur St. Paul and which are so much lessened as they exceed not the number of five thousand Foot So as we see that if the counterpoise of the French Forces be totally taken away whereby Cesar 's greatness may be moderated all Italy must necessarily be either subject to him or depend upon him or if any one Potentate shall preserve his Liberty he must live at perpetuall expence and in continuall jealousies of so powerfull an neighbour To all which mischiefs and dangers it is well known there is no sufficient remedy but the coming of the King of France into Italy For how negligent and full of delayes the French are in making Provisions for the war when the King is not present in person the fresh examples of so many of his Armies routed and ruin'd out of this onely respect may sufficiently witness Moreover If the Emperour shall come as the French Army ought to be in all things at least equall if not superiour to his it must be accompanied with like reputation which can only be effected by the King's presence which will help as much as almost an other Army will make the Pope declare for the League will confirm the Florentines and the Duke of Ferrara and will make all the people and princes of Italy ready to assist and adhere unto him in all his enterprises so as either Cesar will be kept from coming or if he do come he will meet with such a counterpoise as will frustrate all his disignes and will make him pass quickly back again over the Sea These advantages are not to be expected by making any attempts upon Spain which can but little or not at all avail our intentions For Cesar knowes that his situations being strong by Art and Nature and his Castels being excellently well garrison'd the King can make no important nor speedy advancement there nor can he tarry there long but rather is in danger of consuming his army through severall sufferings in that barren Country Where whilest mountains and walls shall fight against the King Cesar finding in Italy a fruitfull Country weak Cities and those but weakly garrison'd he will possess new Territories he will fortifie those which he is already possess'd of and will confirm himself in the possession of the greatest and best part of Italy But it may peradventure be said that the one may be done and the other not left undone the Affairs of Italy may be provided for and Spain may be assaulted He who shall be of that opinion may be sâ—id to deceive himself willingly For late experience shews the contrary we see how great difficulties and what impediments are found in bringing men and monies from France to recrute the Army commanded by Monsieur St. Paul and to bring it into a condition of being able to extinguish the little remainder of enemies which are yet in Milan under Antonio da Leva and yet the King is not imploy'd in any other enterprise I pray you what do you think the event will be when the king shall have carried with him the prime Flower of his Nobâ—lity to the borders of Spain or when the Emperour being strong in Italy there will be need of greater Forces to resist him then those which are now requisite and yet we find a want of them Assuredly the best Commanders and best Souldiers will be where the Kings person is monies and all Provisions for war will be carried thither for both the king and kingdome and not without reason will have chief regard to those things wherein the glory and safety of their king and Nation concern'd immediately and yet on the other side if the French do not gallantly recruit their Army in Italy the field must be yeilded to Cesar at his first arrival whereof being Master he will possess himself of all Cities and strong Holds which will have but small hope of being reâ—ieved by weaker Forces Therefore since it is impossible to attend two enterprizes at once and to negotiate them both with safety and hopes of bringing them unto a good end I know not why we should doubt of chusing that wherein the benefit appeares to be greater and more certain and the danger further off and more uncertain But I beseech you since it is so positively affirmed that if Cesar bee molested at home it is not likely that he will have leasure to think upon the affairs of Italy he being to prefer the preservation of his own Dominions before things further off and more uncertain Why will not we do the like by providing principally and primarily for the safety of Italy by the most assured and most immediate way and not dream upon prejudicing Spain nor seek how by a fallacious and far fetch'd remedy to obviate a certain and apparent danger nay we should rather value this reason the more and the more observe this rule for suppose the enterprise concerning Spain succeed prosperously what fruit shall we reap thereby But Cesar is possess'd of severall Territories in Italy so as by comming into them he may hope to secure them and keep them from being prejudiced so as whether he stay in Spain or come into Italy his business goes on advantagiously and is likely to prosper so as his counsell can never be blamed as peradventure ours may be there being so great a disparity between them T is true what is said to the contrary that we should have as great a care in keeping the King of France from increasing too much in power as in abasing Cesar's greatness Yet if I should enter into the consideration of all the particulars in this point this opinion would peradventure prove not to bee so absolutely true nor would the reasons nor respects of these two Princes prove alike But let us give it for granted let us see a little whether the condition of the Times and the present estate of affairs being considered we ought now to apprehend the power of the French so much or be jealous of the King of France his coming into Italy We have for many years last past been joyned in strait League and Amity with that Crown which being but for a very little while interrupted was soon redintegrated Moreover the King of France hath not at this time either any State nor many Forces in Italy nor means of getting any without our help and assistance On the other side we meet with many pretensions many difficulties and many occasions of diffidence in Cesar so as it is iâ—possible to have him our Neighbour and not to be jealous of him But that which imports most is Milan holds of him and many Towns in tâ—at State the City of Naples and the greatest part of that Kingdom and he hath still two Armies on Foot the one in Lombardy the other in the aforesaid Kingdom And shall we at this time and with these concomitances value things alike And shall we fear the power of
safe by reason of the particular agreement made with Cesar at Barcellona which till now was kept secret nay he thought to make use of the Imperial forces to satisfie his desire and particular ends in placing his Nephews in their former power and authority in Florence as it was agreed upon before between him and Cesar. Wherefore for the Emperours greater honour he sent three of the principal Court Cardinals to meet him at Genâ—a and to be assistant to him The Florentines who were in the greatest and most present danger sent also their Embassadours soon after to Cesar to curry-favour with him and to understand his will excusing themselves for having entred into confederacy against him for that it behooved them therein to follow the Popes authority and commandment and shewing themselves ready to adhere unto him But these men having brought no publick commission to accommodate the differences which depended between the City and the Pope and Cesar continuing firm in his resolution to keep his promise made to the Pope and to give him all manner of satisfaction this Embassie proved to no purpose and their affairs continued in their former condition Other Princes of Italy sent also their Embassadours desiring friendship and fair correspondence only the Senate of Venice persevered in their opinion of not coming to any agreement with Cesar unless forc'd by necessity Not but that the Venetians would have been as glad of concord as the rest but because they thought that Cesar intended nothing less then the Liberty of Italy and that his end was to bring things to such a condition as that all the rest should receive Laws from him Wherefore they thought that to appear humble and submiss served only to puff him up the more and to confirm him in his desire and hopes of commanding all Italy They therefore thought it not fit to send their Embassadours to him then but they gave way that the Duke of Millan who desired their advice in this point as by conventions he was bound to do might send his Embassadours because they thought it might become him to do so who was a Vassal of the Empire and that it might turn to the common good by opening a way upon that occasion to the accommodation of his own particular differences upon which the conclusion of the universal peace did chiefly depend whereof since no well grounded hopes did as yet appear the Venetians who saw themselves left almost alone to undergo all the danger betook themselves with all industry and diligence to provide for all such things as might secure their State the best they could upon this so important occasion They raised new foot to increase their Army and their Garrisons which between the one and the other arose to the number of fifteen thousand They made Francisco Pasquillio their Commissary General on Terra firmâ— giving him a particular charge to survey the strong Holds and to provide all necessaries for them They took divers chief Commanders into the Commonwealths pay amongst which Sigismond Malatesta together with a thousand foot and two hundred Light Horse And because the Dutch foot advanc'd already in great numbers from Bolzano Commissary Giovan Contarini and Cesare Fregoso were put into Verona with a good Garrison And because the greatest concernment was to keep the other confederate Princes of Italy as firm to them as they could the Senate failed not to minde the Florentines thereof to praise their constancy to exhort them to defend their Country and the liberty thereof promising to give them what assistance the times would permit them to do and particularly to make their men enter into the Territories of Piacâ—nza and Parma as soon as Cesar should be gone from thence so to draw the Imperialists who were in Tuscany to the defence of those Cities They used the like indeavours with the Duke of Ferara sending Marc Antonio Veniero Embassadour to him who was to witness the constancy of the Common-wealth in their resolution of defending the Common liberty and their particular good inclination towards the Duke and his State whereunto as they were joyned by neighborhood and many other respects so would they never shun running the same fortune with him That therefore they desired to understand what his pleasure and opinion was as knowing that in times of such difficulty a great esteem was to be put upon his friendship and advice But they chiefly laid before him the danger of the Florentines saying that as they were common to them all so they ought all to assist them that they should remember what the Popes desires were which would be the more inflamed by what of prosperity should befall Florence and that the Pope would the more molest his State and the like of all others unto which he laid any just pretentions The Duke seemed to take these Memorandums very well and promised many things and particularly that he would maintain a good body of men which he was raising about Modena which should not only be for his own defence but for the service of all the Confederates At this time the Agreement made at Cambrai was published wherein as it was long before commonly said none of the Confederates were comprehended only place was reserved for the Venetians to be admitted thereinto if within a short space the differences betwen them and Cesar should be reconciled which was nothing but a meer complement they being in effect totally excluded since the greatest difficulties remained still undecided The King of France was obliged amongst other things to make the Towns in Puglia which were possess'd by the Venetians to be restored to the Emperour which if they should refuse to doe he was to declare himself their Enemy and help the Emperour to recover them by force Which Article being to be put in execution the King sent his Embassadours to Venice to require the Senate that they would cause the Towns which they possess'd in Puglia to be delivered up to Cesar as he was bound to do by the conventions at Cambray alledging that he did this in observance of the League made at Cugnack wherein that was comprehended And he further added that he did so much rely upon the affection which the Common-wealth had always shewn to the Crown of France as if they were not bound thereunto by Agreement he was perswaded he might obtain it of them by way of meer gratification the occasion and thing it self being of so great waight and that without it he could not have his Sons who were to succeed him in his Kingdom set at liberty by Cesar. To this the Senate answered That they did still continue that good affection towards the King and Crown of France as they had done for many years past and would still do so for the future the Common-wealth being almost indissolvably knit fast to the Kingdom out of many common interests That they could not deny but that they had very much desired their Common-wealth might have been comprehended in the
being exhausted by the late wars they could not well find monies for so great an expence therefore they were forced to have recourse to other means amongst which they thought that to seize on the Tythes of the Clergy within their Dominions which were very many was a very good course which they endeavour'd to obtain of the Pope wherein they proceeded with him with much dexterity and humanity But yet they could not overcome many difficulties which stuck with him so as the business was protracted nay to a double displeasure of the Venetians he designed to lay two tenths upon all the goods of the Ecclesiasticks throughout Italy meaning to make use of these monies as he said in assisting the Catholick Cantons of the Switzers against which the Hereticks had taken up Arms. So as the Commonwealth was not only deprived of this benefit of Tythes which being to be taken out of the Incomes of their own Territories seemed imployable for the benefit thereof but occasion was thereby given of greater disturbances by the jealousies given to the Turks that these monies raised in the Popes name might be for the service of some League to be made against them Yet the Senate though they were deprived of these aids and of all hopes of ever attaining thereunto the Pope being mightily scandalized for that out of confidence of obtaining this favour they had begun a little too early to exact them would not delay making requisite provisions but overcoming all difficulties resolved for the present to arm fifty Gallies which were forthwith put to Sea in excellent order But this great noise of war did soon after cease of it self for Soliman being gone into Andrinopolis with intention as was given out that he might mind these preparations the better gave himself so to the delight of hunting and did so defer the affairs of war as he did not this year trouble any place with his Forces Yet the Venetian Fleet was not all this while idle the Sea being full of Pyrates who assembled together in great numbers infested all the Seas and disturb'd navigation and commerce But these were driven away in all parts and many of their Vessels were taken and destroy'd to the general advantage and to the great praise of the Venetians At this same time the King of Hungary though he kept himself in good order for war and that his forces were greater then Ferdinando's yet were it either that he did expect succour from the Turks for his greater security or that he feared the aid which Charles was said to prepare for his brother or that he desired to accommodate his affairs rather by treaty then by arms by reason of the little confidence he had in his own Subjects did not attempt any thing Thus Arms being suspended as it were by a tacit consent on all sides he sent Iovanni Lasco Embassadour to the Emperour from whom not being able to get any resolution Lasco past on to Ferdinand and meeting with no less doubts and difficulties touching his proposals in him he intended to go to other German Princes to treat of his Kings affairs with them but his safe conduct being deny'd him by Ferdinando he was forc'd to return to Hungary But King Iohn made it known by other means in the Dyets which were held in several parts of Germany and especially amongst the Hereticks that he might keep Ferdinand from being assisted by them that Soliman would esteem them his friends or enemies who should appear friends or enemies to the Kingdom of Hungary And leaving nothing unattempted he sent his Embassadours also to Venice desiring the Senate that they would mediate both with the Emperour and Pope to imbrace his cause and bring affairs to some composition wherefore the Senate knowing that King Iohn was resolved to try all extreams so as he might keep his Kingdom and that the Turks were still ready to defend him they that they might remove all new troubles and dangers from Christendome readily imbraced his cause and moved the Pope in his behalf But they could not do much good therein for the Pope were it either that he did rather favour Ferdinando then King Iohn or that he was really so minded seemed more inclined to have the business decided by Arms then by Treaty So as the rumours of war beginning again to be renewed and Soliman having more certainly published his resolution of coming with very powerful forces into Hungary to recover the City of Strigonia which was possess'd by Ferdinando the Pope sent his Nuntio the Bishop of Verona to Venice to require the Senate to delare what their intentions were and what they would do if the Turks should return with an Army into Hungary and to desire them that they would joyn with the rest of the Princes of Christendom in shewing their good will to oppose these common Enemies The Senators werâ— very doubtful what to do herein they were set upon on one side by their zeal to Religion and State Policy by reason of the great danger which accrew'd to the Commonwealth by the increase of their Neighbour the Turks forces who were Enemies to all Christian Princes And on the other side they were afraid they should find but little constancy in the Princes and that to shun more uncertain and farther distant dangers they might run upon such as were certain and present Their inward thoughts were very fervent but they cooled therein apace when they considered the nature of the business The Enemy being very strong and their friends not likely to agree in uniting their minds and forces and that these very things had been many times proposed rather to shew an appearance of zeal then out of any resolution or well grounded hopes of effecting the thing propounded So as neither totally imbracing this invitation nor yet seeming altogether averse thereunto they return'd this answer to the Pope That the desire of the good of Christendom was ancient and hereditary in the Venetian Senate but that as this made them readily willing to do any thing tending to the service thereof so did it grieve them that the present condition neither of times nor affairs would suffer them to shew it That the greatest Princes of Christendom were now at great odds so as there was small hopes that they would joyn their forces against these common Enemies That the Commonwealth was too weak of her self to oppose the Turks with any hopes of much advantage That they might affirm their State did confine for the space of two thousand miles leading from Cyprus to all Dalmatia upon the Turks in whose power there was always likewise great numbers of their Citizens and of their subsistances to a great value which things imposed upon them a necessity of temporizing with the Turks and which would not easily permit them to declare themselves their Enemies That they did notwithstanding very much praise the wisdom and piety of the Pope in fore-seeing and in providing against the dangers of Christendom but that
sooner and the more easily and that he might therewithal revenge the injuries which he thought he had received from Charls Philibert Duke of Savoy he thought to enter his State in hostile manner and to possess himself of his Towns The King was ill satisfied with the Duke for divers reasons because he would not restore unto him the Towns of Nice and Villa Franca which were formerly pawn'd by the Kings of France to the Dukes his predecessors because he would not consent being often desired that the pretensions which the said King had to the Dukedom by his Mother Madam Lodouica sister to the Duke might be argued by Law but chiefly because the Duke adhering too much to his wife who was sister to Iohn King of Portugal and Isabella wife to Charls the Emperour appeared in all things too partial to his wives brother It was hereby seen that the next year 1536. would prove remarkable by reason of the discords between these great Princes which must prove the original of great evils The beginning of this year the King made the Admiral of France Philip Chabotte Captain General of his Army and sent him to assault Piamont where finding the Country but badly provided for defence he took Turin Fossano and Pinniorollo and had taken Vercelli had not Antonio da Leva who was in the State of Milan speedily advanc'd with resolution to succour it hindred him The Emperour was exceedingly offended at these proceedings and much incens'd against the King of France so as preparing diligently to raise a powerful Army against him he said he would assault him in his own Kingdom of France and being not long after come to Rome he complained of the King of France publiquely in the Consistory and exaggerating this new action as much as he could he broke out into open rage saying he would challenge the King of France to fight a single combate that so they might once end so many quarrels themselves alone which things caused much wonder amongst all men and destracted much from the praise of these otherwise sage and generous Princes since professing never to give way to any thing yet giving themselves over to this affect on they suffered themselves to be led on to many unworthy actions The Pope laboured exceedingly to reconcile them who had formerly treated of many things to that purpose but in vain the chief difficulty lay in finding out a means which might please them both touching the affairs of Milan In which Treaties though the Venetians interposed themselves for by Cesar's pleasure all things therein were communicated to them proceedings were had with great caution by reason of the aforesaid respects which were made the greater by these new accidents which occasioned some doubts that the Emperour to free himself of the troubles of War and that he might restore the Duke of Savoy to his State who being gone to meet him at Naples entreated him continually to procure his restitution would at last make some agreement with the King of France who entring Italy again would not suffer the injuries to pass unrevenged which he thought he had received from other Italian Princes This was the rather believed for that the King of France had at the Popes perswasion condiscended to send the Cardinal of Lorain to Rome to treat of the conditions of Agreement by whose coming there was also a cessation of Arms in Piamont And in these Treaties Cesar was contented to yeild the Dukedom of Milan to the King of France on condition that Monsieur d'Angulesme the Kings third Son might be thereinto invested by him But this business was not fully decided because the King desired that this State might not be conferr'd upon Angulesme but upon the King 's second Son the Duke of Orleans which Cesar absolutely denied to do alledging that this would not be to confirm the peace of Italy which was his desire but to make way for some other dangerous novelty by reason of the pretensions that Orleans had by his wife Katherin de Medici to the States of Florence and Urbin Thus the business not being perfected Cesar who being gone from Rome tarried some days in divers Towns of Tuscany went forward to Aste where having assembled all his chief Commanders of which the most famous were Errando di Tolledo Duke of Alva the Marquis Guastâ— and Don Ferrante Gonsaga he advised which might be the best way to carry on the War wherein following rather his own desire then the reasons and counsel of more experienced men he resolved to pass with his Army into Provence so as mustering all his men at Nice whither Doria came also with fifty Gallies to back the Army with his Fleet he himself came in person to the same place from whence penetrating into the confines of France he stay'd with his Camp about the Town of Aix not being resolved whither to bend his course but intending chiefly to assault either Marcelles or Ardes he spent many days in these his irresolutions and gave the King who was come for this purpose to Lions time to gather together a powerful Army of Dutch Foot and Switzers to oppose his Forces and likewise to get divers Italian Commanders to side with him who having mustered a good many men about Mirandola prepared to attempt some novelty in Genua and to bring it to the devotion of France so as Cesar being now to think of defending his own affairs and his Army being already much incommodated by the bad temper of the Ayr where it lay encamp'd he was forced to retreat not having done any thing but shewn a great desire to offend the King of France But before he went into Provence he had sent Rodarigo Davilas to Venice to inform the Senate of his preparation for War and of his design of falling upon France and then to entreat them that they would have those forces in readiness which they were by their articles bound to have that they might speedily march as occasion should require to the defence of the State of Milan To which the Senate gave this answer that as they had been ready to renew the League so would they be as ready to maintain those things to which they were thereby bound that therefore for what appertain'd to them the State of Milan should not want for defence So they resolved to raise 6000 foot to be commanded by Antonio da Castello General of the Artillery by Colonel Babone Naldo and others To which they added 500 light Horse armed after the Burgonian manner ordering that all these should go to Asala in the Brescian Territories to the end that upon occasion they might pass into the Cremonese and the Duke of Urbin was sent for from his State that he might be ready to go in person with the Army But after the first Brunt of the French was over by the Truce made by the coming of the Cardinal of Lorain by which it was thought they would make way to greater Victories it seemed that
formerly been his own restored unto him with a particular declaration that the Empire of Constantinople should belong unto the Emperour without prejudice to the Common-wealth for what belonged to her to which likewise La Vallone and Castel-Nuovo should be reserved as things appertaining to her and that a fitting proportion of what should be gotten should be reserved by way of pre-eminency for the Apostolick Sea That in other things whereunto none of them pretended every one of the confederates should partake thereof according to the proportion of his expence in the war that if the Island of Rhodes should be recovered it should be restored to the Knights of Ierusalem There was no mention made of the King of England in these Capitulations but the Venetians thinking they might receive no little aid from this King who was master of many Forces and of great Authority sought by their Secretary Girollimo Zuccato then resident with him to make him favour the League and desired the Pope to do the like which he did But he thinking himselfe scandalized for not being particularly named in the Capitulations would not give ear thereunto but complained that he and his Kingdom were not taken into such consideration by the Colleagues as they ought to have been And for the King of France there appeared new signs every day that he had no minde to enter into the League wherein the increase of his Rival and perpetuall Enemy's forces and reputation the Emperour was treated on The League being concluded and established in manner aforesaid the Venetians ordered their General Capello that if the Turkish Fleet should come into the gulph he would tarry behinde in the Levant so as he might the easlier passe into Sicily or whithersoever he were to joyn with the Confederates Fleets This course was judged good to incourage those of the Levant and to indammage the Enemy according as occasion should serve and that they might not lessen the Garrisons 2000 foot were raised and forthwith sent to re-inforce the Fleet. Some were of opinion that the Generall should have free leave given him to do upon all occasions whatsoever he should think would be best for the Common-wealth They urged that since all accidents which might occur could not be fore-seen and according to which the Generall was to order his designs and to steer his course it was a dangerous thing to binde him up by Commissions and to force him to do what peradventure might be contrary to reason they instanced in the successes of the last year wherein the having given limited orders to Generall Pesaro had been the cause of great disorders which proved at last the breaking out into war Yet the consideration of not retarding the joyning of the Fleets prevail'd as also a certain indignity which as it was thought it would prove if the Generall should think of retreating as if he shun'd the Enemy and should therefore withdraw himselfe with his Gallies into the waters about the City whereby so great a preparation should prove vain But above all things they vvere very solicitous in providing monies whereby to supply their expences A Bank vvas therefore erected in the Exchequer wherein as many as vvould bring in any Monies into the publick Treasury vvere promised to be paid fourteen per cent during their life Much severity vvas used in calling in such Monies as were due to the Common-wealth Three other Commissaries were chosen for what should be borrowed Girollimo Marcello Bernardo Moro and Giulio Contarini but no use could as yet be made of the Clergies goods for though the Pope had transmuted the favour whereof he had before given so favourable an intention to the Senate to wit That he would permit them to alienate ten per cent of the Clergies Revenue till it should amount to a million of Gold or that they should raise it in five years space by so many Tenths of the same goods yet he had never given out his Briefs for either of these finding out severall excuses and delaies at such a pinch Many propositions were made for the raising of monies but the Senate proceeded with great respect and caution not to do any thing at this time which might peradventure lessen the peoples affection to the Common-wealth they would not therefore accept of the proposall of selling the Commons though much money might have been made thereby there being great store of them throughout the whole Terra ferma But for all this scarcity of money they spared not for any thing that was necessary for War victualls were provided from all parts and ammunition Ordnance were cast such Ladders Pick-axes Spades and other tools as the Duke of Urbine gave order for for Land-service were made in great abundance The Duke seemed very desirous to do great things in service to the Common-wealth and aspired to the obtaining immortall glory by war and truly the Senate confided very much in his worth and Loyalty in so much as the Pope threatning to make war upon his State by reason of his pretence to the Dukedom of Camerino as being held in fee-farm of the Church and which was then fallen to the Duke by the right of his wife the Senate dispatcht away one of their Secretaries speedily to Rome and obtain'd that the Duke should not be molested therein as long as he was imploy'd in the common service of the League or particularly by the Common-wealth He therefore caused two gallies to be prepared the one for himselfe to go in person to the Fleet the other for his Son to go in and chose his very good friend Barnard Sagredo one much esteemed of him by reason of his great experience at Sea to govern them the Senate being desirous to shew how acceptable this the Dukes good will was to them who had said he would bring his wife and family to live in Venice freely gave him one of the noblest Pallaces of the City but whilst he was carefully ordering all these affairs going to Pesaro to take order for his own particular businesse he fell into a great sicknesse which kept him from going to the Fleet. At the same time severall Negotiations were had of Peace between Caesar and the King of France both of them seeming to be desirous thereof to which purpose their Agents were forthwith sent to Canus a place between Parpignon and Narbonne but the whole time being spent in contentions no good came thereof For both these Princes Commissions were bounded and limitted in that very thing whereon all other resolutions did depend Cesar not giving way by any means to the restoring of the Dukedom of Millan not the King of France that any thing should be treated of the prime Article whereof should not be the restitution of that State Many things were propounded to bring these Princes to an Agreement chiefly the marriage between Mary Daughter to the King of Portugal lately dead and to the Queen then wife to Francis King of France and Neece to Cesar and
come unto your ear which is That the assignment of this City and of the neighbour City Malvesia over to Soliman by the agreement made at Constantinople was a resolution put on by necessity not by choice You may have known upon many occasions but chiefly in these your last troubles wherein to assist you the Common-wealth readily exposed a great part of her Forces to great dangers what love she hath alwaies born unto you She hath furnisht you with Monies Souldiers and Victuals to keep you from falling into the hands of the Enemy who threatned to put you all unto the sword and to lay your City desolate Nothing hath been left undone to keep you her dear and well beloved subjects from falling into the power of others very great Fleets have been prepared immeasurable expences In fine for this cause the weight of an insupportable War hath been the longer sustain'd And what greater sign can the Common-wealth shew of the affection she bears you in the present condition of affairs and in this your afflicted Fortune then that which she now does by promising to give other convenient habitations where she might best to those who shall desire to go from hence to keep them in her protection to assist savour and nourish them It hath been said by wise men that that place ought to be truly thought a mans owns Country where a man can injoy any good And what is better and more to be desired than to live under the Goâ—vernment of a moderte and just Prince Fortune though never so averse hath not been able to bereave you of this You shall continue under the Dominion of the Common-wealth you shall have abodes allotted you in another Country where you may live though not so commodiously as here yet freer from the perpetuall fear and danger of the Turks to which it may be said you were continually exposed Many men being too numerous at home have of their own choice parted from thence and committing themselves to fortune have quitted their native Country to get new and uncertain habitations by force of Arms To have a safe and certain place of refuge in times of misery hath wont to be so great a consolation as greater prosperity hath often made men forget what was past 'T is true it had been more to be desired to have still lived in peace that the Enemy had never besieged this City that they had not set their minds upon subduing it or in such a case to have had Forces sufficient to repulse them and to revenge injuries But since neither of these hath been either in our power or in yours in the condition wherein we are what is there more to be done than for us to play the part of a good Prince and Pastor by keeping your persons in our protection since we are not able to carry away the walls and houses of this City and for you to rejoyce at this your Prince his affection and to accommodate your selves to Time and Necessity your persons shall be preserved your posterity educated and you valiant Fathers shall be get generous Children Who knows but that they may work your revenge Great is the vicissitude of worldly affairs and the greatest Empires are as well subject thereunto as other things Our Common-wealth will assuredly be alwaies ready to take up Arms against these Enemies when there shall be such an union amongst Christian Princes as it may behoped Christendom may reap good thereby Therefore as it is necessary so is it wisely and safely donne to seek to live and to hope for better things Whilst the General spoke tears fell from all the Auditors eyes occasioned no lesse through tendernesse of affection then through griefe The Generall used afterwards the like words with those of Malvesia whereupon the Inhabitants being a little comforted after the sorrow they suffered for so sad newes most of them prepared to be gone taking what they had of best along with them and soon after in November the Articles of Peace being confirm'd Commissary Contarini went to those shores with 20 Gallies and many other ships of severall sorts whereinto having taken all the Artillery Ammunition Goods Souldiers and persons of those Inhabitants who would depart He by Orders from Constantinople delivered up the keys of those two Cities to Cassin Basshaw of Morea who with some few entred the Towns and after our men were gone the Gates were opened and free entrance was given to the Soudliers who were there abouts Things being thus brought to a peacefull condition the Generall and the Commissary disarmed leaving out only the usuall number of Gallies to guard the Gulph and for the safety of Navigation But when Commissary Contarini came to Venice he was commanded by Pietro Mocenico Advocate for the Commons to come into the Advocate 's Court and give an account according to the Senate's Order three years before of what â—ad hapned at Puglia when he sunk the Turkish Galley but the businesse being argued in the Senate and Contarini's cause defended by many of the Senators the Advocates command was taken off and he freed of all fault the occasions being ceased which had made his fault appear the greater his worth remaining in him which had alwaies been commended by all men and his deserts increased by the service he had done during all this Warre Nicolo da Ponte pleaded amongst others in his defence who speaking often in the Senate began to be highly esteemed for his Eloquence and growing to greater dignity after many years imployment in the highest concerns of the Common-wealth is arrived at the Principalitie which he now worthily possesseth The year 1540. brought forth no other more noble accidents being memorable enough for the Peace made with the Turks wherein the Common-wealth prosperously continued for the space of thirty years her affairs in Terra forma being likewise quiet at the same time by her friendship with the Christian Princes so as I shall have but little to write of these times yet because the Senate being made acquainted with the chief businesses which past between the Christian Princes interposed her Counsel and Authority either in respect of her selfe or others I will relate in this my History such passages of these Times as do appear to me most memorable and for some concernments of the Common-wealth which I have undertook to write of The End of the Tenth Book THE HISTORY OF VENICE Written by PAULO PARUTA BOOK XI THE CONTENTS THe hopes of peace and quietnesse soon vanisheth upon new accidents The death of the King of Hungary and Ferdinando's pretentions to the Kingdome Soliman distasted and War made by him upon the House of Austria New distastes between Caesar and the King of France The King of France is much troubled at the death of his Ambassadour Rincone What Caesar's designes appeared to be The Venetians resolve to be Newters They excuse themselves to the Pope for not granting him Vicenza for the Councill to be held in An
Ambassadour from Soliman at Venice how received and treated How the Venetians treated with other Princes A League propounded to them by Caesar but not accepted The Emperour passeth into Affrica hath bad successe The King of France goes against him His Ambassadour speaks in the Seâ—aâ—e to make them joyne with France to the prejudice of the Emperour He is answered He goes to Constantinople The King of France assaults divers of the Emperours Towns but does but little good He is angry with the Common-wealth for severall accidents by wrong information given him the truth being known he is appeased The taking of Marano troubles the Senate Provision made for the restitution thereof A Fort destroyed by the Rebells An accommodation treated thereupon proves very difficult Great rumours and preparations of War in the year 1543. The Venetians Neutrality They are troubled by reason of the Turkish Fleet which puts out sacks Reggio passeth to Marcelles besiegeth Neece which yields unto it and retires to Marcelles The Emperour in Italy As he goes for Germany he speakes with the Pope Receives the Duke of Cleves into favour Soliman in Hungary His proceedings Marano assigned over to the Venetians by Strozzitia Dyet in Spire The Emperour 's and the King of France's thoughts The Cardinall Ferrara's speech in the Senate wherein he pretends to draw the Venetians to confederate with the King of France The Senate's resolution and answer The reasons why they do not yield unto him Treaties of peace between Caesar and the King how made and why The conclusion and conditions thereof Severall discourses thereupon The successe of the Turks Fleet. The Turks not pleased with the newes of peace between the Christians Treaties of peace with Soliman and the accommodation between King Ferdinando and the Common-wealth Little good comes of either of them Differences between the Venetians and the Turks They are accommodated to the honour and advantage of the Common-wealth the peace of Italy much endangered and wherefore Parma and Piacenza given in Fee by the Pope to the dislike of Caesar who doth openly oppose it The King of France prospers not well with the English nor the Emperour with the Protestants He is solicited by the Pope to take up Arms against them and is assisted with Souldiers The Venetians consent not thereunto The Protestants move Endeavours used with the Senate and their answer The dissolution of their Army and Caesars victory Cardinal Allessandro Fernese comes to Venice A discourse of the Venetian Nobility The state of the affairs of Germany The Popes and the Emperours distates Caesar's victory against Frederick of Saxony His designes and what he does to get footing in the Dukedom of Millan The King of France and the King of England's death The succession of their children and Ambassadours sent from the Common-wealth to both the Crowns The occasion of breach of peace between the English and French The Pope joynes with the King of France against Caesar. The death of Pier Luigi and the taking of Piacenza The Venetians are solicited to joyne with the Pope and with the King of France but will not forego Caesar's friendship the reasons which induce them thereunto An answer given to the Pope and to the King of France Considerations touching the Pope The state of affairs in the year 1548. The King of France his intentions and the Popes His endeavours with divers How Philip the Emperour's son is received in Italy and how by the Common-wealth What Soliman's successe was against the Persians He makes truce with Ferdinand The conditions thereof Distastes between the Pope and Caesar and what succeeded thereupon The Pope's death Why the Venetians were never interressed in creating Popes Paul the third is chosen Pope THE Peace being in manner aforesaid established between Soliman and the Venetians all men hoped that Forces were to cease in all parts amongst Princes and that there should be a happy and peaceable time after so sore wars For Soliman seemed very well inclined to make a long and generall Truce with all Christian Princes wherein the French Ambassadour having laboured much he said it was now as good as concluded and these his speeches were the rather believed for that though the Fleet was ready to go forth yet Barbarossa's departure was delayed nor was there any preparation of an Army which might occasion jealousie of land-enterprises Truce was already confirmed in Paris between Caesar and the King of France upon the same terms as it had been by the Pope's means made formerly at Nece and all demonstrations of confidence and reconciliation past between them whilst Caesar taking France in his way to Flanders stayed some daies with the King which made men hope that these Princes laying aside their antient enmities were to joyne in a good and secure peace But new accidents hapned which as human affairs are subject to easie alterations did soon change the face of affairs and did totally confound these formerly conceived hopes of quiet For Iohn King of Hungary dying and leaving an infant-son of his newly born by his wife Issabella daughter to Sigismund King of Polonia Ferdinando King of the Romans pretended that according to the last agreement made with that King which was That the succession of that Kingdom should appertain to him and not to the son of King Iohn raised suddainly a great many Souldiers wherewith he quickly assailed the Kingdom took Alba Regale Visgrado Pesto and some other Towns of Hungary And at the same time sent Ierolimo Lasco to Constantinople to treat with Soliman that he might hold that Kingdom upon the same tearms as it was held by King Iohn The Queen Dowager widow to King Iohn had likewise recourse to Constantinople endeavouring by a solemn Embassy of the prime Barons of that Kingdome that the Turks would aid her in maintaining her son in the possession of that Kingdom which was by them preserved unto his father Soliman thought himselfe hereby doubly injured by Ferdinando First for having assaulted a Kingdome recommended to him and which he had taken into his protection And then that he should demand those things by his Ambassadour which he howsoever endeavoured to get by force Whereat being much incensed he did not onely lay aside his former thoughts and good inclination which he seemed to have to peace and quiet but prepared great forces both by Land and Sea to assault the Territories of the House of Austria that so he might revenge this injurie upon Ferdinando and keep Charles so busied as he might not assist his brother Wherefore retracting what had been negotiated with Antonio Rincone the French Ambassadour touching the Truce he resolved to send him back to his King that he might acquaint him how he had changed his minde and that his thoughts were now bent upon War The Tumults in Flanders were already appeased which was the sooner effected by the severe punishment of the rebellion of Guant to the terrour of other Cities which being insued sooner then peradventure suted
with the occasion of Times and hopes of greater good was the cause why Caesar the peace not being yet fully established between him and the King of France finding himselfe free of that disturbance began to fall off from the agreement and to resolve not to forgo the Dukedom of Millan upon any terms And on the other side Soliman's being incenst against the House of Austria made the King oâ— France the bolder hoping that by those prevalent means he might the better resent the injury which he thought Caesar did him in dispising to have peace and friendship with him Rincone therefore being returned to Venice gave a particular account of all these things to the Senate highly exaggerating the Turks preparation for War hoping thereby to draw them over to side with his King and affirming moreover that when these Forces should move they should be disposed of according to his Kings pleasure He then desired a Convoy of armed men that he might return the more safely to France and accordingly Mercurio Bua was ordered to wait upon him with his Troop of light Horse to the utmost confines of the Common-wealth and having onely three moneths allowed him for his return to Constantinople he suddenly dispatcht his business with the King who listned very diligently to the busines and took his journey again to return by Venice for Constantinople but being come to Pavia as he passed along the Poe he was slain by some Spanish foot by order as it was conceived from the Marquiss of Guasto as was also Caesare Fregoso who was sent by the King to accompany him The King of France was more scandalized hereat then can be imagined that whilst he was yet in Truce with the Emperour his servants should be treacherously slain and that Caesar not being contented to have deceived him in his speeches for he seemed to be well minded to peace and to restore the state of Millan which he flew daily further from when he had appeased the Tumults in Flanders should contrary to reason and the Law of Nations do him so great a scorn and shew such a desire to offend him He forbore not to mention this his resentment publickly but complained grievously thereof by his Embassadors at all Princes Courts and in particular sent Antonio Polino to Soliman with commission to go first to Venice to make known his intentions towards Caesar and the reasons he had to study a just revenge making offer of all his indeavours and authority in such things wherein he might be serviceable to the Common-wealth at Constantinople whither he was sent Embassador and demanding a safe Convoy for that Journey he had a Gallie allotted him to wait upon him to Ragugi But Caesar when the great preparations of the Turks was given out for certain nay when their men were already upon their March toward Hungary after he had long entertained himselfe in the Dyet at Ratisbone in treating of divers things about Religion wherein nothing was concluded prepared to go himselfe in person into Italy his end therein not being known and being much wondered at by all men It not being thought reasonable though it were so â—â—ven out that he was to fall upon Algiers in the waters of Africa that whilst his brothers danger the honour of his family and of the German Nation ought to have recalled him back unto Germany he should go to attempt an enterprise which though it might be of some conveniency to his Kingdom of Spain to bereave the Pyrats who invested those Seas of that receptacle was not notwithstanding to be compar'd to the purchasing of a noble Kingdom at home and to the safety which his other States and Empire might receive by keeping the Turkish Forces from off those confines yet he persisting in his intention sent a great number of Foot into Italy and made great preparation of shipping of all sorts in divers shores of his Dominions Thus stood the condition of affairs at this time these were the designs of Princes concerning Peace and War Wherefore in these great Commotions the Venetians thought it became them to proceed with great vigilancy and circumspection keeping the Common-wealth in her neutrality and free from all offence They knew that the hazards of Hungary was the more to be thought of by them for that by the eminent losse of that Kingdom the Forces of the Turks who were the common and perpetuall enemy would be much increased which were already so potent and so near to the Common-wealths Dominions And what hopes were there of any good success King Ferdinando was too weak of himself to oppose the Turkish Armies The Emperour was not over-ready to try his fortune against the Turks in the behalfe of his Brother Germany would be far from favouring any enterprise whereby the Authority and power of the House of Austria might be increased a thing which she did very much detest and apprehend And on the other side Queen Isabella was a woman a widow the King her Son an Infant ill provided to defend that Kingdom and in necessity not only to make use of the Turks ayd but of depending totally upon them and yet though the Venetians knew these things and thought seriously on them they were necessitated much to their griefe and sorrow by reason of their late triall of the Christian Princes weaknesse and discords not onely to stand idly looking upon all these mischiefs but to shun giving the Turks any occasion of taking up Arms against the Common-wealth or of thinking that they stood not well-affected towards them Wherefore being desired by the Pope that the Councel as was formerly agreed upon at the Convention at Luca between him and the Emperour and by the assent of the Venetians might be held in Vicenza the next ensuing year which was the year 1542. they thought that to give way thereunto at a time when Leagues and Agreements were in agitation would not sute well with their conveniency and quiet and therefore they excused themselves in that point since the face of affairs was altered by their new Agreement made with the Turks and their condition become different from what it was when they first promised it and were at open War with the Turks for it was clear that the meeting of the Councel not onely in their State but so near Venice would beget an assured and unexcusable jealousie in Soliman that they had indeavour'd to make the Chriâ—â—â—an Princes conspire against him which would be to draw great ruine upon themselves out of an uncertain hope of good and that many of the prime Prelates knew that it vvas a very unseasonable time to assemble the Councell novv vvhen they should first intend the reconciling of the Princes and of repairing Christendoms prejudice received by the Turkish Forces But these respects vvere added unto by other accidents for many things had been said at Constantinople to make it be believed that the Venetians vvould not keep peace longer then some opportunity of breaking it
towards the common good and particularly towards your prosperity to know your own greatnesse and forces and withall to know the opportunity nay the necessity which the condition of the Times and the designs of other Princes doe put upon you to imbrace these great offers which are made you the which I knowing them to be effectually such hath made me to undertake this imployment the more willingly as thinking I shall not do service onely to the King therein to whom I stand so much indebted but that I shall also procure the liberty and greatness of Italy Your not having formerly agreed with our King and accepted his offers hath not been esteemed a coolnesse in your affection towards the Crown of France since there have been sufficient both modern and ancient Testimonies thereof nor to any little credit you give to the Kings promises since this Common-wealth hath to her great advantage joyn'd in league so often with his predecessors and with himselfe nor yet to want of Counsell or care in Government your Senate having alwaies been a more vigilant Guardian then any other Potentate not onely of your own Country but also of the liberty of others and for a long time a true defender and Arbitrator of the affairs of Italy but for that in a businesse of so great moment as this you have been pleased to proceed with all maturity lest you might repent too late the having quitted your Neutrality and have entred into the charge and trouble of War so as there is none who can as yet blame this your resolution but all things which might have caused any doubt are now so ripened that there is no time left for longer delay Caesars ends and intentions are now too well known to be wholly bent upon making himselfe supream Monarch and in particular Lord of Italy Him hath the King opposed in these things with all his might and for this is he the more hated by Caesar because he sees he withstands these his machinations and that he is ready not onely to defend his own affairs but to become a refuge to others who have need of assistance against this powerfull Enemy and hath been able hitherto by the Forces of his own Kingdom to oppose the violence of the Dutch and Spanish Forces able to frustrate Caesars hopes to maintain his own Dominions and to repair the eminent dangers of other men But now that Caesars power is so increased by having the Forces of Germany of the Swissers and of the King of England joyn'd with him as that every other Prince ought to be jealous of him and to be awakned at the aspect of such greatnesse which is in an instant both born and sprung up and to provide against it before the mischiefe be grown greater which threatens all men The King of France his Forces are certainly very great his mind very ready to imploy them all against Caesars immoderate greatnesse wherein he will value nor labour nor expence nor danger being resolved to run all fortunes and never to lay down Arms unlesse overcome by utmost necessity or that there be no occasion to make use of them but that he may secure these his intentions the most he may to shew that he doth not undervalue the forces and assistants of others when the common cause is in question it is therefore that he hath made known these his most important respects to you Gentlemen 't is therefore that he hath opened his most inward thoughts unto you and hath indeavour'd a new conjunction between this Common-wealth and his Kingdom because when the wills and forces of these two Potentates shall be joyn'd and that it may in reason be thought that the safety of their states is in a good part provided for Caesar may be made to divide his Armies and no longer think upon usurping other mens Estates but upon defending his own The King doth therefore desire and this it is that he wills me particularly to propose unto you that your Fleet may be brought to the Rivers of Puglia where the Towns being unprovided of Garrisons the people well affected towards the Common-wealth and declared enemies to the Spaniards there may be hopes of doing much good speedily And on his part he offers to maintain alwaies 15000 choice Foot in Piemont or where else you shall please whereby the Imperialists being curb'd your State by Land may be safe from all danger nay the Dukedom of Millan and the Duke of Savoy's whole State whose interest is the same with Caesars will be sorely indangered In this Proposition all things will be maturely considered it will be sufficiently known that all things do therein concur which may make a Prince take up Arms the necessary defence and safety of his own affairs hopes grounded upon good foundations to increase Dominion the assured purchasing of a powerfull and faithfull friend in all Fortunes The very resolutions of your Senate shew that Caesars greatnesse ought to be esteemed a sufficient cause to make your Common-wealth take up Arms to keep off further dangers which much to your praise have constantly for so long a time maintained Wars not being frightned by any danger nor changed for any expence or trouble onely to keep the State of Millan from falling into Caesars hands For you know it was too great a danger to have so powerfull a Neighbour But if these things were apprehended when they were farther off and the suspitions therof indeavour'd to be secured how ought they to be suffered now that they are at hand when Caesars counsells are sufficiently known when his cunning is discovered and when there is no more hope left that he will quit the State of Millan Can it be thought a good and wholesome counsell to neglect the occasion now which was more desired by you then than any thing else to oppose Caesars vast designs and not to suffer the Malady to grow to such a height as that no remedy will be found for it Consider I beseech you if it should so fall out as all human things are subject to various changes That the Kingdome of France assaulted by such powerfull forces I will not say should be lost but should be so weakened as that not any Prince should for many years be able to counterpoise Cesar 's power Who sees not to what condition the liberty of Italy would be reduced Who can think himself free from his injuries for not having offended him Who can hope to work upon his haughtinesse by submission Who can think that his insatiable thirst after Government can ever be satisfied by any acquisition Cesar will say that you have opposed his greatnesse because you have not favoured him that you have not valued his friendship because you would not make a straiter conjunction with him though it be known he sought thereby to put greater ties upon you for his own advantage So as it cannot be thought safe for you to keep at this time in your Neutrality for it doth neither
purchase you true friends nor doth it secure you from those that are your reall enemies And if your aim by this your neutrality had alwaies been to obtain peace and quiet your Common-wealth would never have arrived at such greatnesse nor would she have either Dominions or Forces But depending upon the discretion of others she would have become a prey to any one who would have oppressed her This desire of peace kept Greece a while from the troubles of war but was the reason why she was afterwards the sooner subjugated by Philip whose greatnesse they had inconsiderately suffered to encrease too much It becomes then the wisdom of this Senate to know to foresee and to provide against these dangers since your Common-wealth is more concerned therein then other Potentates because the Emperour hath so many pretences to the Towns which she possesseth and may think that his designes are chiefly hindered by her so as he may hope so to encrease his power by her ruine as all his other vast designes which he ruminates upon may prove the lesse difficult But he who shall consider it well will finde that the eschewing of these evills and the true and onely remedy for these threatning ruins is the King of France his friendship for he keeps his weapons in his hands not to possesse what belongs to another but to defend himself his friends and confederates He is a Prince of great Dominions and mighty in power but of a benigne and moderate minde generous in not suffering injuries and insolencies to be done him by any one but easie in giving forgiving and in conferring grace and favour on all constant in his friendship and one who doth carry himself so to his friends and confederates as his friendship is an advantage and an ornament unto them no grievance nor prejudice But that which ought to be most valued by you Gentlemen is that he is so affectionate to your Common-wealth and to your affairs as thinking his Kingdom concerned in all her fortune He desires and endeavours that there be not onely a good understanding betwixt you and him but a strict conjunction and that the common interests of his Kingdom and your Common-wealth may be joyntly treated of both in war and peace These words were spoken by the Cardinall in a very grave and affectionate manner so as it seemed they might have made some impression in the Senators but no resolute answer being as then according to the custom of the Common-wealth given to the things proposed when they came afterwards to take them into mature consideration thinking upon the same reasons which had perswaded them to keep Neuters wherein they had found great good and not finding any alteration now in affairs or respects they resolved to give the same answer which they had formerly done which was That the Common-wealth put a great esteem upon the King of France his friendship and would be alwaies very faithfull and sincere therein but that being now in peace with other Princes and having suffered much by the late Wars they neither could nor would enter into the trouble and expence of a new War The King was not satisfied with this answer but being very desirous to have the Venetians joyne with him in the war which he made against Cesar The Cardinall going soon after to Rome and thinking that he had received incouragement from the Pope whereby to make the Venetians put on new resolves the King caused Bartholomeo Cavalcanti a banish'd Florentine to go from Rome to Venice to acquaint the Senate how well he found the Pope enclined to the affairs of France and to renew the Treaty of League though the King that he might take the lesse offence at the so many refusalls given to his offers cloaking the businesse affirmed afterwards that Cavalcanti came onely by the Cardinalls appointment Cavalcanti had a great wit and was a great Master of Oratory as appears by his Writings which are now printed He made an eloquent and long speech which was read in the Senate containing the same things which were formerly propounded by the Cardinall But the graver Senators were the more constant to their first proposition not listning to these discourses nor suffering themselves to be insnared by fair appearances and proposalls for that they understood a Treaty of peace was begun between the Emperour and the King of France which did much impede the King of France his hopes of having the Common-wealth joyne with him in his continuance of war and to hinder Christendome from so great a good as Peace and so long desired by all good men seemed not to become a Common-wealth whose actions had alwaies been upright Moreover it appeared not to be a good or usefull resolution to incense Cesar at a time when he might be free from all other wars and resent injuries And the Pope though he not to make the King of France dispair or perhaps for some particular end of his own seemed not averse to confederate with him yet employing his whole endeavours upon peace he had chosen the chief Cardinalls of his Court to go as his Legats to these Princes Morone to the Emperour and Grimani to the King of France and at the same time he exhorted the Venetians to chuse Embassadours extraordinary as they had formerly done upon the like occasion at the meeting at Neece to the end that their joynt endeavours might be of more force to perswade to so good a thing and so becomming the piety of every Christian Prince But the Senate though they would very gladly have seen peace and union between these Princes yet it behoved them for severall respects to proceed therein with great caution for they had often had their good intentions ill interpreted at the Courts of Christian Princes and the like to be done under false pretences and to their prejudice at Constantinople Therefore content with what might be done by their Embassadors in ordinary they avoided these vain and prejudicial appearances The Embassadors in the relation they made unto the Senate said That in the discourses had between these Princes concerning peace they discovered a great inclination thereunto being thereunto induced as they believed rather by wearinesse of war and by necessity then for that they had laid aside their animosities or out of any desire of friendship or agreement For the King of France being at this time in great trouble and danger by reason that his Kingdom was assaulted by the King of England who having landed a great many men at Callice was come himself in person and had laid siege to Bullen and for that the Imperiall Army after a long and strict siege had taken the Town of St Desire a frontier of great importance upon the River Matrona by the getting whereof way was made for further progresse into France desired to free himself by agreement from so many troubles and to lessen the numbers and forces of so many enemies And on the other side the
making any mention of her but with much prejudice to her affairs and not acquainting her with any such resolution And that the estimation he seemed to put upon the Common-wealth proceeded onely from his own interests which when they were severed from those of the Common-wealth he valued her honour nor safety no longer Yet in this variety of opinions all agreed in preserving friendship with the Crown of France as they had done of late years without quitting their Neutrality Wherefore as soon as they heard of King Francis his death they chose two Embassadours Vector Grimani and Matteo Dandelo who were to go forthwith for France to condole according to custome with the new King and Court-Lords and then to congratulate the King's succession to the Crown affirming that the Common-wealth was willing and ready to continue peace with the same observancy with Henry as they had done with his father and according to the usuall and antient affection born by the Venetians to the Crown of France The Italians made lesse account of Henry's of England's death he being lesse interessed in the affairs of Italy by reason of the far distance of his State but the Venetians valued the friendship of that King and Kingdom more then the rest not for any reason of State but for that by holding good intelligence with the English they received many conveniences in their Merchandising for divers sorts of Merchandise were usually sent from Venice to England so as the commerce with that Nation was very advantageous to the Venetian-Citizens and Merchants Wherefore the Common-wealth kept usually an Embassadour in Ordinary in England who being upon some occasions removed in the time of war with France upon the ensuing peace the same King desired the Embassadour might return and Bernardo Navagiero was chosen for that employment whose journey was stopt by Henry's death who by reason of this commerce had tane a great affection to the Venetians and did much favour the affairs of the Common-wealth in her times of greatest trouble as may be known by the precedent Narrations And though being alter'd in his own conditions his minde was sometimes alter'd in this point and his friendship lessened he continued notwithstanding to make much of those of the Nation particularly of the Nobility in whom upon many occasions he did confide in many most important businesses and lately in the Treaty of peace with France he made use of Francesco Bernardo a young man full of spirit who for some occasions of his own kept in that Kingdom and past often by order from the King into France and was the chief instrument in making the peace King Henry was succeeded by his son Edward who not being yet eleaven years old the government of the Kingdom was put into the hands of some of the chief Barons The Senate chose Dominico Bolani their Embassadour for England who met with excellent correspondency in the chief Lords and those of greatest authority touching the maintenance of friendship and commerce with the Venetians with promises of giving fair entertainment to all Venetians who should come to that Island But the peace between the English and the French lasted but a while the Inhabitants of both Nations being naturally enemies for the King of Scotland having left one onely daughter heir to his Kingdom King Edward's Governours desired she might be married to their King so as those two Kingdoms might be joyned under one Government as they are joyned in neighbourhood But the Scots abhorring to be brought under the obedience of the King of England to preserve the honour of their Kingdom and through a naturall hatred which they bear to all the English would not give ear thereunto and had recourse to France for help if the English should endeavour to compell them by force of Arms promising their Queen to Henry for wise to one of his sons together with the succession of that Kingdom and obliging themselves to bring her into France as a pledge of their fidelity These offers were the readilier accepted by King Henry who took upon him the protection of the Infant-Queen and of the Kingdom of Scotland For that being desirous of acquiring new Dominions he was not well pleased with the agreement made by his father whereby the City of Bullen was to remain in possession of the English So that a bitter war began already to be kindled between these two Kingdoms Those that dreaded Cesar's power did much dislike to see the new King busied in this enterprise whereby he was to give over the thoughts of Italy and leave Cesar free to prosecute his own designes But of all others the Pope was most troubled hereat who not onely for the common cause but for his own private interests also had designed to bridle Cesar's greatnesse by the French forces He therefore resolved to send Cardinall St. George into France to procure as it was given out that the French Prelates might come to the Councill of Bullognia but indeed to make the King set his minde to oppose Cesar's greatnesse offering him therein his friendship and assistance Whereunto Henry willingly listned as he who being strangely ambitious of warlick glory would not let any occasion slip of making war upon hopes of doing some remarkable action for which the Pope was thought a very fit instrument in regard of his forces for the opportunity of affairs in Italy and much more in respect of his authority Wherefore being easily perswaded to attempt novelties he set his minde upon encreasing his faction in Italy by all means that he might and to gain friends and amongst the rest he sent for Pietro Strozzi whom he honoured with the Order of St. Michael which was then in great esteem and given onely to people of great birth and such as had deserved very well of the Crown of France esteeming him for the vivacity of his spirit for his being an enemy to quietnesse and for his being greatly followed by out-lawed Florentines and others to be an apt instrument to make some important commotion for the service of the Crown of France by disturbing the affairs of Italy He also fomented the rising of those of Sâ—enna and incited them to defend their Liberties out of hopes of his assistance but the Pope and King of France between whom a union was already setled and confirm'd Horatio Fernese Son to Pier Luigi having married a naturall daughter of Henries bent chiefly all their indeavours to get the Venetian Senate to joyn with them whereupon they thought they were to ground their chief foundation of attempting any thing in Italy against Caesar to which purpose the King sent Monsieur de Soissonne to Venice a man of great account for his births sake and to the same purpose made use of Monsieur de la Casa who was the Popes Nuncio there These hoped to finde the Venetians more ready hereunto than they had been formerly for what hath been already said of Cesars Atchievements and particularly in consideration of
also to recover Bullen which was by his fathers agreement yielded up to the English For which respects he entertained divers practises not onely with the Pope touching the affairs of Parma but also in Genua and in Sienna to alter the Government of those Cities which depended upon Cesar's authority Yet did he not prepare to put these his designes in execution nor did he openly declare himself an enemy to Cesar. But on the other side the Pope though he had a very great desire to revenge the injuries done him by Cesar and to recover Piacenza to his family yet he was doubtfull whether he should attempt this by force or by treaty Sometimes he was induced to hope well considering that the Emperour who was Lord of so many States though he appeared more severe unto him then to the end that he might obtain other things of him might not at last deprive his son in Law Octavio and his children of that State and reduce him to a private condition He had therefore often sent severall expresses to him desiring that Piacenza might be restored to Octavio and that he would cease troubling him in the possession of Parma But at the same time he negotiated a League with the King of France by which the King was to take Duke Octavio and the City of Parma into his protection and to defend it against the Imperiall forces Sometimes to honest and to facilitate the businesse and to satisfie himself at least in taking this City from Cesar he thought to re-assume it into the obedience of the Church Nor did he cease to solicite the Venetians sometimes by promises sometimes by minding them of the fear of Cesar's forces to joyne with him in the defence of Italy for which he said he was no lesse troubled then for his nephews interest And sometimes he complaines that they were too much Imperialists and did glory in Cesar's friendship and favour which was occasioned more by Cesar's own words then by the Venetians for in his publick discourse of the Common-wealth and Senate he named them with love and honour meaning it may be to make them by this means more his friends But he did not much confide in the King of France whom he named his friend and confederate suspecting lest the King who demanded that the City of Parma preserved by his forces should not be given to Octavio of whom he might alwaies be jealous as being the Emperour's son in Law but to Horatio who was not onely the Popes nephew but his son in Law When he should have gotten that City which lay very opportunely for the molâ—sting of Millan might keep it for himself Moreover what could make him dispair more of finding favour at Cesar's hands then to see that that City should be given into his enemies hands and by whom he might be much prejudiced by the Fernese's means Being much distracted in his thoughts by reason of these considerations after long and various disputes and difficulties touching the Councill which the one would have celebrated at Bullen the other at Trent the Pope to give satisfaction to Cesar resolved after having sent the Bishop of Fano his Nuntio to him to send also the Bishop of Verona his Legate into Germany with authority to dispence with the Germans in many things which were demanded by them and with some alteration of the usuall rites of the Church of Rome a thing which Cesar had very earnestly desired to curb those people who not having obtained the generall Councill which was promised them by Cesar and many of them not having accepted of a certain reformation made for a time and therefore called the Interim till the Councill should be celebrated threatned to mutiny again unlesse they might receive satisfaction in some of their obstinate demands Whereat Cesar was much troubled because it hindered his other designes But he minding onely his own affairs and not being moved by any affections or reasons which were contrary to the interests of his Dominions did wisely nourish certain uncertain hopes in the Pope and in Duke Octavio whereby he kept them unresolved and in doubt Sometimes he propounded proposalls of accommodation with recompence of Territories elsewhere sometimes he said he would have it tryed whether the Church or Empire had more lawfull pretence to those Cities and sometimes seeming much incensed instead of restoring Piacenza he demanded that Parma should be delivered up unto him But in â—ine it was conceived by those who saw further into his designes that by thâ—se uncertainties he would keep the Pope in perpetuall doubts being already resolved by no means to part with Piacenza as lying very opportunely for the State of Millan but that he went about to protract time and to shun the necessity of taking up Arms expecting the Pope's approaching death that he might the mean while put an end to his other deeper designes He thought to settle a mighty Monarchy upon his own Line making the Empire together with so many other Kingdomes and States descend upon his onely son Philip and his brother Ferdinando's claim to the Empire standing in his way as to that who was some years before made King of the Romans a title confer'd upon such as are declared to succeed in the Empire he sought by several waies to perswade his brother to give way unto his son promising to give the Dukedom of Wittemberg to Ferdinando to help his son Maximilian to be chosen King of Bohemia to give him his daughter for wife with some Territories for her portion to make him Governour of his Kingdoms of Spain in his sons absence and other things which were not afterwards altogether effected But Philip past from Spain into Italy whither Maximilian was gon before to celebrate the marriage concluded with 300000 Crowns for portion but no Dominion and to tarry there as Governour of those Kingdoms for Philip was to go into Germany to his father who was gone to Brussells to ease Germany of the Spanish Souldiers part whereof he sent to meet his son in Italy and led part along with him into Flanders The Prince was received with great pomp and honour in every place he was met at Genua where he landed by many Embassadors from severall Princes and particularly by Frederick Badoaro in the behalf of the Common-wealth whose Commission was meerly Complement and to attend the Prince whilst he passed through the State of the Common-wealth which he was to do as he went from Millan towards Germany A stately Bridge richly adorned was built over the River Adice and upon the confines of Verona he was met by the Captain of that City nobly attended and by a great concourse of people who were come from several parts to see him who was born to so great an Empire and to succeed in so many Kingdoms and united States as he was likely to have been the greatest Prince that ever was in Christendom This Prince did not upon this occasion satisfie mens expectations but was held to
Land in Hungary and Transilvania for Ferdinando King the Romans assisted by Iovan Battista Gastaldo by Sforza Palavesino and by others possest himselfe of whole Transilvania and of the Country and Town of Timisuar which though they were taken from the Infant King Stephen and from the Dowager his Mother were notwithstanding protected and defended by Soliman who sent the Bashaw of Buda first thither and then the Belgerbie of Greece with a great number of Horse to drive out Ferdinando's Forces but in vain as then the authority and discretion of Fra. Georgio having done much therein by whose advice though contrary to the Barons of the Kingdomes opinions who did all they could to incourage the Queen with hopes of assistance from the Turks but she despising their Counsells and being full of apprehension both for her selfe and Sonne resolved speedily to yield up the whole Country of Transilvania to King Ferdinando contenting her selfe to receive by way of recompence the Dukedom of Opelio in Slesia together with a promise of marriage between a Daughter of the said Kings and her Son Stephen when he should be of years and of other honours and more Revenues so as the Turks succours comming when Ferdinando's Forces were grown very strong and were already possest of the Towns of Transilvania and Timisuar they could not drive them out but being overtaken with the inconveniencies of winter the Turks were forced to forego the enterprise and with little honour to return to their own homes and by the same reason of the bitterness of the season actions of War were likewise ceased in Italy the Imperiall and Ecclesiasticall Camps keeping still before Parma and Mirandola not doing any thing But it was generally thought there would be much greater doings and chiefly the two Brothers of Austria Charles the Emperour and Ferdinando King of the Romans had businesse enough to take order for the safety of their Dominions and Dignities Sore War was protested against Charles by almost all Germany It was treated of in a Dyet how they might do to beat him out of Germany and create a new Emperour he having done as they alleadged many things to the prejudice of the Empire and of the German Liberty He contrary to his usuall custome hoped to appease these commotions by agreement but it proved almost fatall to his eminent dangers For as it was too late to provide against them so also did his provisions prove scarce and uncertain For it was in vain for him to indeavour the raising of Souldiers out of the Towns and parts of the Empire they being for the most part either risen or about to rise against him and King Ferdinando had drawn all the best men out of Austria and Tiroll the Swissers and Grisouns were imployed in the King of France his service so as his chiefest hopes lay in 1000 Spanish Foot which the Duke of Alva was to being to him Ferdinando was in no lesse trouble by reason of the great forces which Soliman prepared to assault Hungary and Transilvania to resist the which he was the more disabled for that he could not hope for any help from his Brother by reason of his being imploy'd elsewhere and for that there was no great love between them because Ferdinando had denyed to resign up the succession of the Empire to his Nephew Philip the Emperours Son as he was requested to do Therefore indeavouring to provide for his safety by some other means he had indeavoured to appease Soliman by offering to pay him other 30000 Duckets by way of tribute for Transilvania as he did for the Towns of which he held in Hungary and to free himselfe from insurrections if he should be forc'd to fight and from any intelligence which the Turks might hold as it was suspected they did in the parts which Ferdinando had gotten he was very diligent in observing all mens proceedings whereby he came to discover that the Bishop of Varadino who had then been made Cardinal by the same Ferdinando's intercession with the Pope in reward for the service he had done him held private intelligence with some Bashaws and adhered unto the Turks aspiring to have the Dominion of that Province himselfe under Solimans protection Wherefore to free himselfe from these treacheries he resolved to take away his life as he did by the means of Sforza Pallevisino who taking some few others along with him slew him no lesse preparations was rumour'd to be made by the Turks in Constantinople to send forth a powerfull Fleet the next spring well provided of all things for some great enterprise All men were the more afraid because it was not well known what Solimans designs were and because these his Forces by Sea might easily betake themselves to severall places and enterprises The Venetians were more vext hereat then any others by reason of the vast expence and assured trouble they were to be at by the Fleets putting so often forth from Constantinople it becomming them to be provided for all accidents They therfore made Stephano Tiepolo Generall at Sea the third time they increased the Garrisons of the Islands and maritime Towns they made some Gallies be armed in Candia and were very diligent in making men work extraordinarily in the Arsenall that they might be furnisht with many more The Senate did moreover choose twenty Governours of Gallies and other twenty were chosen by the Consiglio Majâ—re to the end that all things might be ready and in good order to increase their Fleet to the number of 100 Galliâ—s upon any unexpected accident which might fall out These so great preparations of the Turks did not onely not incite the Christian Princes to any better Agreement but the King of France seemed the more eager to molest Cesars affairs for that he saw him busied in fencing himselfe from the Turks Forces but continued his intention of going into Germany believing that the Emperour being strained in so many parts and being particularly reduced to so great dangers by the conspiracy of so many German Princes against him would be brought to some Agreement even by the parting with some of those States in Italy or in some other parts whereunto the Crown of France had any pretence Having therefore assembled about 40000 Foot of severall Nations and 4000 Horse together with a great train of Artillery he went towards Lorrain where the City of Metz had been taken a little before by Ana de Momorancy High-Constable of France who was gone before with part of the Army a City belonging to the Chamber of the Empire though the Government thereof was put into the hands of some of her own chief men whereof the Bishop was the head The King entred arm'd therein too soon after and was received as became a great and victorious Prince with much honour He kept a while with his Army in this Country to keep those of Flanders who were prepared by Queen Mary sister to Cesar from disturbing his designs or the like of the confederate
Princes of Germany who had begun so successfully in their first attempts as having taken the City of Auspurg and passing easily and speedily through the Duke of Bavaria's Territories had caused much fear in the Emperour in King Ferdinando and in the whole Court which was then at Isprach so as it was propounded in the Councill to retire to a place of more safety but afterwards taking more courage and having well munited some strait passages of the Mountains by which the Enemy were of necessity to passe if they should be resolved to come and finde them out they forbore doing so since their sudden shameful flight might prove infamous though an agreement might insue thereupon The King of France inheartned by the apprehensions of these Princes and by the prosperous success of their enemies thought he was not to let slip the occasion of straitning Cesar yet more and of sharing in this glory He therefore resolved to draw near the River of Rhine that he might keep the Confederates true to him and adhere unto them intending to passe on further himselfe but he was not well got thither when he found himselfe so deceived in his expectation as he returned back for the Confederates thinking that they were strong enough of themselves to deal with Caesar and being desirous to keep their own Country from such sufferings as they feared it might receive by the French Armie they agreed that Duke Maurice should by his Letters advertise the King which was more for their own conveniency then for any truth that was in it that they had already made an Agreement with Cesar wherein they had obtain'd all that they had proposed unto themselves or desired by this League and that now they had no more to do but to return many thanks unto his Majesty for so great a favour which Germany would never forget but alwaies acknowledge it as a great obligation from the Crown of France The King was much troubled at this news seeing himselfe fallen short of the so great hopes which he had conceived and that the charges and labour of so great a journey was lost yet that he might make use of his forces elsewhere he retreated with his Army into the Dukedom of Luxenburg where he took many places of importance and also the Fort Monvalliere esteemed to be the Key of that Country wherein Count Mansfeilt was made Prisoner who was Governour thereof in Cesars behalfe But ruminating still upon much higher designs he thought it his best course to free himselfe from all Impediments by closing in with the Pope so to separate him from Cesar and he at last obtain'd that Armes should be laid down between the Church and the Crown of France for two years as concerning the affairs of Parma and the Prince of Salerno going to the Camp to him â—e propounded unto him the enterprise of the Kingdom of Naples which the King willingly listned unto and began to advise with him in many things touching forces and how the businesse was to be carried on And it was agreed upon that the said Prince should command in chiefe he being very forward in making offers and promises grounded upon severall things and chiefly out of the great desire of those people to withdraw themselves from the Spanish obedience and to put themselves under the Government and Empire of the Kings of France The Prince of Salerno had lived a while at Padua having withdrawn himselfe out of the Kingdom for divers dissatisfactions received from Don Pietro de Tolledo Vice-roy of Naples and from the Emperour himselfe for suffering those injuries to be done him Wherefore taking occasion to raise Novelties out of these present Commotions and to resent himselfe at the same time of the private injuries done unto him and of the publick injuries done unto his Country by Cesar he resolved to go himselfe in person into France but would go first to Venice to communicate these his intentions with the Senators that he might carry some news to France of the Senates intentions touching the proposalls which he was to make to the King He therefore in a long and eloquent Oration held out what reason the Common-wealth had to regain the Towns and Havens which she had formerly been possest of in Puglia and to secure themselves from Caesars greatnesse He sought to finde out how they would be inclined to this businesse if it should be propounded to them by the King of France He wisht them to consider how ill-satisfied and discontented the Neapolitans were at the Spaniards Government by reason of the Vice-roy's insolent and Tyrannicall proceedings who was not onely born with but rewarded by Caesar but chiefly by reason of the office of the Inquisition which was indeavoured to be brought in then into that Kingdom to the persecution and ruine of the Nobility who not being able any longer to undergo that bitter slavery would indure any thing rather then to continue under Charles the Emperour's Dominion by whom they had been so dispised and injured That these same things being represented to the King of France had made him much compassionate their miseries who as became the magnanimity of such a King had taken them into his protection and promised to assist them in what he could but excused himselfe for not being able to serve them to any purpose at the present by reason that his Fleet was so small Therefore said he it becomes the Venetian Senate more then any others to embrace this enterprise as being an Italian Prince a lover of Libertie strong at Sea and having a just pretence to a part of that Kingdom That no friendship could be more usefull to the Common-wealth nor more to be desired then that of France which was so clearly seeen by things past known by so many proofs and by so many reasons confirmed as there was no need of any perswasion thereunto That such was the magnanimity of the present King in particular that all great things were to be expected from his liberality and from the affection he bore to the Venetians And what greater opportunity could be offered then the condition of the present times wherein the Emperour had his hands full of employment by the War waged with him by almost all Germany by the threatning preparations made against his brother Ferdinando by the Turks But the wisdom of the Venetian Senate ought chiefly to consider not to suffer the Neapolitans being abandoned of all help and in so great necessity to precipitate themselves to their own losse and the like of others and to have recourse for succour to Soliman's forces which were now ready to put to Sea with a great Fleet. As also the Kings negotiations already had at Constantinople to try this as the last hope the Neapolitans had These words made no impression in the Senators nor did any one listen unto them Whereupon the Prince was dismiss'd they seeming displeased with the malignity of the times and particularly with the Prince
ancestors taken up Arms much to the praise of your magnanimity being moved thereunto out of these very reasons Can you peradventure doubt that my King who scorns to make any agreement with Cesar now when he may do it so much to his advantage will do it at any other time without you or without the great good both of you and hâ—mself or does it prevail with any of you that if Cesar shall chance to return to his pristine greatnesse he will remember that you would not take up Arms against him when intreated When it is much more likely that following the custome of all Princes but more particularly his own he will not value his own convenience and interest more then any thing that is done or could be done in his behalf Are not the Cities of Florence Sienna and Genua examples hereof which he hath rewarded for their many services done him with bereaving them of their liberties These things had a fair appearance but being well looked into it was found that they were not grounded upon any solid reasons nor upon any sound foundationâ— for to forgo Cesar's friendship which had been so many years pâ—â—â—erved with much prosperity to the Common-wealth out of avoiding uncertain and far-distant dangers appeared to be no good not wholsom advice and if they should have any thought of quitting their Neutrality and make another tryall of the Common-wealth's fortune how should they think this to be a good opportunity the season being already fâ—r spent for attempting any thing that year by Sea and having few or no Souldiers to make any important attempt by Land Nor was Cesar at so low an ebb but that upon agreement with the Germans which was still in treaty and was near effecting he might recruit himself and take the soreâ— revenge for the injury he should have receiv'd it being aggravated by the condition of affairs and time These things being maturely considered and added to the desire of peace to which the Senators were much inclined made them resolve by almost all their votes to give this answer to the Prince and to the French Embassador That they very much thanked both the King and Prince for this their forwardnesse to accommodate the Common-wealth which they would never forget But that they having been for many years past in peace with all Princes they were of opinion that they could not depart from it having no occasion to do so That in all things else the Senate would willingly correspond with the Kings pleasure desiring the continuance of all splendour and prosperity to his Majesty and to his Kingdom This answer being given the Prince did notwithstanding pursue his former purposes causing a meeting of severall personages of the French faction in the City of Chiozza to consult touching the managing of the businesse of Naples Here met the two Cardinals of Ferrara and Tornone Monsieur de Termes the Kings Lieutenant in Italy the Duke of Somma and other Dukes and Lords of the Kingdom to whom though the Prince did endeavour to demonstrate the easinesse of the enterprise yet they finding many evident difficulties therein it was not absolutely approved of Nay it so fell out as the same things being more maturely considered by the King of France himself he soon after sent to the Prince and to Monsieur di Selva wishing them to forbear proposing any such thing to the Venetian Senate But it was already done as you have heard and the Senates wisdom in their resolution and answer was generally the more commended And behold the face of affairs began soon to alter for the King of France receiv'd news that the Dutch were fallen from him alleadging for this their alienation that he possess'd three chief Towns Metz Tull and Verdane which did belong unto the Empire And Queen Mary having encreased her forces by the Flemish did with them besiege Eden a Town in Picardy And on the contrary grievous and contagious sicknesses fell in the Kings Army which made it of it self daily to dissolve Wherefore he was forced of himself to give over the enterprise of Luxenburg and breaking off the course of his victories to send many of his men to their winter-quarters and to bring the rest to the frontiers of his Kingdom to defend his own affairs This mean while 10000 Spanish Foot were come unto the Emperour and the Marquis oâ— â—randenburg who had at first adhered unto the King facing about joyned with all his forces with the Emperour whose example was afterwards followed by many of the chief of Germany who had first made the French colours be displaid being displeased with the King of France for not having been able to obtain somewhat which they did very much desire The Emperour having by these new accidents recovered his former ardency began to bethink himself of going in person with all his forces immediately to the recover of Metz though the winter season which came on and the condition of the City which was very strong both by scituation and art excellently well munited with a Garrison of 10000 French Foot and many valiant Commanders did advise him to the contrary All his Commanders differed from him in opinion but the businesse being unseasonably attempted met with conformable event for having much lessened his Army by the sufferings of many of his Souldiers he was forc'd to retreat having done more prejudice to himselfe than to the Enemie Whilst these things were in action another Combustion which had been long raked up in ashes broke forth in Italy The Senesi being no longer able to indure the insolent proud command of the Spaniard and having all things ready to drive out the Imperiall Garrison and to regain their Libertie sent to Rome to acquaint the French Officers with this their firm resolution requiring their assistance at this their so great need and promising to keep the City for the King of France The businesse whereof there had been formerly some secret Treaties had in France was willingly listned unto and order was given that many Foot who were under the French pay in Parma and Mirandola should march presently towards that City and soon after Monsieur de Lansack went thither himself in person the more to incourage the people So as according as it had been first ordered many armed people of the Country coming thither at the same time and many forrain Souldiers conducted by Nicolas Count of Petigliano the Spanish Souldiers were suddenly affrighted and driven by an assault out of the Town The Fort was slighted and many other things done in contempt of Cesar and his dignitie his Ensigns dragg'd about the street his Arms broken things which made this action appear more grievous to Cesar and which did trouble him the more and made him very desirous of revenge therfore to lose no time to satisfie his anger conceived against the Senesi and to keep the French from having another receptacle in Italy he commanded Don Piedro di Tolledo Vice-roy of
Naples to go with 5000 Foot what-Dutch what-Spanish the Kingdom being now free from the danger for which the Garrisons of those Cities were increased with these men into Tuscany and indeavour the reducing of the City of Sienna to his devotion again It was thought that this success if the French-mens designs should prove secure would be very prejudiciall to the Emperour's affairs in Italy for though the French profess'd in words that they had tane upon them the defence of Sienna to free it from the oppression of the Spaniards and to restore it to its former dignity and freedom yet their intention was too well known For refusing propositions of Agreement which were offered they would continue their Garrisons in that City that they might make use thereof and of other places which they had gotten to raise men in Italy and for other designs of theirs So as in reward of Liberty the King of France required of the Senesi that they would declare themselves to be friends to his friends and Enemies to his Enemies The Vice-roy then desiring suddenly to obey Caesars Commands obtained passage through the Churches Territories which the Pope said he gave way unto because he knew not how to hindâ—â—â—im He entred with his Army into the parts about Sienna which he plundered and took some weak Castles which soon yielded but the stronger places were so well munited as the Imperialists were forc'd to keep long before them the whole force of the War almost was reduced to about Monte Alcino whilst which Fort was preserved Sienna which was excellently well provided of all things was in the lesser danger That which made the Senesi chiefly so resolute to defend themselves was the fear of being severely punisht by Cesar if he should regain the City and their hopes of not being long troubled with the Imperiall Army by reason of the dangers which befell the Kingdom of Naples by the Turkish and French Fleets The Venetians indeavoured to quench this fire which was kindled in Italy The End of the twelfth and last Book of the first Part of the Venetian History THE HISTORY OF VENICE The Second Part. Written by PAULO PARUTA Procurator of St. MARK Wherein the War made by the League of Christian Princes against Selino Ottaman upon occasion of the Kingdom of Cyprus is contained in three Books BOOK I. THE CONTENTS THe cause of the War of Cyprus How that Island fell to the Venetians Tribute paid for it to the Turks who desire the possession thereof notwithstanding Soliman does nothing therein His successor Selino is enclined to this enterprise out of divers respects He confirms the Articles of Peace with the Venetians and doth other things which make him appear more given to peace then war But soon after he deceives mens thoughts and consults about the taking of Cyprus He is disswaded by Mehemet but being perswaded by others he undertakes the enterprise Many tumultuous risings are appeased by him The dearth of the year 1569. Fire in the Arsenal the same year The Consul advertiseth the Senate of Selino's resolution but is not much believed but by reiterated advices they begin to look about them Provisions made Consultatitions had how to use the provisions which are made They minde the Garrisoning of Cyprus They acquaint the Princes therewith 〈◊〉 the Pope His answer He propounds the joyning of the Spanish and Venetian Fleet. Treats thereof with the Catholick King who promiseth among and permits that the League be treated of in Rome The Pope 〈…〉 aid of the King of Portingall but cannot 〈◊〉 The 〈◊〉 â—reat with Cesar and the Pope with the King of France but to 〈…〉 purpose The Italian Princes are 〈◊〉 to the League 〈◊〉 between the Pope and the Duke of Ferrara Quieted by the Venetians The King of Persia is solicited to make war with the Turks but in vain Hostile acts on both sides The Turks diligence in their preparations Diversity of opinion touching the managing of the war The Consulls carefulnesse to acquaint the Senate with all the proceedings A Châ—aus is sent to Venice by the Turk His proposalls and his answer Divers discourses touching what had past with the Chiaus His return to Constantinople and what effects it wrought with the Turks and with Selino The death of Doge Loredano and election of Mocenigo The Treaty of the League appears too cool in the Emperour and in the King of Spain An account of the Venetian Fleet and the progresse thereof The Pope's Fleet. Sebastiano Veniero takes Sopoâ—o The Turks trouble The General consults touching what the Fleet shall do It is resolved to take Malgariti but it is not done The Gallies of Candia expugne Brazzo di Maina and joyne with the Fleet The union of the Pope's Spanish and Venetian Fleets The proceeding of the Turk's Fleet. Tine is valiantly defended by Girolamio Paruta A description of the Island of Cyprus The Turkish Fleet comes thither and the mischief which it does What and how many the Garrisons of the Island were The Turks resolve what Fort they shall first assault They go to Necossia What terrour they infuse there The Army incamps without any hinderance The description of Necossia The Bishop of Baffo's Oration to the Necossians exhorting to defend themselves and to perseverance The Turk's Fortifications The Necossians sally out and assault the Turks but are repuls'd and slain The Turks do much molest the City A generall assault wherein the Turks are worsted A new assault The City taken and all put to death They go to Famagosta and what they do there The proceedings of the Christian Fleet. It resolves to go to the relief of Cyprus What and how great the Fleet was Upon the newes of the losse of Necossia they take a new resolution and return back An insurrection in Albania and the proceedings there Treaties of a League made at Rome and the difficulties which are met with therein A League treated with the Emperour with little better successe The Venetian Fleet resolves to relieve Famagosta Severall accidents which fall out there Considerations upon what hapned this present year THe War made by the Common-wealth of Venice against Selino Ottaman when his Empire and fortune was at the greatest height both by Sea and Land in defence of the Kingdom of Cyprus he being the most powerful Emperour of the Turks and in League with some of the chiefest Princes of Christendom may be numbred amongst the most remarkable things which hath hapned in our times or in the memory of our fore-fathers or in whatsoever other former Age The War being undertaken with much fervour and warlike preparation on both sides and with no lesse indignation then power whilst not onely the ablest Nations but such as did differ in Customes Lawes and Religion did contend for the priority of the Militia and for the glory of the Empire so as the present War contains events which for their variety and greatnesse may afford such delight and help as the knowledge
of what hath been done useth to afford I have thought it a praise-worthy work in being very carefull and diligent in recollecting all the Counsells and most important Actions which insued in the space of three years the time which this war lasted and severing them from the continued Series of other things whereof I am to write to give you a particular story thereof that I may fully satisfie the curiosity which the same of great things may excite in those which shall come after us to know so strange events orderly and distinctly and that being taught by such examples they may the better draw some usefull precepts for politick Government The occasion of this War was that which hath troubled almost all Christendom for these many years the Ottaman Princes immoderate desire of Empire and military Glory which is begot in them by the Rules of that State being wholly given to Action and military Exercises So as thinking the inlargement of their confines a sufficient reason of making War they have been alwaies troublesome to their Neighbours not reputing those their Enemies who have been readiest to provoke them by injuries but those are most exposed unto their fury whose forces are weakest or whose States be most convenient for them or whom they may opportunely offend and these they have indeavoured to bereave of their Dominions whereof both this and the preceding Age doth afford us many evident examples But it will be clearly seen by what shall hereafter be said what the particular occasion of this war was and pretences the Turks made use of to take up Arms. The Venetians amongst other of their Territories in the Levant were at this time possest of the Island of Cyprus which they had been Masters of for fourscore years for the Common-wealth seeing that Kingdom reduced to eminent danger of falling into the Turks Dominion it being opprest by the snares and violence of Bâ—iaâ—es Ottaman who apparently aimed at the getting of it after she had for many years defended the Dowager Queen wife to Giacopo Eâ—signano the last King The Dowager being a Venetian whom the State had adopted for her Daughter to make her the more worthy of so great a match the Common-wealth indeavoured by the means of her Brother Georgio Cornaro that she would deliver up the free and absolute Government of Cyprus to her native Country for her onely Sonne being dead she by her Husbands last Will and Testament was left sole Heir and Legitimate Lady of that Kingdom Which she giving way unto was after she went from thence reduced unto a Province and the Common-wealth continued still to send divers Magistrates to look to the Government thereof being very carefull to preserve so noble a Member and so great an adornment added to their State whereby this Island hath not onely hitherto been preserved from the Turks but hath been much inriched by the industry of many Gentlemen of Venice who being invested with Inheritances there began to manure the Grounds to govern their Farms which the Country people there call their Ville and to use frequent Navigation thither in Venetian bottoms whereby not onely the native Commodities were exported but many other Merchandizes brought thither from Aegypt and Soria it being made as it were a Landing-place whereinto divers sorts of Merchandize were brought from the Neighbouring Turkish Territories as into a safe and convenient place The Venetians paid unto the Turks yearly eight thousand Duckets by way of Tribute for this Island which was wont to be paid by the Lusignian Kings to the Emperours of the Malamacchy after that King Giano Sonne to Giacopo overcome in battel by the Soldan and carried Prisoner to Cairo was forced for his freedom to tax his Kingdom with this perpetuall Tribute having also disburst a great sum of Gold The Ottaman Emperours did afterwards succeed to this interest when Sultan Selino father to Soliman had subdued the Empire of the Malamucchy wherefore the Venetians as new possessors continued this recognition to them which made the Turks still desirous to possess themselves of this Kingdom both out of reason of State and for the cause of Religion it being a particular fee-farme of the Meccha a place of worship and devotion amongst the Mahometans The Turks grew also suspitious that this Island by reason of the fitnesse of its scituation was become a receptacle to the Malta Gallies and to other Western Pirates by which the Rivers of their neighbouring parts were infested and the subjects of the Ottaman Empire kept from sayling safely on those Seas and had yet a more particular quarrel for that the voyages of those Masselmans who out of any vow or religious zeal sayled to Meccha were thereby hindred and exposed to danger The disturbers of the peace making use of this and cloaking their own peculiar interests under it strove to make War with the Common-wealth to bereave her of this Noble and Rich Island Nor was the inclination which was known to be in many of those inhabitants to change their Government that so they might change their fortune and condition a small incitement hereunto For a sore slavery being by ancient custome introduced which arose first from a small tax laid upon the inhabitants to pay the Cavalry which kept those shores from incursions and the Venetians not daring to abrogate it when they had gotten that Kingdom for fear of losing the love of the Nobles whose Lands were laboured by these slaves whom they call Parici many of those men grew discontented and desirous of Novelty which not hoping to attain unto from elsewhere they had recourse unto the Turks as to those to whom such an enterprise might prove very easie and opportune by reason of their power and nearnesse But these things being represented to Soliman and much discourse being had thereupon which bred much doubt and jealousies in the Venetians could work no effect For he were it for that he was alwaies imployed in other affairs or that he would not without occasion violate his friendship with the Venetians and by breach of Oath stain that glory which he was alwaies so ambitious of or for that he thought it not good to necessitate them whose friendship he might make advantage of to turn their forces against him which were very strong at Sea and therefore very fit to molest many of his Dominions and to occasion a League amongst the Christian Princes and so interrupt his greater designs would never lend an ear to those who advised him to this enterprise nor make use of any occasion wisely refusing the invitations and the promises of the Parici of the Island The Venetians were not wanting to preserve this opinion in him wherefore refusing all Counsells which tended to War and thinking it not fit to make use of any occasion which might compell them to take up Arms against so potent an Enemy they these late years stood idly looking upon others mens actions that they might not indanger themselves to free
as God did now lay before him to preserve the faithfull Musselmans to molest their enemies and to make way for noble and glorious atchievments But Piâ—li and Mustafa Bashaw endeavoured the contrary with much fervency and with the same reasons but applyed otherwise who not onely out of envy to Mehemet but as his declared enemies the former having by his means been deprived of the dignity of Bashaw del Mare and the latter's life much endangered by severall imputations whilst he was Governour of Cairo did alwaies oppose Mehemets designes and counsells and they appeared the more zealous herein for that knowing they advised that whereunto their Lord was much enclined they hoped to wind into his favour and to deprive him thereof who advised the contrary by applauding his resolution To this was added That if the businesse of Cyprus should be pitched upon according to their opinions and perswasions Piali hoped to be restored to his former honour and to be Governour of the Fleet and Mustafa hoped to have the chief employment by land so as upon any happy successe they might each of them regain their former reputation and authority These men sometimes considering the advantage sometimes the easinesse of this enterprise and oft-times mixing the consideration of Religion with these concernments of State shewed How that the Venetians forces were of themselves weak and that what assistance they might receive from other Christian Princes was by example known to be uncertain and fallacious That the Island of Cyprus by reason of its far distance from Venice was hard to be garrisoned or succoured very convenient to be assaulted by them by its lying so near their Countries That it was a rich and noble Kingdom commodiously seated for their other Territories and so as it might secure the navigation upon those Seas to the subjects of the Ottaman Empire which so great an Emperour as he ought the rather to take into his care for that not onely in derision of his dignity but to the hainous scandall of Religion and of the name of Musselman the voyage to the Mecca was impeded the Pilgrims being miserably made prisoners by the western Pirats who had safe harbour in that Island And that as this war was of it self holy so it might be made the more meritorious by applying the rich revenues of this new acquisition to the use of the magnificent Temple which Selino caused to be built in Andrenopolis They moreover opposed Mehemet 's opinion very strongly and the Spanish enterprise urging the difficulty of carrying so numerous a Fleet into so far distant Countries to what dangers it would be exposed sailing through places where there were no Havens through the enemies Rivers and then how long it would be before the war could be begun what alterations time might afford how vain those hopes use to prove which are grounded upon popular insurrections without the groundwork of reall forces How craggy and mountainous those parts were and naturally apt to hinder any considerable progresse of any power how great soever Selino listned the more willingly to what these men said for that it was conformable to his own sense and on the other side Mehemet's allegations were of lesse authority for he being known to be very wary nay rather timorous sometimes in his advices he was thought to act according to his own inclinations when he was against making any war without necessity and now when he was for the enterprise of Spain wherein there wanted not much difficulty he seemed to do not onely what was contradictory to reason but contrary to his own nature Selino proceeded therefore herein with great respect and temper and at last meeting with no more opposition he resolved upon the enterprise of Cyprus saying He would be himself in person in it And he was so affectionate and so constant in this resolution as all men believed he would have begun this War the very first year of his Empire had he not been detained by other impediments for he found the Empire much exhausted of many things by reason of the continuall Wars made by Soliman and especially in the last enterprises of Malta and Sighet wherein many men were consumed and the Fleet was also almost unfurnished of all things so as it was necessary to refresh the Forces and to recruit the Navy by time and rest The Bashaw of Caffa being put upon it as it was thought by Mehemet to imploy the Grand Signior in other affairs had put him in minde that by cutting a neck of Land about some eighteen miles over in a place called Asdragan which was possest by the Russians two great and famous Rivers might be joyn'd together the Tanai and the Volga whereby severall Navigations would be much accommodated and the fishing of the Tanai would be bettered to the great and assured advantage of his Highnesse Imposts and with hopes of greater things for thereby an easie Navigation would be opened to Mare Maiore whereinto the Tanai falls and to the Caspian Sea whereinto the Volga doth disgorge her selfe so as Armies might upon any occasion be easily led into Persia. For the which many men being assembled and much indeavour being had the Muscovites through whose Country the Cut was to be made did not onely raise many Horse to disturbe the worke but the King of Persia hearing thereof and considering as it was true that by leaving this way open to his Territories they were bereft of a great security by reason of the difficulties of the deserts and by the length of the march which the Armies meet withall which come to assault them he began to multiply his men who were upon his confines and gave Selino just occasion to suspect that these things being discovered he would not ratifie the peace and confederacy which he had made with his Father Soliman Nor was the rising of the Arabians to be slighted who had possest themselves of much Territories about the River of Giemen tane the City Aden and indeavoured to make themselves Masters of the Mecca and giving out that they held intelligence with the Portuguesse made greater proceedings be apprehended But these rumours of the Arabians being at last appeased and the King of Persia having sent Letters that he would continue his friendship and former confederacy and together with them which made them be the better credited notice being given by the Bashaw of Ersirun that all things were peacefull upon the confines of Persia Selino thought that being free from all impediments and having already made much provision for War he ought not now defer it any longer and the rather for that he seemed to be invited to hasten the enterprise by two sad accidents which hapned this year which did much incommodiate the Venetians but not so much as it was thought The one was that there was so great a scarcity of all sorts of Grain this year throughout almost all Italy as there was great want found thereof in the City of Venice
answer to the particulars propounded by Torres in an expresse memoriall till he should come to Sivill Yet Torres soliciting his expedition with reiterated endeavours as he who knew nothing could be so prejudiciall to the businesse in hand as delaie nor nothing so helpfull as speedy resolution He got the King to promise him that he would give order that his Gallies and those of his stipendiarie and confederates which were about 75 to boot with those of Spain which by reason of the commotions in Granada were to tarry in those Seas should be all brought to the Island of Cicily with particular Commission to John Andrea Doria who had the command thereof to follow the Pope's commands touching the time and manner of joyning with the Venetian Gallies and to undertake the voyage and businesse of the Senate He likewise obtained orders to the Viceroyes of Naples and Cicily that they should furnish the Venetian Fleet with as much corn as they could conveniently spare out of those Kingdoms But as for the League he would not at that time determine any thing since the King said It would require mature consideration But soon after when he came to Sivill he resolved of his own free-will though it was thought he was perswaded to the contrary by many to send sufficient Commissions to Don Jovan di Zuinga who was then his Embassadour at Rome and to the two Cardinalls Gravelle and Pacecco to treat of the League and to conclude it it being thought fit 〈◊〉 viating the delaies and difficulties which the far distance of Countries might occasion in a businesse of such concernment that the whole Treaty should be reduced to the City of Rome The Venetian Senate had sent orders to their Embassadour Sigismonde de Cavalli their Embassadour at the Catholick Court to be aiding to Torres in his negotiations the King affirming that when he should know the Pope's proposalls finding him very well inclined to the common good he would willingly accept of his counsells and exhortations and would readily do whatsoever should be resolved of in Rome and established by the Pope's authority and by the consent of the Princes That he very well knew what the present mischief was and what the eminent dangers of Christendom That he would not be wanting in any thing which might remedy them and not onely to sustain the dignity and state of the Common-wealth but the reputation of the name of Christian. These endeavours wisely performed by Cavalli prevailed very much in bringing the King to put on this resolution and being severall times efficaciously reiterated by Lunardo Donato who at this time succeeded Cavilli they did help very much to keep the King in this good minde and to overcome many difficulties which were importunely promoted by many of his Counsellors and State Officers Donato having purchas'd much favour and reputation in the Court by his worth and grave Eloquence Torres having thus dispatcht his Commission in Spain that he might fully compleat the Pope's orders past suddenly into Portugall having first got Letters of recommendation for what he was to treat upon from Ioâ—e the Kings Mother who was then at Madrid Sebastian the first was at this time King of Portugall a youth of some seventeen years old religiously educated under Don Luigi Gonzabell a Jesuit one well esteemed for his integrity and of great Authority with the King wherefore the Pope promised himself all the assistance that could be expected from him for the service of Christendom He therefore desired that the ten Gallies which were continually kept arm'd in that Kingdom might passe along into these Seas together with those of the Catholick King and joyn with the Venetian Gallies But the King shewing great obsequy and reverence towards the Apostolick Sea and much desire to satisfie the Popes request in this so pious and profitable enterprise excused himself that his actions could not correspond with his inclinations for that his Gallies were for the most part disarm'd by reason of the Plague which had been the year before in Lisbon and that it was not possible for him to arm them so soon as that they might be fit for service that year so as Torres his journey into Portugall as to that point proved to no purpose But he began an other businesse with that King which was to procure the consummation of his Marriage with Margaret sister to the King of France which had long before been treated of but to no effect by the Catholick King But it hapned very unseasonably at this time that the Pope's power was not great with the Emperour by reason of his being offended with him for having granted a new title of great Duke of Tuscany to Cosmo de Medici Duke of Florence which being done not onely without Caesar's knowledge but as he said contrary to his will expresly signified by his Embassador then resident at Rome he thought his honour much concern'd therein and the Authority of the Empire so as being much scandalized thereat he in his Court declared this act of the Popes to be invalid and had already sent his Embassadors to Rome to protest the invalidity thereof unto the Pope Therefore the Pope minded the Venetians that they might do well to work the Emperour to be a friend herein which when he should declare himself so to be he the Pope would not be wanting to make him the more fervent therein by his exhortations and expresse Nuncio's At the same time therefore when the Treaty concerning this Confederacy was promoted at the Catholick Court Iovan Michiele the Venetian Embassadour an able man and very dexterous at the management of important affairs had given a beginning to the same at Caesar's Court He told the Emperour that now the occasion was given of doing that which he himselfe had often wisht for before and whereby he might safely assault the Turkish Territories on that side whilst they being busied at Sea would not have opportunity to relieve them That he was not therefore to wait till this War being ended and their Empire secured by their Sea-Forces the Turks might turn all their Forces to prejudice him from which danger how little safe he was by the League with the Turks and their plighted faith he might easily perceive by Selino's having broken peace with the Venetians and by his having violated his Oath for no other cause but that he would govern the whole world To which Caesar seeming to assent he readily answered He would not be wanting to his own good and to the good of Christendom but exhorted the Venetians to accept of and to prosecute this War with a constant and magnanimous resolution saying that their noble daring would make all other Christian Princes the more willing to assist and back them which they would never fail to do if the Venetians were not faulty to themselves For his own part they might promise themselves a ready resolution that he knew the Arch-Dukes his Brothers would be of the same
mind with him and did hope that the King of Poland and the Duke of Muscovy would follow his example but that it was necessary to see first what the other Princes would do and particularly the King of Spain whose pleasure in that point he had desired to know speedily and assuredly by a messenger which he had purposely sent unto him The Pope did often solicite Charles the ninth King of France by his Nuncio to side with the League indeavouring to perswade him that though perhaps he could not lend so speedy assistance to the League as was requisite by reason of the troubles his Kingdom had been in for many years of late by domestick affairs yet ought he to favour it as much as he could and adde unto the Reputation if not unto the Forces thereof by his name and by his authority which request the King not thinking himselfe able to satisfie and yet being unwilling to seem to undervalue the Pope's exhortations and authority he interposed severall delays saying That he would see what others would do who were then more powerfull then he and freer from impediments But the Queen-Mother on whom the weight of that Government did then very much rest excusing her selfe more directly said that her Son's condition differed from that of other Princes because the point in hand with them was of continuing War against an Enemy but with France it was of breaking amity with a potent Prince their ancient friend that therefore it was a businesse of great weight and which ought to be well considered But both the King and Queen were very civill in their speeches towards the Common-wealth in so much as to boot with their offers made to the Venetian Embassador then resident in the Court of France and many that they made their Embassador make who were then resident at Venice The King sent a Gentleman of his expresly to offer unto the Signory all that it was possible for the Kingdom of France to do at the present being molested with so grievous accidents to wit That he would use his Authority to divert this War and to accommodate their affairs with the Turkish Emperour making use of that friendship which he had never contracted but found it commenc'd by his Grandfather King Francis and by Henry his Father and that he would think she should now make good use thereof if he could thereby do any service to his ancient good friends the Venetians But neither did time nor occasion permit any use to be made of these things preparations for War being already too far advanced on both sides nor was it thought a good course to slaken either other Princes or themselves all of them being now hotly set upon War and bent to defend their own Dominions The Italian Princes appeared well inclined to the League the Duke of Urbin offered both himselfe and his State readily and the Duke of Savoy did the like but to better advantage by reason of his Gallies whereof good use might be made as did after the Confederates The Duke of Florence was the more forward herein professing to be govern'd in all things by the Pope as being oblig'd to him for his new access of honour and to win his favour the more he seemed not onely willing to favour the League but being then in Rome he incouraged the Pope to what he saw him already zealously bent But the Duke of Ferrara had so incens'd the Pope against him by reason of the old difference of the Salt and of certain Navigation upon the Poe as he constantly affirm'd that he would by no means bear with the disobedience of a vassail of the Church nor that his own Authority should be so lessened threatning to go against him with his temporall arms unlesse he altered his mind And on the other side the Duke said that if he were necessitated to do so to preserve the jurisdiction of those Dominions which being gotten by his Ancestors fell to him by right of Inheritance he would leave nothing unattempted nay that he would call in the French Hâ—genots to his assistance which the Venetian Senate thinking to be too unseasonable at this time and that it might not onely disturb the League which was now on Treaty but otherwise necessitate and indanger the Common-wealth they sent Iovan Formento Secretary of the Councell of Ten a man well experienced in such Negotiations to Ferrara to mediate with the Duke that considering the present state of affairs and the due obsequy which he ought to pay unto the Apostolick Sea he would both for the common good and for his own particular interest lay aside all thoughts which might put him upon the triall of his Forces and that he might hope to receive better and more certain advantage by Treaty Thus by the interposition of the Senates Authority first with the Duke and then with the Pope this other fire was extinguished which was a kindling to the prejudice of Christendom It was also resolved to solicite Tamas king of Persia to take up Arms and to revenge the ancient and new Injuries which his Kingdom had received by the Ottaman Princes Vicenza d' Allessandri was chosen for this imployment a Citizen of Venice as one who having lived long at Constantinople was vers'd in severall Languages and had had some converse with these barbarous Nations This man the passages being block'd up by reason of the Wars in the lower parts towards the Sea took his journey throuhg Germany Poland and Walacchia and coming to the banks of the Mare Majore took shipping at Moncastro which is the ancient Hermonassa and went from thence to Lynope a City famous for having been the Country of Mithredates and from thence he went to Tauris whither being come and understanding that Tamas was then at Casmin one of the Residences of the Kings of Persia which lies more inward into the Country which was anciently called Arsatia he went to that City Here being brought in by some Armenian Merchants who had had commerce formerly at Venice by night according to the custome of that Nation before Sultan Caidar Mirice the Kings third Son who was then his Lieutenant he had several long discourses with him touching his journey and the occasion thereof Vicenzo acquainted him with Selino's having taken up Arms against the Venetians and with the great preparations for War which was made by almost all the Princes of Christendom to assault the Turkish Empire by their Armies and by their Fleets exhorting him in the names of his Lords and Masters to make use of this occasion and to make War with the Turks on that side now that their Asian Territories being exhausted of all their Souldiers who were to be imploy'd in the enterprise of Cyprus were left a prey to whosoever would assault them All which things Caidar seemed willing to hear and by many questions inform'd himself of every particular but promis'd nothing save that he would be a means that he might be admitted to
audience by his father Alâ—ssandri perceiving this unseasonable delay began to treat with the Lord Chancellor of the Kingdom being advised so to do and assisted therein by Coza Ali a Merchant of Tauris to whom he going at the same time from Venice the businesse was recommended the Chancellour after some discourse had thereupon said that his King was a wise Prince and that he was to proceed maturely in a businesse of such Importance and would a while expect the successe of the League upon which he might afterwards ground his resolution the better Thus Alessandri not being admitted into the Kings presence departed without any other answer For it was clearly seen that Tamas being now very old and addicted to peace shun'd giving occasion to the Turk of any suspition that he would conspire against him together with the Christian Princes This businesse was likewise much impeded by accidents which hapned at that time wherein according to the usuall course of the Ottaman family the Persian forces were imploy'd in appeasing certain Insurrections raised by a Nephew of Homat formerly King of Giland a noble and rich Country of Media now in the possession of the Kings of Persia whereupon Mustapha Mirise the Kings eldest Son was gone with 10000 Horse into that Province to suppress the Author of those Commotions Thus whilst the Christians were in trouble the Persians injoy'd their quiet nourishing thereby a long and heavy War unto themselves which was made against them some few years after by Amurate Son to Selino who possest himselfe at unawares of severall places in Media in the Country which is now called Servan whilst the Persians did in vain desire to see the Christians take up Arms against the common enemies as the Christians did now in vain desire the help and favour of their forces These were the Venetians preparations these their counsells and treaties with other Princes at this time that they might joyntly wage war with the common enemy But the Turks beginning this mean while to commit many hostile acts had detained severall subjects of the Common-wealth together with their goods who traffickt in Narenta and in other parts of Albania within the Turkish Dominions and had likewise unloaded two Venetian ships which were at Constantinople and not suffered them to depart from those Havens though upon other pretences Which when the Venetians heard of they thought it became them to treat the Turkish subjects which were in their City accordingly to the end that their persons and goods might serve to ransome our men and their merchandise A guard was likewise put upon a Chiaus named Mamutbei who being parted from the Court to go for France was come some daies before to Venice and stayed there to negotiate a certain businesse of some particular Merchants with the Venetian Signories to whom he brought credentiall Letters as also to be advised therein by Monsieur Duferier the French Embassadour then resident at Venice who thinking that it had been fit to have known his Kings intention which peradventure might have been altered by the various accidents of the times and to procure a safe conduct for Mamutbei's passage through the State of Millan had kept him from pursuing his journey into France out of these respects Duferier did modestly resent the detention of this man as of one who was sent to his Prince and had been advised to tarry there by him wherefore he endeavoured his liberty But the King when he knew the Venetians just reasons and that Mamutbei had not any important businesse to treat of but that he was come either to be a spy over the Venetians under other pretences or else sent out of some idle occasion by the French Embassadour then resident at Constantinople without his knowledge or consent he was soon pacified Mamutbei was therefore sent to Verona and kept prisoner in St. Felice's Castle till the end of the war Whilst the Venetians were thus employed the Turks were not idle at Constantinople but were alike diligent in providing all things that they might put to Sea as soon and as strong as was possible Selino being returned to Constantinople in December he was so diligent in making men work in the Arsenall in causing new Gallies be built in caulking old ones in casting Artillery and in all other necessaries as he himself went thither sometimes to hasten the work A great number of Pioners were listed in Grecia great quantities of Biskets was made in Morea Gallies were sent to Constantinople from many Provinces to make up the Fleet and twenty five Gallies were prepared in all haste to be speedily sent into Allessandria to bring away much provisions which were made ready there for the Armies For they did very much fear that the Venetians would be speedy in sending a great squadron of Gallies into the Levant whereby their Navigation might be block'd up and hindred much to their prejudice They were likewise very solicitous in finishing a Fort which was begun a little before at Brazzo di Maina that they might have a fitting and safe receptacle for a good squadron of Gallies which they purposed to send early out to hinder the succour which might be sent by the Venetians to Cyprus And Selino continuing his resolution to go himself in person in the Army an infinite number of Camells were prepared and great solemnity was used in getting all things ready according to the custom of that Nation when their Emperour goes into the field The Bashawes discoursed oft how the war was to be managed wherein their opinions were very different some were minded that before any thing else were done men were to be poured into Cyprus by a great Fleet of all sorts of Vessells which being landed and the flat-bottom'd Boats and small Pinaces being left there together with a squadron of Gallies for their better security the rest of the Fleet should make for our Gulph to terrifie the Venetians and to confuse them the more and to keep the Christian Fleets play in these seas And that if it should be too long ere the whole Fleet could be united the first hundred Gallies which should be ready should be presently sent towards Cyprus to get footing there and to secure the landing of the rest of the Army by building a Fort there Others would that Piali without any further losse of time should instantly put to Sea with 100 Gallies and enter our Gulph and that the rest of the Fleet should be sent to Cyprus And others thinking it neither safe nor of any use to advance so soon proposed that Piali should go with the said hundred Gallies to the Haven of Suda and possesse themselves thereof and pillaging the Island of Candia should wait there for the rest of the Fleet and to do then as they should see cause by the movings of our Fleets The different respects of Mustafa and Piali nourished the variety of these opinions the longer for the former to whom the enterprise of Cyprus was
Constantinople till such time as Richard King of England sold the Signiory thereof to the Knights Templars by whom it was quickly sold to Guido Lusignano who being driven by Sultan Saladine out of Jerusalem withdrew himself to live in Cyprus and was the first Latine Lord whose son succeeding his father in the Dominion got it by the Pope's authority to be made a Kingdom the first Greâ—ian Lords having used the title of Dukes The peacâ—ble and quiet condition of this whole Kingdom continued under the Government of twelve Kings except the city of Famagosta which was possest by the Genoveses After which the Kingdom falling into the hands of Lewis son to Amideo the 7th Duke of Savoy by the right of inheritance of Charlotta daughter to King John Lusignan it was taken by the aid of the Mamalucchy by James son to the same King illegitimate a man of much valour and of aspiring thoughts who also recovered Famagosta from the Genueses and that he might be the better confirmed in the possession of the Kingdom procured the friendship and protection of the Venetians by marrying Catharina Cornaro adopted daughter of the Common-wealth who was made heir of that Kingdom by the last Will and Testament of her husband And by her it was freely given to her Country as you have heard before By which it may be known what reason the Common-wealth had to make any attempt and expose her self to all danger and trouble for the preservation of so rich and noble a Kingdom which was so lawfully possess'd by her But to return to our narration The Turkish Fleet was discryed to be about Baffo upon the Western Cape of the Island on the first day of Iuly which falling lower towards the South scoured the River which is between Limisso and the Promontory which is called by many Capo de Gatti taking many prisoners and sacking and pillaging severall country houses But making no long stay there they steered the same course and came the next day to Saline a place which lies upon the same shore somewhat more towards the East where not meeting with any to withstand them they landed their Artillery and their souldiers and secured their quarters by strong Rampiers from whence they issued out to plunder the neighbouring parts endeavouring to inform themselves by the Prisoners of the affairs of the Island And advancing as far as Leucata a Town nine leagues from Saline they easily reduced those country people to their obedience to whom Mustafa Bashaw gave many gifts and promis'd them much more thereby to invite others to submit to his devotion especially the Mountainers whom he could not so soon reduce by force This mean while the Turks sent forth 80 Gallies and many Bottoms of Barthne some to Tripoli some to the Rivers of Caramania to raise more Souldiers and Horse so as their whole forces being soon after brought together there were found as most men affirm in the Turkish Army 50000 Foot 3000 Pioniers 2500 Horse for war besides as many or more for burthen 30 pieces of Artillery some bearing bullets of 50l weight some of a 100l and 50 Faulconets But there were not Garrisons in the Island of Cyprus sufficient to resist such forces for there was not above 2000 Italian Foot in the usuall Garrisons nor were there any more sent afterwards save 3000 of the common people di Terra Ferma and the 2000 of Martiningo's men which by suffering at sea were reduced to a much lesser number So as the greatest hope in defending the Cities lay in the new Militia which was mustered of the Islanders themselves from whom as was affirmed by many Captains and Governours excellent service might upon all occasions be expected Nor were there any Horse in the Kingdom for action save 500 Stradiotti which were still kept in pay nor was it easie to get more for though many of the Nobles who enjoyed severall things from the Camera reale some through antient some through new privileges were bound to finde by those their Fee-farms three or four horses a piece for the Princes service and that these amounted to about 700 Horse yet were there not many more than 100 of them that were serviceable at this time Nay the breed of Horses was very much decayed throughout the whole Island by reason of the greater conveniency which the Inhabitants found in riding upon Mules whereof this country produceth great abundance and those very large Things were therefore in a very bad posture since there wanted sufficient forces to withstand so powerfull an enemy who were masters of the field nor could they long maintain two Forts whereof Nicossia being one by reason of the largenesse thereof required a great many souldiers to defend it and the other which was Famagosta though it was lesser was so weak and imperfect as it likewise required many men and those valiant ones too to make good the defects of the Fort. And though these forces were but small yet were they of lesser use for want of experienced Commanders for there was not any one in the whole Island of quality or condition save Astore Baglione who was Generall of that Militia Martiningo being dead at sea as hath been said Nor was there any Commissary Generall of the Island nor any Venetian Magistrate as is usually had in all places in times of danger for Lorenzo Bembo who held that place was dead but a little before in whose place though the Senate soon chose Sebastian Veniero Commissary of Corfu yet could he not come so soon to Cyprus to execute his office The chief commands of War were therefore conferred upon divers Cyprian Gentlemen who were of great wealth and nobility and very well affected towards the Common-wealth but of very little or no experience at all in the Militia and therefore the lesse fit for such employment Count Rocas was made Baglione's Lieutenant who after Bembo's death held supream authority in all things belonging to the Militia Iacomo di Nores Count of Tripoli was Master of the Artillery Iovanni Singlitico Captain of all the Horse of the Kingdom Iovanni Sosomino Captain of the Pioners Sapione Caraffa and Pietro Paolo Singlitico Captains of the Country people who were to be placed in strong scituations upon the Mountains and so other offices and employments were disposed of to others And the received opinion being that the Turks would first assault Famagosta Baglione would go to the custody thereof himself that he might use his endeavours where there should be most need Things being thus ordered after many consultations it was concluded That the first thing they would do should be by all possible means to hinder the enemy from landing or at least to infest them keeping along the shoar whither they should seem to come so as they should be enforc'd to separate and change their station by that means prolonging the businesse since they could not tarry long upon those downs without danger where there was no harbour for their Fleet.
which hindred his designs as Mustafa alleadged or that under pretence of this practice he plotted some mischiefe to our men which he found afterwards by new accidents he could not compasse the businesse could not be effected nor had they so great forces as they might hope thereby to force the Town which was already Garrisonized with new men The like success and out of the same reasons had the businesse of of Alessio attempted not long after by those of Dulcingo For having taken the Suburbs of the Town with those few men which they could put together and chased the St. Iacco of Ducagini who was come with some Horse to relieve the Town they could not keep long before the Castle nor so soon effect the enterprise by a few men but that it was impeded by the Belgerby of Greece But our men made War upon the confines of Zara rather to keep the Enemy from doing injuries and to secure that Country which was mightily infested by the Turks than out of any other hopes for the enemie were mightily increased in Horse thereabouts so as our light Horse which kept for the most part within the City of Zara went out as occasion required to hinder Pillage and many other mischiefs which were done by the Enemy wherein Brandolino Brandolini Count di Val-di Marino and Ierollimo dal Nero Vicentino did behave themselves gallantly with their Ferrara Horse wherewith appearing often in the field and valiantly assaulting the Enemy who came to do mischief they revenged themselves upon them before they suffered them to depart But no remakable action hapned in these Countries Pillage rather then Battel being the effect of this first years actions At the same time that these things hapned whilst the Fleets were gone prepared for hostile actions the businesse of the League which was agitated as hath been said by common consent in Rome was no lesse solicitously attended where as soon as sufficient Commissions were come from the King of Spain and from the Signory of Venice to their Agents inabling them to conclude it the Pope sending for them to come before him in a grave and affectionate manner spoke unto them thus As soon as there was any news heard of War resolved upon by Selino Ottaman against the State of Venice we fearing lest this might be the begining of much mischief to Christendom a million of our-enormous sins having provoked Gods anger against us We I say presently betook our selves to our prayers and devotions which if they might not impetrate pardon for us might at least mitigate the punishment wherein we have intermitted nothing neither by our internall peculiar affection nor by our admonitions nor by our example which belonged unto our office as the true Pastor and Custos of the Flock committed unto us by God And now we begin to rejoyce thinking that our humble Petitions have not been powred forth in vain since the Catholick King moved by the divine spirit hath so easily and so quickly been perswaded to concur in this holy League and to this purpose hath made choice of pious and wise men that so important a businesse may the more easily be brought to a good end And the like good disposition of minde is seen in the Venetian Senate all whose votes have concur'd to the undertaking of this War Those Senators being resolute and constant not to dispence with any cost or pains wherein their own safety may be concern'd and the common good of Christendom which was certainly very much threatned by the Turks Which as it is well known to you Gentlemen who are so wise so ought you with all your study and indeavours to intend this union wherein the purchasing of perpetuall peace and quiet to your Princes Dominions and immortall glory to their names is negotiated Mens Governments and Empires are not secured from ruine by the farre distance of others mens Countries but those ruines are retarded that they may fall the heavier Constantinople Cairo and Jerusalem how far are they distant from the Caspian Gates from whence these Barbarians had their first beginnings and yet these Seates of noblest Empires are inslaved by a forrain people neither known nor feared by them before And at this time when these men extending the bounds of their Dominions on all sides are become neighbours to almost all Princes now that over-running the Sea with their shipping and having so many Havens in their hands they have made the way more easie for them into the most remote Regions Shal it be said that Spain or any other Province is free or safe from the power of such an Empire which being wholly ordered for War will never meet with any Boundures but making one War arise from an other aspires at the universall Monarchy But say that the Venetians were solely concern'd in the damage and danger of this war it ought assuredly be common to all Christian Princes since it is made by Infidels against the faithfull nay against that Common-wealth wherein the true Christian Religion hath alwaies been profest and nourisht and which hath so often defended and maintained the dignity of this holy Sea the head of Christianity and which imports not a little since she fights in defence of the Kingdom of Cyprus the preservation whereof ought to be highly esteemed and defended by every Christian Prince lest that Island which lyes so opportunely for the enterprise of the Holy Land fall not into the hands of Infidels To which enterprise now that the Empire of Constantinople is lost that passage will be shut up whereby Christians have formerly past happily thither Nor will we dispair and think that our fervent desires shall alwaies prove vain but that we may yet see a Croisado wherein all Christian Princes and people may so zealously concur as a new Kingdom of Ierusalem may be sounded and the Trophy of the Cross be replaced there so as that blessed Land be no more the receptacle of impious and wicked men The Hermit Peter was able to perswade so many Princes and joyn together so many Armies almost of every Nation for so glorious and pious an enterprise in the time of Pope Urbane who knows but that God may be as gracious to us And that the time is now come we have some signs thereof since God hath so long preserved so famous and and powerfull a Common-wealth from so many dangers and that he hath been pleased by so many wayes to increase the power and dignity of the House of Austria wherein he hath now given us so powerfull and pious a Prince that he may quell the pride of the Enemies of the Holy Faith and parallel the worth and glory of Charlemain whose fame is made so illustrious by the memory of so many things done by him for the increase of Christian religion This so great and honourable work and the hope of such happy successe is recommended to your diligence and trust so as you ought not onely be diligent and effectuall in executing
especially in their constant opinion that the enterprises of Barbary should be particularly named in all the Articles of the War alledging that without this hope the King could not get that sum of monies out of Spain which was requisite for the expence he should be at in the League But the Pope who proceeded with great sincerity in all things and aimed onely at the universall good of Christendom sought sometimes to temper the Spaniards immoderatenesse by reason sometimes by seeming angry protesting that unlesse they came to a speedy resolution he would withdraw all those acts of favour and all those immunities which he had granted their King for the raising of monies to this end Nor was he wanting in using his endeavours with the Venetians he exhorted them to accommodate themselves even to such resolutions as might not be over advantagious encouraged them to hope well and promised that he would never abandon their cause nor be wanting in favouring and assisting them to his utmost The Cardinalls deputed to this businesse siding sometimes with the one party sometimes with the other that they might the more easily bring them together laboured very much to put an end to the Treaty Morone a man of much experience in the management of important businesses and very wel-spoken adhering often to the proposalls made by the Venetian Embassadours as those that aimed most at the common good endeavoured to remove the Kings Agents from their peculiar interests or rather to make them more capable of truth Is it not most true said he that by fighting the Turkish forces in the Levant where they are strongest the Catholick King will not onely secure the Spanish seas which he shall hardly do by the Affrican affairs but will also procure safety to his other Dominions for many years nay perhaps for ever For when the enemies Fleet shall be ruined and when he shall be weakened in the very heart of his Kingdom by the losse of places neer to Constantinople which is the seat of his Empire Who can doubt but that Algeers Tunnis Tripoli and other Towns that lie further off will suddenly fall without either pain or peril into the Kings power As on the contrary there is nothing more certain then as long as the Turks shall continue strong and keep their forces entire it will be a very hard matter to get those Towns and almost impossible to keep them of which we have late and assured experience since in that respect the Emperour Charls the 5th could never get the City of Algeers though he did very much desire it For it was judged it would be rashly done to attempt any such action in the summer when the Turkish Fleet would be at her strongest and if it should be attempted in autumn it would prove more troublesome more dangerous and no good would be got thereby by reason of the short time that the Militia could keep in field and by reason of the hasards at sea which the Fleet should be exposed unto But if such things were feasable certainly greater victories were not to be laid aside for them upon such an occasion as this nor were such hopes to be lost But time and occasion must be waited for to bring things to maturity and in the mean time the preservation of the Kingdom of Cyprus in the power of Christians and which was the chief cause of this Treaty should be endeavoured Wherefore to make any particular mention of the Affrican parts in the present Articles of this League would be nothing but to wrest it from its true end and vainly to beget jealousies in the Colleagues And yet I pray you what of tie or what of caution is had by these expresse words Is it not clear enough that the League being made against the Turk and against his Dominions it is to be understood that those places which he holds in Barbary are therein comprehended against which the forces of the League shall turn themselves when reason and the condition of affairs shall advise thereunto To do it at another time would be prejudiciall and not to be wish'd for by him who aimed at what was good Nor was it to be said that the Colleagues were at liberty to deferre the enterprise it was rather to be believed that they would all concur the more willingly therein the Venetians in requitall of the good they had received and the Pope seeing that now the greatest dangers of Christendom were over The King's Agents being convinc'd by these and by the like reasons betook themselves to other excuses saying That they would write to Spain to know the Kings pleasure more particularly therein Hereunto were added other difficulties for the Spaniards endeavoured to lay some note of jealousie upon the Venetians by obliging the Colleagues under the penalty of Ecclesiasticall Censure to observe what should be established by the League every one seeing plainly whither such a condition tended and how unequall it was in many respects chiefly because the Catholick King was free from any such danger by his own grandezza There were often disputes likewise touching who should command the Fleet in chief the Spaniards craving the prerogative not onely of naming the Captain Generall which was easily condescended unto but to substitute any other with the like authority in the absence of him that should be chosen So as diffidence encreasing by means of these things the businesse of the League began to cool very much which was begun with such fervour At which the Venetian Senate being the more troubled because it was far from what they hoped for at first they resolved to send another Embassadour to Rome deputed particularly for that Treaty to shew the Pope how desirous they were of a conclusion and their constant resolution to continue the war and also to put the more reputation upon the businesse by its being negotiated by two of the Common-wealth's Representatives and this was the rather thought fitting because the Embassadour Suriano had given occasion of speech that he had given way to some of those things which were yet in dispute nay such as had been alwaies gainsaid by the Senate Iovanni Soranzo was chosen for this Embassie who though he joyned very wisely with Suriano to have the League concluded yet meeting with the same difficulties he could do no good So as to the wonder and grief of all men the time was unusefully spent which should have been rather now employed in executing things resolved upon then in resolving upon what should be done At the same time the Treaty of the League was continued at the Imperiall Court but with no better successe for the Emperour having spent many months under severall pretences herein being desirous to keep from declaring himselfe as long as he could said at last that having made Truce with Selino for eight years whereof onely three were as yet expired he thought he was bound in honour to observe what he had promised But that though he should be
endeavour the preservation of this Common-wealth out of a desire of living quiet and under a moderate government but many other persons of honour have come to serve in this war from almost all the parts of Italy and from forrain parts making our cause theirs and concurring with us in expence and danger to the end that this the glory of Italy and bulwork of Christendom as our Common-wealth is by all reputed to be may be preserved Which as it ought to rejoyce us and make us thankfull so ought we not by any means suffer our selves to be out-done by others in the defence of ourselves and of our Common-wealth but shew unto the world that this city exceeds not others more in fortune than in worthy Citisens Briefly Gentlemen we must alwaies have an eye to the condition of these times and of this war which is such as if we do but never so little give way unto the Enemy or sâ—acken necessary provisions we shall not onely leave the Kingdom of Cyprus open to him to be made a prey of but all our Dominions by sea will be exposed to manifest danger the grandure of this Common-wealth the principality of the sea which hath with so much labour been for many ages gotten by our Ancestors will be loâ—â— to the discretion of bitter and powerful enemies Whereas on the contrary we may through 〈◊〉 diligence constancy and gallantry hope for much better things and by valiantly withstanding and repulsing the violence of thiâ— fierce enemy purchase unto our selves much glory and honour Who knowes but that this war may prove the exaltation of this Common-wealth and of Christendom and the confusion of the Ottaman Empire I do dispair but that a generall League may be made by all Christian Princes whereof the treaty is already drawn neer to a conclusion with 〈◊〉 If by these forces and Gods assistance our Fleets shall have got the better of these enemies who are grown so powerfull more through our home-discords then by their own valour will not the way be opened to their ruine What may not we hope for of prosperous or happy All our fears and hopes as also our bad and good fortune do for the most part depend upon our selves who by change of behaviour may work a change of fortune He who doth not justly consider these things who apprehends not these dangers who is not cheered by these hopes deserves not to be called a Citisen of this illustrious Country is no man nor lives not since he is not sensible of so many offences is not awakened at his own safety nor mindes not his own good These the Doge's words which were attentively listned unto by all made great impression in all noble mindes and encouraged them to continue the war and to provide for all things necessary thereunto Each enheartned other lessening the past losses and misfortunes and comforting each other with hopes of better successe One shewed the necessity of defending themselves for the maintaining of the Common-wealth and publick dignity An other more highly minded aspired at greater matters and to take a double revenge of the enemy as well for injuries received as by becomming Master of their Dominions All things requisite either for Navall preparation for victualls or monies were diligently taken into consideration No pains industry nor cost was spared in muniting the Forts in recruiting the Fleet and in adding thereunto forces sufficient to withstand and to assault the Enemie All hopes thoughts and designes were now busied about Armâ— no more talk of treaties of peace But whilst the Venetians were doing these things the Turks were as solicitous in providing for war that they might pursue their prosperous fortune Selino was very much gladded at the newes of Nicossia's being taken which together with many other presents in token of victory was brought unto him by a son of Mustafa's Mustafa's valour being highly esteemed by Selino he was very ready to furnish him with new men and with all other things necessary to perfect the enterprise wherein the Turks were more diligent because they heard great fame of the Christian Fleets yet did it cause no fear in that proud Barbarian but did the more incense him so as not satisfied with the getting of the Kingdom of Cyprus he threatned to beat the Christian Fleets and to reduce the other Islands and places belonging to the Venetians under his power which lay very convenient as he said for the making himself Master of Rome the head of the Roman Empire which did belong unto him as supream Emperour and which as was foretold by their Prophet should fall under the Dominion of the Ottamans Selino abounding in these vast imaginations 〈◊〉 unto himself that when his Fleet should have carried sufficient succour to Cyprus it should fight ours and fall upon such other enterprises as they should see occasion for Thus valuing his power the more by his prosperous successe in Cyprus he was highly offended with Pioli for not going the preceding year into the Gulph to finde out the Venetian Fleet and fight it and his fault being aggravated by Mehemet who said he had forborn doing so out of fear and that thereby he had much lessened the reputation of the forces of the Empire and not without some danger leaving all the Maritime places as it were in prey to the Christians Piali was degraded from being Bashaw and Pertau was chosen in his place who was to have the same authority in the Fleet. In order to these designes twenty Gallies put to sea from Constantinople very early in the year under the command of Caiaceleli who meeting by the way with the Gallies of Schio and Rhodes went along with them towards Cyprus to hinder the relief which went to Famagosta and did so for Nicolo Donato being gone with the ships of succour from Candia which Island he had touched upon to learn some newes of the enemy he was forced by a violent storm which had shreudly torn his ships to steer his course backwards and to return again to that Island to provide himself of many things which he wanted where he heard that some Turkish Gallies lay in wait about Cyprus to hinder the succour wherefore thinking it became him to take some new advice touching his voyage he desired the opinion of Cavalli Commissary of the Island and of Commissary Quirini and finding them to agree he staid in Candia where he landed his souldiers and distributed them into the Forts to augment those Garrisons it being judged that if the ships should be sent without a convoy of gallies they would incur certain ruine from which they could not be secured by a few gallies those of the enemies being many nor were those of Candia fit to make such a voyage or had they been fit it was thought it would not be wisely done totally to deprive that Island of the guard of those gallies wherein there were as then but a few souldiers and when it was noised abroad
were of opinion that as soon as the season should permit the Christian Fleet should advance and entring the Dardanelli should with great and unexpected forces fâ—ll upon the city of Constantinople against which they might use their maritime forces the better for that it was said the Garrison there were but weak and the Inhabitants full of fear That such an Enterprise would be undertaken with greater preparations and more readinesse by all the Colleagues because all of them would share in the gain that this was to be esteemed the onely sufficient reward of the Victory that other lesser acquisitions would but increase expence and difficulties that nothing would be wanting to so glorious an action if mens forwardnesse would equall the importancy of the occasion which was now offer'd them of chasing these new insolent and â—â—venous Inhabitants out of the most noble Countries of Greece into the farthest confines of Asia and of regaining together with that Empire glory to Christendom But the wiser and more temperate men suffer'd not themselves to be born away by their desires to so immoderate thoughts nor nourishing vain hopes but measuring the event of things by reason not by affections knew that as long as the Turks Land-forces should remain inâ—ire which is the true foundation of their Empire no attempt which could be made against them would prove so easie neither did they think it a good â—oundation to ground their hopes upon the peoples rising which often producing other effects then what was at first conceived might prove the more uncertain and fallacious in the Ottaman Empire for that the Inhabitants who are thereunto subject being poor and base wanting Commanders and followers weapons and wealth cannot by their rising do anâ— great prejudice to the Turks nor be of much advantage to any others and the Grecians being long accustomed to slavery have much lost their ancient generosity But grant that such commotions were to be expected from the late Victory they had let slip the occasion and lost all such hopes by not pursuing the blow for the Enemies fears being by time lessened and their Forces increased they might either appease or hinder such Tumults and secure their own affairs So as that being every day confirmed by new advertisements which was at first thought almost impossible that the Turks would have a numerous Fleet out that Summer it was judged by such as did more seriously and more judiciously ballance the present condition of affairs that nothing could be more advantagious for the League then to bend all their indeavours and forces to destroy this new Fleet whereby they might so weaken the Enemy as they might either have more assured hopes of doing some good upon their Dominions by continuing the War or that if Peace should ensue they might secure their own Territories for some time from the Turkish Fleets and make use of the happy successe of this battel rather as of a certain foundation and commencement of overcoming the Enemy more easily hereafter then as a perfect and compleat Victory Out of these considerations the Veneâ—ians gave themselves with all their might to make new preparations for War They increased the number of their Gallies they recruited their Fleet with men and provided for all things necessary that as soon as the season would permit their Fleet might go into the Levant to incounter and fight the Enemy Thus did men think and thus they did discourse but the Christian Princes being blind-folded by their own affections knew not the opportunity which was offered them of abasing the power of a common Enemy who was become so formidable but envying so much good unto themselves and so much glory to this their age neglected the War as if they had not been therein concern'd though their common interests lay therein and refused the greater prosperity promised them by their first happy success For the Emperour being again earnestly solicited and many promises being made unto him by the Pope and the Venetians to come into the League since he was thereunto invited by prosperous and all desirable successe so as he might as he himselfe had said safely do so and being likewise exhorted thereunto by the King of Spain who had sent Don Pedro Faffardo to him to that purpose continued notwithanding in his delayes and irresolutions nay he propounded new and greater difficulties for being averse thereunto he strove to have place for excuse and protraction still left unto him He desired that the greatest part of contribution for the foot should be assigned to him in Monies and that it might be ascertained out of some of the Hauns-Towns in Germany He further desired to be secured that these assistances should continue for some time and that therefore some more stricter capitulations should be inserted into the League which desires were seen to be made out of perswasion that they would not be granted for it was known that the Tribute being already prepared he had made choice of one to carry it to Constantinople And the King of France whom the Pope did again solicite by his Nuntio not to be wanting upon so weighty an occasion to the good of Christendom said He must first know Cesar's resolution who if he should move therein he would readily afford his helping hand and would joyne his land-forces with those of Germany under the command of Monsieur his brother but that he neither could nor would permit that his sea-forces which would be much inferiour to those of the King of Spain should joyne with his Fleet. At the same time Cardinall Allessandrino having dispatch'd his Embassy in Spain was already gone by order from the Pope to Portugall who by Torres his information who was sent thither the year before to the same purpose was told that above 30 vessells might be man'd out of that Kingdom for the service of the Christian Fleet and that the King seemed very willing to employ al his forces in this common service wherefore his Holinesse hoped he might get good assistance there for the League But though the Cardinall was very honourably and lovingly received he could get nothing from the King but generall promises whereby it was discovered that that Prince being wholly intent upon the businesse of Barbary did not much minde things at a farther distance And not long after Antonio Tiepolo went thither likewise with an Embassie from Spain it being hoped that the newes he brought of the victory might perswade that pious Prince to enter into the League wherein an honourable place was preserved for him he being invited by the Colleagues so prosperous successe and by his own interests to quell the Turks insolent forces both in regard of his Dominions in the Indies to the which he might know the so great power of the Ottamans must needs be prejudiciall by what Soliman had attempted against the City del Dieu in the mouth of Indus and by the Fleets which were assembled together in the Arabick Creek Yet was not
that King much moved at all this nor could he be brought to promise any thing save that he would furnish out 4000 Foot for the service of the League the next year and add some of his ships to the confederate's Fleet which he said he was not able to do at the present by reason of the French Hugenotes of Rochells incursions against whom he was forc'd to keep many armed vessells to secure his Rivers and the navigation of those seas As also by reason of the Moors insurrection in the Kingdom of Fez which he was first to suppresse And hereof he gave an account by his Letters to the Senate witnessing the affection and great esteem he had for the Common-wealth But Tiepolo that he might do some good by his endeavours shewed him That he might assist the cause of Christendom against the Infidells some other way without inconveniencing himself to wit by making his Officers in the Indies hold some intelligence with the Persians who are naturally enemies to the Turks by informing them particularly of the union and forces of the Christian Princes of the victory which they had gotten and with their designes And then by furnishing them with some Portugesse Harchebugiers who getting into the Turkish Empire by the Red-sea might raise some commotion whereby the Turkish forces might be kept employ'd in severall parts or whereby they might at least be made jealous Which the King readily promised he would do adding that he would hinder the Turks commerce at Ormus and Bazzana and keep them from bringing the great store of Mettle which they were furnish'd with from China through the Persian sea The King likewise assisted the Legat Alessandrino in sending certain Briefs from the Pope to the King of Persia to Prester Iohn and to some Arabick Kings exhorting them to take up Arms against the Turks of which there never came any answer nor did there any good come thereof But these uncertain and far remote things were not much considered as being able to do but little good at the present to the conceived hopes The Pope did likewise renue his desires to the King of Poland with whom Cardinall Commendone was at the present hoping to make him take up Arms not onely in respect of the Victory but for that other accidents had also occur'd which was thought might work upon the King and the Barons of that Kingdom For the Turks being jealous that the Polanders had favoured the Wallachians in prejudice of the Ottaman Empire that he might revenge the injury entered at unawares into the Country that was subject to that Crown and having made severall incursions into Prussia Podolia and Russia threatned greater mischief But the King was unseasonably saln dangerously sick when he should have been treated with touching this businesse So as the affair being to be negotiated in the Kings absence with other Lords of the Kingdom not well inclined to this war that they might not contrary to their customes contribute to any expence of war out of their Kingdom and they having had advertisment at the same time that a Chiaus was upon his way from Constantinople sent thither to accommodate the differences the Popes authority nor endeavours could not work such effects as were hoped for Thus went affairs in the Courts of Christian Princes and the first so exalted hopes began to grow lesse For sea-forces were not sufficient to suppresse the power of the Turks powerfull land-Armies being likewise thereunto requisite which the Christian Princes might at this time have made good use of taking advantage of the Turks maritime forces being divided whereby and by their losse of reputation in the Battle at Lepanto they were become weaker then formerly and easier to be overcome But to this it was primarily necessary that Cesar should declare for the League it being the common opinion that Poland Muscovy and the other Northern Countries which were apt to take up Arms against the Turks would follow the example of the Empire Which being very well known unto the Turks they sought by all possible means to preserve friendship with the Emperour Maximilian at this time thinking their danger very great if the German forces had moved against them Wherefore Bashaw Mehemet had writ to Cesar and given him an account of the successe of the Battle lessening very much the losse which they had received exalting the power of the Ottaman Empire and exhorting him not to break the Truce for any vain designes of others but to keep inviolably his friendship with Selino wherein if his faith should now be seen it should for ever be perpetuated The Turks were so jealous and apprehensive of the commotions which Germany might be able to make as that when it was after known that the Emperour would send the Tribute to Constantinople that souldiers reward was encreased who was the first bringer of so welcome newes But that which did most trouble the Pope and the Venetians and which made all men not well know what to hope or fear was a doubt which was begun to be conceived that the Spaniards were not so forward to pursue the victory as the present occasion required whereby the enemy might have means afforded him of becomming more powerfull than ever for it was given out that Don Iohn was blamed by severall chief personages of the Catholick Court for hasarding the Kings forces to such danger of Battle wherein the Kings interest and that of the Venetians were not alike and that therefore that businesse ought to have been otherwise handled by him and by counsells apart And afterwards it was known that the Duke of Lesse a man of much maturity and esteem and who had been verst in very important employments was sent to the Fleet in the place of the Commendadore Generall who was gone to be Governour of Millan From whence it was infer'd that the King's pleasure was that Don Iohn being very well informed by the Duke of Lesse and by his Councill in all things should not suffer himself to be so far carried on in point of glory with any thing as might in the least part exceed his directions But the greatest impediment which was thought would befall the fervent prosecution of the war in the Levant was the bad successe of the affairs in Flaunders which grew every day worse and worse it being somewhat suspected that the Protestants of Germany England and France did favour that insurrection and assist those that rebelled against the King Which being added to a certain naturall slownesse in the Spaniards and to other more cautious circumspections it was feared that it would either altogether hinder the proceedings of the League or occasion some important delay at this time to the businesse of the Levant whereof many apparent signes were seen For the proper time for actions at sea appearing and wherein the Fleet were of right to joyne there was but little care taken to put the Fleet in order And though the Venetians did mightily mediate it
took Valentiennes with forrain foot the most vvhereof vvere French And a little before the Duke of Alva had chased and routed a great many both foot and horse of the same Nation which vvent to Garrisonize the Tovvn of Mons. These things as they did much increase the danger of losing those Countries so did they beget great jealousie in the Spaniards that so many French Souldiers were brought into Flanders not onely by permission but by order from the King of France which was the rather believed for that the Duke of Alva giving notice of these passages to the Spanish Court to Rome to Millan had much amplified the business and caused many fears of greater Commotions Wherupon the Governour of Millan the Spanish Embassador at Rome and Cardinall Granville exclaiming very much and appearing to be full of jealousies and fears were the first reason why Don Iohn staid at Messina openly discovering themselves to be so ill satisfied vvith the French and the French growing as jealous of the Spaniards by reason of their speeches and proceedings and fearing lest the Catholick Fleet might turn upon Provence to their prejudice they betook themselves to fortifie Marcelles and increased the Garrisons thereof It was also noysed abroad that the Duke of Alva should have said in publick that he held the War to be alredy begun between the Crovvns of France and Spain at vvhich speeches the King of France being very much troubled he mediated by his Embassadors not onely with the Pope and vvith the Venetians but even vvith the King of Spain himselfe complaining partly That a thing of such importancy should be affirmed by one of his majesties chiefe Ministers of State which as he was very far from thinking of he thought he should finde others to be so too and partly seeking to justifie some of his actions which might seem to have given occasion to these the Duke of Alva's speeches He therefore constantly affirmed that those French with whom the Count Nassaw had taken Valentiennes were all of the Hughenot faction his subjects but as it was well known coâ—â—umacions and rebels to the Crown of France that he had been alwaies much displeased at the commotions of Flanders as one who was sensible of the peoples rebellion in his own Kingdom and whom it became to obviate not to 〈◊〉 by such examples the darings of subjects against their Prince and as one also who did at much desire the exaltation of Christendom as did any one though his particular troubles would not permit him to act therein with others at so opportune a time But though he could not 〈◊〉 therein with his Forces he was far from hindring the good actions of others that he had armed some Vessels not with intention to prejudice any but for the safety of his Seas which were mightily infected by Pyrats neither were those hit armed Vessels so many as could make it be suspected that he either could or would fall upon any enterprises And that these his words might be the better believed he publish'd an Edict upon pain of punishment prohibiting all his subjects to go armed into Flanders and placed guards in all places to hinder them if any contumacious people as he termed them should be so bold as to countervene his orders Nor being herewithal content he began at the same time to do severall things whereby he seemed as if he himselfe would also enter into the League making the Cardinall of Louvain hold many discourses thereupon with the Embassador of the Common-wealth then resident in France wherein he strove to make it be believed that the King of France was well inclined to the Peace and to the good of Christendom and chiefly to the Crown of Spain So as laying at last all other respects aside he would side with the League and proceeding to particular Agreement he propounded severall conditions and chiefly to ratifie friendship and good intelligence between him and the Catholick King by Mariages Though these things came to the Spaniards knowledge yet were they not satisfied therewith but gave out that the French did this to work their ends the more easily by assaulting the King of Spain's Territories in severall parts which were unprovided for them that for certain the Admirall and the King of Navarre did publickly perswade the Christian King to this Rupture whose he would be forced to please for some other particular interests of his own That it was said by all the chiefe of that Court that there could be no quiet in France till the King should resolve to fall upon some important forrain Enterprise wherin the Catholicks Hugenots were to be joyntly imploy'd and that it was clear enough that the French thought this the easiest of all other Enterprises by reason of their conveniency of assaulting Flanders and of straiâ—ning the Spanish Army in point of Victuals as also in respect of the difficulties the King of Spain should meet with in relieving his men That the King of France might make this War upon some appearing pretentions of right which the Crown of France hath to these Countries wherein doubtedly the Queen of England would joyn both with mind and might nor was the League treated of by Monsieur de Momâ—rancy nay concluded as some say with the English to any other end but that being free from all other jealousies they might the better minde the molesting of the Catholick King and therewith assault Flanders That the Queens minde was sufficiently known by her many no friendly actions and especially for that the English did at this time flock over in so great numbers into Holland and Zealand wherein they had already taken some Towns That the ill will of that Queen and of that Kingdom could be no longer concealed now by whom and from whence though with much secrecy and cunning the Kings Rebels had been many wayes assisted and those insurrections nourisht and fomented with several hopes and some sums of Money Moreover that the friendship which the French held with the Turks afforded more just reason for these suspitions it being very likely that the French might be now as much solicited to turn their Forces upon the Catholick King as they had often formerly obtain'd that the Turks Fleet should proceed to the prejudice of the said King nay that it was given out that the more to invite them thereunto the Turks had granted the City of Tunis to the Crown of France upon being preserved by their forces from the Armies of Spain The Pope was much troubled at these things as well for the great Concern of Christendom as in respect of his own credit which seemed not to suffer a little since the conventions of the League were violated by the Fleets suspension and therewith his authority who as Head thereof had a little before established and confirmed it and he was the more scandalized thereat for that many things were in hand which shew'd but little respect towards the Pontificiall Majesty whereof he
known neither concerning their numbers nor their voyage The Leagues Fleet being on their way 13 Gallies came in unto them as they entred into the channell of Viscardo which Commissary Quirini brought from Candia and pursuing their course from thence they came with a prosperous winde in two dayes to Zante No assured advertisment of the Enemies proceedings being brought thither as they hoped for and they being to tarry there two days to take in fresh water they dispatcht away three other Gallies to finde out where the Enemy were Uluzzali was at this time come to underneath the fort of Malvasia and had with him about 200 â—ail his number being increased by the access of many Pirats Vessells which came in unto him in his voyage Wherefore after having for a while scoured the Archipelagus he was come to this place wiâ—h an intention to pillage the Island of Câ—ndiâ— and then to pass to Brâ—zzo di Maina to curb those people which were risen up in favour of the Christians But hearing that the Christian Fleet did advance which he thought would not have departed from Corfu for he had been informed that it was divided he recalled some Gallies which in pursuit of his first design he had sent to Cupo Mâ—liâ— and return'd together with his whole Fleet to underneath the fort of Malvâ—sia where he staid expecting more particular information of our Fleet. But when he was told that it still advanced and was already got near the Island of Cirigo and that it came shore of â—his Fleet for number of lesser Gallies though it were very strong in great Vessels he resolved to put to Sea and to incounter it Having therefore called together his Officers and other chief persons which were in the Fleet it is said he spoke thus unto them We have great occasion offered us to win much favour with the Grand Signor and glory with all men if we know how to acknowledg it and to make use thereof We are inform'd that for certain the Christian Fleet is divided and that the Venetian Generall comes forward with a very small number of Gallies being drawn by shame and by necessity to succour we Kingdom of Candia but for as far as may be imagined with a mind far from fighting bringing along with him so many great Vessels to keep himselfe from being assaulted by us whose forces it may easily be known by their delay and by their irresolute counsells they are afraid of I am therefore of opinion that without further delay we put to Sea and go where we may meet the Enemy and may have means to give them battel This adâ—â—ce as it is full of Generosity and Glory so may it be very advantagious nor doth it want such assurednesse as a wise Commander in the condition which we are in ought to have regard unto it will doubtlesly redound much to the reputation of the Ottaman Empire to the honour of her Commanders and of our whole Nation that after so great a rout at Sea hapned by misfortune we have notwithstanding retain'd so much worth and courage and preserved so many forces as that we have come forth the very next summer with so powerfull and gallant a Fleet as hath not been afraid to face the Enemy and to â—ight them as being desirous once more to make tryall of every mans valour and of the fortune of War None can deny but that great praise and glory is to insue from hence and certainly the profit nay the necessity thereof is no lesse nor no lesse evident which perswades us to this resolution or which to say better doth thrust and force us upon it For if we keep here idle it is no doubt but that our enemies grown insolent by their victory and being the bolder by our fear will either come to finde uâ— out to try whether they can fight us upon advantage and to increase their reputation boasting that they are come to fight us at our own doors or else they will fall upon some of the grand Signors Dominions wherein the defendants being discouraged by our cowardlinesse they will the eastier prevail but if we go boldly to meet them a thing which peradventure they look not for at this time who sees not that this their beat being cooled by our unexpected incounter they will tack about and losing courage will rather think of securing themselves and their own affairs than of indangering those of other men â—hus will all the shores of these Seas be kept from being injur'd by the Enemy all whose designs we shall frustrate for seeing us come forth to follow them they will not dare to fall upon any Enterprise lest we should assault them All the experience in Sea-affairs which I have got in so many years tells me that we may get this honour and this advantage safely and without hazarding our Fleet for the Enemy have not dared to advance and approach us out of any confidence they have in the number of their Gallies or in their souldiers valour wherein they come far enough short of us but onely confiding in those great Gallies and many ships which they bring along with them behinde which they think they may keep from being assaulted by us as sheltred by so many strong Bulworks so as it is clear enough the matter of fighting will alwaies be in our poâ—er they not being able to force us to fight unlesse we will though we may force them for they not being well able to govern those great Vessels at their pleaâ—ure and for their conveniency but being to be at the pleasure of the winde and at the discretion of fortune and being unwilling to part from them so to be deprived of that stout and safe defence who is not aware with what advantage we may face them and offer them battel and then do not as chance or necessity shall inforce us but what the reason of War shall perswade us unto nor ought we be any whit terrified or removed from doing this by the last years unfortunate successe for it is well known that it was not the valour of our enemies but our own disorders which occasioned that ruine and if I may be permitted to say so the rashnesse of our Commanders who by hasting too much to fight made us expose our selves inconsiderately to the great shot of the Galliasses so as we entred the Battel being divided and in confusion by which example being now taught we shall the better know how to govern our Fleet and to know our advantages and disadvantages and not commit our selves foolishly to the will of blind fortune Let us then forget that ill luck and all fear that may arise from thence and if we will be mindfull of that had successe why should we not likewise call to mind the so many and so famous victories which the Musselmans have bad both by Sea and Land over the Christians in so much as there is not any part in Europe which hath not been noted for
Foot made it known to the Embassadour of the Common-wealth then resident with him no reason appearing to move him thereunto save onely his fear that the Venetians would come to some agreement with the Turks that he would adhere unto the League Out of these reasons the Venetians proceâ—ded doubtfully and irresolutely in the businesse of the Peace Whereupon Doge Mocenico who had alwaies been more inclined to peace then to the League upon a day when the Councill of Ten were met spoke thus It was not the thought of any one as I believe to perpetuate or to continue this war which is intimated to us by Selino too long when we did first resolve to take up Arms for our own defence but with a noble and generous minde to make tryall of the fortune and gallantry of the Common-wealth of the good-will and forces of Christian Priâ—ces for the greater safety of our State and of all Christendom against the power of the insolent common Enemy And it is certain that war is in order to peace and quiet security ought to be the thing aimed at by all troubles and dangers Experience of what hath passed of late years may sufficiently teach us what our condition may be if we shall continue war any longer what the end thereof may be what reparation we may expect for so great expences and what reward for our labours We lost the noble city of Nicossia the first year by vainly trusting that our forces would be accompanied by the like of others whereby to relieve the Kingdom of Cyprus Losing no courage we continued making provisions for war flattering our selves that we might repair our losses by ioyning in a straiter confederacy with the other Christian Princes God was pleased to give us such a victory over our enemies as almost none could hope for and yet I know not through what fault or misfortune of ours Famagosta was miserably lost and we were compelled to yield up the peacefull and secure possession of the whole Kingdom to the enemy But the pleasure of having begun to overcome suffered us not to be sensible of our great losse VVherefore we as readily and boldly betook our selves to make great provision of Arms the third year and to encrease our Fleet and Souldiers not sparing for any cost nor passing by any inconvenience VVe now see too clearly what good we have got â—hereby Our Gallies lay long idle at Corfu expecting aid from the Confederates and when we hoped that having overcome so many difficulties all forces would be joyned together that we might go joyntly against the enemy we must leave our Islands in prey to them and let our Fleet return with more losse of time and reputation theâ— any advantage we got by the forces of that union And when at last fortune afforded us unexpected occasions of beating the enemy we must abandon them by reason of being abandoned by our friends parting unseasonably from the haven at Navarino unnecessitated and dishonourably But what need I relate things of so recent memory VVe are reduced to such a condition as assuredly we cannot maintain war of our selves alone against the Turks forces too disproportionate for us And we know by experience that the company of others which ought to be a help and ease to us is an incumbrance and impediment it fills us with great hopes which it afterwards makes not good but suffers us to precipitate and doth rather increase then secure 〈◊〉 evills We were perswaded that good intelligence might not onely be had between the Pope the King of Spain and our Common-wealth but that this our confederacy might make all other Christian Princes to take up Arms joyntly against the common enemy especially after that great victory which was alwaies thought would have conduced much to the suppressing of them But now we find we built those our conceptions more upon desire than upon well-grounded a truths Shall we then continue still in the same errour and place the preservation of our State and all our welfare upon such uncertain grounds upon hopes wherein we have been so often delâ—ded It was certainly a generous pâ—ous and laudable resolution not to yield to Selino's insolent demand not to abandon the cause of Christendom not to degenerate in the least point from our Ancestors who did alwaies with much magnanimity undertake such things wherein they might hope for praise unto themselves and for glory and grandezza to this Common-wealth But now after having couragiously taken up Arms and been fortunate in battel and that we see clearly we cannot by what cross destiny I know not reap any further good by other prosperity that we hazard all by fighting and that we get nothing by overcoming To continue in this fame minde and in the same troubles and dangers without any reward and when the opportunity of great effects which was given us by victory is already vanisht and escap'd our hands to grow worse and worse and not rather to wait for the advantage which we may hope for from time and from other occasions may rather appear to be rash obstinacy than good Christian zeal or desire of true honour If we shall consider the condition of our forces and of our Common-wealth it is too manifest that nothing can be more unseasonable 〈◊〉 more prejudiciall than to prolong the War For the condition of affairs grows daily worse for us the forces of the League which depends upon variety of Counsells and oft-times upon contrary respects become vain and uselesse though they be great in themselves and yet the inconveniency of maintaining them is great on our side by reason of the excessive expence we must be at and for the want of men especially of Rowers whereof these wars have consumed so many as now we must with much expence have recourse for them to Transalpine Nations and not be sure of being well served But if we consider the particulars of our State and seek not to deceive our selves we may clearly know that though our forces be great of themselves yet are they but weak to sustain the waight of war long against so powerfull and fortunate an Empire aâ— iâ— that of the Turks and which is of no less importance our Territories by Sea lie far from this city are divided amongst themselves and exposed to the iniuries of the Enemy and more easie to be assaulted by them both by Sea and Land than to be relieved by us and therefore they require so many souldiers to Garrison and defend them as we are inforced to maintain at one the same time as it were two Armies to furnish the Fleet and to guard the Sea-Forts and I wish we be not necessitated to raise a third to oppose those who threaten to aâ—sault Friuli What reason have we then to hope we shall by length of War be able to defeat the Enemy It might peradventure have been done if we had known at first how to make use of our Victory and therefore our
Ferma 62â— â—â—neral of the Fleet 〈…〉 General the third time â—â—â— Switzers Of great authority 〈◊〉 Princes 9. Take upon them the protection of the Duke of Milan 19. Resolve to make War on the French in relief of the said Duke 22. They enter Novara 23. Fall upon the French Camp and rout it 25 26. Forty thousand of them enter Milan to defend it from the French 108. They assault King Francis his Army and are routed 111 112. They quit Milan and return home 115. They abandon Verona 144. Why quit the Leagues camp 180. Their impatience before Pavia 183. They complain of the French 184 Their foolish vapouring and impatience 184 185. They leave the French Camp 188 A Subsidy granted the Venetians by Pope Clement the 7. to be levied of the Clergie under their Dominions 356 T THeodoro Trivultio Governour of Padua 70. Embassadour from the King of France to the Venetians 99. Commander of the Venetian Army 129. Goes with the Venetian Army towards Milan in favour of the French 175. Taken prisoner by the Imperialists at Milan 178. Being discharged by the Venetians goes into France 200. Is Governour of Genoa 263. Not being relieved he surrenders the Castle 291. Sent by King Francis to Venice and why 314 Tribute imposed by Charls the 5. upon Muleasses King of Tunis 363. By Soliman upon Ferdinand King of Hungary 627. Offer'd to Soliman by King Ferdinand for Transilvania 640 V VErona how situated 145. Assaulted by the French and Venetian Army 146. Relieved by the Dutch 148. Is restored to the Venetians 153. Fortified by the Venetians 157. Is garrison'd by the Venetians for fear of the Imperialists 316 The Venetians make a League with Lodowick King of France 12 Exhort the King of France to the conquest of Milan 31. They renew amity with Francis the new King of France 95. Their great joy for the recovery of Brescia 141. Recover Verona and send great presents to Lautrech 153. Make a Truce with the Emperor 152. Their answer to the French Embassadour 162 163. They disswade the King of France from coming to a Battel with the Imperialists at Pavia 218. Are resolved not to abandon the Duke of Milan 291. Restore Ravenna and Cervia to the Pope and Trani with other Cities of Apulia to Charls the 5 325. Desire the Pope that they may have the nominating of the Bishops of such Cities as are within their Dominions 337. Enter into a League with the Pope and the Emperour against the Turk 413 414. Begin to think of coming to a Peace with the Turk 554. Their answer to the Emperour's Embassadour 556. They send Embassadours to the interview of the Emperour and the King of France and their Commission 570. They make Peace with the Turk 573. Deny to lend Vicenza for the keeping of a General Council therein 582 They continue Neutrals in the War between the Emperour and the king of France 592. Their answer to the Cardinal of Ferrara 594. To the Protestant Princes requiring their aid 613. To the Pope and the king of France pressing them to declare themselves enemies to the Emperour 622 623. Their custome at the Creation of Popes 630. Continue firm in their friendship to the Emperor 647. Their answer to the French kings Embassadours 648 Vicenza taken by the Imperialists 36. Taken again and sack'd by the Imperialists 61. Returns into the Venetians hands 86 Vicenzo Capello Commissary of the Venetian Fleet 32. Made Lieutenant General of the Venetian Fleet 308. Created General of the same 344. Relieves Antivari 427. Routs a squadron of Barbarossa's Gallies 434. Adviseth to fight Barbarossa 438. A description of his person and Gallantry 439. He takes Castel nuovo 442 443 W WArs of the Venetians with Maximilian the Emperour 5. Between the Emperour Charls the 5. and Francis king of France troublesome to many Nations 362. Of Charls the 5. against the Protestant Princes 611 612. Between Soliman and the Venetians 381. Of Germany against the Emperour 641 An Alphabetical Table of the Remarkable things contained in these Three Books of the War of CYPRVS A AN Agreement made between those of Famagosta and Mustapha 124 Agostino Barbarigo chosen coadâ—utor to General Venieri 75 Is Commander of the Left wing of the Leagues fleet 128. His valour in fight 1â—9 Is mortally wounded with an Arrow ibid Alvaro Marquess of Santa Croce Commander of the Rear in the Leagues fleet 128 He succours Don John's Gally 138 Ali General of the Turkish fleet 42 Goes to Cyprus 100. Is resolved to fight the Christian fleet 132 His vain arrogance 133 â—uts his fleet in order and goes to meet the Christians 134. Is slain and his Galley taken 138 Andrea Badoaro and his Oration to the Senate of Venice 87. Is chosen Embassadour to the Turk 204. Goes to Constantinople where the Articles of Peace are confirmed 205 Antonio Canale Captain of the Ships 93. His Gallantry in the Battel of Lepanto 139 The Arsenal of Venice much endammaged by fire 12 Astor Baglione Governor General of the Militia of Cyprus 47. Being desireous to go over from Famagosta to the defence of Nicosia is not suffered 52. His valour in the defence of Famagosta 122. Perfidiously murther'd â—y Mustafa's orders 126 The Articles of the League between the Christian Princes against the Turk 91 B THe Battel of Lepanto 136 1â—7 138 139 140 How long the fight lasted 140 Briefs sent by Pope Pius the fifth to the King of Persia â—o Prestor John and other Kings 152 C CAuses of the War of Cyprus 6 7. That put Selymus upon it 7 12. Why Mustafa brake his word with the Governour of Famagosta 126. Alledged by the Spaniards for their delays in passing to the Levant 155. Moving the Venetians to make peace with the Turks 199 Charles the 9 King of France and the reasons by him alledged why he could not enter into the League against the Turk 20. Absolutely refuses to joyn with the League and his reason 151. Yet makes as if he would side with it 165. His Answer to the Venetian Embassadour 167 168 Cyprus and its discription 44 45 How it fell into the Christians hands and how into the Venetians ibid. After the taking of Nicosia yeilâ—s all of it without any resistence to the Turks except Famagosta 61 Conditions of the Peace treated of with the Turks by the Venetians 81. Of the League between the Pope the King of Spain and the Venetitians 91 92. Concluded upon at surrendring of Famagosta 124. Of the Peace between the Venetians and the Turk 201 Consultations held by the Venetians at the comming of the Chiaus from Selino 25 26. In the Christian fleet what course should be taken for the releif of Cyprus 62 63. Held by the Magistrates and Chieftains in Famagosta about the the surrender of it 123 124. In the Christian fleet near Corfu 129 130. Of the Venetian Commâ—â—â—ders before the Battel of Lepanto 132. Held by the Commanders of the Christian fleet at Corfu 170 171.
Cruelty used by Mustafa and why 126 127 Cubat a Chiaus sent from the great Turk to Venice to demand the Kingdom of Cyprus 25. His arrival Entertainment and behaviour with the Senates Answer 27 28 The Town of Curzola how preserved 108 109 D THe Description of the City of Nicosia 51. Of the place wherein the Sea fight between the Christians and the Turks 134 Discourses upon Selino or Selymus 6 7 8. Upon the War with the Turks accepted by the Venetians 29 30. Upon Dorias carriage at the Battel of Lepanto 141 Upon the Christians success then and whence it was 142 Upon the Peace which the Venetians made with the Turk Upon the Christians after their Victory 145. Designs of the Spaniards in treating for a League against the Turks 69 70. Of the Christian Commanders after the Victory 144 145. The divers designs of Christians in general after the Victory was blaz'd about 149 150. E AN Edict set out by the King of France against such as should go armed into Flanders 165 F FAmagosta ill provided both for â—en and Commanders 47. Besieged by Mustafa 61. The scituation of it 115 116. Assaulted and Batter'd by the Turks 117. Valiantly defended by the Christians 118. Reduced to a sad condition 123. Is surrendred to the Turks upon Agreement 124 Feasts and Tryumphs in Venice for the Victory at Sea 143 144. In Rome at the entrance of Marc ' Antonio Colonna when he returned from the said Victory 147. Forts made by the Venetians at St Nicolo Malamocco and Chioggia 1â—â— G GIacomo Foscaâ—ini Commissary General in Dalmatia 96. Chosen Generall of the Venetian fleet 154. Proffers battel to Uluzzali 175. Discovers the enemies fleet again and stirs up his men to fight the Turks 178. Goes to charge Uluzzali and is â—â—â—dred 179 Giacomo 〈◊〉 Commissary of the 〈…〉 iâ— the place of Barbarigo 144. Commander of the Right Wing of the Christians fleet at Lepanto 172. Charges some of Uluzzali's fleet 179. Chases Uluzzali to the Castle of Modone 189. Assaults â—akes and slights the Fort of Varbagno returns to Corfu 192 Giovanni Andrea Doria vide John Giorgis Cornaro brother to the Queen of Cyprus perswades her to yeild the possession of that Kingdom to the Venetians 4 Girolamo Zanâ— General of the Venetian fleet 14. Ioyning with the Galleys of the Pope and of Spain Presses them to go for Cyprus 62. Hath a design to relieve Famagosta 74. Lays down his Charge 75 He dies in a deplorable condition 93 9â— Girolamo Paruta Governour of Tine valiantly defends that place against Piali 43 44 Gregory the XIII confirms the League with the King of Spain and the Venetians 157. Much troubled at the Spaniards carriage 166. Being angry at the Peace which the Venetians had made with the Turk denies audience to their Embassadour 20â—punc Is reconciled to them 204 I THe Iealousies of States how great they are 168 The Immoderate desire of Empire and Military glory of the Ottoman Princes â—â—â— The Authors Intent in writing of the War of Cyprus ibid. John Andrea Doria having orders to go with the K. of Spains Galleys and joyn with the Venetians prolongs his going into the Levant 34 35. Comes with the Galleys to Candia 41. Hearing that Nicossia was lost would â—e dâ— go back 64. Commander of the Right Wing in the Battel of Lepanto 128. Charges Uluzzali's wing routs it and puts it to the flight 140 Don John of Austria declared General of the League 92. Receives the Standard at Naples 114. Goes to seek out the Enemy 127 128. Discovers the Turks Fleet and immediately makes the sign of Battel be given 135. Boards Ali's Galley and takes it 138. Gets the victory ibid. Blamed in Spain for fighting 15â— Delays going into the Levant and at last gives his reasons for it 161. John Baptista Contarini sinks a Turkish Gally 138. His valour at Corone 184. L A League negotiated by Pope Pius the V between Christian Princes against the Turk 16. Between the same Pope the King of Spain and the Venetians against the Turk 91. 〈◊〉 published in Venice 105. Luigi Mocenigo chosen Duke of Venice 32. His Speech to the great Council 96 97 98 99. His Oration before the Council of Ten for Peace 196 197 198 199. Luigi Martinengo Commander of the relief sent to Famagosta 74. Captain General of the Artillery there 118 His Worth 122. Basely murther'd by orders from Mustafa 126. M MArco Antonio Quirini Captain of the Gulf 39. Takes in Brazzo di Maina 40. Scowres the Archipelagus ibid. Carries Succour to Famagosta 94. Sinkes three Turkish Gallies by the way ibid. destroyes some Forts of the Turkes and returns to Candia ibid. at the Battel of Lepanto forces a Squadron of thirty Turkish galleys to run themselves on ground 138. Utterly routes the Right wing of the Turkish fleet 139. Takes Malgariti and sleights it 146. Marc Antonio Colonna general of the Popes galleyes 35. Sent by the Pope to Venice 82. confirmed General of the Popes fleet and in Dons John's absence of all the fleets 92. At Lepanto assaults Portau's galley 137. Enters Rome in triumph 147. Marc Antonio Bragadino Governour of Famagosta and his speech to the defendants of that City 118. Surrenders it to the Turkes 125. Upon Mustafa's invitation goes out into his camp accompanied with most of the chief Commanders ibid. Put to divers tortures and flead alive 126. Marc Antonio Barbaro the Venetians Consul at Constantinople informes of Selinos resolution to wage War with them 12. by order from the Venetians negotiates with the Turk for a Peace â—00 Which after many obstructions and troubles he concludes 201. Maximilian the 2. Emperour distasted with the Pope Pius the 5. for the Title he had conferred on the Duke of Florence 19.80 resolves not to enter into the League with the Venetians and why 73. Propounds new difficulties not to enter into the League 150. Mehemet the first Bashaw is against the enterprise of Cyprus 9. Discourseth with the Venetian Consul about a treaty of agreement 162. Endeavours to preserve friendship between the Christians Emperour and his own master 153. Mustafa a Bashaw General by land of the Turkes in the enterprise of Cyprus 42. Passeth thither and landeth without any obstacle at Saline 46. Goes to assault Nicossia 49. Gives the assault and the course he takes 54 55. Exhorts those of the town to yeild 56.57 Assaults it in four places at the same time and is repulsed 58. Takes Nicossia upon a Parley and most perâ—idiously sackes it 60. Marches with his army to Famagosta 61. Encourages his Souldiers to the assault â—21 Hath Famagosta delivered him upon Articles of Agreement 124. Most impiously and perâ—idiously breakes all those Articles 126. N NIcossia in Cyprus reduced to a Fort Royal by the Venetians 51. 〈◊〉 provided for defendants 47. Assaulted by the Turkes 54.57 Taken and sackt 60. The Number of the Turkish vessels of all sorts that were 〈◊〉 for Cyprus 44. Of their forces that went
intent upon their own advantage then agreed with the accommodation of so many great differences and to putting an end to Wars of so long duration It was known that the King of France was very jealous of the Pope so as he did neither believe much what he said nor did he much confide in him Holding all his proposals to be doubtful and uncertain Therefore he treated apart with the Venetians that they would reorder their Forces by Sea and by Land seeming not to be at all discouraged for what had hapned at Naples as a thing which had fallen out by misfortune and not through any cowardise of the Souldiery Wherefore he was more desirous then ever to renew the Wars in Italy As for the Emperour though he said he would come into Italy to take upon him the Crown of the Empire and to procure peace yet he made so great preparation for War as it appeared he intended not to do as he said especialy since his desire of making himself Master of the State of Milan was so very well known And as for the Pope who was to take upon him the chief care herein he still retained the desire of recovering not only the Towns in Romagna but also Modena and Regio and likwise he longed to revenge himself for the injuries done him by the Florentines and to replace his Nephews in their pristine greatness and dignity in Florence which were not things to be done without War And the Venetians though they had been so many years involved in Wars wherein they had already spent five Millions of Gold and that therefore they desired to give some ease and refreshment to themselves and to their Subjects yet they persevered resolutely not to abandon the Duke of Milan not to permit that that State should fall again into Cesar's power nor would they easily part with the Towns in Puglia and Romagna unless upon the establishing of universal peace upon fair and rational conditions Thus did the Princes at this time steer their thoughts and actions and this was mens opinion touching â—uture War and Peace This mean while the News increased of Cesar's coming into Italy for which great preparation of Shiping was made at Barcellona and the Arch-Duke Ferdinand came to Ispruch and raised much moneys in the Dyets taking foot Souldiers into pay to send them for Italy to serve his Brother giving out that he would assault the States of Venice Yet at the same time divers treaties of agreement were propounded to the Senate by Andrea Doria and by some other Imperialists shewing that the Emperour had very good thoughts towards the Common-wealth and offering to negotiate peace wherein the Venetians proceeded very cautiously fearing lest this might be a trick to seperate the French by these jealousies from the freindship of the Common-wealth so as they slackned not their preperation for War for the Senate would depend upon themselves and treat of Peace with Sword in hand and with honour The time of the Duke of Urbines command being at an end they continued his imployment for three years longer with the increase of ten thousand Crowns a year pay and with as many Curassiers as made up those that were before under his command two hundred Moreover a particular Troop of fifty Curassiers was given to his son Guido Ubaldo who was likewise taken into the Commonwealths service and had a stipend of a thousand crowns a year given him Gianus Maria Fregoso was made Governour General of the Venetian Militia in reward of his loyalty and worth And because the Duke of Urbine had many occasions to be absent from the camp as he was particularly at this time and that it was thought fit for the publick service that some person of great authority should always be in the Army Antonio Alberti was sent to him Savio degli Ordini with Orders that he should go speedily from Brescia where he then was and come to the Army in which journey for his greater honour he was accompanied by the said Alberti Other chief places of the Militia were disposed of to others Count Gaiazzo was made General of the Light Horse and Antonio da Castello Captain of the Artillery Hercoles Fregoso Farfarella da Ravenna and other Commanders were taken again into the Commonwealths service A good sum of money was sent to the camp to Commissary Navi with Orders to raise new Foot and to fill up the companies Nor were they less vigilant about Maritime Affairs Girolamo Pesaro was created Captain General at Sea and Andrea Pesaro being chosen a little before Commissary of the Fleet and Vicenso Iustiniano Captain of the Bastard Gallies they were both of them ordered to prepare for Sea there were other ten chosen for Governours to arm the ten Gallies which were disarm'd the preceding Winter so as the Common-wealth had above fifty Gallies at Sea and though by the Articles of confederacy they were not bound to furnish out above sixteen Gallies they promised notwithstanding to adde four more thereunto so as there should be twenty for the service of the League whereof Girolamo Contarini was made Captain And because the Duke of Milan and Monsieur di S. Paule who were desired to increase the number of their Foot according to their Articles excused themselves for want of monies the Senate resolved to lend the French twelve thousand Duckets and eight thousand to the Duke of Milan But the Venetians did chiefly desire and pray the King of France that he would not be wanting to the Colleagues upon so important an occasion since he had found them all so affectionate to him and so constant in prosecuting the War And truly these remembrances were no more then necessary for all the bad success of the French in the affairs of Italy arose from their slowness in making provisions and from too much confiding in themselves the French being naturally given to promise all good success to themselves at the first beginning which makes them easily undertake any business but they are not constant in the prosecution and but little careful in providing necessaries out of the hopes they have of bringing it soon to an end measuring it often more according to their own desires then according to the truth Monsieur de S. Paule was reduced to want of men monies and almost of all things requisite to maintain War in Italy Nor was there any preparations seen for doing any thing beyond the Mountains which the King had so often promised to do And yet it was now more necessary then ever to do both these and that with powerful forces to keep the Emperour from coming into Italy either by preparing strongly to resist him there or else by keeping him imploy'd in defending Spain and in muniting the heart of his Dominions They therefore told the King that it was a thing becoming him and the forces of that powerful Kingdom to interrupt Cesars designs and to bring him by force of Arms to an agreement and to the restoring
the King of France as much in Italy as that of the Emperour Nay certainly keeping the same measure and proportion which hath been spoken of we ought to assist the greatness of the French in Italy where it is so much lessened to oppose it to the like of Cesar which is so much enhanc'd When these scales shall be equally poised it will then be time to think how we ought to behave our selves in not suffering either of them to grow too great though they should contend one with another and by this contention if the Commonwealth cannot purchase perfect peace and tranquility as having forces so neer her she will thereby at least get more security and will live in better hope that Italy may one day recover her liberty This is not the first time that the Kings of France have pass'd over the Mountains they have been invited over by us by their assistance we have recovered our State and by their friendship we have kept up the reputation of our Commonwealth nor avails it any thing to say that we ought to carry the war into other parts and keep it far from our selves for war is already kindled in Italy our Country is already on fire and we treat not now how to enflame this fire by the Kings coming but rather how to extinguish another more great and dangerous Diversion is used as a second remedy when the first of preserving a mans estate from being endamaged by an enemy cannot otherwise be prevented but when we have time enough to prevent Cesar 's coming by encreasing our forces by making our selves Masters of the Field by fortifying our Towns and in fine block up his passage cut off his hopes and break his designs why shall we apply our selves to less useful and more uncertain remedies When Cesar shall be come into Italy and shall have made some progress therein which we could not otherwise have prevented it will then become us to think of diversion and to have recourse to these remedies of drawing him out of Italy by assaulting his other Dominions and by endeavouring to make him turn his forces elsewhere But certainly it will not now be wisely done to endeavour that the forces of a Confederate King should go and waste themselves in the barren parts of Spain and suffer our enemies to feed fat and enrich themselves in the fruitful parts of Italy Who will think him wise who in lieu of preventing that the fire seize not upon his own house will go and kindle it elsewhere and suffer his own dangers to encrease that he may revenge himself afterwards upon the author thereof It will assuredly be wiser counsel to seek how to keep injuries afar off then to think how to revenge them when they are received By these reasons it is clearly seen that the coming of the King of France into Italy will be very advantagious for us and that we have no reason to apprehend any danger thereby especially at this present conjuncture of time therefore we ought to endeavour it as much as we can and to charge our Embassadour that he seek by the authority and counsel of this Senate to perswade the King or in case he find him already so enclined to increase that his disposition in him to come as soon and as strong as he can into Italy to the terror of his enemies and consolation of his friends Cornaro was listned to attentively and after some dispute his opinion prevailed and the Embassadour Navagiero was enjoyn'd to deliver just what he had said who did accordingly and being come to France had great hopes of obtaining his desire for the King entertain'd the advice willingly seeming to approve of it and that he would follow it He therefore resolved to go forthwith into Languedoc that he might bring his men into the nearest and most convenient part to pass into Italy whither he said he would bring above twenty thousand foot ten thousand Lantsknechts and ten thousand Voluntiers Thus the King 's coming being certainly believed the Senate ordered Andrea Navagiero to stay in France with the Queen Mother and the Kings Council that Sebastiano Iustinian who was succeeded by Navagiero should follow the King into Italy This mean while the Senate being encouraged with hopes did diligently prepare for all necessaries for the War a Bridge was built over the Ada with intention that at the end of April the Commonwealths Army should advance and joyning with Monsieur St Paul's men should march to the enterprize of Milan which was thought would be the chief means of keeping the Emperour from coming since he would be thereby kept from that rendevous by the reputation whereof by the help of the Fleet and by the Kings presence they thought they might easily get Genua after and effect whatsoever else they should attempt They at the same time were no less diligent in putting Garrisons into the Towns of Puglia sending a good number of Foot into that Country to keep all that they were possess'd of and upon occasion to offer at getting of more as also to hold the Imperialists forces busied and divided and keep them from coming into Lombardy But amidst all this heat the King without any appearing occasion began to cool and to slacken his provisions for War so as monies were scarcely furnish'd from France for Monsieur St Paul who despairing of being able to maintain his Army protested he would be gone and give over the business for of ten thousand men which he was to have had he had scarce the one half for they ran away in threves for want of pay After long expectation Monsieur de Chattilion came from Fraâ—ce but with far less money then was requisite and going some few days after from the Camp he came to Venice saying he would pass into Puglia to confirm those souldiers and Commanders and to carry them some monies for which voyage though the Senate had speedily furnish'd him with shipping as he had earnestly desired yet he by several excuses delay'd his going with suspition that he had given out this only not that he had really any monies or that he intended to go to Puglia but that the Venetians might not slacken the provisions which they had made which the King much fearing because he knew he had given them occasion so to do he soon after sent Gioan Gioacchino his Embassadour to Venice to hasten the going away of the Fleet and of the other provisions for War and yet he brought no news of the King 's coming which was so much expected and of so great importance This did the more encrease the Venetians jealousie and was the occasion of much mischief both in respect of the dangers which they apprehended from Cesar and because by this delay they lost the fruit of all their hopes their Army being to lie idle about the banks of Ada because it was not able of it self to fall upon the enterprize of Milan But for all this the Senate forbare
much incouraged to hold out by the love which those Inhabitants bore to the Common-wealth and by the scituation of the place which is naturally very strong For the Fort had but one front to defend which lay towards the south East which by reason of its hight was safe enough and was surrounded every where else by an unaccessible Rock â—â—ali being gone from Castel Rosso which is seated upon the head of Nigraponte after Sun-set came early the next morning before the Island of Tine where landing about 8000 foot he made them presently march towards the Town which was five miles from the shore hoping to take it by assault But the Governour who was alwaies vigilant discrying the Fleet before it came to the Island and indeavouring at one and the same time the safety of the Islanders and of the Fort gave the Islanders timely notice of the Enemies approach by shooting off of Guns so as they might get time enow to get within the Town and by them he might the better resist the assault which was made that very day and wherein the Enemy were repuls'd and much galled by the Artillery as they retreated in so much as they were forced to keep aloof off and quarter that night in the plain called St. Nicholas The next day landing some great Guns they intended to batter the Fort but finding by the scituation of the Place that that design would prove vain they incampt about it hoping that many men being gotten into the Town they might take it by siege Wherein having spent 12 days and solicited the Governour in vain by Letters containing both threats and great-rewards to surrender the Town and finding him still more resolute to defend himselfe they resolved to be gone having first ransackt the whole Country fired the farm Houses ruin'd the Churches and kild all the cattle This action purchas'd great praise to the Governour who was not at all daunted at the sight of such forces had valiantly sustain'd the assault and in so great commotions of War preserved that Island which lay in the very jaws of the Enemy and rendred this their first design vain The Turks leaving the Island of Tine went to Rhodes where having staid a while and designed what they would do they came to Fenica Hither were all the Souldiers brought which were to come aboord the Fleet which being altogether made above 200 Sayl whereof there was 150 Gallies and of the bigger sort some vessels for burthen one Gallyoune six Ships and a great number of lesser Vessels for carriage called by the Turks Caramusolini and about fifty Palandarie which are made like small Gallies but somewhat larger in the Poope and higher on the sides and much covered containing about a hundred Horse a peece The Turks parted with these forces from Fenica and steered their course towards Cyprus but because the actions of greatest importance in this War hapned in this Island the possession whereof was the cause of the War it will be worth the while to acquaint you with the State and most remarkable proprieties of this Country before we proceed to the Narration of what was there done The Island of Cyprus lies towards the Levant in the furthermost part of the Mediterranean which according to the severall Provinces which lye upon it hath severall names given it The Island looks on the East towards Soria with which if we will credit the testimony of the Ancients she did at first joyn in a Terra Ferma On the West lies Panfilia which is now called Sarmania On the South Aegypt and Caramania on the North which is the ancient Cilicia on which side this Island lies nearest the continent It is seven hundred miles in compasse extending it selfe about 200 miles in length East North-East towards the Levant but in the largest part it is not above seventy miles over It is of a very good Air being placed in the beginning of the fourth Climate under the ninth Parallel so as it produceth almost all things belonging to humane life in great abundance and perfection And though hardly the fifth part thereof he cultivated the half thereof lies every other year follow yet is it so fruitfull as it hath not onely wherewithall to supply the necessity of the Inhabitants but to serve Forrainers Besides Corn it yields much Sugar Cotton Saffron and many other things which are transported into forrain parts It abounds in Salt-pits which though they be now reduced to the third part of their former number yet as much pure white salt may be taken from thence every year as will load one hundred great ships It abounds also in severall sorts of Creatures excellently good nor doth it want Mines of the most pretious Mettalls By reason of this great plenty of all things it was anciently called Macaria as if Blessed which made the Poets fain that the goddesse Venus was born here and did delight to live here as in her proper 〈◊〉 Wherefore the Cyprians erected a famous Temple to her in the City of Paphos It was celebrated by antiquity as the seat of nine Kings having within it thirty Cities which though according to the custom of modern daies they be greater in number then reality yet there remains many worthy memorialls of their pristine grandeâ—sa and prosperity And there are yet seen the ruines of severall Cities as well Maritime as Inland which are wholly destroyed But at this time her chiefest Towns are Nicossia Famagosta Baffo Cerines and Limiso which latter two were onely reduced into any strength there not being any other place in the whole Island able to resist the Turks power though Cerines hath held out long formerly against lesser forces The Inhabitants of this country were so highly esteâ—â—ed for worth in war and for experience at sea as Alexander the great forbore to molest them with his Arms. And we read in modern Histories that they did many memorable acts in the businesse of the Holy Land and in Soria against the Infidells This Island was Tributary to the greatest Empires of the world for following the fortune of other Eastern people it became obedient to the Kings of Aegypt and to those of Persia and lastly to the Romans When the Roman Empire began to decline it was possest by the Sarasins which the Turks make use of at this time to shew they have some just pretence to this Island affirming that they found in their Hâ—stories that their fifth Captain of the Mahometan Religion after Mahomet had acquired and possest it and that there were the Sepulchers of many Musselmans which they could not suffer to remain in the power of those of another Religion But it was recovered from the Sarasins by the Christians in the year 1122. and joyned to the Kingdom of Jerusalem when they went to the taking of the Holy Land And after severall accidents being separated from thence it was governed for many years by Lords of its own under the protection of the Emperours of
was zealous above all other things that it was not lawfull for Don Iohn being Generall of the League to obey those orders of the Catholick King which did countervene the said League not onely without the Popes consent but without his knowledge nay contrary to his express will after having been so often prest by his Nuncio's to go from Messina and joyn with the Venetian Fleet that it was to be considered that that Fleet being raised by monies drawn from the Clergy or from others by the particular concession and authority of the Apostolick Sea as destined against the Turks could not with any reason be by the King turn'd else-where Wherefore the Pope being anxiously solicitous to have the Fleets joyn he sent reduplicated Briefs to Don Iohn to make him speedily depart and exhorted the Venetians to dispatch away their Embassadors forthwith to the Courts of Spain and France to appease the jealousies and take away the diffidences which were risen between those Kings and particularly to move the Catholick King to grant them his Fleet and not to forgo the Articles of the League To the same purpose he sent Antonio Maria Salviato Bishop of St. Papolo to the King of France and dispatcht away Nicolo Ormaneto Bishop of Padua as his Nuncio to the Catholick Court. Caesar interposed himselfe likewise herein using his Authority with both the Kings to preserve peace and concord between them being moved thereunto either that he might do what became a Christian Emperour or else knowing that if these commotions should go on Peace with the Turks must insue whereby he who lived then secure and quiet by reason of the dangers and troubles of others might have reason to suspect that the Turks might fall upon him But the Venetians were more fervent in these indeavours than all the rest as well because their interest was most therein as also not to make the Pope jealous lest by their not stirring in accidents of such concernment they might rather intend Peace than War which might make him grow cooler for the concerns of the League who knowing that by these proceedings the Venetians might have reason to think of agreeing with the Turks incouraged them with many hopes and exhorted them to use the accustomed wisdom and moderation of that Senate which would overcome all difficulties that they might not totally deprive themselves of the advantage which they might receive the next year in case the Fleets could not conveniently joyn this year by the more speedy provisions for War and by the King of Spain who would then be free from troubles and from such suspitions Iovanni Michiele was chosen to be sent Embassadour to the King of France and Antonio Tiepolo to the King of Spain both which used all diligence in going to the Courts of those Kings Michiele said how that the Venetian Senate had alwaies greatly desired the common good and peace between Christian Princes which they did now the more for that the war undertaken against the Turks the danger wherewith the Common-wealth was threatned as also all Christendom made them the more desirous to procure peace and good intelligence between the Christian Princes that they might joyntly turn upon the common Enemy That for this cause they were much troubled at the insurrection of Flanders and at the King of Spains troubles that their displeasure was not a little increased by the report which was given out of some suspitions and State-jealousies which were risen between the Crowns of France and Spain by which it might be feared that if these thoughts should take deeper root an open breach might from thence proceed to the great prejudice of Christendom which if it should meet with no impediment might be in a gallant and safe condition But by how much the more grievous and of greater importance the businesse was the lesse was it believed by the Senate who very well knew the wisdome of that King and his well-wishing towards the common good Yet because the perswasions of such as are no friends to peace and for their own interests seek to disturb it doe often divert Princes from their good intentions the Senate would not be wanting in making use of that favour which they perswaded themselves they partook of from his Majesty in exhorting him not to listen to such discourses when they should be propounded or that if he had had any such intentions hitherto that for the good of Christendom and for the particular advantage of their Common-wealth he would lay aside all such thoughts and totally convince the Catholick King so as being free from all such jealousies he might minde the businesse of the Levant and observe the Articles of the League The King listned graciously hereunto and took it in good part saying That the Senate was not at all decâ—ived in the good affection which he bore to the Common-wealth nor in their belief of his well-wishing to the good of Christendom That he had been alwaies troubled at the commotions of Flanders and that he had still endeavoured to keep those insurrections from being fomented by his subjects But that the condition of those times was such and the state wherein his Kingdom then was as be could not curb the insolency of such as were desirous of novelty who having endeavoured to work confusion in his Kingdom it was no wonder if contrary to his orders they were gone into other States to perturb the affairs of other men And some Court Lords to free men from such suspicioâ—s were of opinion that he should wink at these things which did not now concern the Crown of France which was sensible of the prejudice which Princes receive from the unbriâ—led licentiousnesse of people cloaked under the name of just liberty which could no otherwise be hurtfull to him then violent exercise is to an infirm body That he knew this might be prejudiciall to the Catholick King without any advantage to France way not without fear of putting her into new troubles and dangers for that these commotions might very likely make the King of Spain agree with the Flemmish with intention peradventure of assaulting Dolphine or the Kingdom of Navar So as instead of carrying the war to other mens doors they might be enforc'd to make war at home at a time when the forces of the Kingdom through so many and so long civill dissentions were divided and weakened But of all others the Queen Mother who bore then almost the chiefest authority in the Kingdom seemed greatly desirous to preserve peace and would therefore with her own hand write to the Pope attesting this her desire and professing her self ready to follow his good advice And that though there were some provision of Arms made they were never intended to make use of them to the prejudice of others but onely in their own defence fearing lest the Spaniards for the injuries which they causlesly affirmed they had received from the French might invade his Kingdom Where it is worth consideration how