yet to reprove his ingratitude in this respect the very bones of Gregory the third Stephen the second Adrian the first Stephen the fourth Gregory the ninth Gelasius the second Innocent the second Eugenius the first Innocent the fourth Urban and several other Popes would start up who being persecuted partly by the Enâ—mies of the Faith and partly by the Emperors have been relieved by the Forces of this most Christian Kingdom and by the Treasure of this Crown as the sacred Anchor of all Christendom and have been protecâ—ed and restored to the holy Chair The bones and ashes of pope Clement would rise up who being contrary to all reason and equiâ—y reduced to the extreamest calamity by the Emperor who at this very time allyed and confederated with Hereticks prâ—pares and stirrs up so many Tragedies for good and true Christians was delivered from all his oppressions by the arms of the King my Master and that at the price of a great number of his people I do not believe Illustrious Senators that you have in the least â—orgot the Vnion and Allyance which for seven years past has been so inâ—iolably observed betwixt your Illustrious Republick and the Crown of France Can you forget the strict league that was maintained betwixt you and us in the late Wars Neither can you have forgot that Enterprize wherein you and we in so short time conquered Constantinople Can you then endure that a Nation your forefathers have so loved honored and esteemed should be weakened by the means of your Enemies a people with whom neither you nor we being degenerated from the vertue of our Predecessors you may yet expect to perform more exploits and such as may be for the enlargement of your own Dominions and the universal benefit of all Christendom I hope you consider Illustrious Senators with your wanted prudence that if as God forbid any sinister accident should befall the King my Lord and Master the liberty of your most serene Republick would be without all manner of Remedy exposed as a prey to him who aims at nothing less than to subject us both to the same servile Yoke as those who have ever been united for the defence of the common liberty Which though you should not do yet the very bones of our forefathers would rise up in our favour those Ancestors who seâ—ing Philip Maria Visconti to have subdued Genoa and already to have reduced all Tuscany to a deplorable condition not able to susser so great an injustice nor to permit the Territories of so great Princes to be invironed by so dangerous an Enemy with the Assistance of the Florentines retook Genoa and by this means not only frustrated and repelled the Ambition of that Tyrant but moreover with the singular applause and obligation of all Italy recovered Brescia Bergamo and Cremona I flatter myself by the remembrance of so many glorious actions and by so many great exemples of the French fidelity piety and honor to have been so happy as to have removed all difficulties and impediments wherewith by the calumnies of thâ—se of the Imperial party your Lordships may have been prepossessed and as a most humble servant to you all do beseech and conjure you most illustrious Senators to consider the miserable estate of Italy and generally of all Christendom and before you resolve or declare for either party not only to bear the most Reverend and Illustrious Cardinal of Ferrara but also thoroughly to weigh and examine what be shall propose to you in the behalf of the King my Master And once more most humbly beseech your Serene Highness with your accustomed Prudence to consider the Emperor not only as the cause of the ruine and misery of Italy but moreover to look upon him as the Insidiator of the liberty of this most Serene Republick Acknowledg acknowledg I beseech you the house of Austria for your Capital Enemy and such a one as has at all times used all sorts of endeavour to encroach upon and to usurp the Territories and Dominions of others and especially those of your most Screne Republick And on the contrary that most Christian King my Lord and Master for your ancient faithful and affectionate friend and remember with what promptitude and alacrity he has ever divided his Forces with you for the recovery of your places unjustly possessed by those of the House of Austria of which the recovery of Brescia and Verona may serve for a sufficient proof Neither is there any cause to fear that such a friendship can by any means suffer it self to be violated or dissolved forasmuch as there having been betwixt that Crown of France and this Illustrious Seigneury no kind of difference either ancient or of later date and the one holding nothing of the other the occasions must consequently be wanting upon which the amities of Princes de ordinarily dissolve but on the other side their Vnity Allyance and Conâ—ormities are such that the ruine of the one does threaten and almost assure the calamity and dissolution of the other What opinion the Senate might retain of so nice an affair I am not able to say neither do I know whether my Brothers eloquence made them approve of a thing at which they had before been so highly scandalized but this I know that I have ever heard that action highly censured both then and since and in plain truth I do believe our affairs were not much better'd by it but it is not for me to meddle with so great affairs So soon as these mighty succours of the Turk arrived every one thought the whole Earth had not been capable to receive them such judgments men make of things before they come to be tryed Monsiâ—ur d' Anguiâ—n who was at that time the Kings Lieutenant in Provence having gathered together some Ensigns of Provençals came to sit down before Nice where after a great Battery had been made the assault was given by the Turks and Provençals together but they were repulsed In the end the Town surrendred but not the Castle In the mean time the Duke of Savoy solicited the Marquis de Gnast for relief who accordingly with a good Army put himself into the Field The Turks very much despised our people yet I do not believe they could beat us number for number they are 't is true stronger men more obedient and more patient of any hardship than we are but I cannot allow them to be more valiant they have indeed one advantage over us which is that they study nothing but War Barbarossa at this Siege was very much displeased and cast out very tart and passionate language especially when we were constrain'd to borrow of him powder and bullet insomuch that he reimbarked himself and departed without doing any great feats as also the winter indeed drew on but they behaved themselves very civilly towards all our confederates in their retreat and the Provençals likewise disbanded I had forgot to tell you that after the ill
the Territories of any of your Seigniory with his Alman Italian or Spanish Forces immediately thereupon there have been heard a thousand outerâ—es and complaints of Rapes Assassinations and other Riots and disorders of their Soldiers and it is but a few months since that the Germans who pretended to go to Carignan to keep their Easter to outdo the villany of those who before had so barbarously treated your Subjects in their persons and so lewdly spoiled them of their Estates displaid part of their rage and Insolence against the Church to the great disgrace and contempt of Christian Religion cutting off the ears nose and arms of the Crucifix and other Images representing the Saints who are in Heaven This numerous and mighty Army most Serene Prince departed from Constantinople being composed of Soldiers who were strangers to our Religion and being designed and accordingly sent for the relief of the King my Lord and Master sailed thorough the midst of your Islands landed in the Dominions of the Church pass'd thorough the Territories of the Siennois and Genoâ—ses people both of them greater favourers of the Emperor's Greatness than friends to their own proper liberty yet is it not to be perceiv'd nor can any man be found to complain of any insolence offerâ—d to him but on the contrary all men have been treated with all humanity and free passage granted to all those they met upon the Seas and just payment made for all the provisions they were necâ—ssitated to take for the support of the Army upon their March An effect of moderation in that rough sort of men which must chiefly be attributed to the presence and dexierity of Captain Polin the king's Embassador and with so great advantage to him that never in times past did either Turkish or Christian Army behave themselves so modestly upon such an occasion Who is â—e most Serene Prince that can or will deny but that had not this Army been entertain'd by the King my Master for the defence of his Frontiers Christendom had been assaulted by it to their infinite damage Who is he that will not judge that this Army its puissance considered must have triumph'd over an infinitâ— number of Christian Souls together with some City of great importance had not we converted that power to our own advantage which otherwise must necessarily have succeeded to the general advancement of the Grand Signior's affairs and to the private benefit of his Captains who are Enemies to our Faith this Army then being a Body disposed to Enterprize and capable of performing high exploits any man of a sound judgment will conâ—ess that it has been of much greater advantage to Christendom that is has been employed in the service of his Majesty my King and Master than that they had 〈…〉 invade the Christian borders upon their own account So that besides that it was needful and necessary for the King my Master to serve himself with this Army therewith to correct the insolence of the Emperor's people who had already seized upon four of his Gallies at Toulon it may moreover be affirmed without reply that to this private benefit of ours is conjoyned the publick utility of all Christendom I flatter myself most Serene Prince clearly to have demonstrated to you and to have confirm'd by evident reasons and infallible Arguments these two principal things First that the King without prejudice to his title of most Christian has accepted the succours that have been sent him by the Grand Signior and in the second place that these succours so sent have been of greater profit than disadvantage to the Christian Common-weal to which I shall add a third and that with as much brevity as the importance of the subject will permit and that is that the Kings Majesty has not accepted these forces either out of any ambition of Rule or out of revenge for injuries received neither to enrich himselâ— with the spoils of others nor to recover what has been unjustly usurped from himself but has only entertained them for his own defence that is Illustrious Senators for the defence of his Kingdom which the Emperor both by open violence and clandestine practice by all sorts of intelligences and treacheries contrary to all reason and justice has evermore labour'd to overthrow and yet his Ministers are not ashamed to say that his Caesarean Majesty has had no other motive to invade the Kingdom of France but only to break the friendship that was said to be contracted betwixt the Kings Majesty and the Grand Signior O tender Consciences O holy pretences fit indeed to delude the credulous and ignorant but that will hardly pass Illustrious Senators with you who in your admirable and celebrated wisdom even before I could open my lips must needs be satisfied in your own bosoms of the contrary and in your prudence easily discern the foundation of this War to have been no other than a design to ruine that Kingdom which for thâ—se thousand years past has approved it self the true and willing refuge of the oppressed and the only Sanctuary of all sorts of afflicted persons I would fain know of these men who invent these subtil Arguments what holy motive of Faith spurr'd on the Emperor combined with the King of England to invade France on the side of Champagne and Picardy an expedition that only ended in the burning of some few inconsiderable Villages and the Siege of Mezieres very dishonorable for him What devotion prick'd him on at a time when Italy liv'd in peace and assurance by reason that Naples Millan Florence and Genoa were possessed by several Princes to come and shuffle all things into discord and confusion What Religion I say moved him to league and combine himself with Pope Leo to ravish away the state of Millan which in a direct line of succession appertained to to the Children of my King and Master What mighty zeal for Religion prompted him to cause our King to be murthered by means of a Prince of France whom to that end he had suborned with prayers and tears when seeing his execrable practice before it came to execution to be wholly detected he sent the Seigneur de Bourbon with an infinite number of people into France in hope to effect that by open force which the bounty and providence of God not permitting him by secret treacheries he could not bring to pass What inspiration of the holy Ghost might it be that seven years since conducted the Emperor with seventeen thousand Foot and ten thousand Horse to invade the Kingdom of France then when he entred by Picardy and Provence What command of the Gospel can ever be found out such as these men have found who make a shew of so great devotion to the Christian Name that can justifie to the world the confederacy betwixt the Emperor and the King of England especially the said King by the proper solicitations and pursuit of his Caesarean Majesty being at that time by the Pope declared a
Schismatick a Heretick and a Rebel A conspiracy that cannot be baptiz'd by the name of a necessary succour but an unjust wicked and detestable confederacy complotted betwixt them two to the end that they might divide betwixt them a Christian and a Chatholick Kingdom which in all times when any occasion has presented it self for the propagation of our Faith has ever shew'd it self prodigal both of its Blood and Treasure But the whole world most Serene Princes were too little to satisfie his appetite of Rule so precipitously is he hurried on by his Ambition and Revenge Would he not have been sensible of the shameful affront put upon him by the English King in the person of his Aunt had not the design to subjugate all Christendom transported him to forget that outrage How often to frustrate the Turkish attempts and to prevent the manifest ruine of Hungary and Germany have means been tryed and endeavours used to procure a peace and union amongst those Princes and still in vain Whereas now all particular animosities and private interests the respect to Religion the common desire of liberty the obligation of so many benefits anciently received from our Forefathers and of late from us laid aside and forgot they are to our great prejudice confederated and united like Herod and Pilate who from mortal Enemies that they were became friends and Associates only in order to the persecution of Iesus Christ. Shall then this Emperor most Serene Prince go about to possess himself of the Kingdom of France and to offend this King who after so many injuries receiv'd so amicably and so freely consented to the ten years Truce shall the Emperor go about to ruiâ—e this Prince who after having been so many times undeservedly invaded in his own Kingdom and as it were coming from the Obsequies of that most Illustrious and Serene Dauphin his Son so basely by the Emperors corruptions poysoned neverâ—heless with the rest of his Children and Princes of the Blood at the peril of his life went even into the Emperors own Gally by that security to manifest to him how much the peace so necessary to all Christendom was by his Majesty coveted and desired Shall the Emperor go about to ruine burn and put to spoil this Kingdom in his passage thorough which he was so welcom'd treated honored and caressed as if he had been an Angel descended from Heaven Shall â—e attempt by all undue and all violent ways to make himself Sovereign of this Kingdom wherein for fifty days together by the courtesie and bounty of the King my Lord and Master he saw himself more highly honoured and respected then their own natural Prince with a power to command all things more absolute than if he had been in his own Palace Shall the Almans go about to make Hinds and Slaves of those who for the conservation of the German liberty have so liberally exposed themselves at the vast expence and loss of their substance and the effusion of their own blood Shall the Germans and the English go about to ruine the Religion that we with our valiant Armies and by the Doctrine of an infinite number of men eminent for piety and learning have esserted and publish'd to all the world Shall the Spaniards a people whom so often and by diâ—t of Arms we have reduced to the Christian Faith go about in revenge to compel us to forsake that Religion which so long and with so great honor to the name of Christ we have maintained and upheld If it must be so that contrary to all duty and right we must be abandoned by the rest of the Christian world which God avert we who are the Subjects of the King my Lord and Master may with great reason and justice cry unto God for vengeance against them all for so foul an ingratitude These are returns by no means suitable to the merits of our Forefathers for having by the divine assistance gain'd so many signal victories for Christendom under the conduct of Charles Martel in those times when they fought with and cut pieces fifty thousand Saracens that were come into Spain These are by no means fit rewards for the desert of our Ancestors who by the favour of the Almighty acquir'd great advantages for Christendom at the time when by their Forces under the conduct of Charlemain the Infidels and Saracens were driven both out of Spain and a great part of Asia These are by no means acknowledgments proportionable to the reputation our people by the Grace of God acquir'd in the time of Urban the second who without any difficulty or the least contradiction dispased our King his Princes Nobility Gentry and generally the whole body of the Kingdom against the adversaries of our Faith insomuch that altogether and through our assistance they coquer'd the Kingdom of Jerusalem and the Holy Land These are by no means fit recompences for the desert of so many expeditions against the enemies of our Faith fortunately undertaken by our Progenitors under the Reigns of Philip and Charles of Valois And when his Holiness shall see so many Nations confederated with a mischievous intent to ruine the rest of Christendom and resolved to oppress this Kingdom which of all other has best merited of the Christian Common-weal I cannot doubt but that he will lend us such succours and assistance as he shall judge necessary â—o our protection and defence And should his Holiness do otherwise he would do very much against himself and contrary to the duty of an Italian a Christian and a Prelate Of an Italian forasmuch as our Holy father does very well understand that the servitude and calamity of Italy can proceed from no other accident than from the ruine and desolation of the Kingdom of France Of a Christian forasmuch as the name of Christ having in all Ages been defended and propagated by this Kingdom and it being at this time invaded by the means and ambition of the Emperor and so many Nations strangers to our Religion it cannot in this exigency be deserted by any but such as are no very good friends to the Christian Faith Of a Prelate for asmuch as it were contrary to the duty of his Holiness being as he is thoroughly informed and very well in his own knowledg assured that the Emperor obstinate in his own will and resolute to subjugate both the French Italians and all other Christians would never hearken to any overture of accommodation that has by his Holiness been propounded to him Whereas on the contrary the King my Master equally desirous of his own and the publick quiet has often offered to submit all his interests and differences to the judgment of our Holy Father To discharge then the office of a true Prelate and a true Iudg may he not take arms against him who has not the confidence to deny but that he is the sole perturbator of the publick peace and the universal good Which though his Holiness should forbear to do
had made him a very eloquent Oration at Orleans whose name he had set down in his List and in pure Gift gave him the place He likewise did the same in all Employments and I have seen the same way practised by that great Odet de Foix under whom I serv'd in the beginning of my Arms he knew the names of all the Captains and remarkable persons and when any one had perform'd any signal Exploit he presently bookt him down But Sir withal you must oft turn over this Book and not content your self with taking the names of such persons only but employ and advance them according to their quality and desert and encourage them by some gracious expressions in their favour or if he be a poor Gentleman give him money which if you please to do with your own hand five hundred Crowns will be better taken than two thousand from the hands of a Treasurer for something will evermore stick to their fingers One time King Henry your Royal Father and my good Master whom God absolve had order'd me two thousand Crowns and he that was to pay it was not asham'd to detein five hundred but he met with a Gascon that was not wont to be so serv'd nor to pay such large Fees He knew I would complain of him to the King and was more overjoyed that he could perswade me to receive it than I was of the receipt If your Majestie would give with your own hand these tricks would not be put upon men of desert It was said in your Grandfathers time that his Predecessor alwaies did so and had a Chest full of Baggs stuft with Crowns in some more in some less which he himself distributed according to the quality of the person or of the service he had perform'd I know some will tell you that this is too much below a King but Sir do not believe them for these are the people that would have the moulding of all the Paste and would that your liberality should pass thorough their hands to the end that they might nim from your bounty Only one thing give me leave to tell your Majestie you should not give all to one nor to a few persons I beseech you Sir pardon my plainness you have given one Gentleman of Guienne enough to have satisfied fifty pretenders I will not say but that the man was brave and valiant but there were who deserv'd it as well or better than he and who notwithstanding had nothing at all Your Majestie may please to take what I say in good part I have one foot in the Grave and 't is the affection I bear to your Crown that prompts me to say what I do I am Neighbour to the Spaniard but he never had other than Flours-de-Lis from me I could say a great deal more if I durst for in truth there is but too much to say and but too many things to be reform'd I must now speak a little with your Majesties permission to the Monsieur your Brother your new Chancellor in arms 'T is to you then my Lord that I address my self and I should be sorry this Book should go out of my hands without some honorable testimonie of your Grandeur You are descended from the greatest Family in the world there is no Record but that these ten last descents have ever been hardie and warlike and but very few from the first Christian King have been otherwise although Races have gone out and that others have seiz'd upon the Crown which is exceedingly admirable for of four Generations of Gentlemen you shall hardly find two Descents together valâ—ant Which ought to make us believe that God has a particular providence over this Kingdom seeing he has given so great Gifts and Graces to those who are his Vicegerents as to the Kings your Grandfather and Father And although you are no King you nevertheless share in the blessing that God has so liberally conferred upon your Royal Family O my Lord you have great reason to think and to assure your self that Almighty God has design'd you for great ends as is already discern'd by the victories he has given you in your younger years which are such as therein his Almighty arm has been manifestly seen and that you have obtein'd them more thorough his Divine Will than any power of man Every one must therefore of necessitie confess that this Kingdom is the Care of Heaven that the King your Brother is God's Lieutenant and that You are his Behold what fair and honouâ—able Titles I must now take the boldness to talk a little to you You are my Lord the prop upon whom he reposes and relies you are he who are to command the Arms which are â—o carry him into all hazards perils and fortunes You are the Trumpet which is to give us the signal what we are to do You are our refuge and our hope by whose testimonie we are to expect from the King the recompence of all our services 'T is you who are to recommend us to his Majesties knowledg and who as a true Chancellor of the Sword are to make him a true Report of what we have done for his service and who when we are dead and gone ought to present our Children to him if we have behav'd our selves as men of honor ought to do Finally you have all the eyes of France upon you upon you my Lord who command Armies and who have so often bang'd and bang'd again the Rebellious Hugonots All Christendom knows that it is you for the King is constrain'd since his Council will have it so to make war in his Cabineâ— Since then you hold so high a place upon which all other Offiâ—es and Commands that concern Arms depend and that we are all to stand or fall by you for the Kings service and your own your Highness ought to repose your entire confidence and to lay out your whole care upon us who follow Arms for all other conditions of men participate nothing with yours forasmuch as all the rest depend upon men of the long Robe Of such there are a great many in the Kings Council you have nothing to do with these people neither indeed is it proper you should for too many irons in the fire never do well and it is an old saying All covet all lose If your Highness will please a little to reflect upon what I take the boldness to represent before you you will find that it will be necessary seeing you are in so high a Station to weigh and consider what it is that may help to maintain and support you in so great and so honorable a Command than which nothing can be greater Shall it be from these young Captains that you are to expect it no certainly for in these kind of people theâ—e is no manner of experience but rather levity and folly Shall it be from men of the long Robe You are yet less to expect it from them than from the other They will
more question to be made of his Faith and then in such a process of time the Country into which he shall come at first a stranger or fâ—gitive and an Exile will be grown natural and familiar to him and he will have received benefits and acquir'd such interests and possessions as may fix him there and yet â—vâ—n then let it be at a sufficient distance from such as he may have had any private correspondencies or secret practices withal For by what I have heard from several of the Emperour's Captains had Charles of Bourbon taken Mâ—rselles and Provence the Emperor would never have committed so great an error as to have entrusted them in his hands though he had faithfully promis'd so to do But let us proceed All these Foot Companies being disbanded excepting those which were left in Garrison I who had no mind to be immur'd within the walls of a City again put my self into the Company of Monsieur Le Marâ—schal de Foix wherein I continued till such time as King Francis went his expedition against Monsieur de Bouâ—bon who together with the Marquess of Pâ—scara laid Siege to Marselles which Sieur de Bourbon for an affront that had been offer'd to him was revolted to the Emperor there is nothing a great heart will not do in order to revenge where seeing the King would permit the Mareschal de Foix to carry no more than twenty men at arms of his own Company along with him and finding my self at my arrival to be excluded that election and none of the number I took such snuff at it that I went with five or six Gentlemen who did me the honor to bear me company to be present at the Battel with a resolution to fight volunteer amongst the Foot But Monsiâ—ur de Bourbon after having lain six weeks only before the City rais'd the Siege The Signior Raâ—co de Cera a Gentleman of Rome a brave and experienc'd Captain together with the Sieur de Brion were within with a sufficient Garrison his Majesty had thither sent for the defence of the Town So that Monsieur de Bourbon found himself to be deceivâ—d in his intelligence and that he had reckon'd without his Host. The French did not as yet know what it was to rebell against their Prince for so soon as he had notice of the Kings approach he retir'd himself over the Mountains and descended into Piedmont by the Marquisate of Saluzzo and Pigâ—erol and not without very great loss fled away to Milan which also both he and the Vicâ—roy of Naples were constrain'd to abandon and to fly out at one gate whilst we entred in at another Signior Don Antonio de Leva who was one of the greatest Captains the Emperor had and who I do believe had he not been hindred by the Gout with which he was infinitely tormented would have surpass'd all others of his time was chosen in this posture of affairs to be put into Paviâ— with a strong Garrison of German Soldiers supposing that the King would infallibly fall upon that place as in effect he did The Siege continued for the space of eight months in which time Monsieur de Bourbon went into Germany where he so bestirr'd himself with the money he had borrowed from the Duke of Savoy that he thence brought along with him ten thousand German foot together with four or five hundred men at armes from the Kingdom of Naples with which Forces encamping himself at Lode he came to offer the King Battail upon a St. Matthias day our army being very much weakened as well by the length of the Siege as by Sickness with which it had been miserably infected To which disadvantages the King had moreover unluckily disbanded three thousand Grisons commanded by a Collonel of their own called le grand Diart I suppose to contract the charges of the War Oh that these little pieces of good Husbandry do very often occasion notable losses Also a few days before Monsieur d' Albaine was by the King's command departed with great Forces towards Rome from thence to fall into the Kingdom of Naples but in the end all vanish'd away in smoke for to our great misfortune we lost the Battail and all these enterprizes came to nothing The Description of this Battail is already publish'd in so many places that it would be labour lost therein to wast my paper I shall therefore only say that the business was not well carried in several places on our side which occasioned their ruine who behav'd themselves best upon that occasion The King was taken prisoner Monsieur the Mareschal de Foix both taken and wounded with an Arquâ—buze shot in his thigh which moreover enter'd into his belly Monsieur de St. Pol taken and wounded with thirteen wounds with which he had been left for dead upon the place and was stript to his shirt but a Spaniard coming to cut off his Finger for a Ring he could not otherwise pull off he cried out and being known was carried with the said Mareschal into Pavie to the lodging of the Marquess de Scadalfol several other great Lords lost their Lives as the Brother to the Duke of Lorrain the Admiral de Chabanâ—s and many others taken amongst whom were the King of Navarre Mâ—ssieurs de Nevers de Montmorency de Brion and others but I shall not taxe the memory of any one for the loss of this Battel nor set a mark upon those who behaved themselves ill enough even in the presence of their King During all the time of my abode in the Army I was continually with a Captain call'd Castille de Navarre without any pay which Captain having the fortune to command the forlorn hope in the day of Battel intreated me to bear him Company which accordingly I did as also the five Gentlemen who came in company with me I was taken prisoner by two Gentlemen of the Company of Don Antoniâ— de Leva who upon the Saturday morning let me go together with two of my Camrades for they saw they were likely to get no great treasure of me the other three were killed in the Battel Being now at liberty I retir'd my self into the house of the Marquess where Monsiâ—ur le Mareschal lay wounded I found him with Monsieur de St. Pol both together in one bed and Monsieur de Montejan lodg'd in the same Chamber who was also wounded in his leg There I heard the discourse and dispute betwixt Siâ—ur Frederick de Bege who was prisoner and Captain Sucra who belong'd to the Emperor upon the loss of this Battel who accusâ—d our French of many great oversights particularly nominating several persons whose names I am willing to forbear but I judg'd their opinions to be very good being both of them very great Soldiers and what I then heard has since been serviceable to me upon several occasions an use that every one ought to make of such controversies who intends to arrive at any degree of perfection in the
practice of Arms. A man must seek not only all occasions of presenting himself at all rencounters and Batâ—els but must moreover be curious to hear and careful to retâ—in the opinions and arguments of experiencâ—d men concerning the faults and oversights committed by Commanders and the loss or advantages to the one side and the other ensuing thereupon for it is good to learn to be wise and to become a good Master at another mans expence The Kingdom of France has long bewailed this unfortunate day with the losses we have sustain'd besides the captivity of this brave Prince who thought to have found fortune as favourable to him here as she was at his Battel with the Swisse but she play'd the baggage and turn'd her tail making him to know how inconvenient and of how dangerous consâ—quence it is to have the person of a King expos'd to the uncertain event of Battel considering that his loss brings along with it the ruine of his Kingdom Almighty God nevertheless was pleas'd to look upon this with an â—ye of pity and to preserve it for the Conquerors dazled with the rayes of victory lost their understanding and knew not how to follow their blow otherwise had Monsieur de Bourbon turn'd his Forces towards France he would have put us all to our Trumps The Munday following Monsieur de Bourbon gave order that such as were taken prisoners and had not wherewithal to pay their ransom should avoid the Camp and return home to their own houses Of which number I was one for I had no great treasure he gave us indeed a Troop of horses and a Company of Foot for our safe conduct but the Devil a penny of money or a bit of bread insomuch that not one of us had any thing but Turnips and Cabbage-stalks which we broyl'd upon the coals to â—at 'till we came to Ambrun Before our departure Monsieur le Mareschal commanded me to commend him to Captain Carbon and the rest of his friends whom he entreated not to be dejected at this misfortune but to rouse up their spirits and â—ndâ—avour to do better than ever and that they should go and joyn themselves to Monsieur de Lautrec his Brother After which he made me a very notable remonstrance which was not ended without many tears and yet deliver'd with a strong accent and an assured coâ—tenance though he was very sore wounded and so much that the Friday following he died I travell'd on foot as far as Redorte in Languedoc where his Company then lay whereof Monsieur d Lautrec after his death gave one Tertia to Captain Carbon a command that he did not long enjoy for soon after a Villain native of Montpellier who had favour'd the Camp of Monsieur de Bourbon kill'd him behind as he was riding post upon the Road near unto Lumel As great a loss as has been of any Captain who has died these hundred years and one that I do believe had he lived to the Wars that we have since seen would have performed wonders and many would have been made good Captains under his command For something was every day to be learn'd by following him he being one of the most vigilant and diligent Commanders that I ever knew a great undertaker and very râ—solute in the execution of what he undertook Another Tertia was given to Captain â— ignac of Auvergne who also did not keep it keep it long for he shortly after fâ—ll blind and died The third Tertia he gave to Monsieur de Negrepelisse the Father to him now living of which a Cosen German of mine called Captain Serillac carried the Ensign In the mean time Madame the Queen Regent Mother to the King and with her all the confederate Princes of the Crown had set several Treaties on foot and laboured on all hands the Kings deliverance with great integrity and vigour and to so good effâ—ct that in the end this mighty Emperor who in his imagination had swallow'd up the whole Kingdom of France gain'd not so much as one inch of earth by his victory and the King had the good fortune in his affliction to derive assistance even from those who at other times were his Enemies yet to whom the Emperors greatness stood highly suspected His Majesty being at last returned home and mindful of the injuries and indignities had been offer'd to him during his captivity having in vain tryed all other ways to recover his two Sons out of the Emperors hands was in the end constrain'd to have recourse to Arms and to recommence the War And then it was that the expedition of Naples was set on foot under the command of Monsieur de Lautrec who as I have already said dispatch'd a Courrier to me into Gascony to raise a Company of Foot which I also in a few days perform'd and brought him betwixt seven and eight hundred men of which four or five hundred were Harquebusiers though at that time there was but very few of them in France Of these Monsieur de Ausun entreated of me the one half for the compleating of his Company which I granted to him and we made our division near to Alexandria which at this time was surrendred to the said Monsieur de Lautrec who from thence sent Messieurs de Gramont and de Montpezat to besiege the Castle de Vigâ—â—e before which place as we were making our approaches and casting up trenches to plant the Artillery I was hurt with a Harquebuze shot in my right leg of which shot I remain'd lame a long time after insomuch that I could not be at the storming of Pavie which was carried by assault and half burnt down to the ground Nevertheless I caused my self to be carried in a Litter after the Camp and before Monsieur de Lautrec departed from Plaisance to march away to Boulongne I again began to walk Now near unto Ascoly there is a little town called Capistrano seated upon the top of a Mountain of so difficult access that the ascent is very sleep on all sides saving on those of the two Gates into which a great number of the Soldiers of the Country had withdrawn and fortified themselves The Count Pedro de Navarre who was our Collonel commanded our Gascon Companies to attaque this Post which we accordingly did and assaulted the place We caus'd some Manteletts to be made wherewith to approach the Wall in which we made two holes of capacity sufficient for a man easily to enter in about fifty or threescore paces distant the one from the other whereof I having made the one I would my self needs be the first to enter at that place The Enemy on the other side had in the mean time pull'd up the planks and removed the boards and tables from the roof of a Parlour into which this hole was made and where they had plac'd a great tub full of stones One of the Companies of Monsieur de Luppé our Lieutenant Colonel and mine prepar'd to
have suspected myself to have been the occasion of his death and had he lived without an arm I should never have looked upon him but with exceeding great trouble to see him in such a condition let God therefore work his will Immediately after the two forenamed Chirurgions came to examine mine whether or no he was sufficient to undertake the cure for otherwise it was order'd that one of them should remain with me but they found him capable enough to which they also added some instructions what was to be done upon such accidents as might happen The next day which was the fourth after my hurt Monsieur de Lâ—urtreâ— caused me to be carried after him to Termes de Bresse where he left me in his own quarters to the care of the man of the house who was a Gentleman and for the further assurance of my person carryed Hostages with him two of the most considerable men of the Town whereof one was brother to the Gentleman of the house assuring them that if any the least foul play was offer'd to me those two men should infallibly be hang'd In this place I remainâ— d two months and a half lying continually upon my reins insomuch that my very back bone pierced thorough my skin which is doubtless the greatest torment that any one in the world can possibly endure and although I have written in this narrative of my life that I have been one of the most fortunate men that have born arms these many years in that I have ever been victorious wherever I commanded yet have I not been exempt from great wounds and dangerous sicknesses of which I have had as many and as great as any man ever had who outliv'd them God being still pleased to curb my pride that I might know my self and acknowledg all good and evil to depend upon his pleasure but all this notwithstanding a scurvy four morose and cholerick nature of my own which favours a little and too much of my native Soil has evermore made me play one trick or another of a Gascon which also I have no great reason to repent So soon as my arm was come to a perfect suppuration they began to raise me out of Bed having a little cushion under my arm and both that and my arm swath'd up close to my body In this posture I continued a few days longer until mounting a little Mâ—le that I had I caused my self to be carried before Naples where our Camp was already sate down having first sent away a Gentleman of mine on foot to our Lady of Lorettâ— to accomplish my vow I my self being in no condition to perform it The pain I had suffer'd was neither so insupportable nor so great as the affliction I had not to have been present at the taking of Malphe and other places nor at the defeating of the Prince of Orange who after the death of Monsiâ—ur de Bourbon slain at the Sack of Rome commanded the Imperial Army Had not this valiant Prince of deplorable memory for the foulness of his revolt from his Lord and Master dyed in the very height of his Victories I do believe he had sent us back the Popes into Avignon once again At my arrival at the Camp Monsieur de Lautrec and all the other great persons of the Army received me with great demonstrations of kindness and esteem and particularly Count Pedro de Navarre who caused a confiscation to be settled upon me of the value of twelve hundred Duckets yearly revenue call'd la Tour de la Nunciâ—de one of the fairest Castles in all the Tertitory of Labour and the first Barony of Naples belonging to a rich Spaniard callâ— d Don Ferdino I then thought my self the greatest Lord in all the Army but I found my self the poorest Rouge in the end as you shall see by the continuation of this discourse I could here dilate at full how the Kingdom of Naples was lost after it was almost wholly conquer'd a story that has been writ by many but it is great pity they would not or durst not relate the truth being that Kings and Princes might have been taught to be so wary by this Exemple as not to suffer themselves to be imposed upon and abused as they very often are but no body would have the great ones learn to be too wise for then they could not play their own Games with them so well as they commonly do I shall therefore let it alone both for that I do not pretend to record the faults of other men as also because I had no hand in these transactions and shall only write my own Fortunes to serve for instruction to such as shall follow after that the little Montlucs my sons have left me may look with some kind of Glory into the life of their Grandfather and aim at honorable things by his Exemple There were no great matters peâ—form'd after my coming to the Camp neither did they busie themselves about any thing but the City of Napleâ— which also they intended to overcome by Famine and it must suddainly have fallen into our hands had it not been for the revolt of Andrea d' Auria who sent to Count Philippin his Nephew to bring back his Gallies to Genoa with which he kept the City of Naples so close block'd up by Sea that a Cat could not have got in which he immediately did and thereupon an infinite of provision was put into the Town by Sea whilst our Galliâ—s delay'd to come God forgive him who was the cause thereof without which accident the Town had been our own and consequently the whole Kingdom This Philippin Lieutenant or Vice-Admiral to Andrea d' Auria near unto Capo-dorso obtained a famous Naval Victory over Hugo de Moncada and the Marquess de Guâ—st who came to the relief of Naples but from this Victory proceeded our ruine for Philippin having sent his prisoners to his Uncle to Genoa and the King being importunate to have them deliver'd over to him Andrea d' Auria would by no means part with them complaining that he had already delivered up the Prince of Orange to the King without any recompence upon which occasion the Marquess de Guast a man of as great dexterity and cunning as any of his time and a great Warriour knew so well how to manage Andrea d' Auria's discontent that in the end he turn'd his coat and with twelve Galliâ—s went over to the Emperor's side The King our Master was well enough informed of all his practices and might easily enough have prevented the mischief but his heart was so great and he was so higly offended with Auria that he would never seek to him whereof he repented at leisure for he has since been the cause of many losses that have befall'n the King and particularly of the Kingdom of Naples Genoa and other misfortunes It seem'd as if the Sea stood in aw of this man wherefore without a very great and more than ordinary
first misfortune and the first disgrace that had yet befallen us in all this Expedition It seemed to all the world that the Prince of Navarre brought us all misadventure and mishap would to God he had staid in Gascony neither had it been the worse for him who came only to end his days a great way from home without doing any thing but taking a view of Naples He dyed three weeks or there abouts after his arrival and was the occasion of the death of this brave young Lord which I shall ever lament who also had the honor to be his Kinsman Yet was not this all for so soon as it was known that such a Prince was arrived every one presently concluded that he had brought some considerable succours and relief at least money for the pay of the Army but there was nothing of all this for neither he nor the Gallies brought us one man of recruit nor any other thing but his own retinue and some few Gentlemen Voluntiers which was a great discouragement to our distressed Army and the Enemy who were very well informed of all took new heart at it knowing very well by that that the Waters of France were very low when a Prince of his condition came to such a Siege as this in an equipage as if he had only come abroad to see the world but the fault ought not to lie at his door they were too blame that sent him 'T is a great fault in Kings and Princes who put men upon great attempts to take so little care of those whom they know to be engaged in an enterprize of so great importance as was this of the Sieur de Lautreâ— for the taking of Naples had very much assured the State of France which by that means would have had its arms at liberty for many years and we should have disputed it long had it once been ours for we should have been made wise by our precedent losses The King committed yet another oversight in not sending some handsom Troop of Gentlemen and some considerable Body of Foot with this young Prince the neglect of which as I have already said made our people believe either that he did not much regard us or that his hands were full and that he had elsewhere enough to do Wherein Monsieur de Lautrec was by no means to be blam'd who never ceased to send dispatch after dispatch and post after post to give his Majestie an account of all but I return to my self for as I have always declar'd I will by no means play the Historian if I should I should have enough to do and scarce know at which end to begin This was the last engagement where I had any thing to do wherein though I did not command in chief yet had I notwithstanding the command of a very good Company of Foot and had my full share of the fight that was very handsom but not for all which I have set down to acquit my self of my promise to wit that I would give a particular account of all those passages wherein I had the honor to command passing the rest lightly over as I do the remainder of this unfortunate Siege which we were at last constrained to raise Monsieur de Lautrec being dead to the great misfortune of all France which never had a Captain endowed with better qualities than he was but he was unhappy and ill assisted by the King after His Majesty had engaged him as he did first at Millan and now lastly before Naples For my part with that little that was saved which was almost nothing I return'd the greatest part of my Journey on foot with my arm in a scarf having above thirty Ells of Taffeta about me forasmuch as they had bound my arm and my body together with a cushion between wishing a thousand times rather to die than to live for I had lost all my Masters and Friends who knew and lov'd me being all dead excepting Monsieur de Montpezat the Father of this now living and poor Don Pedro our Colonel taken and carried prisoner into the Rock of Naples where they put him to death the Emperor having commanded that for the reward of his revolt they should cut off his head He was a man of great understanding in whom Monsieur de Lautrec who conâ—ided in few persons had a very great confidence I do also believe and am not single in that opinion that he counselled him ill in this War but what we only judg by Events In this handsom equipage I came home to my Fathers house where poor Gentleman I found him engag'd in too many necessities of his own to be in any capacity of much assisting me forasmuch as his Father had sold three parts of four of the Estate of the Family and had left the remainder charg'd with five children by a second venture besides us of my Fathers who were no less than ten By which any onâ— may judg in what necessities we who are come out of the Family of Montluc have been constrained to follow the fortunes of the world And yet our house was not so contemptible but that it had near upon five thousand Livers yearly revenue belonging to it before it was sold. To fit my self in all points I was constrained to stay three years at home without being able to get any cure for my arm and after I was cur'd I was to begin the world again as I did the first day I came out from a Page and as a person unknown seek my fortune in all sorts of necessiities and with extream peril of my life I praise God for all who in all the traverses of my life has ever been as â—isting to me Upon the first motions of War King Francis instituted his Legionaires which was a very fine invention had it been well pursued for a start all our Laws and Ordinances are observed and kept but after a while neglected and let down for it is the true and only way to have always a good Army on Foot as the Romans did and to train up the people to War though I know not whether that be good or evil It has been much controverted though I for my part had rather trust to my own people than to strangers Of these the King gave one thousand to the Seneschal of Thoulouse Seigneur de Faudovas who made me his Lieutenant Colonel and although it was the Languedoc Legion and that he was Colonel I nevertheless raised him all his Regiment in Guienne and appointed him all his Captains Lieutenants Ensigns Serjeants and Corporals A great rumor was at that time spread over all France that the Emperor through the great intelligences he had within was for the conquest of such and so great a Kingdom coming up with vast and invincible Forces thinking at unawares to surprize the King and in effect he did advance as far as Provence The King to oppose so mighty and so powerful
pass to get to them wherefore we agreed that Peloux should take a little path on the right hand and I another on the left and that the first which came up to them in the plain should fall upon them the one in the Front and the other in the Rear which we had no sooner concluded but that the Enemy rose up and we discovered them all plainly at our â—ase Monbasin Chamant St Laurens and Fabrice who were all on horseback would needs go along with me at which Peloux was a little discontented forasmuch as they all belong'd to Monsieur Brissac as he himself did excepting Chamant who belonged to Monsieur le Dauphin Artiguedieu and Barennes likewise went in my Company From the very beginning of our descâ—nt the Enemy lost sight of us and we of them by reason of the wood and of the Valley which was pretty large Le Peloux with his Guide took his way and I mine when so soon as I came into the Plain I was as good as my word for I charg'd the Enemy thorough and thorough breaking in after such a manner amongst them that above twenty of them at this encounter were left dead upon the place and we pursued them fighting as far as the bank of the River which might be some four hundred paces or more But when they saw us to be so few they rallied and as I was about to retire march'd directly up to me whereupon I made a halt as they did also at the distance of four or five Pikes length only from one another a thing that I never saw done before As for Peloux when he was got to the middle of the Mountain he began to think that I had taken the better way which made him suddainly to turn off and to follow my steps and fortune also turn'd so well for me that as we were Pike to Pike and Harquebuze to Harquebuze at the distance I have already said grinning and snarling at one another like two Mastiâ—â—s when they are going to fight Peloux and his Company appear'd in the plain which so soon as the Enemy saw they turn'd the point of their Pikes towards us and their faces towards the River and so fell to marching off whilst we pursued pricking them forward with our Pikes and pelting them with our Harquebuze shot in their Rear but they march'd so very close that we could no more break into them as before and when they came to the bank of the River they made a halt facing about and charging their Pikes against us so that although Peloux and his Company made all the hast they could to come in to our relief we were nevertheless constrain'd to retire fifteen or twenty paces from the â—nemy who immediately all on a thrump leapt into the River and through water middle deep pass'd over to the other side Moâ—basin in this engagement was hurt with a Harquebuze shot in his hand of which he remain'd lame ever after St Laurens and Fabriâ—e had their horses kill'd under them and mine was wounded with two thrusts of a Pike la Moyenne my Lieutenant was wounded with two Harquebuze shots in one arm Chamant who was lighted off his horse had three thrusts of Pikes in his two thighs and Artiguedieu one Harquebuze shot and one thrust of a Pike in one thigh to be short of betwixt thirty and five and thirty that we were there remain'd only five or six unhurt and only three dead upon the place The Enemy lost one Serjeant of great repute amongst them together with twenty or five and twenty others killâ—d and above thirty wounded as we were told the next day by two Gascon Soldiers who came over to us In the mean time Messieurs de Brissac and de I' Orge doubting it would fall out as it did mounted to horse and came so opportunely to the Castle of Tantavel that they saw all the fight and were in so great despair at the Charge I had made that they gave us twice or thrice for lost an â— very sorely rebuked Peloux for not having observ'd the agreement we had concluded amongst us which if he had done we had infallibly cut them all to pieces and brought away their two Colours yet I am apt to believe it might not be altogether his fault for he was a very brave Gentleman but his Guides that led him the worse way as Peloux himself since told me However so it fell out that the field was mine with the loss of three men only and not one of the Gentlemen dyed Soon after the Baron de la Garde came to Nice with the Turkish Army conducted by Barbarossa which consisted of an hundred or six score Gallies a thing that all the Christian Princes who took part with the Emperor made a hainous business of that the King our Master should call in the Turk to his assistance though I am of opinion that towards an Enemy all advantages are good and for my part God forgive me if I could call all the Devils in Hell to beat out the brains of an Enemy that would beat out mine I would do it with all my heart Upon this occasion Monsieur de Valence my Brother was dispatch'd away to Venice to palliate and excuse this proceeding of ours to the Republick who of all others seem'd to be most offended at it and the King would by no means lose their Alliance who made them an Oration in Italian which I have thought fit to insert here until he shall think fit to oblige us with his own History for I cannot believe that a man of so great learning as he is reputed to be will dye without writing something since I who know nothing at all take upon me to scribble The Oration was this THe Emperor having been the cause of all the ruines miseries and calamities which have befallen Christendom for these many years it is a thing most illustrious Princes which to every one ought to appear exceeding strange that his Ministers should be so impudent and frontless as to lay the blame thereof to the thrice Christian King my Lord and Master and unjustly condemn him for keeping an Ambassador resident in the Court of Constantinople â—ut I would fain ask those people whether they can imagine that the practices which have been set on foot by the Command of the Emperor and the King of the Romans with the Grand Signior for ten years past have been kept so secret that the greatest part of Christendom are not fully enformed thereof Does not every one know what Truces and what treaties of Peace 〈◊〉 general but particular have been concluded and what offers have been several times made to pay yearly a vast Tribute to the Great Turk for the kingdom of Hungary and yet he makes it a case of Conscience to endure that a little King should hold that Kingdom under the favour and protection of the Turk as a thing inconsistent with Christianity and unbeseeming a Christian Prince To which
himself the first that ran away Thus shall the reputation of a man of honor let him be as brave as he will be brought into dispute with all the world When there is no more to be done a man ought not to be obstinate bâ—t to give way to fortune which does not always smile A man is no less worthy of blame for wilfully losing himself when he may retire and sees himself at the last extremity than he who shamefully runs away at the first encounter Yet the one is more dirty than the other and this difference there is betwixt them that the one will make you reputed rash and hair-brain'd and the other a Poltron and a Coward Both extreams are to be avoided You are never to enter into these ridiculous and senseless resolutions but when you see your selves fallen into the hands of a barbarous and merciless Enemy and there indeed you are to fight it to the last gasp and sell your skin as dear as you can One desperate man is worth ten others But to fly as they did here without seeing who pursues you is infamous and unworthy the courage of a man It 's true that the French man is accus'd for one thing that is that he runs and fights for company and so do others as well as they There are ill workmen of all Trades Now after the place was surrendred I will tell you how I camâ— to know the Enemies disorder It was by the people of Carignan themselves and from Signior Pedro de Colonna's own mouth who related it to Snsanne in the presence of Captain Renovard who conducted him to the King by the command of Monsieur d' Anguien according to his capitulation after the Battel of Serizolles which you shall have an account of in its proper place The breaking of this Bridge was not undertaken but upon very mature consideration and the Enemy soon after began to be very much distress'd being no relief was to be had from Quiers as before they had every night duly received So soon as Monsieur de Tais and Signior Ludovlco de Birago had heard the success of this enterprize of the Bridge they sent word to Monsieur de Boitieres that if he would come into those parts where they were they believ'd they might carry Ivreé Whereupon both Monsieur de Boitieres and his Council were of opinion that he ought to go leaving Garrisons at Pingues Vinus Vigon and other places nearest to Carignan And as I remember Monsieur d' Aussun with twelve or fourteen Italian Ensigns and three or four of ours his own and some other Troops of Horse which I have forgot remain'd behind to command in chief The Enemy had no Horse at all at Carignan which was the reason they were kept to short on every side Monsieur de Boitieres then departed with Messieurs de Termes de St. Iulien President Birague and the Sieur de Mauré and went to joyn Forces at St. Iago and St. Germaine and afterwards sate down before Ivreé where we did just nothing because it was not possible to break the Causey that damm'd up the water which thing could it have been done we had infallibly taken the place forasmuch as there was no other defence but the River on that side but we were constrain'd to let it alone and to go to besiege St. Martin which also we took upon composition after it had stood out two or three hundred Canon shot and some other places thereabouts And as we were returning towards Chivas in the interim of the Siege of Ivreé Monsieur de Boitieres had notice given him that Monsieur d' Aussun was coming to command in his stead The King in truth was highly dissatisfied with him both for that he had suffer'd Carignan at so much leisure to be fortified and also upon other particular accounts A man must walk very upright to satisfie all the world The said Sieur de Boitieres was however very angry at it and 't was said thereupon withdrew from before Ivreé in despite which otherwise in the end 't was thought he might have taken but I am not of that opinion So it was that Monsieur d' Anguien arrived bringing with him for supplies seven Companies of Swissâ— commanded by a Colonel call'd le Baron and as I remember it was at this time that Monsieur de Dros with seven or eight Ensigns what of Provençals and Italians came up also and Monsieur de Boitieres retir'd to his own house in Dauphiné There is much to do in this world aâ—d those who are in great command are never without vexation for if they be two adventurous and come by the worst they are look'd upon as fools and mad men if tedious and slow they are despised nay reputed Cowards the wife therefore are to observe a mean betwixt both Our Masters in the mean time will not be paid with these discourses they expect to have their business done but we must ever be prating and censuring others when were we in the same condition we should find we had enough to do The End of the First Book THE COMMENTARIES OF Messire Blaize de Montluc MARESCHAL of FRANCE The Second Book AT the arrival of this brave and generous Prince which promis'd great successes under his conduct he being endu'd with an infinite number of shining qualities as being gentle affable valiant wise and liberal all the French and all those who bore arms in our favour did very much rejoyce and particularly I because he had a kindness for me and was pleased to set a higher esteem upon me than I could any way deserve Afâ—er he had taken a view of all the Forces Magazines and Places that we held and that he had taken order for all things after the bâ—st manner he could about the beginning of March he dispatch'd me away to the King to give his Majesty an account how affairs stood and withal to acquaint him that the Marquis de Guast was raising a very great Army to whom new succours of Germans were also sent and moreover that the Prince of Salerna was also coming from Naples with six or seven thousand Italians under his command It was at the time when the Emperor and the King of England were agreed and combin'd together joinâ—ly to invade the Kingdom of France which they had also divided betwixt them I had waited at Court near upon three weeks for my dispatch having already acquitted my self of my Commission which was in sum only to demand some succours of the King and to obtain leave to fight a Battel And about the end of the said Month came Letters also to the King from Monsieur d' Anguien wherein he gave him notice that seven thousand Germans were already arriv'd at Millan of the best of those the Emperor had had before Landreci where there were seven Regiments of them but being he could not at that time fight with the King he commanded the seven Colonels to
choose each a thousand out of their respective Regiments ordering them to leave their Lieutenants to get their Regiments ready and so sent them into Italy to joyn with the Marquis de Guast Wherefore the said Monsieur d' Anguien humbly besought his Majesty to send me speedily away to him and also requested him that he would please to do something for me as a reward for my former services and an encouragement to more for the time to come Upon which Letter his Mâ—jesty was pleâ—sed to confer upon me the Office of a Gentleman Waiter which in those times was no ordinary favour nor so cheap as now a days and made me to wait upon him at Dinner commanding me in the afternoon to mâ—ke my self ready to return into Piedmont which I accordingly did About two of the Clock Monsieur de Annebaâ—â— sent for me to come to the King who was already entred into the Council where there was assisting Monsieur de St. Pol the Admiral Monsieur le Grand Escuyer Gallioâ— Monsieur de Boissy since grand Escuyer and two or three others whom I have forgot together with the Daâ—phin who stood behind the Kings Chair and none of them were set but the King himself Monsieur de St. Pol who sate hard by him and the Admiral on the other side of the Table over against the sad Sieur de St. Pol. So soon as I came into the Chamber the King said to me Montluc I would have you return into Piedmont to carry my determination and that of my Council to Monsieur d' Anguien and will that you hear the difficulties we make of giving him leave to fight a Battel according to his desire and thereupon commanded Monsieur de St. Pol to speak The said Monsieur de St. Pol then began to lay open the enterprize of the Emperor and the King of England who within six or seven weeks were determin'd to enter into the Kingdom the one on the one side and the other on the other so that should Monsieur d' Anguien lose the Battel the whole Kingdom would be in danger to be lâ—st for as much as all the Kings hopes for what concerned his Foot resided in the Regiments he had in Piedmont for that in France there were no other but what were now Legionary Soldiers and that therefore it was much better and more safe to preserve the Kingdom than Piedmant concerning which they were to be on the defensive part and by no means to hazzard a Battel the loss whereof would not only lose Piedmonâ— but moreover give the Enemy footing on that side of the Kingdom The Admiral said the same and all the rest every one arguing according to his own fancy I twitter'd to speak and offering to interrupt Monsiâ—ur de Galliot as he was delivering his opinion Monsieur de St. Pol made a sign to me with his hand saying not too fast not too fast which made me hold my peace and I saw the King laugh Monsieur le Dauphin said nothing I believe it is not the custom though the King would have him present that he might learn for before Princes there are evermore very eloquent debates but not always the soundest determinations for they never speak but by halves and always sooth their Masters humor for which reason I should make a very scurvy Courtier for I must ever speak as I think The King then said these words to me Montluc have you heard the Reasons for which I cannot give Monsieur d' Anguien leave to fight to which I made answer that I had both heard and weigh'd them very well but that if his Majesty would please to give me leave to deliver my opinion I would very gladly do it not that nevertheless for that his Majesty should any ways alter what had already been determin'd in his Councâ—l His Majesty then told me that he would permit me so to do and that I might freely say whatsoever I would Whereupon I began after this manner I remember it as well as it had been but three days ago God has given me a very great memory in these kind of things for which I render him hearty thanks for it is a great contentment to me now that I have nothing else to do to recollect my former fortunes and to call to mind the former passages of my life to set them truly down without any manner of addition for be they good or bad you shall have them as they are SIR I Think my self exceedingly happy as well that you are pleased I shall deliver my poor opinion upon a subject that has already been debated in your Majesties Council as also that I am to speak to a Warlike King for both before your Majesty was call'd to this great charge which God has conferr'd upon You and also since you have as much tempted the fortune of War as any King that ever rul'd in France and that without sparing your own Royal Person any more than the meanest Gentleman of your Kingdom wherefore I need not fear freely to deliver my opinion being to speak both to a King and a Soldier Here the Dauphin who stood behind the Kings Chair and just over against me gave me a nod with his head by which I guess'd he would have me to speak boldly and that gave me the greater assurance though in plain truth I had ever confidence enough and fear never stop'd my mouth Sir said I we are betwixt five and six thousand Gascons upon the List for yoâ—r Majesty knows that the Companies are never fully compleat neither can all ever be at the Battel but I make account we shall be five thâ—usand and five or six hundred Gascons compleat that I dare make good to your Majesty upon my Hâ—nor Of these every Captain and Soldier will present you with a List of all their names and the places from â—hâ—â—ce we come and will engage our heads to you all of us to fight in the day of Battel if your Majesty will please to grant it and give us leave to fight 'T is the only thing we have so long expected and desir'd without sneaking thus up and down from place to place and hiding our heads in corners Believe me Sir the world has not more resolute Soldiers than these are they desire nothing more than once to come to the decision of Arms. To these there are thirteen Ensigns of Swisse Of which the fix of St Julien I know much better than those of le Baron which Fourly commands yet I have seen them all muster'd and there may be as many of them as of ours These will make you the same promise we do who are your natural Subjects and deliver in the names of all to be sent to their Cantons to the end that if any man fail in his duty he may be be cashier'd and degraded from all practice of Arms for ever A condition to which they are all ready to submit as they assured me at my
no other news but that of a great and glorious victory which if God give us the grace to obtain as I hold my self assured we shall you will so stop the Emperor and the King of England in the midst of their Carreâ—r that they shall not know which way to turn them The Dauphin still continued laughing more than before and still making signs which gave me still the greater assurance to speak All the rest then spoke every one in his turn and said that his Majesty ought by no means to rely upon my words only the Admiral said nothing but smiled and I believe he perceiv'd the signs the Dauphin made me they being almost opposite to one another But Monsieur de St. Pol reply'd again saying to the King What Sir it seems you have a mind to alter your determination and to be led away at the perswasion of this frantick fool to which the King made answer By my Faith Cozen he has given me so great reasons and so well represented to me the courage of my Sâ—â—diers that I know not what to say To which Monsieur de St. Pol reply'd Nay Sir I see you are already chang'd now he could not see the signs the Dauphin made me as the Admiral could for he had his back towards him whereupon the King directing his speech to the Admiral ask'd him what he thought of the business who again smiling return'd his Majesty this answer Sir will you confess the truth You have a great mind to give them leave to fight which if they do I dare not assure you either of victory or disgrace for God alone only knows what the issue will be but I dare pawn my life and reputation that all those he has named to you will fight like men of honor for I know their bravery very well as having had the honour to command them Do only one thing Sir for we see you are already half overcome and that you rather encline to a Battel than otherwise address your self to Almighty God and humbly beg of him in this perplexity to assist you with his Counsel what you were best to do Which having said the King throwing his Bonnet upon the Table lift up his eyes towards heaven and joining his hands said My God I beseech thee that thou wilt be pleased to direct me this day what I ought to do for the preservation of my Kingdom and let all be to thy honor and glory Which having said the Admiral ask'd him I beseech you Sir what opinion are you now of When the King after a little pause turning towards me with great vehemency cryed out Let them fight let them fight Why then says the Admiral there is no more to be said if you lose the Battel you alone are the cause and if you overcome the samâ— and alone shall enjoy the satisfaction having alone coâ—sâ—nted to it This being said the King and all the rest arose and I was ready to leap out of my skin for joy The King then â—ell to talking with the Admiral about my dispatch and to take order for our Pay which was a great deal in arrear Monsieur de St. Pol in the mean time drew near unto me and smiling said thou mad Devil thou wilt be the cause either of the greatest good or the greatest mischief that can possibly befall the King now you must know that the said Sieur de St. Pol had not spoken any thing for any ill will that he bore me for he lov'd me as well as any Captain in France and of old having known me at the time when I serv'd under Mareschal de Foix and moreover told me that it was very necessary I should speak to all the Captains and Soldiers and tell them that the confidence his Majesty repos'd in our worth and valour had made him condescend to permit us to fight and not reason considering the condition he was then in To Whom I reply'd My Lord I most humbly beseech you not to fear or so much as doubt but that we shall win the Battel and assure your self that the first news you will hear will be that we have made them all into a Fricassé and may eat them if we will The King then came to me and laid his hand upon my Shoulder saying Montluc recommend me to my Cozen d' Anguien and to all the Captains in those parts of what Nation soever and tell them that the great confidence I have in their fidelity and valour has made me condescend that they shall fight entreating them to serve me very well upon this occasion for I never think to be in so much need again as at this present that now therefore is the time wherein they are to manifest the kindness they have for me and that I will suddainly send them the money they desire To which I made answer Sir I shall obey your commands and this will be a cordial to chear them and a spur to the good disposition they already have to â—ight and I most humbly beseech your Majesty not to remain in doubt concerning the issue of our fight for that will only discompose your spirit but chear up your self in expectation of the good news you will shortly hear of us for my mind presages well and it never yet decâ—ived me and thereupon kissing his hand I took my leave of his Majesty The Admiral then bid me go and stay for him in the Wardrobe and whether it was Monsieur de Marchemont or Monsieur Bayart that went down with me I cannot tell but going out I found at the door Messieurs de Dampiâ—rre de St. André and d' Assier with three or four others who demanded of me if I carried leave to Monsieur d' Anguien to fight to whom I made answer in Gascon haresy harem aux pics patacs go in presently if you have any stomach to the entertainment before the Admiral depart from the King which they accordingly did and there was some dispute about their leave but in the end his Majesty consented they should go which nothing impair'd their feast for after them came above a hundred Gentlemen post to be present at the Battel Amongst others the Siâ—urs de Iarnac and de Chatillon since Admiral the Son of the Admiral d' Annebaut the Vidame of Chartres and several others of which not one was slain in the Battel save only Monsieur d' Assier whom I lov'd more than my own heart and Châ—mans who was wounded when I fought the Spaniards in the plain of Perpignan some others there were that were hurt but none that dyed There is not a Prince in the world who has so frank a Gentry as ours has the least smile of their King will enâ—lame the coldest constitution without any thought of fear to convert Mills and Vineyards into Horses and Arms and they go Volunteers to dye in that bed which we Soldiers call the bed of honor Being arrived soon after at
the Camp I acquitted my self of my charge towards Monsieur d' Anguien and presented him my Letters from the King who was infinitely overjoy'd and embracing me in his arms said these very words I knew very well that thou wouldst not bring us peace and turning to the Gentlemen about him Well my Masters said he the King is pleased to gratifie our desire we must go to 't I then gave him an account of the difficulty I had met witht in obtaining that leave and that the King himself was the only cause of it which ought the more to encourage us to behave our selves bravely in the Battel He was moreover very glad when I told him that the forementioâ—ed Lords were coming after me being certain that several others would also follow after them as they did Bidding me by all means go discharge my self of his Majesties commands to all the Colonels Captains of the Gens-d ' Armes Light horse and Foot which I did not observing one that did not mightily rejoyce when I gave them to understand what assurance I had given the King of the victory Neither did I satisfie my self with speaking to the Officers only but moreover went amongst the Soldiers assuring them that we should all be highly recompenc'd by the King making the matter something better than it was for a man must now and then lye a little for his Master During the time of my absence Monsieur d' Anguien had block'd up Carignan being he could not carry it by fine force without infinite loss quartering in the mean time at Vimeus and Carmagnolle and soon after the arrival of these Gentlemen the Marquis de Guast departed with his Camp upon Good Friday from Ast and came to lodge at the Mountain near Carmagnolle and upon Easter day remov'd his Camp to Cerizolles The Company of the Count de Tande was this day upon the Guard to which Captain Vanrines was Lieutenant who sent word to Monsieur d' Anguien that the Camp was upon their march and that their drums were plainly heard Monsieur d' Anguien thereupon commanded me presently to mount to horse and to go in all hast to discover them and to bring him certain intelligence of their motion which I also did Captain Vaâ—rines giving me twenty Launciers for my Guard I went so far that I discover'd the Cavalry who march'd thorough the Woods belonging to the Abby of Desteffarde and heard the Drums some marching before and some following after which put me to a stand to guess what the meaning of this order might be At my return I found Monsieur d' Anguien Messieurs de Chatillon de Dampierre de St. André Descars the Father of these now living d' Assier and de Iarnac in the Chamber of the said Seigneur d' Anguien talking with him having caused their Arms to be brought and laid upon the Beds in the said Chamber where I made a report to him of what I had seen whereupon all the Gentlemen cryed out to him Let us go Sir let us go to fight to day for it is a good day and God will assist us Upon which the said Seigneur commanded me to go bid Messieurs de Tais and de St. Iulien to draw out their Regiments into the field at the same time sending another Gentleman to the Gens-d ' Armes and the Light horse to do the same which was perform'd in an instant and we drew out of Carmâ—gnolle into a plain leading toward Cerizâ—lles where we were all drawn up into Battalia Monsieur de Mailly Master of the Ordinance was there ready with his Artillery as soon as any of us all and we heard the Enemies Drums almost as plainly as we heard our own In my life did I never see so chearful an Army nor Soldiers so well disposed to fight as this of ours was excepting some of the great ones of the Army who were evermore persecuting Monsieur d' Anguien not to put it to the hazard of a day representing to him what a blow it would be to the King should he lose the Battel which might perhaps occasion the loss of the Kingdom of France and others were still perswading him that he ought to fight the King having granted leave and expecting he should now so do so that amongst them they put this poor Prince being yet very young into so great a perplexity that he scarce knew which way to turn him nor what to do You may imagine whether I was not mightily pleased with these doings and whether I would not have spoke at mouth had I had to do with my match neither as it was could I altogether forbear The Lords who were lately come from Court were all for fighting and I could very well name both the one and the other if I so pleased but I shall forbear to do it for I have not taken my Pen in hand to blemish any one but the Admiral Chatillon and Monsieur de Iarnac who are both living know it as well as I. Both the one and the other had reason for what they said and were not prompted by any fear of their own persons but only the apprehension of losing all witheld them and some perhaps as I have often seen argue against their own inclinations and the plurality of voices to the end that if any thing fall amiss they may afterwards say I was of a contrary opinion I told him as much but I was not to be believed Oh there is great cunning in dawbing and in our trade especially of all others Just as we should have march'd to go to fight four or five drew Monsieur d' Anguien aside alighting from their horses where they entertained him walking up and down for above half an hour whilst every one gnash'd their teeth for rage that they did not march in the end the result of all was that all the Regiments of Foot should return to their Quarters and also the Artillery and the Gens-d ' Armes and that Monsieur d' Anguien with four or five hundred Horse and some of the Captains of his Council should go to the plain of Cerizolles to discover the Enemies Camp that I should bring after him four hundred Harquebusiers and all the rest to retire to their Quarters I then saw a world of people ready to run mad for veaxtion and do verily believe that if God had so pleas'd that Monsieur d' Anguien had march'd according to his determination he had won the Battel with very little difficulty for the Drums that I had heard return into the Enemies Rear were all the Spanish Foot who went back to draw off two pieces of Canon which were set fast in such manner that they could not be stirr'd either backward or forward so that we had had nothing to fight with but the Germans the Italians and the Horse none of which nor even the Marquis himself could have escap'd us But after we had stood above three hours facing the Enemy which were
confederate himself with the King of England who was fallen off from his obedience to the holy Chair out of despite which two Princes as it was said had divided the Kingdom for so both the Marquis de Guast told Monsieur de Termes and I have since heard the same from an English Gentleman at Boulogne but however it was but disputing the bears skin France well united within it self can never be conquer'd till after the loss of a dozen Battels considering the brave Gentry whereof it is fruitful and the strong places wherewith it abounds And I conceive they are deceiv'd who say that Paris being taken France is lost It is indeed the Treasury of the Kingdom and an unexhausted Magazine where all the richest of the whole Nation unlade their Treasure and I do believe in the whole world there is not such a City for 't is an old saying that there is not a Crown in Paris but yields ten Sols revenue once a year but there are so many other Cities and strong places in the Kingdom as are sufficient to destroy thirty Armies So that it would be easie to rally together and to recover that from them again before they could conquer the rest unless the Conqueror would depopulate his own Kingdom to repeople his new Conquest I say this because the design of the King of England was to run directly up to Paris whilst the Emperor should enter into Champagne The Forces of these two Princes being join'd together consisted of fourscore thousand Foot and twenty thousand Horse with a prodigious train of Artillery by which any man may judge whether our King had not enough to do and whether it was not high time to look about him Without all doubt these poor Princes have greater care and trouble upon them than the inferior forts of men and I am of opinion the King did very well to call back his Forces out of Piedmont though some are pleased to say that the State of Millan might otherwise have been won and that the Emperor would have been necessitated to have called back his Forces out of France to defend that Dutey but all this depended upon event So it was that God would not suffer these Princes to agree betwixt themselves each of them being bent upon his own particular advantage and I have often heard and sometimes seen that when two Princes jointly undertake the Conquest of a Kingdom they never agree for each of them is always 〈◊〉 of being over reach'd by his companion and evermore jealous of one another I have not I confess much conversed with Books but I have heard say that after this manner we first lost the Kingdom of Naples and were cheated by the King of Spain This suspition and jealousie at this time preserved us as it has at other times â—one seâ—â—ral others as the Hâ—storians report For my part I should more apprehend one great single Enemy than two who would divide the Cake between them there will always be some exceptions taken and two Nations do not easily agree as you see here The English King came and sat down before Boulogne which was basely surrendred to him by the Siâ—ur de Vervin who lost his life for his labour an example that ought to be set before all such as undertake the defence of strong holds This by no means pleased the Spaniard who reap'd no advantage by it saw very well that his confederate would only intend his own business Our Colonâ—l Monsiâ—ur de Tais brought three and twenty Ensigns to the King being all the same which had been at the Battel saving one nâ—w Company but I fell sick at Troyes and came not up to the Army till they were advanc'd near to Boulogne where the said Sieur de Tais delivered me the Patent his Majesty had sent me for the Office of Camp-Master but there was nothing done worthy remembrance till the Camisado of Boulogne As we arrived near to la Marquise the Dauphin who commanded the Army had intelligence that it was three or four days since the Town had been taken though he knew it before and that the Kâ—ng of England was embarked and gone for England It is to be presumed that this Prince had made such hast away only to avoid fighting forasmuch as he had left all things in so great disorder for in the first place we found all his Artillery before the Town in a Meadow that lies upon the descent towards the Tower of Ordre secondly there was found above thirty Casks full of Corslers which he had caused to be brought out of Germany therewith to arm his Soldiers which he had left for the defence of the Town thirdly he had left all the ammunition of victual as Corn Wine and other things to eat in the lower Town insomuch that if Monsieur de Teligni be yet living as I am told he is the Father of this who is a Huguenot and who treated the peace during these troubles and was taken upon the Camisado in the lower Town where not one man but himself escap'd alive he will bear witness that there was not in the higher Town provision to serve four days for himself told it me The occasion of the Camisado was this A Son in law of the Mareschal de Bies not this fine Monsieur de Vervin but another whose name I have forgot came to Monsieur de Tais and told him that a Spy of his who came from Boulogne had assured him that as yet nothing had been remov'd to the higher Town but that all still remained below and that if they would speedily attempt to take the lower Town which might easily be done they would in eight days time have the upper come out to them with ropes about their necks and that if Monsieur de Tais so pleased he would in the morning lead him where he might himself discover all the Spy morcover affirming that as yet not one breach in the wall was repaired but that all lay open as if it were a village Upon this information Monsieur de Tais was impatient to go to take a view of all and took me along with him together with this Son in law of the Mareschal We might be about a hundred Horse drawn out of the several Troops and just at the break of day we arrived before the Town leaving the Tower of Ordre some two or three hundred paces on the right hand and saw five or six Pavillions upon the descent in the great high way leading to the Gate of the City We were no more than five or six Horse only Monsieur de Tais having left the rest behind a little Hill This Son in law of the Mareschal and I therefore went down to the first Pavillion and passed close by it into the Camp on the left hand till we came to the second from whence we discovered all their Artillery at no further distance than fourfcore paces only neiâ—her did
whole Kingdom in danger and was the occasion that we quitted all our Conquests and this put the King's affairs of Italy in a very ill condition Be not then asham'd to cover your designs with the shades of night which is so far from being shameful that it is on the contrary honorable to fool and deceive your Enemy that watches an opportunity to do you a mischief and who when the day appears shall find nothing but the empty nest and the birds flown and gone it is a much greater shame and dishonor to you to be beaten turning your backs If you be so nice of your honor â—ight in good earnest in God's name â—it still in your Fort if it be a place of the least advantage and there quietly expect either till your Enemy shall be weary of waiting upon you or that he comes to attaque you in your Camp and so you shall be sure at least to play your game above board as they say Now the Marquis lodg'd the Tertia of Câ—â—sica at the little Observance the Tertia of Sicily at the Chartreux where he entrencht them so well that we could by no means come to them and himself with the residue of his Camp remain'd at Arbeirotte and part of his Cavalry were quarter'd at Bonconvent He trusted to the Garrison he had in the Fort St. Mark every night to go the Patrouille and so scour the road on that side towards Fontebrando that no provision should enter into Sienna yet could he not order it so but that there entred Cows and Buffles for six weeks together I think the thing that made the Marquis proceed with so much leisure and moderation was that he waited for my death and that of Monsieur de Strozzy making account that we being once dead and Messieurs de Lansac and de Fourquevaâ—x taken prisoners our people wanting a French-man to head them would deliberate to retire Monsieur de Strozzy nevertheless recover'd and being told that I was dead for by reason I had for three dayes been look't upon as a dead man no one entring into my Chamber but the Priests to take care of my soul for my Body was given over by the Physicians they had sent him such word Monsieur de Strozzy I say seeing Monsieur de Lansac taken and me dead would venture to come from Montalsin and to put himself into Sienna According to this resolution then he departed in the beginning of the night from Montalsin with six Companies of foot and two Troops of horse one of which was commanded by my Nephew Serillac who before he set out bethought himself to borrow three or four Trumpets of his Companions fearing that would fall out which did for Monsieur de Strozzy could not so secretly depart but that the Marquis had intelligence of his design and with all his Camp lay in wait for him about Fonteâ—rando and all along the River Tresse Monsieur de Strozzy had placed all his Foot before and his Cavalry behind being himself mounted upon a very little horse and having his leg sustain'd in a Scarfe fastned to the pummel of his Saddle and with him was the Bishop of Sienna So soon as our Italian Foot came into the Enemies Ambuscado they fell upon them with so great fury and so sudden a terror that without much resistance they betook themselves to flight and bore Monsieur de Strozzy over and over who with the Bishop got amongst the ruins of some old houses where he staid holding his horse in his hand The noise was so great that it was heard to Sienna it being not above a mile off at the furthest The Enemy follow'd their victory with great execution when Sâ—rillac with his Trumpets charg'd through the middest of them who hearing so many Trumpets and seeing the horse faâ—n in amongst them faced about in rout and confusion and ran full drive upon the Marquis who seeing the disorder was constrain'd to retire to Arberiotte Now those who had given the charge and who also had receiv'd it were Spaniards and Italians mixt together insomuch that our people flâ—d on the one side and the Enemy on the other Two or three hundred Italians of ours recover'd the walls of Sienna others fled away twelve miles from thence and old Captains too whom the Mareschal very much esteem'd but the bravest men in the world having once lost their judgment and giving all for lost know not where they are By this you may see how great the dangers of war are and how infamous a thing it is to run away without first seeing an apparent danger During this bustle the day began to appear when Serillac remaining upon the place found he had lost no more than three or four of his Troop only who were also run away with the Foot but I believe there were not many left of the other Troop they having only a Lieutenant to command them Monsieur de Strozzy hearing now no more noise with much ado again mounted on horseback beginning to discover our Cavalry and was looking if he could find Serillac amongst the dead bodies when seeing him come to him I leave you to judge what joy there was both on the one side and on the other and so they marcht together straight towards the City Now I must needs say that Monsieur de Strozzy herein committed one of the greatest follies that any man in his command ever did as I have told him an hundred times since for he knew very well that had he been taken all the world could not have sav'd him from being put to an ignominious death by the Duke of Florence so profest and inveterate a hatred he had conceiv'd against him And although Serillac be my Nephew I may with truth give him this honor and commendation that he was the only cause of Monsieur de Strozzy's safety which I may the better be bold to write because Monsieur de Strozzy himself told me so His Troop indeed was a very good one being for the greatest part Gascons and French for it was the old Company of Monsieur de Cypierre Of Captains there came to the Town only Caraffa who was since Cardinal and another as I was told whose name I have forgot and two or three hundred Soldiers whom Monsieur de Strozzy would not suffer to come into the Town but that night sent them away with the aforesaid Captain and kept Caraffa with him So soon as Monsieur de Strozzy came into the City he presently enquir'd how I did and was answer'd that for three or four dayes they had begun to conceive some hopes of my life whereupon he came and alighted at my lodging the Bishop and the said Gentleman being with him where he found me so miserably worn away that my bones had pierc't through my skin in several parts of my body He comforted me after the best manner he could and there staid twelve dayes expecting how God would
all that a man of arms ought to desire For a man that fears to die ought never to go to the wars there being in the world so many other employments to which he may apply himself especially in this Kingdom of France where there are so many orders what of Justice and what of the Finances too many indeed for the good of the King and of his Kingdom such a brave and numerous youth living idle who would be fit to bear arms As I have entred sometimes into the Parliaments of Tholouze and Bordeaux since my being the King's Lieutenant in Guienne I have a hundred times wondred how it was possible so many young mâ—n should eternally amuse themselves in a Palace considering that the blood ordinarily boyls in young men I believe it is nothing but custome and the King could not do better than to drive away these people and to enure them to arms But to return to you who have the Government of places and you who have a mind to put your selves into a Town to defend it if you so much fear death never go though it be but a folly to fear it for those that blow the fire at home in their own houses are no more exempt than the others and I do not know what choice there is betwixt dying of a Stone in the kidneys and being knocked o' th' head with a Musket bullet though if God would give me my choice I should not be long in choosing Above all things Camrades you must be sure to be evermore intent upon your Enemy and have your Judgment Centinel to spy what he can do against you and play two parts saing to your self If I was the Assailant what would I do on which side should I make my attaque for you ought to believe that your opinion and that of your Enemy do very often jump Communicate then what you have thought of to such as you know to be of understanding sometimes in common that you may give no distaste to the rest but most frequently in private When you shall find your selves engaged with a people where you are to piss small and have not the ruling power apply your selves to their humours and bite your tongues rather than speak too much Reduce them by sweetness and obligation and above all things when you are to suffer your selves shew the way For if you Monsieur le Governor will keep open house and in the mean time cut others short of their bread you will draw upon you the hatred of all your Captains and Soldiers and it is but reasonable that you who have the greatest share of honor should likewise have the greatest share of suffering I will put you in mind of another thing which is that when extraordinary want presses upon you you seldom remain shut up in your Cabinet but shew your selves to the Captains and Soldiers and appear to the people with a chearful and assured countenance Your single presence will redouble their courage I have in my time known several of the King's Lieutenants who have driven away the Gentlemen by making them sometimes wait too long in their Halls without vouchsasing to speak to them A Gentleman will be civilly used especially a Gascon and in the mean time they pretend to be wonderfully busie I have known one once in my life whom nevertheless because he was Master of a great many very good qualities I shall forbear to name for no man is perfect who two hours in a day would constantly lock himself up in his Closer pretending to be busie about some dispatch of importance but it was to read Orlando Furioso in Italian as his own Secretary told us which we took highly ill from him we being in the mean time left to measure his Hall or to take a survey of his Court. Do not use men of condition so Your hours of vacancy and pleasure ought to be spent in walking upon the Rampires and visiting the Magazines to see that nothing be wanting If you happen to be in a place where you shall be reduced to great scarcity forget not to serve your selves with the means I used to rid my self of the Germans and take exemple by my Error for I deferred it too long but it was because I thought the Marquis would force me by the sword and not by famine but he was as subtle as I. If you suspect any treason and cannot discover the bottom of it cause some counterfeit information to be given you and without naming the person say you are inform'd that there is treason plotted against you and that you are upon the point to discover it pretend also to have some intelligence in your Enemies Camp though you have none for this will be a Countermine I will say but this one word to you more which is that you set at once before your eyes the favour and displeasure of your Prince for you have your choice A King's inchgnation does not cool like that of another man They seldom forgive a man that makes them lose any thing for they would alwayes win How was that brave Monsieur de Lautrec received at his return from Millan and yet God knows he was not in fault He was wont to say it was the greatest affliction of his whole life Suffer then all sorts of extremities and omit nothing that men of honor ought to do I know very well that men must lose and win and that no place is impregnable but choose rather a hundred thousand times to die if all other means fail than to pronounce that infamous and hateful I yield Monsieur de Strozzy lent me a Galley to carry me back into France and sent a Kinsman of his a young man of twenty years of age and a Knight of Malta to Civita Vechia to make it ready and would that the Knight should himself conduct me to Marseilles On Wednesday morning then I took post and went to Rome where I arriv'd about four of the clock in the afternoon having sent the Captains Lussan Blacon and St. Auban to stay for me at Civita Vechia Monsieur de Strozzy having given them leave for four months the rest remain'd with the said Signeur The Cardinal of Armagnac lodg'd me in his own Palace and I was receiv'd with as much honor by all the Kings Ministers as any Gentleman could be They had already heard of my coming out of Sienna the Marquis having sent word of it by an express Courrier to the Cardinal his Brother I there found Monsieur le Cardinal of Guise and the Duke of Ferrara the Father of this that now is being yet there since the creation of Pope Marcellinus His Holiness asked the Cardinal of Guise if I was arriv'd as he had been told to which the Cardinal making answer that I was he entreated him to bring me to him for he had a great desire to see me The Cardinal found me at the Ambassadors Monsieur d'Avanson where he told
either leave them by the way or at least when you shall come to fight they will be so weak that they will be able to do you very little service but taking provisions along with you to refresh them together with remonstrances you shall not only make them go but run also if you desire them so that a man must never think to excuse himself upon the Soldier for no man in Christendom has had more experience of it than my self and I never saw any defect on their side but alwayes in the Officers for a good and prudent Captain will make good and discreet Soldiers amongst a great many good men ten or a dozen Poltrons and Cowards will grow hardy and become valiant but a cowardly imprudent and improvident Captain loses and spoils all This in gross was all that was done whilst I stayd at Montalsin Now Monsieur de Guise having been enform'd that I was like to have been surpriz'd at Altesse he writ me a very angry letter wherein he told me that it seem'd I had a mind to lose my self the Country and all to go out after this manner upon every occasion into the field and that if I should chance to be defeated the whole Country would be lost he being already so weak in men that he should not be able upon any disaster to relieve it that this way of proceeding was commendable enough in a private Captain but not in a Kings Lieutenant who ought not to expose his own person but upon very great occasion To which I writ in answer that I had been necessitated to do as I did or otherwise Don Arbro would foot by foot deprive me of the whole Country that on the other side he might assure himself I should rise so early and use such diligence that I would look well enough to my self for being at any time surpriz'd and that therefore he should not take any thought concerning me for although Don Arbro had evermore thirty Ensigns in the field and I but five or six to answer him withall I would nevertheless so well look to his water that I would well enough prevent him from bringing about his designs After this I reâ—ir'd my self to the Abby of St. Salvadour fifteen or sixteen miles from Montalsin towards Rome About a mile distant from the Roman Way there is a little wall'd Town and an Abby of Augustins which was founded by King Charles the Little at his return from Naples for he made some abode at this place All the Church is cover'd with Flower-de-Luces and the foundation recorded in Parchment the Religious of this place are very holy men Being there I receiv'd a letter from the Cardinal of Ferrara who was at this time at Ferrara wherein he writ me the sad news of the Constables being defeated at St. Quentin and that it was more than necessary I should now more than ever intend his Majesties affairs and that if God did not assist the King all was gone in France all the Forces his Majesty had being lost at this defeat Immediately upon this Letter I return'd back to Montalsin for fear lest the Siennois hearing the news should be totally dismayd where by remonstrances and perswasions I comforted them the best I could and afterwards tried to comfort my self I had need so to do for I gave the Kingdom for lost and it was only sav'd by the good pleasure of God and nothing else God miraculously blinding the King of Spain and the Duke of Savoy's understandings so as not to pursue their victory directly to Paris for they had men enow to have left at the Siege of St. Quentin against the Admiral and to have followed their victory too or after they had taken St. Quentin they had as much time as ever and yet knew not how to do that any simple Captain would have done So that we must all acknowledge it to be the bounty of Almighty God who loves our King and would not suffer his Kingdom to be destroyed However I did not to the Siennois make the matter altogether so bad as it was but told them that the Letters I had from France assur'd me the loss was but small and that the King was setting an Army on foot which he would command in his own person Monsieur de Guise being at Rome by reason the King had call'd him home to his succour sent for me to come to him which I did post where being come he there demanded of me what it would be necessary for him to leave me wherewith to maintain what we had in Tuscany to which I made answer that I had need of that which it was not in his power to give me for he had no money to leave me nor-many men that would not be more serviceable in France than in Tuscany but that nevertheless I would do as God should direct me in whom I repos'd a confidence that he would no more forsake me now than hitherto he had done and that I humbly begg'd of him to make all the haste he possibly could into France for if God did not preserve the Kingdom men could do very little towards it all the Forces of the Nation being defeated and lost The Mareschal de Strozzy who was present very much approv'd of my answer and as highly commended me forasmuch as others would have demanded men and money of both which I had in truth very great need but France was of greater concern to the King than Tuscany where I would try to draw money from the Countrey and with war make war Onely I besought Monsieur de Guise humbly to entreaâ— the King to recall me into France to help to defend the Kingdom for I had nothing to lose in Tuscany whereupon he promised me to deal so effectually with the King that his Majesty should send for me but upon this condition that so soon as I should be return'd into France I should promise forthwith to repair to him He had not given credit to all the false reports had been made of me he knew me too well and ever lov'd me so long as he liv'd I engag'd my word to him that I would do so and so he went to embark himself at Civita Vechia and carried back his Forces entire into France wherein he manifested himself to be a great and prudent Captain As for me I return'd back to Montalsin Before my licence came to return for France at the request of Captain Carbayrac that Monsieur de Guise had sent Governor to Grossette for he had taken out Monsieur de la Molle with seven or eight foot Companies he had and sent him to Ferrara and had sent me Monsieur de Giury with thirteen Ensigns of Foot in his stead wherein I lost nothing by the change I went in all haste to Grossette to see to a disorder was faln out there which was that all the Ammunition of Corn that I had laid in there which was sufficient for
and the Cardinal for I do not think they ever caressed any man of what condition soever he was or could be more than they did me and when he died I might well say as I now do I lost one of the best friends I had in the world and when I departed from Ferrara to go to Versel the Duke examin'd a Secret ray of mine what store of money I had and he telling him I had not above two hundred Crowns he sent five hundred Crowns to my said Secretary who had the ordering of my expence and when three dayes after my return I took my leave of him the Dutchess and the Cardinal the said Duke seeing me have a great many Gentlemen of Quality in my Train and knowing I could not have money enough to defray my Journey he sent me five hundred more And thus I return'd rich from my Command in Tuscany This money carried me to Lyons where I found two thousand and four hundred Francks which the King had caused to be paid for two years Salary of my place of Gentleman of the Chamber and that Martineau had there deposited for me in the hands of Cathelin Iean the Post-master which brought me to Paris Immediately upon my coming to Paris I went to kiss his Majesties hand he being then at Cressy where I was as well receiv'd by his Majesty as at my return from Sienna and he was very well satisfied with what I had done for the Duke of Ferrara Monsieur de Guise who had not seen me before embrac't me three or four times in the presence of the King himself and his Majesty commanded the said Monsieur de Guise to cause a thousand Crowns to be given me wherewith to return and to sojourn some time at Paris which he presently did And thus was my return out of Italy into France the last time that I was in those parts and the services I did there wherein I cannot lie there being so many yet living who can bear testimony of what I have deliver'd By this Captains you may see and take notice what a thing reputation is which also having once acquir'd you ought rather to die than to lose neither must you do like men of the world who so soon as they have got a little repute are content with it and think that what ever they shall do afterwards the world will still repute them valiant Do not fancy any such thing for by performing from time to time still more and braver things young men rise to greatness have fire in their pates and fight like Devils who when they shall see you do nothing worth taking notice of will be apt to say that the world has bestowed the title of valiant upon you without desert will set less value upon you use you with less respect and behind your back talk of you at their pleasure and with good reason for if you will not still continue to do well and still attempt new and greater things it were much safer for your honor to retire home to your own house with the reputation you have already got than by still following arms to lose it again and to be scouting at distance when others are laying about them If you desire to mount to the highest step of the stairs of honor do not stop in the mid-vvay but step by step strive to get up to the top vvithout imagining that your renovvn vvill continue the same as vvhen it vvas obtein'd at first You deceive your selves some nevv commer vvill carry avvay the prize if you do not look vvell about you and strive to do still better and better The same day that I vvent from Cressy back to Paris Monsieur de Guise departed also to go to Metz to execute the Enterprize of Thionville The King from the time of his return out of Italy had made choice of him for his Lieutenant General throughout his vvhole Kingdom so that before my coming I found that he had taken the Tovvn of Calice and sent back the English to the other side of the Sea together vvith Guines and that he vvas novv upon the Siege of Thionville Tvvo dayes had not past before the King sent for me to come to him to Cressy vvithout giving me notice vvhat it vvas about and I heard that the next morning after I departed from thence the King had caused Monsieur d' Andelot to be arrested about some ansvver he had made him concerning Religion So soon as I vvas come the King sent for me into his Chamber vvhere he had vvith him the Cardinal of Lorrain and tvvo or three others vvhom I have forgor but I think the King of Navarre and Monsieur de Montpensier vvere there and there the King told me that I must go to Metz to the Duke of Guise there to command the Foot of which Monsieur d' Andelot vvas Colonel I most humbly besought his Majesty not to make me to intermeddle vvith another mans Command vvhich rather than I vvould do I vvould go serve his Majesty under the Duke of Guise in the quality of a private Soldier or else vvould command his Pioneers rather than take upon me this employment The King then told me that Monsieur de Guise so soon as he had heard of Andelots imprisonment had himself sent to demand me to exercise the said command Seeing then I could get nothing by excuses I told his Majesty that I was not yet cur'd of a Dyssentery my disease had left me and that this was a command which requir'd health and disposition of body to perform it which were neither of them in me whereupon his Majesty told me that he should think this Command better discharg'd by me in a Litter than by another in perfect health and that he did not give it me to exercise for another but that he intended I should have it for ever to which I made answer that I gave his Majesty most humble thanks for the honor he design'd me herein and made it my most humble request that he would not be displeased if I could not accept it Whereupon his Majesty said to me these words Let me entreat you to accept it for my sake and with that the Cardinal reprov'd me saying You dispute it too long with his Majesty 't is too much contested with your Master to which I replyed that I did not dispute it out of any disaffection to his Majesties service nor that I was unwilling to serve under the Duke of Guise I having upon my first coming to Paris laid out money to buy me some Tents and other Equipage in order to my attendance upon him having engag'd my self before at Rome so to do but only upon the account of my incapacity in that posture of health wherein I then was His Majesty then told me that there was no more to be said and that I must go after which I had no more to say And I fancy the King of Navarre and Monsieur
to the utmost of what you are able to perform and enter into the place with safety than walking at your case to be kill'd and not to enter into it wherein your selves will be the cause of your own death and the loss of the place and where you might by your dâ—ligence gain a brave reputation you will by loytering at your ease finish your life and your 〈◊〉 together and never excuse your selves upon the Souldiers nor make the Enterprize seem difficult unto them but always easie and above all things be sure to carry provision along with you especially bread and wine wherewith to refresh them by the way for as I have said before humane bodies are not made of iron always speaking chearfully to them by the way and encouraging them to go on representing to them the great honor they will acquire to themselves and the signal service they shall perform for the King and doubt not but proceeding after that manner men will go as far and farther than horses I advise you to nothing that I have not often done my self and caus'd to be done as you will find in the reading my Book for after horses are once tir'd you shall not make them budge a step with all the spurs you have but men are supported by their courage and require not so much time for refreshing they eat as they go and chear one another upon their march It will therefore Fellow Captains stick only at you do then as I have often done forsake your horses and fairly on foot at the head of your men shew them that you will undergo the same labour they do by which means you will make them do any thing you will and your example will enflame the courages and redouble the Forces of the most tir'd and overspent of all the Company Two or three days after the King mov'd with all his Army directly towards Amiens and in his first or second days march arriv'd the Gentleman from the Governor of Corbie who found his Majesty marching his Army in the field where he brought him news that Captain Brueil was entred safe into Corbie which was a great satisfaction both to his said Majesty and the whole Army to know that this place was secured whereupon his Majesty merrily said to Monsieur de Guise Who shall be the first to tell Montluc this news for I for my part will not be he Nor I neither said Monsieur de Guise for so soon as he shall hear it he will so crow there will be no dealing with him which they said because they had all of them been of opinion that it was impossible for foot to perform so long a a journey The next day his Majesty was advertised that the King of Spain had made a halt a little League from Corbie and made no shew of having any intention to besiege that place which made the King think that by reason of the succours it had receiv'd he would make no attempt against it and thereupon it presently came into his head that he would march directly to Amiens which having no more than one or two foot Companies in Garrison he immediately sent away the Marquis de Villars who is yet living with three hundred men at arms to go in extreme diligence and put himself into it commanding me to send away other seven Ensigns to follow after him with all the haste they possibly could make which I accordingly did and gave the charge of conducting them to Captain Forces who is yet living and being the Captains and Souldiers had all heard what commendations both the King and all the Army had given Captain Brueil for the haste he had made in going to relieve Corbie they would do the same and arriv'd as soon as the said Marquis at Amiens for nothing so much excites men of our Trade as glory and the desire to do as well or better than another Two or three days before this his Majesty had sent three Companies also into Dourlans and so with all great ease provided for the safety of these three important places So soon as the King was come to Amiens the King of Spain's Army also arriv'd and encamp'd within a League the River betwixt them and there the Treaty of peace was set on foot of which the Constable and the Mareschal de S. Andre had made the first overtures during the time of their imprisonment in Spain in order to which I think there was a truce from the beginning because nothing of action past on either side at least that I remember for I fell very sick of a double Tertian Ague which I got not by excess of revelling and dancing but by passing the nights without sleep sometimes in the cold sometimes in the heat always in action and never at rest It was well for me that God gave me an able body and a strong constitution for I have put this carcass of mine as much to the proof as any Souldier whatsoever of my time After all the going to and again that lasted for above two months the peace was in the end concluded to the great misfortune principally of the King and generally of the whole Kingdom This peace being cause of the surrender of all the Countreys conquer'd and the Conquests made both by King Francis and Henry which were not so inconsiderable but that they were computed to be as much as a third part of the Kingdom of France and I have read in a Book writ in Spanish that upon this accomodation the King deliver'd up an hundred fourscore and eighteen Fortresses wherein he kept Garison by which I leave any one to judge how many more were in dependance and under the obedience of these All we who bear Arms may affirm with truth that God had given us the best King for Souldiers that ever Reign'd in this Kingdom and as for his people they were so affectionate to him that not one of them ever repin'd to lay out his substance to assist him in the carrying on of so many Wars as he had continually upon his hands I shall not condemn those who were the Authors of this peace for every one must needs believe they did â—t to good intent and that had they foreseen the mischiefs that ensu'd upon it they would never have put a hand to the work for they were so good servants of the Kings and lov'd him so well as they had good and just reason to do that they would rather have dy'd in Captivity than have done it which I say because the Constable and the Mareschal de S. Andre were the first movers and promoters of it who themselves have seen the death of the King and themselves shar'd in the mishaps that have since befallen this miserable Kingdom wherein they both dyed with their swords in their hands who otherwise might yet perhaps have been alive by which any one may conclude that they did not make this peace foreseeing the
mischiefs it has since produc'd which rightly to comprehend let us consider the happiness wherewith God was pleas'd to bless this Kingdom in giving it â—o brave and magnanimous a King his Kingdom rich and his people so affectionately obedient that they would deny him nothing to assist him in his Conquests together with so many great and brave Captains most of which had been yet alive had they not devour'd one another in these late civil Wars Oh had this good King but liv'd or this unlucky peace never been made he would have sent the Lutherans packing into Germany with a vengeance As to the rest our good Master had four Sons all Princes of great hope and singular expectation and such as from whom his Majesty in his declining years might expect the repose and comfort of his old Age and consider them â— proper instruments for the execution of his high and generous designs The other Kings his neighbours could not boast of this for the King of Spain had one Son only of which never any one conceiv'd any great hopes and he prov'd accordingly the Kingdom of England was in the Government of a Woman the Kingdom of Scotland neighbour to â—â— stood for us and was ours France having a Dolphin King by all which any one may judge that had not this unlucky peace been concluded the Father or his Sons had sway'd all Europe Piedmont the Nursery of brave men had been ours by which we had a door into Italy and perhaps a good step into it and we had seen all things turn'd topsie â—urvy Then those who have so brav'd and harassed this Kingdom durst not have shew'd their heads have stirr'd nor so much as projected or thought of what they have executed since But 't is done and past without any possible remedy and nothing remains to us but sorrow and affliction for the loss of so good and so valiant a King and to me of so gracious and liberal a Master with the mishaps that have since befallen this miserable Kingdom well may we call it so in comparison of what it was before when we stil'd it the most great and opulent Kingdom in Arms good Captains the obedience of the people and in riches that was in the whole world After this unhappy and unfortunate peace the King retir'd himself to Beauvais but Monsieur de Guise still remain'd in the Camp to dismiss the Army Before his Majesties departure I surrendred up the Commission he had made me to accept by force Neither ought it to appear strange that I disputed it so long before I would take that employment upon me for I doubted well that would befal me which afterwards did which was to incur the perpetual disgrace of the House of Montmorency more than that of Chastillon which was more nearly concern'd in the affair than the other But there is no remedy a man cannot live in this world without contracting some Enemies unless he were a God I accompanied Monsieur de Guise as far as Beauvais and from thence retir'd to Paris he having first promis'd to obtain me leave to go into Gascony and moreover to cause money to be given me to defray my journey thither for he knew very well I had not one peny Both which I am confident he would have perform'd but so soon as he came to Beauvais he found a new face of affairs others having slept in betwixt him and home and undermined him in his credit with the King Thus goes the world but it was a very sudden change and much wondred at by those who had follow'd him in the Conquests he had made he having repair'd all the disasters of others and manifested to the King of Spain that neither the loss of the Battel of S. Quintine nor that of Graveline had reduc'd the King to such a condition but that he had yet one or two Armies stronger than those having as to the rest taken almost impregnable places But let them deal it out These are things that very often fall out in the Courts of Princes and I wonder not that I have had my share since far greater than I have run the same fortune and will do for the time to come Now the King of Navarre had been driving on some enterprize or another in Bisâ—ay which in the end prov'd double and entreated the King to give me leave to go along with him for that he was resolv'd to execute it in his own person having an opinion that Monsieur de Bâ—ry had fail'd through his own default and so I went along with him without any other advantages from Court than bare promises only and the good will of the King my Master but he was diverâ—ed from his liberalities both to me and to others who deserv'd it as well and perhaps better than I. We went then to Bayonne where we found that he who was entrusted to carry on this affair and whose name was Gamure plaid double and intended to have caused the King of Navarre himself to be taken whereupon he sent back Monsieur de Duras with the Legionnaries and also the Bearnois he had caus'd to advance thither in order to his design I had brought with me three force and five Gentlemen all arm'd and bravely mounted who were come thither for the love they bore to me and being return'd home to my own house within a very few days after came the gift the King had been pleas'd to give me of the Company of Gens d' armes become vacant by the death of Monsieur de la Guiche wherein his Majesty had no little to do to be as good as his word and to disengage himself from the several Traverses and obstacles my Enemies strew'd in his way to hinder me from having that command nevertheless the King carried it against them all more by anger than otherwise he being in the end constrained to tell them that he had made me a promise of the first vacancy and would be as good as his word and that therefore no man was to speak a word more to the contrary I made my first muster at Beaumont de Loumaigne one la Peyrie being Muster-Master At this time those unhappy Marriages were solemniz'd and those unfortunate Triumphs and Tiltings held at Court The joy whereof was very short and lasted but a very little space the death of the King ensuing upon it running against that accursed Montgomery who I would to God had never been born for his whole life was nothing but mischief and he made as miserable an end Being one day at Nerac the King of Nâ—varre shew'd me a Letter that Monsieur de Guise had writ him wherein he gave him notice of the days of Tilting in which the King himself was to be in person his Majesty with the Dukes de Guise de Ferrara and de Nemours being Challengers I shall never forget a word I said to the King of Navarre which also I had often heard spoken before
not lightly be induc'd to believe any such thing Du Plessis who was of the Bed-Chamber to the King found me at Agen dancing for we must make merry sometimes in the Company of fifteen or twenty Gentlewomen who were come to see Madam de Caupenne my Daughter in Law who had never been in this Countrey before And thus my Treason was found to be true We demanded satisfaction of their Majesties but could never obtain any and that 's it that nourishes so many Tale-Carriers and Slanderers in the Kingdom for they are never punish'd no more than false witnesses in the Courts of Parliament But I hope God will one day make them all known to the King and make him cut off so many heads that he will cleanse the Kingdom of this Vermine Though all things that have been forg'd against me have been prov'd utterly false and without any colour of truth my actions as well of the past as present time having clearly manifested the contrary yet could I not nevertheless so purge my self but that the Queen believ'd something or at least retain'd some jealousie of me and I have sufficiently felt it though I believe however it was only to hinder the King from giving me any recompence for the services I have perform'd for his Majesty and his Crown which what they have been she very well knows and knows very well also that I am no Spaniard nor have any practices either out of the Kingdom or within it but what point at his Majesties service She had no such opinion of me when sitting upon a chest betwixt the Cardinals of Bourbon and of Guise she entertain'd me at Tholouse with tears in her eyes Her Majesty may call it to mind if she please for though she have a great many matters to trouble her head withal she has a very good memory It was she her self who told me that having received news of the loss of the Battail of Dreaux for some brave Cavalier had run away at the beginning and carried this lying report she entred into consultation with her self what she was best to do and in the end took a resolution if certain news should be brought of this defeat to steal away with a small Train with the King and the Monsieur and try to recover Guienne by the way of Auvergne both out of the confidence she repos'd me and indeed Guienne was clear and entire as also because the King and she might there at great ease have call'd in succours from other places God be prais'd there Majesties came not thither but this will appear better hereafter In the mean time her Majesty may please to take notice that hitherto I have not much importun'd her with demands neither have they much troubled themselves with finding out something to give me having refus'd me the County of Gaure which is not worth above twelve hundred Livers a year after the first troubles Every one knows what services I did the King and particularly in the conservation of Guienne not that I complain of his Majesty for both his Father and he have conferâ—'d more honor and advantages upon me than I deserve neither did I ever hope for any recompence for the services I had done or could do after I was answer'd by a person who is yet living when some friends spoke in my behalf that I was already too great in Guienne Which I do confess I was not in Riches but in the friendship of oll the three Estates of the Province both for the loyalty and fidelity they knew I had ever born to the service of the King and his Crown as also for having evermore endeavour'd to ease the Country of Garisons and all other Subsides when I had the power to do it And I hope at the return of the Commissioners who are now come into these parts the truth will appear I have not corrupted them for I would not so much as see them let them do their worst and as to my estate it is now fifty years that I have serv'd in command having been three times the Kings Lieutenant thrice Camp-Master Governor of places and Captain both of Horse and Foot and yet with all these employments I could never do more than purchase three Farms and redeem a Mill that anciently belong'd to my house all which amount to no more than betwixt fourteen and fifteen thousand Francks which is all the wealth and purchases that I have ever made and all the Estate that I now possess could not be farm'd out to above four thousand five hundred Francks a year I should have been glad that any one could have reproach'd me that I was too great for the great riches the King had given me and not for having had nothing but remaining poor as I am God be praised for all in that he has made me an honest man and ever maintain'd me in an integrity fit to walk with my face erect amongst men I fear no man upon earth I have done nothing unworthy a man of honor and a loyal Subject neither have I ever serv'd my Prince in a Vizor or with dissimulation for my words and my actions have evermore gone hand in hand neither had I ever any intelligence or friendship with the Enemies of my King and Master and whoever is mangy let him scratch a Gods name for I neither itch within nor without having always kept my nails so short that I had never any use of them for which I praise God and most humbly thank him who has hitherto guided my life so as to preserve it from any manner of reproach and hope he will do me the grace that as hitherto he has gone along with my fortune in arms he will also accompany my renown to my grave so that after my death my Relations and Friends shall not be asham'd to have been my Kinsmen or my Companions and I doubt not but with this fair Robe of Fidelity and Loyalty to signalize my self in despite of those who have ever been envious of my success and emulous of my honor So it is that had King Henry my good Master liv'd these misfortunes had never befaln me nor which is worse the Kingdom But I shall leave this discourse growing perhaps into too much passion for the death and loss of the best King that France ever had or shall ever have I shall not meddle with the Factions and Rebellions that have discovered themselves since the death of Francis the second though I could say something of them as having liv'd in that time and been an eye witness of many things for I pretend not to be an Historian nor to write in the method of a History but only to give the world an account that I did not bear arms for nothing as also that my Companions and Friends may take example by my actions of which there are many that may be useful to them when they shall be engaged upon the like occasions and moreover that
nothing of me I sent to the Avant-Coureurs still to go on and that I would follow after which they did and at last discover'd them half a quarter of a League from Nerac we still at a long trot following after but in vain for they got safe into the Town I had a great mind to have been fingering those arms to arm our new rais'd and naked men This was the naughty beginning of our War in Guienne wherein the Hugonots took us at unawares and unprovided so that it is a miraculous thing how this Country could save it self considering the secret intelligences the Rebels had in all the Cities of the Province but they shew'd themselves Novices and indeed they were guided by their Ministers only if before they had made so many Surprizes they had attempted Bourdeaux and Tholouze they had not fail'd of carrying the one or the other and possibly both but we were already upon our Guards and God preserv'd those two Forts the Bulwarks of Guienne to save all the râ—st I very much broke their designs by sending people every where and never resting long in a place for by so doing a Kings Lieutenant shall hold all the world in suspence because they cannot guess at his design every one imagining that he is coming upon him whereas should he always lie still in one Quarter he cannot provide against all accidents nor come in time where there is immediate and pressing need and also your being seâ—tled in one place gives a great advantage to your Enemy who by that means has his arms at liberty to do what he will but I was not only my self in continual motion but also with Letters and Messages was perpetually soliciting and employing all the Friends we had Believe me you who have the honor to be Governors of Provinces it is a very good thing and of great utility to your Prince to keep a correspondence by Letters with those you know have never so little interest in the Country and I am certain that had I not done so the greatest part would have sided with these new people who have made all this fine work in the Kingdom Soon after Captain Cosseil return'd with Letters from the King and Queen wherein they commanded me to stay in Guienne there to do them the best service I could for the conservation of the Country recommending to me the care of their affairs in more honorable expressions than I could any way deserve By which I discern'd their Majesties were in great anxiety especially the Queen who writ me a very pitiful Letter The great ones sometimes when it pleases God have need of the small they must now and then be put in mind that they are men and women as the rest of the world are for if all should go as they would have it they would not so much regard those that do them service as when they see themselves distrest but consume the time in Plays Masquerades and Triumphs which are the cause of their ruine as it hapned to my good Master who running at Tilt for his pleasure was unfortunately slain which he could not have been in war he would have been too well guarded for that 'T is an old saying that men scratch always where they â—â—ch and I also am senseable when I rub upon the old sore which is the loss of my good King whom I lament and shall do the longest day I have to live Not long after Monsieur de Duras took his way all along by the River Garonne and rendezvouz'd his Army at Clairac Toneins and Marmanda which consisted of thirteen Ensigns of Foot and seven Cornets of Horse and so soon as the Pardaillans Savignac Captain of the Guard to Monsieur de Burie Salignac and other Chiefs were ready to execute their Enterprize upon Chasteau Trompette Monsieur de Duras march'd towards Montsâ—gâ—r and the places adjacent to Cadillac with a great number of Boats wherein he had ship'd the best of his Souldiers to present themselves in the beginning of the night before Chasteau Trompette where the forenam'd Captains had thought to have been got in and by it to have given them entrance into the City But their enterprize succeeded ill for Monsieur de Vaillac the Father was circumspect and would not let le Puch de Pardaillan his Brother in Law re-enter who pretended to be in great fear saying that those of the City had a design to take him and Captain de la Salle who belong'd to Monsieur de Vaillac did also very good service upon that occasion Now this hapned at one of the clock in the night and all the City was in an alarm Monsieur de Burie was at the Maierie â—he Inhabitants betook themselves to arms and fell upon the Hugonots but the said Sieur kept himsâ—lf in the Maierie with some Gentlemen of his Guard and those but very few fâ—r most of them were of the Conspiracy whereof some escap'd over the walls and under a Palâ—â—sado that goes down towards the River They were above two or three hundred Conspirators some of which were taken and as Monsieur de Duras his people who were in the Boats were under Cadillac they met with the Count de Candalle Son to Monsieâ—â— de Candalle as he was coming from Bourdeaux to the said Cadillac whom they took Prisoner and sent him to the Queen of Navarre who was at Duras but newly come from Court and who made him promise her to take arms for their Religion upon which promise she let him go to his own house where he staid for a few dayes making shew as if he meant to go joyn with Monsieur de Duras but it was only to expect when I should draw near that he might come in to me as he did saying it was a promisâ— extorted from him by force which he was no wayes obliged to keep being no prisoner of Warre Ever since which time this Count has been a mortal Enemy to the House of Duras At this time Monsieur de Burie dispatch'd away to me Raze his Secretary post entreating me to come to his relief or that otherwise the City would be lost for he had no Forces with him and besides there was not one grain of corn in the City insomuch that he was reduc'd in a manner to Famine by reason that the Enemy vvere possest of all the Rivâ—r of Garonne and that of Dordogne vvhich are the tvvo Teats that nourish the City of Bourdeaux I immediately sent back the said Raze to assure Monsieur de Burie that I vvould soon be vvith him and in order thereunto presently dispatch'd avvay to Captain Masses to come to me vvith the Mareschal de Termes his Company and to Captain Arne to send me forâ—y Launces of the Company belonging to the King of Navarre commanding him vvithal not to stir from Condom but stay to keep the Country in avv and to take care the Tovvn did not revolt I sent likevvise to Captain Bazordan
had we took nineteen and of thirteen Corâ—ets of Horse five all which we sent to Monsieur de Montpensier by that Complement acknowledging him for our Chief The Country people kill'd more than we for in the night they stole away to retire themselves into their houses and some hid themselves in the Woods but so soon as ever they were discover'd both men and women fell upon them so that they could find no place of safety There was numbred upon the Plain and in the Vineyards above two thousand slain besides those who were dispatch't by the Boors After this Victory we marcht straight to Mussidan Monsieur de Burie went before to attend Monsieur de Montpensier and we left all the Army at Grigâ—oux in two or three great Villages there are betwixt Mauriac and Mussidan where after I had seen them settled in their Quarters I also went to pay my duty to him at Mussidan where I was as well receiv'd as I shall ever be in any Company what ever so long as I live and do think that Monsieur de Montpensier took me above ten times in his arms making me stay above four hours with him He was a good Prince a truly honest man and very zealous for the Catholick Religion He was of opinion that I should return into Guienne which was also the Judgment of all the forementioned Seigneurs who were with him and indeed in the King of Navarre's Company and mine there were not thirty Horse that were not wounded and was resolv'd to take along with him Monsieur de Burie the three Companies of Gens-d'arms and that of the Mareshal de Termes together with the three Spanish Companies to go and joyn with the other ten led by Don Iuan de Carbajac who was that day to be at Bergerac This was the success of the Battel of Ver and because some perhaps may say that I commend my self as the sole cause that the Battel was fought and attribute to my own courage and conduct the entire glory of the victory Monsieur de Montpensier and Messieurs de Chevigny and de Vauguyon are yet living who if they please can bear witness what they heard the whole Army say and particularly the very Servants of Monsieur de Burie which Sieur de Burie himself did not deny but that he refer'd the whole management of that business to my conduct for he was old and not so active as I to command and to run up and down from one to another as I did being at the end of the Battel as wet as if I had been plung'd into the River Neither is the said Sieur de Burie to be reprehended for he came in good time and though he did not meddle himself yet the Battallion he brought along with him strook a terror into the Enemy which made us have a better match If this Body of Hugonots could have joyn'd with the Prince of Conde they had mated the King's Army as may well be suppos'd when without them he was very near winning the Battel of Dreux and besides had it not been for thâ—s Battel the Spaniards would never have daâ—'d to have entred into France nâ—ither could Mâ—nsieur de Montpensier himself have been there but had been sent to defend and relieve Guienne whereas by means of this victory he carried all the Forces of Guienne and Xaintonge which consisted of four Companies of Gens-d'armes and six what of his 〈◊〉 and what of Xaintonge and Monsieur de Sâ—nsac with his three and twenty Ensigns of Gascons and Spaniards which were no contemptible succours that he carried to the King of which a good part also were at the winning of the Battel and I have been told that all those who went from that side behav'd themselves admirably well at the Battel of Drâ—ux and indeed there are no Soldiers in the Kingdom that surpass the Gascons if they be well commanded especially the ten Ensigns of Captain Charry whom the King since honor'd so far as to take them into his own Guards and keeps them to this day that Monsieur de Strozzy has the command of them after the execrable murther murther of Captain Charry most viley assassinated at Paris And although a man should nâ—t commend himself I shall not nevertheless forbear to deliver the truth and to give it under my hand that I did at that time as great service for the King my Lord and Master as ever Gentleman did and in a time of extreme need and the greatest necessity of his affairs And if the Queen please to lay her hand upon her heart I am confident she will confess the same she better knew than any other the condition affairs were in and how much I traverst and prevented the intelligences the Prince of Condé had in Guienne of which he counted himself cock sure You Loâ—ds then and Companions of mine who shall read my Book take example by the great diligence and sudden execution I perform'd after the taking of Leâ—toure and do not you who are Lieutenants of Provinces I besiech you depeâ—d upon the reports others may make you of the discovery of an Enemy at least if you be able to do it your selves for you your selves ought to see and observe their order countenance and motion and in so doing shall ever be better able to command than upon the report of another Your own eyes will better discern what is necessary to be done than any other whoever you can send to perform that service you may take an old Captain or two along with you but above all things have a care of taking an old Captain out of any particular affection you have to him in company with you when you go to discover for it is to be fear'd that that affection of yours may make you take some swaggering insignificant Coxcomb instead of a good Soldier who so soon as he shall discover the Enemy will find a false friend about his heart which will be the cause that out of the opinion you have of his judgment and valour and the friendship you have for him he will make you commit so great an error and lose such an opportunity as perhaps you shall never again retrieve but alwayes take some old Captain who in all places whereever he has been shall not only have fought but have been moreover the occasion of fighting and although he may have been sometimes unfortunate and beaten provided it was not thorough default of courage or understanding do not forbear out of that consideration to take him about you For all the world are not so fortunate as Montluc who was never defeated Rather take such a one than one who has never either wonne or lost and that has never serv'd in an Army otherwise than as a looker on I do not say this without experience I have learnt these Lessons under the late Monsieur de Lautrec who was a brave commander and if he was unfortunate it was rather thorough
to her these very words Good God! Madam was your Majesty reduc'd to that necessity which she assur'd me and swore upon her soul. she was as also did both the Cardinals and to speak the truth had this Battel been lost her Majesty had been in a very deplorable condition and I do believe there had been an end of France for the whole State and Religion had been turn'd topsie turvy and with a young King every body does what they will Now their Majesties having passed thorough Guienne found all things in a better posture than had been represented to them For my good friends the Hugonots had spread a report that all was ruin'd and lost but their Majesties found it in a much better condition than Languedcs They sojourn'd some time at Mont-de Marsan in expectation of the Queen of Spains coming to Bayonne and I will here set down a thing that I discover'd there to shew that I have ever inviolably kept with the Queen the Promise I made her at Orleans after the death of King Francis that I would never depend upon any other than the King and her as I have never done and although I have reapt no great advantage by it yet I had rather the default should be on the other side than that I had fail'd of my word I heard then some whisper of a League that was forming in France wherein were several very great persons both Princes and others whom nevertheless I have nothing to do to name being engag'd by promise to the contrary I cannot certainly say to what end this League was contriv'd but a certain Gentleman named them to me every one endâ—avouring at the same time to perswade me to make one in the Association assuring me it was to a good end but he perceiv'd by my countenance that it was not a 〈…〉 my pallaâ—e I presently gave the Queen private intimation of it for I could not endure suâ—h kind of doings who seem'd to be very much astonisht at it telling me it was the first syllable she had ever heard of any such thing and commanding me to enquire further into the business which I did but could get nothing more out of my Gentleman for he now lay upon his Guard Her Majesty then was pleased to ask my advice how she should behave her self in this business whereupon I gave her counsel to order it so that the King himself should say in publick that he had heard of a League that was forming in his Kingdom which no one could do without giving him some jealousie and offence and that therefore he must require every one without exception to break off this League and that he would make an association in his Kingdom of which he himself would be the Head for so for some time it was call'd though they afterwards chang'd the name and call'd it the Confederation of the King The Queen at the time that I gave her this advice did by no means approve of it objecting that should the King make one it was to be feared that others would make another but I made answer and said that the King must engage in his own all such as were in any capacity of doing the contrary which however was a thing that could not be conceal'd and might well enough be provided against Two dayes after her Majesty being at Supper called me to her and told me that she had consider'd better of the affair I had spoke to her about and found my counsel to be very good and that the next day without further delay she would make the King propound the business to his Council which she accordingly did and sent to enquire for me at my lodging but I was not within In the Evening she askt me why I did not come to her and commanded me not to fail to come the next day because there were several great difficulties in the Council of which they had not been able to determine I came according to her command and there were several disputes Monsieur de Nemours made very elegant Speech remonstrating That it would be very convenient to make a League and Association for the good of the King and his Kingdom to the end that if affairs should so require every one with one and the same will might repair to his Majesties person to stake their lives and fortunes for his service and also in case any one of what Religion soever should offer to invade or assault them or raise any commotion in the State that they might with one accord unite and expose their lives in their common defence The Duke of Montpensier was of the same opinion and several others saying that this could not choose but so much the more secure the peace of the Kingdom when it should be known that all the Nobility were thus united for the defence of the Crown The Queen then did me the honor to command me to speak whereupon I began and said That the League propos'd could be no wayes prejudicial to the King being that it tended to a good end for his Majesties service the good of his Kingdom and the peace and security of his People but that one which should be form'd in private could produce nothing but disorder and mischief for the good could not answer for the evil dispos'd and should the Cards once be shuffled betwixt League and League it would be a hard matter to make of it a good game that being the most infallible way to open a door to let Strangers into the Kingdom and to expose all things to spoil and ruine but that all of us in general both Princes and others ought to make an Association which should bear the Title of the League or the Confederation of the King and to take a great and solemn Oath not to decline or swerve from it upon penalty of being declar'd such as the Oath should import and that his Majesty having so concluded ought to dispatch Messsengers to all parts of the Kingdom with Commission to take the Oathes of such as were not there present by which means it would be known who were willing to live and die in the service of the King and State And should any one be so foolish or impudent as to offer to take arms let us all Sir swear to fall upon them I warrant your Majesty I will take such order in these parts that nothing shall stirre to the prejudice of your royal Authority And in like manner let us engage by the faith we owe to God that if any Counter-League shall disclose it self we will give your Majesty immediate notice of it and let your Majestie 's be subscrib'd by all the great men of your Kingdom The Feast will not be right without them and they also are easie to be perswaded to it and the fittest to provide against any inconveniency may happen This was my Proposition upon which several disputes ensued but in the end the King 's Association was concluded
on and it was agreed that all the Princes great Lords Governors of Provinces and Captains of Gens d' arms should renounce all Leagues and Confederacies whatsoever as well without as within the Kingdom excepting that of the King and should take the Oath upon pain of being declar'd Rebels to the Crown to which there were also other obligations added which I do not remember There arose several difficulties about couching the Articles some saying they were to be couch'd after one manner and others after another for in these great as well as in our inferior Councils there is black and white and obstinacy and dissimulation and some perhaps there were who though they set a good face on the matter were elsewhere engag'd So goes the World O ' â—is a miserable thing when a Kingdom falls to a King in minority had he then had the knowledge that he has had since I do believe he would have made some people speak good French In the end all was past and concluded and the Princes began to take the Oath and to sign the Articles where though I was but a poor Gentleman the King would also that I should sign with them by reason of the charge I had under him and it was also sent to the Constable at Bayonne who sign'd it there On the other side they sent to the Prince of Condé to the Admiral Monsieur d' Andelot and other Lords and Goverâ—ors of France and at the return of the Messengers the King as I was told caus'd an Instrument to be ingrost of all and put amongst the Records of the Crown I do believe it cannot be lost and that there a man may see in black and white some people forsworn to some purpose I know not who was the beginning of the War a la St. Michel but whoever it was I know he went contrary to his Oath and that the King if he so pleased might justly declare him perjur'd forasmuch as he stands obliged by his Oath and his own hand and seal are against him neither would he have any wrong done him because he was consenting to the conditions And although there was no fighting work in this affair I do nevertheless conceive that I did the King and Queen a good piece of service in discovering this practice which had it not been discover'd matters might peradventure have gone worse than they did The King at his return from Bayonne took his way towards Xaintonge and Rochelle to which place I attended him and there he commanded me to return giving me instructions to cause the Edicts of Pacification to be inviolably observ'd which I have ever done neither can it be said that the War began in my Government and also if they had begun with me they would have had no great match on 't neither could they have taken me unprovided but their design was at the head The Queen who is yet living may remember what I said to her concerning Rochelle for had this feather been pluckt from the Hugonots wing and secur'd to his Majesties devotion as I advis'd her it ought to be France had never seen those many mischiefs that have follow'd since But she was so timerous and fearful of giving any occasion of new trouble that she durst attempt to alter nothing and I know very well that she one night entertein'd me above two hours talking of nothing but things that had past during the life-time of the King her Husband my good Master And yet one who was none of the least went and reported that I was contriving something to the prejudice of the Peace Would to God her Majesty had taken my advice Rochelle should never have dar'd to have mutter'd Now as the King was going out of Brittany to take his way to Blois I had intelligence from Râ—üergue Quercy Perigord Burdelois and Agenois that the Hugonots were seen to go up and down with great horses in small parties carrying Sumpters along with them wherein 't was said they carried their Arms and Pistols Three or four times I gave the Queen notice of it but she would never give credit to my intelligence In the end I sent to her Martineau the same who at this present is Comptroller of the Wars who was not very welcome to bring such news and three dayes after his arrival at Court Boery a Secretary of mine arriv'd also with other intelligence from me to the Queen that they all march't openly day and night though I think she would hardly have believ'd it had it not been that at the same time her Majesty had advertisements from all the other Governments of the Kingdom which made the King go in all diligence directly to Moulins I know not to what this tended nor why they march'â— up and down in Troops after that manner but it ought to have been known and it was a sign of no good for without the knowledge of the King or his Lieutenant no one ought to have attempted any such thing and had it not been that I was afraid of being accused for breaking the Peace I would soon have sent them to their own houses with a vengeance for I did not sleep I went however very well accompanied with a good number of Gentlemen and my own Company of Geâ—ns-d'arms into Roüergue Quâ—rcy and all along by the skirts of Pâ—rigard to see iâ— any one would openly stir and sent to the King to tell him that if his 〈◊〉 pleas'd to give me leave to talk with them at their return I hop'd I should be able to give him a good account of their intention But the King sent me a positive command not to do it but let them quietly return every man to his own house and then it was thaâ— I 〈◊〉 the League of Mont de Marsan would not long be observ'd I thought fit to write this passage to the end that every one may see how vigilant in my Government I have ever been seeing that I who was the furthest off gave his Majestie the first intelligence And now I will begin the War de la St. Michel which were the second Troubles Though it has been said and I know it also to be true that the Hugonots did perfectly hate me yet was I not so negligent in my administration but that I had acquir'd some friends amongst them and even some who were of their Consistory It was not now as in the former troubles our Cards were so shuffled and confused as nothing could be more and these people were not now so hot in their Religion as they had formerly been many either out of fear or for good will came to us so that we began to be sociabâ—e and to converse with one another The fear also they were in of me made some few my friends or at least seem to be About two Moneths and a half before la Sainct Michel I had notice by a Gentleman and another rich man in the Country who knew nothing of one
return'd I had inteâ—ligence that eight dayes before or eight dayes after la Sainct Michel the Admirals Gentleman was certainly to come Upon these slight answers of the Queens I had like to have committed a very great error in laying aside all suspicion believing that her Majesty was better enform'd than I and that therefore I ought no more to give credit to those who gave me these daily advertisements Whereupon I made a match with the late Bishop of Condom and the Sieurs de Sainctorens and de Tiâ—â—adet Brothers to go the Baths at Barbottan as I had been by the Physicians appointed to do for a pain in my hip I got at the taking of Quires which Monsieur d' Aumale I know does very well remember and that I believe I shall carry along with me to my Grave We went upon the Saturday from Cassaigne to go lie at Monsieur de Panias his house taking two Tassels of Goshawks along with us wherewith to pass away the time at the Baths and the very night that we came thither in my first sleep I dreamt a dream that did more discompose and weaken me than if I had four dayes had a continued Fevâ—r which I will here set down because there are many living to whom I told it for these are no tales made for pleasure I dreamt that all the Kingdom of France was in Rebellion and that a stranger Prince had seiz'd upon it and had kill'd the King my Lords his Brothers and the Queen and that I was flying night and day on every side to escape for me thought I had all the world in search of me to take me sometimes I fled to one place and sometimes to another till at length I was surpriz'd in a house and carried before the new King who was walking betwixt two great men in a Church He was low of stature but gross and well knit and had on his head a square velvet Cap such a one as they wore in former times The Archers of his Guard were clad in yellow red and black and me-thought as they led me prisoner thorough the Streets all the people ran after me crying kill the Villain one presented a naked Sword to my throat and another a Pistâ—l to my breast those that led me crying out do not kill him for the King will have him hang'd in his own presence And thus they carried me before the new King who was walking as I said before There was in the Church neither Image nor Altar and so soon as I came before him he said to me in Italian Veni que forsante tu mâ—ai fatto la guâ—rra a quelli i quelli suâ—no mei servitori io ti faro apicqu 〈◊〉 adesso adesso To which I made answer in the same language for me-thought I spoke Tuscan as well as when I was in Sienna Sacrâ— Mâ—â—sta to servito al mio Re si come suono obligati fari tutti gli huomini de bene su Maesta ne deve pigliar questo a male At which enflamed with fury he said to the Archâ—rs of his Guard Andate andate menate lo adpicar queâ— forfante que mi fareâ—be 〈◊〉 la guerra Whereupon they would have led me away but I stood firm and said to him Io supplico su Maesta voler mi salvar la vita poi che il Re mio signire é morto ensicmi gli signiori suoi fratelli Io vi prometto che vi serviro con medesima fidelta con la quale io servito il re mentrâ— vivâ—va Vpon this the Lords who were walking with him begg'd of him to save my life upon whose intercession looking stedfastly upon me he said to me Prometti tu questo del cuore or Su io ti da la vitâ— per le pregiere di quelli che mi prâ—gano sie mi fidele These Lords me thought spoke French but we two spoke Italian whereupon he commanded them to take me a little aside and that he would by and by talk to me again They then set me by a Chest that stood hard by the Church door and those who were to look to me fell to talking with the Archers of the Guard As I was there standing by this Chest I began to think of the king and repented me of the oath of Fidelity I had taken for that peradventure the King might not be yet dead and that if I could escape away I would rather wander alone and on fooâ— throughout the world to seek the King if he were yet alive and thereupon took a resolution to run away Thus resolv'd I went out of the Church and being got into the Street began to run and never thought of my hip for me-thought I ran faster than I would when on a sudden I heard a cry behind me stop the villain whereupon some came out of their houses to take me and others stood in my way but still I escap'd both from the one and the other and recover'd a pair of stone stairs that went up to the Wall of the Town where coming to the top I lookt down and methought the Precipice was so great thet I could hardly see to the bottom They mounted the stairs after me and I had nothing wherewith to defend my self but three or four stones that I threw at them and had a great mind to make them kill me for me-thought they would put me to a cruâ—l death when having nothing left to defend my self withall I threw my self headlong from the Battlements and in falling awaked and found my self all on a water as if I had come out of a River my Shirâ— the Sheets the Counterpain all wringing wet and I fancied that my head was bigger than a Drum I call'd my Valet de Chamâ—re who presently made a fire took off my wet shirt and gave me another They went also to Madam de Panias who commanded another pair of Sheets to be given them and her self rose and came into my Chamber and saw the Sheets Blankets and Counterpain all wet and never departed the room till all was dried which whilst they were in doing I told her my dream and the fright I had been in which had put me into this sweat She remembers it as well as I. The Dream I dreamt of the death of King Henry my good Master and this put me into a greater weakness than if I had had a continued Fever for a whole week together The Physitians told me that it was nothing but force of imagination my mind being wholly taken up with these thoughts And I do believe it was so for I have fancied my self in the night fighting with the Enemy dreaming of the mishaps and the successes also I afterwards saw come to pass I have had that misfortune all my life that sleeping and waking I have never been at rest and was alwayes sure when I had any thing working in my head that I was to do not
notice of the three Gentlemen I had sent before and would so secure the Gates that I should not be able to enter and that it was better for us to venture our lives in the Town than to keep out and suffer the Town to be lost We then mounted to horse being no more than six Light-horse and we might be in all the Servants compriz'd thirty horse I commanded fourteen Harquebuzeers to follow after me under the conduct of a Priest called Malaubaere commanding them to follow at a good shog trot and so we marcht with these mighty Forces When we came near unto Terraube a little league from Lectoure there came a man on horseback dispatcht away by the Consul and Captain Mauriez by whom they sent me word that they had possessed themselves of the Gates and that the City was all in arms desiring to know by which Gate I would enter I told him by the Gate of the Castle whereupon he return'd upon the spur as he came By good fortune theâ—e hapned to be in the Town the Sieur de Lussan and the Captain his Brother who came out to meet me knowing nothing of all this business they being come thither by appointment of Process and so we entred into the Town So soon as we were come into Monsieur de Poisegurs house I entreated the Sieur de Lussan to go bid Monsieur de Fonterailles come and speak with me for I had something to say to him that concerned his Majesties service He sent me word back that he would not come and that he was in the Castle in the behalf of the Queen of Navarre Lady and Mistress of the said Castle and Town Whereupon I sent him word again that if he did not come I would assault the said Castle and at the ringing of the Tocquesaint call in all the neighbouring Towns to my assistance which I think staâ—tled him for he came At his coming I told him that I would have the Castle to put people into it who were of the Religion of the King and a Gentleman to command them till I should see to what the beginning of this Commotian tended to which he made answer that he was a faithful Servant of the Kings and that he would rather die than do any thing contrary to his Majesties pleasure To which I replied again that I did believe him to be so but that notwithstanding I would in the mean time sâ—cure the Castle and that I had a greater confidence in my self than in him and after some disputes Monsieur de Sainctorens put in and said something to which the other replied briskly upon him but he did not go without his answer and had he not suddenly resolv'd I was about to have taken him prisoner Monsieur de Lussan then took him aside remonstrating to him that he was highly too blame not to obey and that it was as much as his life was worth for I would die there but I would have it and that he himself knew well enough what a kind a man I was Monsieur de Fonterailles thereupon came to me and told me that he was ready to deliver up the Castle into my hands but that he earnestly beggâ—d of me that I would permit him to reenter into it and sleep there that night that he might pack up all the goods he had there ready to go away in the morning I desir'd him on the contrary that he would not ofâ—er to stir out of the Town and that I would deliver the Guard of the Castle to such Catholick Gentlemen as he should name He therefore nam'd several but I would like of none of them when seeing I would not put in those he desir'd he nam'd Monsieur de Cassaigne a neighbour to the Town who since has been Lieutenant to Monsieur d' Arnes Company with whom I was content and sent presently for him However I plaid the Novice in one thing for I let the said Sieur de Fonterailles go in again upon his word into the Castle which was not discreetly done for a man should alwayes in such cases take all things at the worst In the mean time Monsieur de Verduzan arriv'd with four or five Gentlemen in Company with him and presently after Monsieur de Maignas and every hour some or other came in to us After Supper we went out of the Castle where I fell to view and consider the Postern of the false Bray and began to remonstrate to those friends who were with me that in case the Seneschal should have made an appointment for those of his Party to come that night to the Portal the Guards and Centinels of the Town could not possibly hinder him from letting in whom he pleased wherefore I was resolv'd to lodge Theanville Commissary of the Artillery and the Priest with the fourteen Harquebuzeers in the false Bray betwixt the two Portals and it was well for me I did so for otherwise they had trapp'd us and cut all our throats that night See how a man may fall into danger thorough his own fault for I thought my self wonderful wiâ—e and circumspect and yet notwithstanding I put a place of so great importance together with the whole Country in danger to be lost I was not yet satisfied with this Guard but I moreover order'd all the Gentlemen and their Servants to lie down in their Cloaths and sent a command to all those of the Town to do the same In the morning by Sun-rise the said Seneschal came to me again to entreat me to leave him the Castle and that he would give me security with a great many other fine good morrows but I told him he did but lose time in such proposals for I was resolv'd to put men into it so that seeing no other remedy he receiv'd the Sieur de la Cassaigne with twenty Soldiers into the place and then came to take his leave of me I did what I could to perswade him to stay in the Town but he made answer that he would not trust himself with the Inhabitants beginning to tell me that I put a very great affront upon him in not confiding in his Loyalty that he was a man of a race too remarkable for thâ—ir services and fidelity so the Crown of France to be suspested and that his Ancestors had sav'd the Kingdom To which I made answer that his Grandfather of whom he intended to speak did never save the Kingdom and that in his time reigned Lewis the twelfth in whose Reign the Kingdom had never been in any such danger and that if it was of the time that King Charles retir'd to Bourges that he intended to speak that honor was to be attributed to Potton and la Hire of whose valour all the Chronicles are full For la Hire and Potton two Gascon Gentlemen were indeed cause of the recovery of the Kingdom of France yet would I not deny but that his Grand father was a great and valiant Captain who
de Moncalde who was there slain and the Marquis de Guast with several other great persons taken prisoners The said Count was so careful and vigilant that so much as a Cat could not enter into the City of Naples those within were reduc'd to the last extremity the Viceroy dead many of the Grandees prisoners and the rest revolted to the King it must therefore of necessity be confest that the Kingdom had been the Kings in despite of all the world when the just spite and indignation of the said Andrea Auria depriv'd him of it When the King was taken prisoner at the Battel of Pavie and that they carried him by Sea into Spain Andrea Auria went out to meet the Galleys that convoy'd him to fight them to deliver the King out of their hands which he had done and put it to hazard but the King sent to advise him not to do it for if he did he was a dead man and they had determin'd to put him to death should Andrea Auria present himself to fight them which was the reason that the said Andrea Auria returned to Genoa which at that time was the Kings See here another great misfortune and an unfortunate Traverse which brought as great an inconvenience along with it as that of Monsieur de Bourbon upon which occasion we not only lost all we had got in the Kingdom of Naples but Genoa also for all the losses as well of the Kingdom of Naples as of Genoa hapned by reason of the revolt of the said Andrea Auria who took offence at the wrong and dishonor had been done him in taking from him the Command of the Galleys to give it to another without having any way misdemean'd himself or having receiv'd any disadvantage in his Charge and also for that they would make him give up his Prisoners of war without any recompence Now the said Andrea Auria kept the sea in so great awe that the King durst never offer to pass into Itâ—ly till such time as he had won him into is own service and the Emperor having heard how he had been used sent him a Blank to write his own conditions provided he would come over to his service After which the said Andrea Auria sent to Count Philippin his Nephew to retire from before Naples and abandoning the Kings service to come to him at Gajetta which he did and before he went put all the provision he suddenly could into the City that it might not be lost and so he that had done them the mischief did them the good without which they must within eight dayes have been necessitated to capitulate O that such a man as this ought to have been husbanded for I think that he alone ruin'd the affairs of King Francis Kings and Princes ought not to use Strangers at that rate nor their own Subjects neither when they know them to be men of service and if our Master was ill advised the Emperor was very discreet to put in in time to win the said Auria over to his side that the King might not have leisure to reconcile himself to him and to reestablish him in his service Wherein Princes ought to take good example and learn to be wise at anothers expence and should have a care of disobliging a generous heart and a man of employment especially when you have no such tye upon him as upon a natural Subject of your own who has his Wife and Children and Estate at your mercy The King had none of all these ties upon Andrea Auria and it was one of the greatest incongruities I have seen in my time and also of far greater importance than that of the Duke of Bourbon I saw another done to the Prior of Capua who was one of the bravest men that these hundred years has put to sea and as much feared both by Turks and Christians whom they unjustly accus'd of Piracy so that he was constrain'd to go put himself and his two Galleys into the protection of the Malteses O how invincible a wrong did the King there do this worthy person to be so facile of belief to the prejudice of his honor how great a disadvantage was it to himself and how great a loss to the Kingdom of France for this Signior was a man of service and one that very well understood his Trade for he was a very able Seaman I saw another trick also put upon the Mareschal de Bies I dare pawn my soul that the Gentleman never thought of doing any unhandsome act against the King and yet he was highly slander'd a little after the death of King Francis the Great it being laid to his charge that he was the cause that Monsieur de Vervin his Son in Law had surrendred Bullen and one Cortel appointed to try him the most infamous Judge that ever was in France Was it ever seen or heard of that one man should be punisht for the treachery or cowardize of another When he came to his tryal they confronted him with three great Rogues who all of them depos'd that the day he had the Encounter with the English he was mounted upon a great Courser bearing a plume of white Feathers for a mark that the English might not fall upon him as if it had been an easie mark to be discern'd when men are mixt in a Battel the dust the smoak and the cries confound a man's judgment and besides 't is usual with gallant men to appear in their greatest bravery that they may be known in a day of Battel especially in a War with Strangers which is for honor and not upon the account of animosity but in a Civil War 't is not so proper Monsieur de Guise being very much endanger'd by so distinguishing his person at the Battel of Dreux Thus did they calumniate this poor Lord though he that very day defeated eight hundred English I do believe had the King sent such a Judge and that he would have hearkned to the Hugonots he would have found Witnesses enow that would have been depos'd I had promised Guienne to the King of Spain though I never lov'd that Nation nor ever shall I am too good a Frenchman for that But to return to the said Mareschal when those who had given him this Traverse saw that they could no way ensâ—are him and that he was likely to be set at liberty to the great dishonor of those who had brought this trouble upon him they then accused him that he made certain Skip-Jack hirelings pass muster in his Company of Gens-d'armes to get so many Pays which as it was said was prov'd to be true but it was to pay men withal he had in Flanders to send him continual intelligence of all that passed in the Enemies Country for we are sometimes necessitated to make use of such shifts for the Kings service but I leave any one to judg if this was sufficient to bring him upon a Scaffold and to degrade him from his
Nobility his Arms and Mareschalsy and to condemn him to the loss of his head Nevertheless as they were proceeding to execution King Henry calling to mind that he had made him Knight of the Order sent him his pardon so that five or six moneths after what of old age and what of grief he died a natural death and who would have liv'd after such an injury and disgrace The Judicature of France is not without Cortels for there are enow who should the King put into their hands the honestest man of his Kingdom would find out enough against him as Cortel boasted who said that deliver up to him the most upright Liâ—utenant in the Kingdom of France provided he had been but a year or two in that employment and he doubted not but to find matter enough to put him to death This poor Lord had perform'd a Soldier-like action if ever man did at the Fort of Montrean when the English â—allied out of Bullen to give him Battel he had with him the Count Rhinâ—graves Regiment and as I think the Count himself was there that of the French commanded by Monsieur de Tais and seven Ensigns of Italians So soon as the Enemy charg'd our Horse they were immediately put to rout and fled when the said Sieur seeing the disorder of the Cavalry he ran to the Battaillon of Foot and said Oh my friends it was not with the Horse that I expected to win the Battel but it is with you and thereupon alighted where taking a Pike from one of the Soldiers to whom he deliver'd his Horse and causing his Spurs to be pull'd off he began his retreat towards Andelot The Enemy after they had a great way puâ—sued the Cavalry return'd upon him who was four hours or more upon his retreat having the Enemies horse sometimes in his Front and sometimes in his Flancks and their Foot continually in his Rear without their ever daring to break into him and I was told by the Captains who were present in the Action that he never advanc'd fifty paces without facing about upon the Enemy by which thâ—s may be call'd one of the bravest reâ—reats that has been made these hundred years I should be glad any one could name me such another having upon him the whole power both of Foot and Horse and his own Cavalry all run off the Field Behold what this poor Lord did for a parting blow at above threescore and ten years of age and yet he was used after this manner Let any one ask the Cardinal of Lorrain who it was that did him this courtesie for at the Assembly of the Knights of the Order before King Francis the second he reproach'd him with this busines and they grew into very high words upon it for my part I am too little a Companion to name it though I was present there and also there were some Ladies who had a hand in the business A year after I saw another pranck plaid Monsieur de Tais wherein he was accused to have spoken unhandsomely of a Court Lady 't is a misfortune France has ever had that they meddle too much in all affairs and have too great credit and interest for upon this the command of the Arâ—illery was taken from him and he never after return'd into favour The King of Navarre entreated the King not to take it ill if he made use of him in the taking of Hâ—din which his Majesty gave him leave to do and he was kill'd in the Trenches of the said Hedin doing service for him to whom his service was not acceptable which is a gâ—eat heart-breaking and the greatest of all vexations to die for a Prince that has no regard for a mans service wherein our condition is of all others most miserable notwithstanding I believe the King would in the end have made use of him again for in truth he was a man of service and I moreover believe that his Majesty was sorry he had banisht him the Court but very often those of both Sexes who govern Princes make them do things against their own natures and inclinations and afterwards they are sorry for it but it is too late to repent when their Traverses have brought upon a Prince such an inconvenience as is irreparable and those who would afterwards seem to excuse them endeavour to make the matter worse by contriving new accusations and laying other aspersions upon them I shall not mention the Constables business which drave him also from Court and all as it was said about women nor that of the late Monsieur de Guise we have seen them sometimes out and sometimes in The King would do well to stop the mouths of such Ladies as tattle in his Court for thence proceed all the reports and slanders a prating Gossip was cause of the death of Monsieur de la Chastaigneray who would he have taken my advice and that of five or six more of his friends he had done his business with Monsieur dr Iarnac after another manner for he fought against his conscience and lost both his honor and his life The King ought therefore to command them to meddle with their own affairs I except those that are to be excepted for their tittle tattle has done a great deal of mischief and after as I said it is too late These are the good offices that in my time I have seen done several great persons and also such poor Gentlemen as my self all which proceed from the jealousie and envy they bear to one another who are near unto the persons of Princes In the time that I have been at Court I have seen great dissimulations and several carry it very fair to one another in shew who would have eaten one another if they could and yet outwardly who so great as they embracing and caressing one another as if they had been the greatest friends in the world I was never skill'd in that Trade for every one might read my heart in my face By this one may judg that the misfortune into which this Kingdom is fallen is not come upon it through any default of courage or wisdom in our Kings nor for want of valiant Captains and Soldiers for never Kings of France had so many both of Horse and Foot as Francis Henry and Charles who had they been employed in forreign Conquests would have carried the War far enough from our own doors and it was a great misfortune both to them and the whole Kingdome that they were not so employed and yet can we not lay the blame thereof either to the Church or the third Estate for all that have by the Kings been demanded of them have been freely granted Every Child then may judg where the fault lay and from whence sprung the Civil Wars I mean from the great ones for they are not wont to make themselves parties for the word of God If the Queen aâ—d the Admiral were together in a Cabine and the
where the Enemy kept no Guard who so soon as part of them were got on shore the Enemy discovering the stratagem ran to that part and fought them but ours remain'd Masters of the place My Nephew who was one that was engag'd in the fight thereupon presently dispatcht a Skiff to the Captains and Soldiers who were aboard the greater Vessels to bid them come away which being suddenly done so soon as they were all landed they marcht directly to the great Fort by the Church a long league and a half from thence which they assaulted on two or three sides at once so that they carried the place putting all they found within it to the sword whilst the rest who guarded the landings put themselves into little boats and fled away towards Rochelle We imagin'd them to be the people inhabitants of the Island who escaped away and that our people had gotten the victory and two dayes after my said Nephew sent me an account of the whole action which sooner he could not do the wind being so contrary that they could not possibly get to Marennes where the aforesaid Sieur and I lay upon which news we call'd back my said Nephew leaving two Foot Companies in the Isle I then left Monsieur de Pons at Marennes and went away to St. Iean where Monsieur de Iarnac came to me to take order for all things necessary for me in order to the Siege I caused great provision of victuals 〈◊〉 to be made ready wherein the Providore of the late Monsieur de Burie was very 〈◊〉 to me for he was of that Country In the mean time I still expected to hear from the King but could never obtein the faâ—â—ur of one syallable neither did any of my Messengers ever return and in truth there 〈◊〉 very great danger by the way the Enemy being possest of all the great Roads by which they were to return into Xaintonge The first that came was Dragon who brought news that the Peace was as good as concluded and that the King would suddenly send me woâ—d â—hat I was to do I think that having seen the Prince and the Admiral with their Forces at the Gates of Paris ready to sight a Battel and afterwards at liberty to overâ—â—â— all France they more thought of that than they consideâ—'d the affairs of Guienne This was the success of my expedition into Xaintonge and seeing I have been reproacht that for three years I had done nothing considerable I could wish that such as propose Enterprizes to the King would be as prompt to provide things necessary for such designs as they are ready to give assignments that signifie nothing like those they sent me and then perhaps some good might be done but as they order it a man must be a God to work â—iâ—acles Oh the happy time that these men have who are about the Kings person and never come within danger of a Battel they cut out work and very good cheap for others that the King may think them wise and politick but they never care to offer his Majesty that if Montluc or another shall refuse to go upon such an Enterprize they themselves will undertake it It is enough for them that they can talk well and such perhaps there are who propound a design which they would be glad should miscarry for geneâ—ally there is nothing but dissimulation jealousie and treachery amongst them and this is to betray ones Master like a good Frenchman I am confident by the chearfulness I saw in the Gentlemen who were with me and by the astonishment I discover'd in the people we had to do withal that had I been supplied with necessaries requisite for such an Enterprize I should have set hard to have carried this City which has since so fortified it self that if the King permit them to take surer footing 't is to be fear'd they will withdraw themselves from his obedience but I was at this time so ill assisted and his Majesty so ill serv'd that I could do no more than I did A few dayes after the King sent me the Peace to cause it to be proclaim'd at Bourdeaux commanding me to disband the Foot and to dismiss them every man to his own house which I accordingly did and sent the Proclamation to the Court of Parliament and the Jurats to cause it to be publisht but for my own part I would not be present at it knowing very well that it was only a Truce to get breath and a Peace to gain time to provide themselves better for a War to come and not intended to be kept for the King who had been taken unprovided I was confident would never put up the affront had been put upon him who though he was very young was notwithstanding a Prince of great spirit and that bore this audatious Enterprize with very great impatience as I have since been told by some who were then about him He gave sufficient testimony of a generous courage and truly worthy of a King when he put himself in the head of the Swiss to escape to Paris and do you think Gentlemen you who were the Leaders of those mutinous Troops that he will ever forget that insolence you would hardly endure it from your equal what then would you do with a Servant for my part I never saw nor ever read of so strange a thing which made me alwayes think it would stick in the Kings stomack The Prince and the Admiral committed a great oversight in this Peace for they had by much the better of the Game and might doubtless have carried Chartres so that those who mediated and procur'd this accommodation perform'd a very signal service for the King and Kingdom This was all I did in the second Troubles and me thinks it was no contemptible service to send the King a recruit of eleven or twelve hundred Horse thirty Ensigns of Foot and to preserve for him the Province of Guienne conquer him the Isles and not to be wanting on my part that I did not try my fortune at Rochelle and send him all the money the Rebels had amassed together in that part of his Kingdom But I must do miracles forsooth those who are about the Kings person have ever done me one good office or another and on my conscience would his Majesty hearken to them now that I have nothing at all to do they would find out one thing or another to lay to my charge for the customs of the Court must not be lost which is to do all ill offices and invent slanders against those who have a desire to do well Was I near them I could quickly give some of them their answer but the distance is too great betwixt Gascony and Paris besides I have lost my Children and an old Beast has no resourse This accommodation of the Second Troubles concluded at Charâ—res continued but eight or niâ—e moneths at most and was therefore called the Short Peace In this
which case there is still some danger and it is hard to be subtle enough for a Traitor Before I departed from Bourdeaux I in the morning assembled the Attorney General the General de Gourgues Captain Verre and my Nephew the Siâ—ur de Leberon to whom I would communicate what I had fancied with my self upon the news that daily came from Court of the diâ—â—idence and discontent the Prince of Condé was in and what I should do if I were in his place In which discourse they may remember I told them that if the Prince could pass he would infallibly come into Xaintonge having Rochelle and almost all the Country at his devotion that the Isles when they should see Forces in Xaintonge and at Rochelle and Monsieur de la Rochefoucault so near them would presently revolt and that then the said Prince and the Hugonots would resolutely turn all their designs this way for in France Roan was no longer theirs which being gone they had not one Port-Town at their devotion and that it would be in them a ridiculous and a senseless thing to begin a third War without first having a Sea-Port in their power Now they could not possibly make choice of one of greater advantage to them than that of Rochelle on which depends that of Brouage which is absolutely the fairest and the most commodious Haven in all the Kingdom for being there they might have succours out of Germany Flanders England Scotland Brittany and Normandy all of them Countries abounding in people of their own Religion so that in truth should the King give them their choice to Canton themselves in any Port of the Kingdom they could not possibly choose a more advantageous nor a more commodious place They all approv'd of my discourse as being near the truth which I had fram'd in the Night as I lay considering the state of our affairs for so I used to pass part of the time in bed and this waking fancy of mine seem'd to presage almost as much disaster and misfortune as the dreams I had dreamt of King Henry and King Charles Having entertain'd them with this discourse I then proceeded to tell them that it would be convenient to find out some fit remedies against the evil before it should arrive for to communicate this conceipt to their Majesties without proposing at the same time some way to frustrate the Enemies designs were I thought to make them neglect my intelligence and to slight my advice We therefore fell to considering that to prevent the mishaps which seem'd to threaten us there was no other way than by making Forts upon the sea and betimes to secure the Ports which with four Ships and as many Shalops to lie at Chedebois la Palice and the mouth of the Harbour at Broüage might sufficiently be provided for and that the Ports being once our own neither English nor any other of their Party could or would attempt to come into their assistance knowing they were to land at places where they are almost always certain to meet with very tempestuous weather and that Seamen will never venture out to sea to go to any place unless they are first sure of a free and a secure Harbour to lie in and on the other side that our Ships lying about the Isles would so awe the Inhabitants that they would never dare to revolt and our men of War would so keep Rochelle as it were besieged that it must of necessity in a little time either wholly submit to the Kings devotion or at least contein themselves quiet without attempting any thing of commotion All which being remonstrated to them we unanimously concluded that I ought to send an account thereof to the King and Queen Now the next thing we were to consider of was which way the money was to be raised to equip these Vessels and to pay the men and as to that we made account that with ten thousand Francs and two thousand sacks of Corn which I offer'd of my own for the making of Biscuit we should set them out to sea General Gorgues would undertake also to cause Cattel to be sent from the upper Country upon the account of his own credit and all upon the confidence we had that his Majesty would in time reinburse us The Attorâ—ey General then dealt very earnestly with the said Sieur de Gorgues to perswade the Jurats monethly to advance something towards the charge and moreover to levy the Custom which the present Tâ—easurer had obtein'd from the Privy Council and snipt from the Kings Revenue though the Graunt had not yet been executed by reason that the Receiver of Bourdeaux had oppos'd him in his claim pretending it to be a Member of his Farm insomuch that the Treasurer out of spite had forborn to execute his Warrant which when the Jurats should see was to be laid out for the publick good not only in the behalf of his Majesties particular interest but moreover for the benefit of their own City every one would lay to his helping hand so that what with this and what with the foremention'd advance it would not for the future cost the King a penny The Attorney General and the said Sieur de Gorgues then with Captain Verre cast up the account before me which being done we concluded that the Sieur de Leberon should go carry an account of all to the Queen very well knowing that her Majesty would better understand the business than any of the Council whereupon I accordingly dispatcht away the said Sieur de Leberon post to Court The Queen hearkned to all my said Nephew had to deliver with very great patience returning him answer thereupon that she would propound is to the Council which she did and three dayes after told him that the Council did by no means approve of the motion which I believe was occasion'd by some ones buzzing into their ears that I made this Proposition more out of a desire to range along the Coast than out of any reason there was to suspect any such thing as I fancied should fall out I remember very well that I gave my said Nephew further in charge to tell the Queen that I had been so unfortunate in all the advices I had presum'd to offer to her Majesty that she had never been pleased to give any credit to any of them notwithstanding that her Majesty had so often been convinc'd that they had been alwayes good and my intelligences continually true but that I did most humbly beseech her to give credit to me once in her life only which if she did not she would I doubted repent it and that it would be too late to be remedied when the misfortune should be once arriv'd but all these remonstrances signified nothing and she sent me back my said Nephew without any other answer but this that the Kings Council had not approv'd of the thing Which prov'd very ill I believe had her Majesty been pleased to follow my counsel the
Hugonots affairs would not have been in so good a condition as they now are but God disposes all things as best pleases him I know very well that had I wrought every day a miracle the Court would never have believed me to be a Saiâ—t especially those about the Kings person who would be sorry their Majesties should believe that any in the Nation should be so vigilant so intent upon the affairs of the Kingdom or so wise as they and yet I have often heard that those who presume so much upon their own wisdom are often the veriest fools of all Oh how vigilant ought a wise and prudent King to be to discover these Court Cheats I was too far off to dispute it with them face to face and letters have no reply one Enemy also in the Kings Council is able to do a man more mischief than thirty friends can do him good of which I have had woful experience and in the mean time all things go backwards without any hopes of amendment for any thing we can do or say I may here aptly enough bring in the story of Marco de Bresse an Italian who had perform'd some signal services for the Signiory of Venice for which having long sollicited a recompence but still in vain it hapned at last that the Duke of Venice died which so soon as ever Signior Marco heard of he presently preferr'd a Petition to the Senate wherein he entreated the Signiory to choose him Duke for the reward of his service The Senate equally astonisht and scandaliz'd at the ridiculous and yet the audacious pretence of this man sent some of their Senators to him to check him for his insolence and to remonstrate to him the offence he had given to and the affront he had put upon the Republique by his impudent demand which being accordingly laid home to him he return'd this answer Pardonate mi voi havete fatto tante coionerie che io pensave che faretti anchora questa ma basta son contento And so may we say to those Getlemen that govern all that we ought not to wonder at any thing they do nor hope for any better from them The Kingdom at the long run will find the effects of their doings In the mean time I return to my Subject I then return'd towards Agenois where upon my arrival at Agen I so bruised one of my legs that it constrain'd me three moneths to keep my bed after which when I thought my self cur'd I was surpriz'd with so sharp and violent a Catharre as I thought verâ—ly would have cut my throat which had it not vented it self at one of my ears the Physitians told me would inâ—allibly have done my business So soon as I was a little recover'd I remov'd my self to Câ—ssâ—ignâ— for change of air which was about the end of Iuly I had there intelligence sent me out of Bearn that the Queen of Navarre was departed from Paâ— to go into Foix to take some order about her affairs soon after I receiv'd news that she staid at Vic Bigorre and immediately after I had another advertisement that on Wednesday night there was a Gentleman came to her from Monsieur de la Rochefoucault who had above four hours been shut up with her in her Cabinet What Peace soever had been concluded I was evermore at watch and alwayes maintain'd spies to give me an account of what they did in Bearn for I very well knew that no goodness was hatching there I had further notice given me that upon Thursday she was departed from Vic Bigorre in all haste and was gone towards Nerac as it was true for she arrived there upon Sunday morning Her arrival at this place filled many with expectation of novelty and possest the wiser sort with an opinion that the Peace would not long continue The next day I sent my Nephew de Leberon to wait upon her by whom I did humbly beseech her thâ—t her coming into these parts might turn to our advantage and produce some good effects for the better establishment of the Peace concluded assuring her upon my honor that I on my part would take such care that it should not â—e violated on the Catholicks side in answer whereunto she sent me word that she was come to Nerac to no other end but to see the Peace inviolably observ'd and to suppress any eviâ— inclinations that some of her Church might unadvisedly nourish to the perturbation of the publick quiet as very well knowing that there were some both of the one Perswasion and the other who desired nothing but war and that seeing I was so well disposed to the conservation of the publick repose I should soon see that her desire and intention was the same in concurrence to which common benefit I was only to communicate to her such things as I should hear and that she would take order concerning all things that depended upon those of her Religion Two things oblig'd me to believe that this Queen spoke from her heart although the Court was pleased to censure me for that credulity of which the first was that the King had never given her occasion to act any thing against him but on the contrary both formerly maintain'd her interest against the Pope and more lately against her own Subjects of Bearn which I conceived ought in reason to oblige her and the other the great promises which both by Letteâ—s and express Messengers she ordinarily made to the King never to be against him of which I do believe his Majesty has no less than a whole hundred to produce All which consider'd together with the near relation she has to the King what must he have been who durst have manifested a suspicion against her Had I done iâ— she would have said and have accused me to have been the cause that she had altered the good inclination she had ever had to his Majesties service Wherein she would have wanted no seconds at Court against me to load me with the Pack instead of the Saddle I am much better satisfied that she has persecuted me as she has done without any cause then that she had done it with any just pretence but the weakest alwayes goes to the walls If the King or Queen had a mind to have had me done otherwise why did they not order me to do it I should then have fear'd nothing but I must be a Propheâ— I had evermore an eye to what they did in Bearn because it is a Country very much infected with the new Religion that is crept in amongst them I know not how nor I know not who will root it out They had amongst them 't is true a pack of Godly Ministers who with all their seeming humility and pretended sanctity breath'd nothing in their Pulpits but War and Rebellion but as to the Queen of Navarre I could never have imagin'd that she would have committed such an error and have hazarded her State which the
the Italian say Fa me indivino Ti daro denari We were constrain'd to lodg at la Sauvetat St. Vensa and Aymet from whence the Enemy wese departed by reason there were no Quarters to be had from la Sauvetat till one comes to St. Foy and left Monsieur de Sauignac with his two Ensigns at Miremont because there were no Quaâ—ters for him beyond it for the Cavalry took up all and at the said Miremont there were above twenty men found hid in the houses whom they kill'd every Mothers Son and got some fifteen or sixteen horses for none of us ever stayd to alight but passed on forwards The next morning very early we marcht directly for St. Foy and I dare be bold to say that of a long time I had not seen such a Cavalry for the number as those we had with us and when we came within sight of St. Foy Messieurs de Fontenilles de Madaillan and Captain Montluc with his six companies put themselves before and marcht directly towards the Town Monsieur de Terride with his own Company and that of Monsieur de Negrepelice marcht after to sustain them Monsieur de Bellegarde Monsieur de Sainctorens and I sustein'd Monsieur de Terride and there Monsieur de Gramonts Company came up to us and Monsieur de Leberon with his five Ensigns I think the best Curtel in all our Troops could not have made more haste than they had done for they were no more than two dayes only in coming betwixt Ville-Franche de Roüergue to St. Foy. Monsieur de Lauzun and the Vicount his Son were come up to us in the morning with some Gentlemen only for I think their Companies were in the Camp and both of them assur'd us that Monsieur de Pilles had eighteen hundred Horse three or four hundred of which were well mounted and in very good equipage and order the rest were Harquebuzeers on Horse-back and very ill hors'd The Chevalier then alighted and taking an hundred Harquebuzeers put himself right before the Town the rest followed him and Messieurs de Fontenilles de Madaillan and Captain Montluc after when so soon as they approacht the Gate fifteen or twenty Harquebuzeers sallied out to skirmish The Knight pressed still forwards notwithstanding and those of the Enemy retir'd and shut themselves again within the Town Monsieur de Pilles had all night long been passing his men over the Dordogne in great hurry and disorder and himself at Sun-rise passing over also had left these fifteen or twenty Harquebuzeers in the Town to amuze us and a great Boat and a lesser to bring them over also for there were no more but these left behind who so soon as they were retreated into the Town ran presently to the Boats and passed over in an instant so that at the same time the Chevalier came to the Bank of the River having passed thorough the Town where he saw no body but women they landed on the other side This is the truth of all that passed upon this occasion wherein I have been necessitated to give so precise and particular an account of this action as may perhaps seem tedious to the Reader forasmuch as I have been told that some reported to the King the Queen and the Monsieur that it only stuck at me we did not fight with Pilles but whoever will have the patience to read this Narration will see the truth of all as it passed by the testimony of all the Captains who were present upon the place of which two only namely Messieurs de Terride and de Bellegarde are dead and by that it will appear whether I was in fault or no neither in truth can I justly tax or lay the blame upon any one but only the ill wayes that Monsieur de Savignacs Company met withal for as to the said Sieurs de Terride and de Bellegarde they govern'd themselves more by the rule of War than that they were hindred by any want of good will they had to the cause or any want of courage and desire they had to be at the fight Monsieur de Chemeraut who had brought me letters from the Monsieur was privy to all my dispatches for he would make one and to that end entreated me to furnish him with horse and arms which I did and of fifteen dayes never left me I am confident that he will always bear me witness that every Title I have writ of this Action â—s litterally true and that he was as glad of the occasion of being there as any one of the Army whatever hoping to have carried the Monsieur better news than he did Such as are men of judgment in matters of War have often found by experience how hard a thing it is to fasten a Battel upon a man that has no mind to fight espâ—cially an old Soldier and a circumspect Commander as the Sieur de Pilles was who I think was by much the best none excepted the Hugonots had He knew he should gain nothing by us but blows which made him that he would not long abide in those parts Two dayes after we came into St. Foy Monsieur de Terridde received a Commission his Majesty sent him to go into Bearn and departed from me A Command wherewith he was highly pleased as I also was out of the affection I bore unto him and moreover I had an opinion that affairs would better succeed Monsieur de Bellegarde left me also carrying away his own Company and Monsieur de Sâ—vignac's ten Ensigns along with him as Monsieur de Terride carried away his and that of Monsieur de Negrepelice Monsieur de Sainctorens and I remain'd behind The Knight my Son went with his ten Ensigns straight into Limousin to joyn with the Monsieurs Army and five dayes after the Monsieur won the Battel of Iarnac in which the Prince of Condé was slain Many have thought that that his death has prolong'd our Wars but I for my part am of opinion that had he liv'd we should have seen our affairs in a far worse condition For a Prince of the Blood as he was having already so great a Party of the Hugonots would have had much more credit and authority amongst them than the Admiral This unfortunate Prince lov'd his Country and had compassion for the people I was long conversant with him which had like to have been my ruine I ever found him an affable and a generous Prince but he lost his life in Battel maintaining a quarrel that was unjust in the sight of God and man It was great pitty for had he been elsewhere employed he might have been serviceable to the Kingdom The unadvised Peace that some perswaded King Henry to make has been the cause of all these mischiefs we have seen for to have so many Princes of the blood and so many others of the same Nation and to keep them unemployed in some forreign War is very ill advis'd We must either fight
upon one of my paps so that I was constrain'd to have it launc'd in two places and to put in two tents which made my breast so soar that I was hardly able to endure my shirt but the fury of the dolor being a little asswag'd and the Fever occasion'd by it a little over I put my self upon my way though I was able to ride no more than three leagues a day at the most and that with intolerable pain Such as shall please to read my life may take notice with how many sorts of maladies I have been aflicted and yet notwithstanding I have never been idle or resty to the commands of my Masters or negligent in my charge 'T is unbecoming a Soldier to lye grunting a Bed for a little sickness Now you must know that neither the King nor the Queen had writ to me that I was to obey the Mareschal neither did he in his own Letter take upon him to command me nevertheless out of respect of the friendship I bore unto him and the affection that of my own voluntary inclination I had vow'd to him all the dayes of my life I went of my own accord to offer my obedience to him and to make him a tender of all the service lay in my power in reference to his own particular person I found him in a little feverish distemper and stai'd two dayes with him at Tholouze and there I was at that time better accompanied than he for I had no less than threescore or threescore and ten Gentlemen in my Train We concluded together that I should return to Agen there to assemble the Estates of the Province to see how many men the Country was able to furnish out and maintain for the prosecution of the War I assur'd him that Guienne would furnish money to pay a thousand or twelve hundred Harquebuzeers alwayes provided that when he should have won a Town in Languedoc he would come to attaque annother in Guienne which I also engaged to them in the Mareschal's behalf that he should do but I reckon'd without mine Host. I immediatley however set afoot the Companies of a thousand Harquebuzeers and made choice of the best Captains that were then in the Country to command them The Estates gave the charge of receiving the money to de Naux one of the House of Nort of Agen and we concluded to be ready the first of August to take the field Two or three moneths were passed over in these transactions during which Monsieur de Terride was still at the Leaguer he had laid before Navarreins and for my part I gave the Town for taken for we had still news that no more provision was enter'd into it and that they began to suffer On the other side I consider'd that all the Forces the Count de Mont-gommery had brought with him were but threescore and ten Horse and that he had no other Forces but only those of the Vicomptes which I did not much apprehend forasmuch as with a very few men I had kept them in such aw that they had not dar'd to stir In Quercy Monsieur de la Chappelle Lozieres made head against them in Rovergue Monsieur de Cornusson and his Sons and Monsieur de St. Vensa did the same as also Monsieur de Bellegarde on that side towards Tholouze in brief they were held so short as nothing more I then consider'd that we had several Companies of Gens-d'arms in the Country so that I never imagin'd Montgommery could gather together a power sufficient to â—elieve Navarreins for he must of necessity cross the River at Verdun where in two dayes I should be upon the Pass to oppose him and I had so good Spies that I was very sure to be immediately advertis'd should he come to Montauban or offer to pass where he did which was at St. Gaudens I again consider'd that in that Quarter there were seven or eight Companies of Gens-d'arms which were those of the two Bellegardes d' Arne de Gramont de Sarlebous that of the Count de Candalle and of Monsieur de Lauzun and the ten Companies of Monsieur de Savignac so that all the Earth could never have made it sink into my head that the Count de Montgommery should come to relieve Bearn Thus do men sometimes deceive themselves with reasons for I made account his coming into those parts had been only to defend those places they possessed in the Provinces of Languedoc and Guienne and also I heard the Vicompts refus'd to obey one another which made me rather think he came to moderate that affair than for any thing of Bearn and in truth there was greater likelihood in it but the Hugonots have ever had that quality to conceal their designs better than we They are a people that very rarely discover their counsels and that 's the reason why their Enterprizes seldom fail of taking effect The Count de Montgommery also herein manifested himself to be a circumspect and prudent Captain It was he who was the occasion of the greatest mishap that these five hundred years has befall'n this poor Kingdom for he kill'd King Henry my good Master in the flower of his age running against him in Lists and this man was the ruine of Guienne by setting the Hugonots again on foot as shall be declar'd in its due place You who are the Kings Lieutenants upon whose care the whole Province does rely consider the oversight that I have committed and not I alone but some far better than I upon this coming of the Count de Montgommery look better about you when you shall happen to be in the like occasion and ever suspect the worst that you may provide better against such inconveniencies than we did The Mareschal d'Anville very well knows that when we were together at Tholouze we were generally of opinion that the Count was not come for the end that he afterwards discovered We had very good arguments to excuse this error especially I as the following discourse will make appear to such as have a mind to be further satisfied in that particular but this man although a stranger and in a Country where he had never been before made it seen that he had very good friends there and perhaps amongst us our selves the Hugonots have ever been more cautelous and subtile than we I must confess that of all the oversights have ever been committed in all our wars this was the greatest I know it has been variously descaâ—ted upon and that the Queen of Navarre set people on to raise strange reports but I know also that I was not in fault and I am sure Monsieur d' Anville is so good a servant to the Crown that he can say as much for himself as I. At my departure from Tholouze I had some private conference with two of the principal Capitouls of the City where I gave them many things in charge to deliver to the body of their Corporation concerning the carrying
into the Field I am confident that had he come to speak with me he had not fall'n into the misfortune which cost him both his honor and his life For my part so oft as I have call'd this action to remembrance I have ever lookt upon it as a meer Judgment of God For to raise a Siege against equal Forces to conquer and force a Town and to take the Kings Lieutenant in a sufficient place in three dayes time as it were in the sight of a Mareschal of France and a Lieutenant of the Kings as I was and in short in three dayes to conquer a whole Province seems to be a Dream It must needs be confest that in all our Warrs there was never perform'd a more notable exploit But who Fellow Captains obâ—ein'd this glory for the Count de Montgommery truly no other but his own diligence which was such as scarce gave leisure to Monsieur de Terride to look before him and consider what he had to do It is one of the best pieces in a Soldiers Harness And what lost Monsieur de Terride the little diligence he employ'd in his most pressing concern For my part I did what lay in me to do for to enter further into a Countâ—y without first knowing from him in what posture it stood and to fight a victorious Enemy without sufficient Forces and with a baâ—â—ed Army I was not so ill advis'd as to shuffle all things into confusion only to bear him company in his ruine I had been too long possessed of the honor of having never been defeated to hazard my reputation for the relief of a man who would throw himself away in despite of all the world Let no one wonder that I insist so long upon this subject for I believe that from this one faâ—lâ— which many ill enform'd have indiscreetly and unjustly laid to my charge the ruine not only of Guienne but moreover of the whole Kingdom since has been deriv'd I am assur'd that the affairs of the Hugonots had otherwise been reduc'd to such an extremity that it had been impossible ever to have repair'd them again For in the first place had the Mareschal and I follow'd him there is no doubt but Montgommery had been defeated and consequently all Bearn reduc'd which had been no contemptible thing and I think the King would then have been betâ—er advis'd than to have surrendred it upon the accommodation having â—nough besides wherewith to recompence the Queen of Navarre within the Kingdom to keep her more in his obedience For a King ought alwayes to covet that those who aâ—e his Subjects if they be great and powerful should be in the heart and not in the extremities of his Kingdom for then they dare not shew their horns And besides the King wanted no good title to Bearn for it is said that the Soveraignty of right belongs to him I once heard Monsieur de Lagebaston the first President of Bourdeaux lay open that tiâ—le who said he had seen the Evidences thereof in the Constablery of Bourdeaux but I have nothing to do to revive that antiquated quarrel He told us also that at the time when they began to fortifie Navarreins the Court of Parliament sent to King Francis to remonstrate to him how much it imported his Crown to hinder that Fortification but the King sent them word that he was not offended at it which was ill advis'd of the King for a Prince ought as much as in him lies to hinder neighbouring Forâ—resses and had it not been for this all the whole Province had been his But 't is done and past and there is now no remedy For to a done thing the Council is already taken Besides all this had Montgommery been defeated the Admiral who in the interim lost the Battel of Moncontour would have been at his wiâ—s end and not have known to what Saint to devote himself I think he would have been wiser than to have engag'd himself in Gâ—ienne where he would easily have been defeated the relicks of his Army being in a very poor and forlorn condition wâ—thout Bâ—ggage their horses unshod and without a penny of money And it was well for him that he came to throw himself into the armes of the Count de Montgommery who set him up again supplying him with money that he had gain'd at the Sack of divers Cities insomuch that the said Admiral had the commodity of â—raversing the whole Kingdom whilest the King amuz'd himself at the Siege of St. Iean in the heart of Winter which was very unadvisedly done but God opens and shâ—ts our eyes when it pleases him Let us now return to our Subject Peradventure there may be some who would have been glad I should have writ more at large after what manner Monsieur de Terride was defeated which I would not do for I have heard that Of ill flesh a man can never make good Pottage I leave that to those who were present at the business and who gave me relation of it and to the Historians who talk of all the world and very often unseasonably and from the purpose like ignorant fellows in feaâ—s of Arms as they are These postings to and fro betwixt Monsieur de Terride and me continued three whole dayes after which Montgommery came to attaque him After his defeat I remain'd aâ— St. Sever until such time as he was taken in the Castle of Orthez and afterwards retir'd to Aire where I staid nine dayes after the taking of the said Sieur de Terride sending the Mareschal an account of all that had passed and again solliciting him withal to come up to us To which by way of answer he demanded of me to what end he should come or what his coming would signifie Monsieur de Terride being defeated and taken Which made me dispaâ—ch away Monsieur de Leberon to remonstrate to him that in case he should pass the River towards Languedoc Montgommery would infallibly fall into the Kings Country seeing there was no body to make head against him but that if he would please yet for a few dayes â—o deferre his expedition one might then see what Montgommery would do for being puft up with so glorious a Victory he would not there stâ—p the progress of his Arms. The Mareschal was contented so to do but sent me word withal that he would lose no more time than a months pay only which the City of Tholouze had given his Army but would employ the remainder in reducing the places in his Government Now to say the truth from the time of Monsieur de Terride's defeat affairs were in so strange a confusion that a man had much ado to divine what course was best to take unless the Province of Languedoc would have been contented to have paid the Mareschal's Army for the service of Guienne which however perhaps he would not have done neither indeed had he any reason to do it During the nine dayes that I stayd at
harvest in the Quarters where their Camp then lay and would cause great Artillery to be brought from Navarreins wherewith to take all the Towns upon the River Gâ—ronne to the very Gates of Bordeaux that they would attaque Agen but that they would leave that work for the last because they would fâ—â—st take Castle-geloux Bazas and all the other places on this side the Garonne as far as Bordeaux by which means and by the communication of this Bridg both the one Country and the other which are of the richest of France would be wholly at their convenience and command And all this they made account to have taken in less than fifteen dayes as they would really have done for they were absolute Masters of the field They intended also to attaque Libourne assuring themselves that in all the Cities they should find great store of provisions by which means nothing could be convey'd into Bourdeaux neither by the Garonne nor much less from the Landes making account that so the City of Bordeaux would in three moneths be reduc't to the last extremes And for my part I do not think it would have held out so long for already Corn was there at ten Livers the Sack and by sea nothing could get in by reason of Blaye The City is good and rich and a strong Town of War but situate in a barren Country so that whoever should deprive it of the Garonne and the Dordogne it would presently be reduced to famine the Inhabitants conâ—inually living from hand to mouth They had moreover determin'd to bring their Ships up the River to Blaye which they had in their hands to keep the Gallies either from coming out or going in The Vicomtes also had promised the Admiral to cause threescore thousand Sacks of Corn to be brought him upon the River Garonne which they meant to take out of Comenge and Loumaigne the most fertile Countries of all Guienne and where the greatest store of grain is there being no less than five hundred Merchants and as many Gentlemen who keep three or four years store alwayes by them in expectation of a dear year when their Corn may go off at greater rates so that they might with great ease have kept their word with the Admiral and by that means were certain to bring the King to their own bow and to make such conditions as themselves should think fit and had they once got Bourdeaux into their clutches I know not but that they might have kept it as well as Rochelle at least having Rochelle and Bordeaux both in their possession they might have boasted that they had the best and strongest Angle of the Kingdom both by Land and Sea commanding five navigable Rivers comprizing the Charante And they had once settled betwixt thâ— Rivers of I le Dordogne Lot and Garonne the King must have had four Armies at least to have compell'd them to fight and I will be bold to say they had the best Country and two of the best and most capacious Havens of the Kingdom which are those of Broüage and Bordeaux I wonder any one should be so indiscreet as to advise the King that it would be his best way to coop up the Hugonots in Guienne 'T is a dangerous piece to be depriv'd of and should the King once lose it it would be a great while in recovering But these good Counsellors do it for their own ends and to remove the War far enough from their own doors and yet we shall sell it them very dear before they have it In truth the King ought to make more reckoning of this Province to hinder the Enemy from getting footing there and not so to abandon the Country suffering others to make merry at our miserie to that degree as to ask if we yet have beds to lie in I cannot believe this word could come out of the Queens mouth for she has ever had and yet has a great many very good Servants there and those Messieurs of France that jeer at our misfortunes may have their share in time The evil is not alwayes at one door Now this was the result of the Enemies Council and it was very well design'd My Brother Monsieur de Valence will bear witness that a 〈◊〉 person who was assisting at their Councils when he thought fit gave us an account of the aforesaid deliberation which was great and I believe that had they taken a resolution to drive out all the Catholicks and to have call'd in all the Hugonots out of France into this Province which was so much despis'd when they had once made it their own they would have had possessions enow to have enricht them all and moreover all the Gentry of those parts would have been constrain'd to turn Hugonots and to take up arms for them by which means the King would afterwards have had much ado to reduce and more to reclaim them for to have made them turn again to our Religion would have â—een no easie task forasmuch as after a man is once accustomed to a thing be it good or bad he is very unwilling to leave it but God would not suffer so great a mischief both for the King and us who are his Catholick Subjects This was the advantage that accru'd by the breaking of the Bridg in the judgment of all both Friends and Enemies and I will be bold to say that of all the services I ever did for Guienne this was the most remarkable exploit which proceeded from no other thing but my resolution to go put my self into Agen for otherwise the Town had been quitted and the Admiral had come directly thither and not to Port St. Marie nor to Aguillon as he was constrain'd to do For a consultation being held at Lauserte it was there concluded that at their departure from thence they should go to quarter at Castel-Sagrat Montjoy St. Maurin and Ferussac and the next day at Agen making full account they should meet with no resistance Which had it so fall'n out the Admiral would have had elbow-room enough and betwixt two great Rivers not only have refresht his Army at great ease and in great security but moreover have made the whole Country sure to him I know very well that it was told the Admiral by two or three persons in his Army that in case it was true that I was in Agen they could never get me out but by bits and that in my life I had committed greater follies than that And there were who said that they had seen me engage my self in three or four places the strongest of which was not half so tenable as Agen and had still come off with honour These who said this might well affirm it with truth as having been with me in those places But the Admiral still maintain'd that he was confident I had not put my self into Agen with any intention to stay there but that my determination was so soon as I
the Mareschal to beseech him to write to Monsieur de Rieux to permit him to return into the Town which said Sieur de Rieux had sent back many excuses and that he could not do it whereupon seeing the Mareschal cold in their behalf and that he did not enough interest himself in their concern to cause the Gentleman to be readmitted the Catholicks had apply'd themselves to the Parliament that the Parliament had thereupon remonstrated the Citizens grievance to the Maâ—â—schal who again at their instance had writ to the said Sieur de Rieux but still to no effect which had made the people to give themselves absolutely for lost I told all this to the Sieur de Durfort not that I had included it in my instructions and much less that I gave him in Commission to tell it to the King because perhaps it might not be true but telling him that to be more certain he would do well to ask the Bishop of it and if he would give him leave from him to tell it to the King He therefore accordingly enquir'd of the Bishop touching that affair who thereupon told him the whole story after the very same manner he had related it to me and moreover told him that he would himself write to the King which he accordingly did but the said Sieur de Durfort refus'd to receive the Iâ—etter till first he had seen the Contents which he therefore shew'd him and then the said Sieur took it â—elling me that he had seen what the Bishop had writ to the King which was word for word as he had related it to me before This was all that was compriz'd in my instructions for as to any letter of Credence the said Durfort carry'd no other from me but onely what was contain'd in those instructions he telling me freely and plainly that he would never carry other Letter of Credit but only Instructions sign'd and seal'd And upon this foundation it was that the Mareschal d' Anville writ that defamatory Letter against me and had I not been withheld by the respect to those to whom he appertains and the Rank he held in the Kingdom I should have tried to have taught him how he gave the Lye without being first well enform'd of the truth I might justly have given it him forasmuch as the testimony of the King himself and the Instructions themselves would have manifested the truth but it is sufficient that the King and the Queen knew the contrary to what he had coucht in his Letter and that my conscience is absolutely clear We shall see hereafter whether he or I shall do our Master the best service He is indeed two advantages over me he is a great Lord and young and I am poor and old I am nevertheless a Gentleman and a Cavalier who have never yet suffer'd an injury nor ever will do whilst I wear a sword I am willing to believe that the forenamed Bishop at that time knew nothing of the design complotted against me but his wicked Brother came and stayd with him four or five days and during that time wrought upon him to consent to this virtuous Conspiracy of which I shall say no more for God has begun to shew his miraculous arm in my revenge and I have that consâ—â—lence in him that I hope he will not stay it there Now the Princes went the same way that I had advertiz'd the President they intended to march and executed the resolution of burning all the way they wenâ— I could wish from my heart that my intelligence had not proov'd true for I have been assur'd by several of very good credit of Tholouze that the Army of the Princes endammag'd them above a million of Livers I shall not here undertake to give an account of what they did in Languedoc for I do not pretend to meddle with other mens actions neither how well the Mareschal perform'd his duty but shall return to a Letter sent me by the King that I must go forthwith into Bearn His Majesty sent me a command that I should gather together all the Forces I was able to make and that with all possible expedition which being done that I must take Artillery from Tholouze Bayonne and Bordeaux and elsewhere where it was to be had and go to invade the Country of Bearn He writ also to the Capitouls of Tholouze to furnish me with Artillery and Ammunition but not a syllable of any money either to pay the Soldier or to defray the Equipage of the Canon and God knows whether in such Enterprizes any thing ought to be wanting An Army resembles a Clock if the least wheel or spring be wanting all the rest goes very false or stands still I therefore sent Espalanques a Bearnois to Court with ample instructions of all that was wanâ—ing and that would be necessary for me to have before I could begin to march I was constrain'd to do this by reason that the Letters his Majesty had sent me about this Expedition were so cold that it seem'd he that contriv'd them must either have no great mind to have me go thither or at least if I went should be able to do nothing to purpose or that he was an absolute Ignoramus However I took no notice of any thing at all to his Majesty but onely desir'd him to write an Express and a pressing Letter and Command to the Capitouls to lend me two pieces of Canon and one great Culverine with requisite Ammunition for which I would be responsible to them for the Artillery and Ammunition are properly their own They had already sent me word that they had no Artillery ready and much less Ammunition by reason that Monsieur de Bellegarde had spent most of their stock at Carla and at Puylaurens and that the Mareschal d'Anville had the rest at Mazeres I writ also to his Majesty that he would please to command Monsieur de Valence to cause a little money to be deliver'd to me for one Muster or at least for half a one for the Foot to buy powder for that of two years this War had lasted all the Foot that I had rais'd in those parts had had but two Musters payd them and the most of them but one and also that he would send to Monsieur de Valence to send a Treasurer along with me to defray the Artillery and whilst I waited inâ—expectation of Espalanques return I would take so good and speedy order for the rest that at his coming back he should find me ready to march These were all the demands I made to the King His answer was that he did very much wonder I should so long deferre this Expedition that he had thought I had been already in the Country that if I would proceed no otherwise than hitherto I had done in this affair he would appoint some other to undertake it and that for three years past I had done nothing to purpose These Letters were ready to break my heart and
be so ingrate as not to acknowledg my self highly oblig'd to the Kings my Masters for the benefits and honours they have conferr'd upon me who from the condition of a private Gentleman have rais'd me to the greatest Employments in the Kingdom but I can also say that I purchased those honours at the price of my blood Now you must know that having recover'd a little and finding my self something better of my wound I writ a Letter to the King which I have thought fit to insert in this place of which these were the Contents SIR I Have thus long deâ—eâ—r'd to prefer my Complaints both by reason of the great indisposition upon me and also because my friends were long before they would let me know of your Majesties unkindness in taking from me the Government of Guienne Had your Majesty pleased to have had but two months patience only you would have found that so soon as I had settled the Country in peace I was resolv'd most humbly to beseech your Majesty to provide for the Government by reason of my age and the great wouâ—d I have receiv'd and then without disgracing me your Majesty had had sufficient argument to have deputed another in my place But by the manner of doing it your Majesty has evidently manifested to all the world that you have stript me of it for some forfeiture of mine either as to matter of arms or for some foul play I have practised upon your Majesties Treasure by which means my honour is like to be brought into dispute throughout the whole Kingdom which I cannot think I have deserv'd and therefore am very much at a stand as many others will be to guess from whence the great distaste your Majestie declares to have taken against me should proceed unless out of the little hopes I had to be for the future serviceable to you for having often importun'd your Majestie to make choice of some other in my stead and as to that your Majestie has since commanded me to reassume my former Authority and to continue my administration Neither can it be upon any jealousie your Majestie can have entertein'd that I have embezell'd your Majesties Treasure for you would never have punisht me for a crime whereof you could not as yet be assur'd that I was guilty and I have that confidence in your Majestie 's bounty and wisdom that you would not easily have given credit to reports so remote from all probability for in the time that I have been your Majesties Lieutenant in these parts several Commissiâ—ners in Extraordinary and several of your Receivers General with other Officers of your Majesties Exchequer have made their Accounts and had I been found in any of their Papers I have friends at Court that would not have fail'd to have set a mark upon such places where my name was any way concern'd But hitherto I have not been put to any distress in proving their accounts forasmuch as it cannot be found that I have ever taken upon me to touch one penny of your Majesties money not only in this your own Province but also at Sienna and in Tuscany where I had much greater conveniency of doing it than I could have here And your Majestie may particularly please to remember that having done me the honor for three years last past to order the pension of six thousand Livers a year I pay to the Cardinal of Guise should be discharg'd out of the Exchequer I was so far from meddling with your Majesties money without your leave that I would never make use of that assignment And of all this your Majesty may be fully satisfied at the 〈◊〉 of the Commissioners you have sent into these parts who I am very certain will not bring back my name in any of their accounts or if they should there would yet be nothing prov'd against me and therefore it cannot be imagin'd that your Majestie should be dissatisfied with me upon that account If peradventure your Majesties displeasure should proceed from a belief that I have committed some fault in point of arms this opinion would also be very contrary to that your Majesty had of me at the time when you were pleased three or four times to write me word that I was the Restorer of Guienne and I assure my self your Majesty has not forgot the reasons why you were pleased to grace me with that honorable Title but will I hope please to remember that it was because in the first Commotions at Tholouze the City having been disputed for three dayes together and in that dispute two Thirds of the City wâ—n by the Rebels was at my coming deliver'd the Assailants at the sight of me only put to rout and many of them taken and punisht according to their desert insomuch that to this day the Inhabitants of the said City look upon me as the Conservator of their lives and estates and the honor of their Wives With like diligence and good fortune the City of Bâ—rd aux to which I went in two dayes and two nights from Tholouze and where by the way I fought with and routed the Forces that were gather'd together to hinder my passage was by me immediately reliev'd Having rescued Bordeaux from the same danger that I had before Tholouze without staying longer than two dayes there I crost the River with sixscore Horse believing that Monsieur de Burie would come up to me as indeed he did but it was four hours after the fight where he found that I had defeated six Ensigns of Foot and seven Corneâ—s of Horse commanded by Monsieur de Duras And after this victory the said Sieur de Burie and I went to besiege Mont-segur which was batter'd and taken by assault as was also Penne of Agenois I after this in two daies took Lectâ—ure by reason that the late Captain Montluc had surpriz'd four hundred men of the Garrison of the said City whom he had put all of them to the sword and immediately without resting day or night I pursued Monsieur de Duras so close that I compell'd him to sight before our Foot could come up to us nay I scarcely gave leisure to Monsieur de Burie to come time enough to be present at the Engagement where we succeeded so well that a handful of men defeated three and twenty Ensigns of Foot and thirteen Corners of Horse After which I sent your Majesty ten Companies of Spanish Foot of which we had made very little use but that did good service at the Battel of Dreux as also did â—en Companies of Gascons which I sent your Majesty by Captain Charry and your Province of Guienne remain'd quiet and clear from all troubles not a man daring to lift up his head but for your Majesties service so that with good and just cause your Majestie conferr'd upon me the Title of Conservator of Guienne As to the second Troubles I had long before sufficiently advertiz'd your Majesty and the Queen your Royal
by these fine Edicts I shall not meddle with the corruption of your Courts of Judicature nor the abuses in your Treasure I only beg leave to say something concerning the ordering of your Militia for should I plunge my self further into what has caused the ruine of your Kingdom I should be forced to speak too loud and that of no little ones I know Sir very well that your Majesty will not do me the honor to read my Book you have other employment and your time is too precious to be lavisht in reading the life of a Soldier but perhaps some one who shall have read it in discourse may give your Majesty some account of what it contains For which reason I have assum'd the boldness to direct this short discourse I am about to make to your Majesties observation and I beseech you take a little notice of it forasmuch as therein are laid open the causes of those disasters I have seen happen in our Kingdom within these fifty years in the beginning of which I first took up arms in the Reign of your Grandfather King Francis of blessed memory during whose Reign a Custom was introduced which I conceive to be very prejudicial to your State Your Majesty may alter it and in so doing do a great right to your self and your Kingdom as to the concern of arms A young Prince as you are for birth the greatest and the first of Christendom ought evermore to learn of old Captains Your Majesty is naturally martial and have a generoâ—s heart and therefore will not I hope disdain the advice of an old Soldier your Subject and Servant I remember the time when your Majesty took a delight to talk with me in private then when you went your Expedition to Bayonne and then very well perceiv'd that your discourse exceeded the capacity of your age and â—o such a degree that I dare be bold to say might your Majesty have had your own way all things had succeeded a great deal better for though you had done nothing but only shewed your self and have let your people see that you was in person in your Army you had at least gain'd the hearts of many and astonisht the rest and consequently had without dispute been much better serv'd in this your Majesties maturer Age. I do believe it was one of the greatest errors they made you commit for it was not your Majesties fault that you was shut up when your Aâ—mies marcht The people of your Kingdom are a good and an affectionate people and rejoyce to see their King so that your presence would have inspir'd a great many and particularly of our Country of Guienne with wiser and more loyal Councils than some of them have since embrac 't But I proceed to my discourse Sir when your Majestie conferres the place of a President a Chancellor a Lieutenant Criminal or any other Office of Judicature upon any one it is evermore with this reservation that they shall not execute any of these Charges till first they shall be examin'd by your Parliaments which are full of wiâ—e and learned men and oftentimes your Majâ—stie gives order that they shall first be examin'd by your Chancellor before they present themselves before the Parliaments which are to determine of their Capacities and whether or no they be sufficiently read in the Law not to be in danger of erring in the Arrests and Judgments they are to make in their Administrations that so right may be done to those of your Subjects to whom it sâ—all duly appertein This Sir is a good and an equitable way of proceeding for you owe us Justice impartial and according to the weight of the Ballance 'T is a right to which we are born and the chief thing you owe indifferently to all and therefore it is admirably well done to make them pass those strict and severe Inquisitions that are requir'd in the Chambers of your Parliaments assembled Yet can it not be ordered so that Justice in all things is alwaies duly executed You ought Sir to do the same in all other Offices and Commands you confer in your Kingdom and yet I see that the first that makes suit to your Majestie for the Government of a place a Company of Gens-d'arms or of Foot or the Office of a Camp-master without considering what loss or detriment may thereby ensue either to your own person or your Kingdom you easily grant it perhaps at the recommendation of the first Lady that speaks for it and that perhaps your Majesty has danced with over night at a Ball for whatsoever affairs are on foot the Ball must trot Sir these Ladies have too much credit in your Court O how many mischiefs have and do daily arise from having so lightly conferr'd these Commands And although your Majesties proceeding be prudent and just in exposing your Officers of the long Robe to the utmost test it is not however of so great importance to your State For what loss can you sustain if they be ignorant it falls not upon you for he that gains the Tryal though contrary to Law and right pays you the same duties that he did who is nonsuited in his cause by which means you lose nothing of your Revenue it is still in the Kingdom and what imports it to you whether Iohn or Peter be Lord of such or such a Mannor so long as you have your Fee-farm rents still duly paid you We are all your Subject But the error and ignorance of Governors and Captains who obtein Places and Commands with great case at the first word of the first that asks is infinitely prejudicial to your Kingdom and herein I am very confident all the great Captains and men of honor that are zealous for your service will be of my opinion If your Majesty give the Government of a Place to a man of no experience and who has never been in such a Command before see what will follow First it is an old saying that When the eye sees what before it never saw the heart thinks that which before it never thought If therefore a Siege be clapt down before him how is it to be expected that he should disengage himself how is it possible he should understand and discover the designs of the Enemy on what part they can or will assault him which there is a way to do without a Spy as I have made it to appear by what I did at Sienna How should he know how to fortifie and secure himself and in short do a thousand and a thousand things that will be necessary to be done if he have never before been engag'd in such affairs Such as have been ten times besieg'd are apt enough to be startled at it and oftentimes so astonisht that they know not where they are Now when your Majesty hears that your place is going to be beleaguer'd you will presently fall to raising an Armie as you have good reason to do not daring to rely upon
set down but I leave those to the Historians who are able to give a better account of them than I and will now present your Majesty with some of my own Kâ—ng Francis your Grandfather laid Siege to Pavie where I was he found within it Aâ—tonio de Levâ— a Spaniard and a man that by a long practice in arms had gain'd as great expâ—rience as any other Captain that has been these hundred years He had within but three Ensigns of Italians and three thousand German Foot His Majesty hâ—ld him above seven months beâ—ieg'd in which time he had given several assaulâ—s though the place was not very strong but this Captain by his industrie and valour supply'd all other deâ—â—â—â—s and defended it so long that he gave Monsieur de Bourbon time to go fetch relief 〈◊〉 of Germâ—ny and come and sight a Battel with the King which he won and took the King prisoner and had the said Sieur de Bourbon in the heat of this victory turn'd his Forces towards France I know not how matters would have gone and all these successes beâ—el the Emperor for havâ—ng made choice of this old Warriour who put a stop to our Kings fortune Of recent memory the valiant Duke of Guise put a shameful baffle upon the Emperor Charles at Metz whom he constrain'd ignominiously to raise his Siege whereupâ—n his grâ—at Army vanâ—sht into nothing through the sole virtue of the Chief that oppos'd him And again in these late Commotions his Son the Duke of Guise that nâ—w is has preserv'd Poictieres a great City without a Fortress which had it been taken by the Admiral he had commanded all Poictau and Xaintonge to the very Gates of Bordeaâ—â— wherein the virtue of this young Prince very much reliev'd your Majesties affairs and was signally serviceable to the whole Kingdom In like manner your Majestiâ—s Victory at Moncontoâ—r was demurr'd by the choice your Enemies made of Captain Pilles left in St. Iean where the valour of this Chief who very well understood how to defend his Post set the Plugonot affairs again on foot who by that means had leisure to steal away and to come to fall upon us in Guienne I have been told that he was well assisted by a Captain a very brave Soldier call'd la Mote Puiols but had they let me alone at the Battel of Vâ—r I had taken order with him for ever making war against you more for I had my sword at his throat when some body I know not who pull'd him away from me and sav'd him If the Admiral was upon his confession he would not dâ—ny but that my sole person hindred him from attacquing Agen which is no tenable place doubt not then Sir but that the valour of one single man is able to give a stop to a torrent of success Your Kingdom is the best peopled of any Kingdom in the world and you are rich in great and faithful Captains if you please to employ them and not take in such as are incapable of command Charles the Emperor as I have oft been told made his boasts that he had better Commanders than the late King Francis and in truth he had very good ones but ours were nothing inferior to them You have choice enough Sir to put into your Frontier places Do but consider of how great moment was the loss of Fontarabie through the little experience of Captain Franget and how dear the loss of Bullen cost your Father through the little experience of the Siâ—ur de Vervins who was Governor there And on the contrary you may Sir please to remember for I am certain you have heard it what honour and advantage acâ—râ—'d from the election your Royal Father my good Master made of that old Cavalier Monsieur de Sansac who so long sustein'd the Siege at Miranda and the choice he was pleased to make of my poor person for the defence of Sienna which was honourable to the French name The security of a place Sir depends upon the Chief who may make every one to fight so much as the very Children which will make an Enemy very unwilling to attacque him Behold then Sir how much it imports your State your People and your own Honour for it will evermore be said and recorded to posterity that it was Charles the Ninth who lost such and such a place from which Fame God defend you It shall live in history for ever and all the good and evil that befals you in your Reign shall be recorded and the evil rather than the good Be then Sir circumspect and consider of it thrice before you deliver to any one the defence of a place and do not think it sufficient that the man is valiant he must also be a man of experience As to what concerns a Captain of Gens-d'arms you make no more of creating him at the request of the first that recommends him to you than you would do of a Searjeant of the Chasteler of Paris who afterwards coming to be present at a Battel you shall give him such a Post to make good where the poor man not knowing how to take his advantage either through want of courage or conduct shall make you lose this Post and by that means not only encourage the Enemy to save the day but shall moreover discourage your own people for four running Cowards are sufficient to draw all the rest after them even the Leaders themselves And although they be bâ—ave enough in their own persons and would maâ—e head yet if they know not how to command nor understand which way to play the â—â—st of their Game all will run into confusion for that it at that moment depends whâ—lly upon him and not upon the General who cannot have his eye in all places at once and in the noise and confusion of a Battel it is impossible he should provide for all things â—e then who has the Charge of a Post or the Command of a Wing if he want experience and have never before been engag'd in such affairs how is it possible to be expected that he should either command or execute And here 's a Battel lost and your own pâ—rsâ—n if you are there either kill'd or taken for I have never heard of any King of France that ever ran away Neither is any better to be expected in any other Enterprize that shall be committed to the execution of such a man Take heed then Sir to whom you give your Companies of Gens-d'arms 't is â—it that the young ones should be Apprentiâ—â—s and lâ—arn of the old I know very well that Princes are to be excepted from this Rule who have ordinarily brave Lieutenants who in effect are the Chiefs for the said young Princes in their own persons are not usually there Your Majestie has also Mareschaux de Camp and Camp-Masters both of Horse and Foot both of them employments of great importance for they are to discover
Extraction than the Sons of poor labouring men who have liv'd and died in a reputation as great and high as they had been the Sons of Lords through their own virtue and the esteem the Kings and their Lieutenants had of them When my Son Marc Anthony was carried dead to Rome the Pope and all the Cardinals the Senate and all the People of Rome payd as much honor to his Hearse as if he had been a Prince of the blood And what was the cause of all this but only his own Valour my Reputation and my King who had made me what I was So that the name of Marc Anthony is again to be found in the Roman Annals When I first entred into Arms out of my Page-ship in the House of Lorrain there was no other discourse but of the great Gonsalvo call'd the great Captain How great an honor was it to him which also will last for ever to be crown'd with so many Victories I have heard it told that King Lewis and King Ferdinand being together I know not at what place but it was somewhere where they had appointed an Interview these two great Princes being sat at Table together our King entreated the King of Spain to give leave that Gonsalvo might dine with them which he accordingly did whilst men of far greater quality than he stood waiting by So considerable had the King his Masters favour and his own valour made him This was the honor he receiv'd from the King of France who in recompence for his having depriv'd him of the Kingdom of Naples put a weighty Chain of Gold about his neck I have heard Monsieur de Lautrec say that he never took so much delight in looking upon any man as upon that same O how fair an Exemple is this for those who intend to advance themselves by Arms When I went the second time into Italy as I passed through the Streets of Rome every one ran to the windows to see him that had defended Sienna which was a greater satisfaction to me than all the Riches of the Earth I could produce several Exemples of French men of very mean Extraction who have by Arms arriv'd at very great Preferments but out of respect to their Posteritie I shall forbear but it was the bounty of their Kings that so advanc'd them for the recompence of their brave services It is then just that we confess we could be nothing without their bountie and favour if we serve them 't is out of obedience to the Commandment of God and we ought not to try to obtein rewards by importunities and reproaches and if any one be ill rewarded the fault is not in our Kings but in them who are about them that do not acquaint them who have serv'd well or ill for there are many of both sorts to the end that his Majesties largess should be rightly placed And there is nothing that goes so much to the heart of a brave and loyal Subject as to see the King heap honors and rewards upon such as have serv'd him ill I am sure it is that that has vext me more than any disappointment of my own I have often heard some men say the King or the Queen have done this and that for such a one why should they not do as much for me The King has pardoned such a one such an offence why does he not also pardon me I know also that their Majesties have said They will no more commit such over-sights we must wink at this one fault but it was the next day to begin the same again However a man ought never to stomack any thing from his Prince The honor of such men lies in a very contemptible place since they more value a reward or a benefit than their own reputation or renown and are so ready to take snuff if they fail of their expectation And moreover as I have already said they are commonly men that have never strook three strokes with sword and yet will vapour what dangers they have passed and what hardships they have endur'd If a man should strip them naked one might see many a proper fellow that has not so much as one fear in all his body Such men if they have born arms any while are very fortunate and at the day of Judgment if they go into Paradise will carry all their blood along with them without having lost one dram of their own or having shed one drop of any others here upon earth Others I have heard and of all sorts of men even to the meanest complain that they have serv'd the King four five or six years and notwithstanding have not been able to get above three or four thousand Livers yearly Rent poor men they are sore hurt I speak not of the Soldiers only but of all other conditions of men his Majestie makes use of I have heard my Father who was an old man and others older than he report that it was a common saying at Court and throughout the whole Kingdom in the Reign of Lewis the Twelfth Chastillon Bourdillon Galliot Bonneval Governent le sang Royal. and yet I dare be bold to say that all these four Lords who govern'd two Kings put them all together never got ten thousand Livers yearly Revenue I have formerly said as much to the Mareschal de Bourdillon who thereupon return'd me answer that his Predecessor was so far from getting 3000 Livers a year that he sold 1500 and left his Family very necessitous Should any one ask the Admiral to shew what his Predecessor who govern'd all got by his favour I durst lay a good wager he could not produce 2000 Livers yearly Revenue As for Galliot he liv'd a great while after the others and he peradventure might in that long time take together three or four thousand Livers a year For what concerns Bonneval Monsieur de Bonneval that now is and Monsieur de Biron are his Heirs and I believe they can boast of no great Estates O happy Kings that had such Servants 'T is easie to discern that these men serv'd their Masters out of the love and affection they bore to their persons and the Crown and not upon the account of reward and I have heard that they evermore rather begg'd for the King 's own Domestick Servants than for themselves They are gone down to their Graves with honor and their Successors are not nevertheless in want Since I have spoken of others I will now say something of my felf Some perhaps after I am dead will talk of me as I talk of others I confess that I am very much oblig'd to the Kings I have serv'd especially to Henry my good Master as I have often said before and I had now been no more than a private Gentleman had it not been for their bounty and the opportunities they gave me to acquire that reputation I have in the world which I value above all the treasure the Earth contains having
Admiral at first having the design that I afterwards saw they had For had all the Hugonots the next day resolv'd with the great ones of their Faction it had been easie for them to have retir'd from Paris and to have put themselves into some place of safety But they were blinded and God depriv'd them of their understandings I shall not here take upon me to determine whether this proceeding was good or evil for there is a great deal to be said on both sides and besides it were now to no purpose for it would do no good Those that follow after us may speak to better effect and without fear For the Writers of this Age dare not speak out but mince the matter for my part I had rather hold my peace and say nothing Though I had at this time no other Command than that of my own House and Family yet was the Queen pleased to do me the honor to write to me and to send me word that there was a dangerous Conspiracy discover'd against the King and his Crown which had been the occasion of that which had hapned I know very well what I thought 't is a dangerous thing to offend ones Master The King never forgot the time when the Admiral made him go faster than an amble betwixt Meaux and Paris We lose our understanding when we come to the pinch of affairs and never consider that Kings have greaâ—er stomacks than we to resent an injury and that they are apter to forget services than offences But let us talk of something else this will be sufficiently canvased by others who will be better able to undertake it than I. All the King and Queens care was how to take Rochelle the only refuge of the Hugonots God knows whether I did not send the Queen my advice touching this affair At the Voyage of Bayonne and afterwards at her coming into Xaintonge I had proposed it to her to make her self Mistress of it without noise or breeding the least disturbance and by what I gather'd from Monsieur de Iarnac to whom I discover'd my self a little and not too much I think there would have been very little difficulty in the business She was evermore afraid of renewing the War but for so delicate a morsel one would not have been nice of breaking the â—ast It might have been done and afterwards it had been to much purpose for them to have complain'd There would have been wayes enow found out to have appeas'd the people for what could any one have said if the King would have built a Ciâ—adel in his own City But it is now too late to repent that oversight This City has furnisht the Hugonots with means to renew the Wars and will still do it if the King does not take it from them to which end nothing should be omitted For thorough the conveniencie of this City they manage the intelligences they have in England and Germany and take great prizes upon the Sea with which they maintain the War They moreover keep the Isles from whence they extract a Mass of money by reason of the Salt The Queen shall pardon me if she please she then committed a very great error and moreover another since not to supply us with means to execute her Command then when she sent us to besiege it For Rochelle at that time was not the same that it is now and I think I should have frighted them And now behold all the world before Rochelle and I also was invited to the Feast amongst the rest So God help me when I took the resolution to go thither I made full account there to end my dayes and to lay my bones before the Town Being come thither I was astonisht to see so many men so many minds for they were strangely divided in their inclinations and a great many there were who would have been sorry the Town should have been taken The Siege was great and long and many handsome actions were there perform'd but well assaulted better defended I shall not take upon me to give the Narrative of the particularities of this Siege for I was no more than a private person and I will speak ill of no one The Monsieur that commanded in chief at this Siege and has since been King knows very well that having done me the honor to talk with me and to ask my advice I told him frankly what I thought By this Leaguer all men who were present at it and those who come after us may judg that places of such importance are either to be taken by famine blocking them up or foot by foot with time and patience There was here a great fault committed in hazarding so many men in Assaults and another greater in keeping so ill watch that supplies of powder came in by Sea as they continually did but to tell you my opinion which was also that of a great many others they had been our own in spite of the best they could have done for their defence and must have come out to us with Ropes about their necks for the Succours the Count de Montgommery brought them were retir'd and we were upon the point to grapple with them for they were reduced to the last necessity of all things But at the same time Monsieur de Valence my Brother was in Poland to labour the Monsieurs election to that Kingdom as he did And I think the glory of that business is due to him but it was also the cause that every one thought of entring into Capitulation with the Rochellors as at last they did The Deputies of Poland there came to salute the Monsieur for their King and every one retir'd to prepare himself to see the Solemnity of this new Crown so that after having lost a vast number of men at this Siege we left the Rochellors still in possession of their City It seem'd by some words the Monsieur cast out at his departure that he was not very well satisfied with this new Kingdom for my part I think it was a great honor both to him and to us all that so remote a Kingdom should come to seek a King in ours Monsieur de Valence my Brother got a great deal of honor in this Negotiation and his Orations are very fine I make no doubt but he will insert them in his History During these unhappy Wars and this Siege where I lost several of my Kindred and Friends the Admiral de Villars who was the Kings Lieutenant in Guienne did in my opinion the best he could and in truth there was not much to do for the Hugonots were squandred here and there like a Covey of flown Partridges But having taken a little heart by the length of this Siege they made some attempts which made me for my last misfortune to lose my Son Fabian Signieur de Montesquien who in forcing a Barricado at Noguarol receiv'd a Harquebuze shot whereof he died Although he was my
Son I must needs give him this testimony that he was loyal and brave and I verily believ'd that the sorrow for his death would have ended my dayes but God gave me courage to bear my loss not with that patience I should have done but as well as I could In the mean time all France was full of Triumphs to honor the departure of the new King of Poland whilst I remain'd at my own house without other company than my own sorrows saving that sometimes I was visited by my friends and the Gentlemen of the Country The King about this time made a new removal which was very prejudicial to the Province of Guienne Those who follow after us will learn to be wise by the oversights of others and the error that his Majesty here committed was that he divided the Government of Gvienne into two parts wherein he gave all on this side the Garonne towards Gascony to Monsieur de la Valette and that on the other side to Monsieur de Losse This was a very great mistake in the Kings Council and more especially in the Queen who would again divide it into three parts to give one to Monsieur de Gramont 'T was pitty that so many wise head-pieces had not taken notice what inconveniences had already accru'd by giving so much power to Monsieur d' Anville before by reason of the little intelligence there had been betwixt him and me of which I have elsewhere given an account and seeing all the forces of the whole Province under one head had enough to do to cause the King to be obey'd what was to be expected from them when separated and under several mens Commands This sows jealousie and dissention amongst them which in the end grows to absolute breach and all at the expence of the King and his people The effects soon discover'd themselves for Monsieur de Losse undertook the Siege of Clerac a palâ—ry Town that had never dar'd to shut her Gates against me where Monsieur de la Valette was also present but it was only in the quality of a looker on where in the end he did nothing worth speaking of neither indeed am I at all concern'd in that affair so that what I say is only to enform the King that to be well serv'd he ought never to divide a Government but commit it entire to one Lieutenant only His Kingdom is wide enough to satisfie the ambition of those who are greedy of Employments and with his Majesties pardon they ought to stay their time there will be enough for all Some time after we heard so many strange things that me-thought I saw the Enterprizes of Amboise again on foot for they talkt of prodigious things and such as I should never have believ'd if all was true that was said which whether it was or no I leave to others to examine A little while after news came of the Kings being sick and of several great persons at Court being committed to prison which made me think my self happy that I was so far off for a man is often trapt when he least expects it and when he knows no reason why In the end of all news came of the death of the King which was in truth a very great blow to the Kingdom for I dare be bold to say that had he liv'd he would have done great things and to his Neighbour's cost would have remov'd the Scene of War out of his own Kingdom Wherein if the King of Poland would have joyn'd with him and have set on foot the great Forces he had been able to have rais'd in his Kingdom all would have bowed before them and the Empire would again have been restor'd to the House of France His death did very much astonish us by reason of the great designs he had as it was said in the Kingdom and I do believe the Queen never found her self in so great a perplexity since the death of the King her Husband my good Master Her Majesty did me the honor to write to me and to entreat me to assist her in her great affliction and to preserve the State till the coming of the King her Son Wherefore to gratifie her Majesties desire though I was overburdn'd with years and infirmity as also to divert my own grief for the death of my Son and especially to manifest to her the desire I had to keep the promise I had made to her at Orleans I went to Paris to receive her Majesties Commands and from thence attended her to Lyons where I had the opportunity of discoursing with her at large concerning several things which I have since seen discover themselves nearer at hand and which it will be a great work in her to redress The King being return'd they made him commit a very great error at his first footing in the Kingdom for instead of composing all differences and disorders in the State and establishing peace and tranquility amongst us which at that time had been a very easie matter to do they perswaded him to resolve upon a War And they yet perswaded him to a greater inconvenience for they made him believe that entring into Dauphiné all places would immediately surrender to him whereas notwithstanding he found that every paltry Garrison made head against him but I have nothing to do to give an account of those transactions At his coming he was pleased to be exceedingly gracious and kind to me and yet he was not so to all and indeed I observ'd him to be much alter'd in his humor from what he was wont to be There were there some publick Councils held but there were also others that were private and very closely carried Now his Majesty calling to mind the services I had done for the Kings his Grandfather Father and Brother some of which he had heard of and others had himself also seen he was resolv'd to honor me with the Estate of Mareschal of France and to make me rich in honor since he could not do it in matter of wealth and estate Having therefore caus'd me to be call'd for and being come to kneel down before him after I had taken the Oath he put the Mareschal's Staffe into my hand Which having done in returning my most humble thanks I told him That I had no other grief in this world but that I had not ten good years in my belly wherein to manifest how much I desir'd to be serviceable to his Majesty and Crown in that honorable Command Having receiv'd his Commands and those of the Queen I return'd into Gascony to make preparation for war for all things tended that way but I very well perceiv'd by the tediousness of my Journey that I was rather to think of dying my self than of killing others for I was no more able to endure long Journies nor to undergo any great labour And moreover I very well foresaw that the same would happen betwixt the Kings Lieutenants and me that had
follow after may learn how to behave themselves upon the like occasion Had I upon the instant known the man that had raised this fine report of me I doubt I should have shew'd him a scurvy trick but the Canon was carried back which they attended till they saw it lodg'd in safety and so we took leave of one another and departed every man to his own home I had not been long at my own house before I had every day very strange news brought me from Court and of great designs that were laid by the greatest men of the Kingdom but when I heard that the King of Navarre made one amongst them and was stoln away from Court without taking his leave I from that time forward concluded that Guienne was again to suffer many miseries for that he being a great Prince young and who gave visible hopes of being one day a great Captain would easily gain the hearts of the Nobless and the People and would keep the rest in awe So God help me a thousand mischiefs were eternally before my eyes so that I was often in mind to withdraw my self to avoid the affliction of hearing so continual ill news and of seeing the ruine of my native Country To which end a certain Priory was evermore running in my head that I had formerly seen situated in the mountains part in France and part in Spain call'd Sâ—rracoli to which place I had some thoughts of retiring my self out of the Tumult of the world I might there at once have seen both France and Spain and if God lend me life I know not yet what I may do The End of the Seventh and last Book of the Commentaries of Messire Blaize de Montluc Mareschal of France BLASII MONLUCI FRANCIAE MARESCHALLI TUMULUS Iliadis rursum nascatur conditor altae Hoc tumulo rursum conditur Aeacides FLOR RAEMONDVS Senat. Burdigal Quaeris qui siem MONLUCIUS Nomini meo satis est nomen Conjugi conjux P. C. MONLVCIVM haec urna tegit Cujus varios casus terra marique exhantlatos labores Gallia testabitur hostes praedicabunt posteri mirabuntur Vrbium propugnator oppugnator Hostes saepius fudi vici subegi Patriam in sua viscera versam quoties restitui Imis functus maxima consecutus Terrarum orbem fama complexus Fatis urgentibus lubens integerrima mente cessi Avo Patri Filius Nepos Blasius Monlucius P. RErum humanarum vices quis non miretur festinantibus Pater fatis tardantibus Avus in coelum receptus Ille ferro hic morbo I lle in insulis Oceani Atlantici hic in Gallia hominibus exemptus Ille me unicum vix primos edentem vagitus superstitem reliquit Hic tres liberos Gallicae florem nobilitatis tria Martis pignora vivens amisit eluxit Vtérque bellum lituos spirans At juventus patris sedatior senectus avi praefervidior Ex aeqüo tamen eadem utrique gloria Ore facundus corde catus manu promptus militibus pariter utérque gratus militarem veterum ducum adoream triumphalibus laureis utérque supergressus Avus nunquam victus pater etiam moriens hostium victor extitit Adlucete filio nepoti vestro virtutis egregiam facem sanctissimae fortissimae animae invicta avita pietatis columina me vestigia per vestra euntem ad aeternum stirpis nominisque nostri decus tot inter rerum caligines errorum flexus itinere inoffenso perducite ΕΙΣ ΓΑΜΠΡΟΤΑΤΟΠΚΑΙ ΤΟΠΑÎΔΡΕΙΟΤΑΤΟΠΤΩΠΚελων Βλασιον ✚ Μονλυκον Επιταφιον 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tombeau de Messire Blaise de Montluc CE Marbre icy passant le grand Montluc enserre Vn tel homme que luy dedans si peu de terre Ne peut estre compris ce tombeau labouré Clost seulement son corps dont il est honoré Mais juge par sa mort le dommage la perte Que la Gascongne a fait depuis vensue deserte Et franc de passion voy comme le laurier Ceignant soâ— front recâ—ut honneur de ce guerrier Ce grand guerrier qui fut la garde de son Prince Le soustien l'appuy de toute la province Oâ— lieutenant de Roy en guerre en paix Tesmoins de sa vertu il fit tant de boaus faits Qu'il a laisse mourant ce beau doute à tout aage Quel des deux il estoit plus vaillant ou plus sage En bataille rangée il deffit par trois fois L'ennemy de son Roy il remit sous ses loix La Guyenne revoltée aux factions civiles Par force il emporta print cinquante villes Le primier à Passaut en témoignant la foy Qu'l avoit à son Dieu qu'il avoit à son Roy. Par degrez il acquist d'une honorable peine Tous les tiltres d'honneur de soldâ—t capitaine Colonel Lieutenant Vice-Roy Mareschal Et tousiours commandant à soy tousiours esgal Dedans soy retenant sous égale balance La vaillance d' Ajax de Nestor l'eloquence De l'homme plus couard il animoit le coeur Et au plus courageux faisoit venir la peur A sa seule parole à sa seule presence Il fut chaud actif remply de vigilance En tout il se monstra par tout invaincu Et ne secut onc vainqueur que c'est d'estre vaincu Où fut-ce par la force ou par la courtoisie Tant il avoit d'honneur sa belle ame saisie L'Italie le sçait où de son brave coeur Mainte marque il laissa courtois vainqueur Et le sçait l'Anglâ—terre la France l'Espagne Et cette nation que l' onde du Rhin baigne Brave s'il eust voulu de l'invincible mort I leust encore peu faire languir l'effort Mais voyam la vertu faire place a l'envie L'honneur à la faveur il desdaigna la vie Et desira mourir au monde vitieux Pour aller immortel vivre dedans les cieux O vous de qui iamais l'amitié ne varie Pleurez-le ses amis vous mirant en sa vie Vous lasches envieux guidez d'un
Tholouze Commendation of Captain Charry Rout of the Hugonots The order design'd for 〈◊〉 fight The Sâ—eu◠〈◊〉 Montluc's speech to the Parliament of Tholouze The execution at Tholouze The design of the Hugonots concerning Tholouze Tholouze no friend to the Hugonots Enterprize of Montauban The Sieur de Duras for the Hugonots The Enteâ—prize upon Chasteau Trompetâ—e fails All things depend upon the Gentry The Hugonotâ— dâ—feated The Ransoms of Prisoners maintain the Warre The Queen of Navaâ—â—e's Letter to the Sieur de Montluc Consultation upon the Queen oâ— Navarr's Letter La Râ—olle besieg'd by the Hugonots Dispute about the fight The fight resolv'd upon The order of the Fight The â—ight The Hugonoâ—s defeated The Enemy retires Justice â—xecuted by the Sâ—eur de Montluc The Queen of Navarre a mortal enemy to the Seiur de Montluc Captain Vines enters the first into Montsegur Montsegur carried by assault The number of the dead Duras surrendred Agen abandoned by the Hugonots Spanish Companies The Siege of the Castle of Pene. The Breacâ— discover'd The Assailanâ—â— repulsed Captain Charry leaps thorough the fire Pene taken by assault The Sieur de Sainctorens sent to relieve Cahâ—rs The Sieur de Malicorne sent by the King Consultation abouâ— the Battaâ—l The strange fear the Hugonâ—â—s were in A fault in a Lieutenant of a Province The Siege of Montauban Lectoure besieged A mine sprung at Lâ—ctoure The Sieur d' Ortobie mortally wounded Troachery of the besieged Their treachery requiâ—ed The besieg'd parâ—y and Surrender The Spaniards mutiny They are appeas'd Dispute betwixt Messieurs de Burie and de Montluc The Sieur de Montluc's reasons why they ought to fight Good oâ—en for the Battel Commendation of Monsieur de Burie The Sieur de St. Genies cause of the Battel The Enemy have ill inâ—elligence The Battel resolv'd upon Commendation of Monsieur d' Argence The Sieur de Montluc's Speech to the Spaniards The Sieur de Montluc's Speech to the Gascons The Order of the Battel The great judgment of the Sieur de Montluc The Sieur de Montluc encourages his people The Battel The Sieur de Montluc engâ—g'd Nineteen Ensigns taken and five Cornets Number of the dead The Sieurs de Burie and de Montluc with Monsieur de Montpensier Importance of the Battel of Ver. The Succours of Guienne sent to the King The qualities of Monsieur de Lautrec A General ought to discover an Enemy in his own person Gâ—yenne â—iec The Sieur de Terride before Montauban Captain Bazordaâ— â—lain before Montauban The Sieur de Montluc at â—ourdeaux The design of those of Tholouze Divisiâ—n at Bourdeaux The death of Monsieur de Novailles The Nature of the Sieur de Montluc Considerations of the Sieur de Montluc The Peace after the first Troubles concluded The Nature of the Gascoâ—s The Design of Captain Montluc He is slain Commendation of the Mâ—ntlucs The King at Tholouze The Queens discourse to the Sieur de Montluc A League 〈◊〉 on foot in France The Sieur de Monluc's advice to the Queen The advice of Messieurs de Nemours and de Montpensier The advice of the Sieur de Montluc The timerousness of the Queen Mother * A kind of Secretary who is to give an account of the charge and expence of the Warre The Sieuâ— de Moâ—tluc has intelligence amongst the Hugonots The Hugonots begin to 〈◊〉 The Parliaments of Bourdeaux and Tholouze affectionate to the Kings service The Sieur de Montluc goes to thâ— Baths A strangâ— Dream of the Sieut de Montluc a Come hither Rogue thou hast made war against me aâ—d these servants of mine for which I will presenâ—ly hang thâ—e b Sacred Majesty I have serv'd my King aâ— all honest men are oblig'd to do your Majesty ought not to take that in evil part c Go go hang this Rascal who will again make war against me d I beseech your Majesty to save my life and seeing the King my Lord and Master is dead together with my Lords his Brothers I do promise â—o serve you with the same fidelity I did the King when he was alive e Dost thou promise this from thy heart Go to I give thee thy life at the request of these who entreat me be faithful to me Intelligence of the design upon Lectoure The Sieur de Lauzun sends notice of the Hugonots taking arms Advertisement to the Sieur dâ— Montluc Diligence of the Sieur de Montluc to preserve Lectoure The Sieur de Montluc in Lectourâ— Order given to the Captains The Sieur de Fonterailles delivers up the Castle of Lectoure to Monsieur de Montluc * The ordinary men at arms in France first reduc'd by Charles the 7th in the year 1444 into certain Companies and under particular orders one whereof was that the Gen-d'arm must at the youngest be twenty and one and twenty years of age and must have been one year at least an Archer which no man was to be but a Gentleman born or one that had been a Captain Lieutenant Ensign or Serjeant-Major of a Foot Company six years Who was also by the order of his admission to keep three Horses two for service and one for his Baggage in regard whereof he had 400 Livers Tournon yearly entertainment These Gens-d'arms were at first but 1500 in all but they have since been encreased to a hundred Companies The Hugonots come too late to relieve Lectoure Design upon the King Diligence of the Sieur de Montluc The Sieur de Moâ—â—â—luc's humour The King sends to the Sieur de Montluc The People of France very good and loyal The Sieur de Montluc's Harangue to the Lords and Gentlemen of Gascony at their going to the King * So they use to call the Hugonot Assemblies Monsieur de Monsales leadâ— the Vâ—nâ—guard of the Gascon Succours Of the Siege of Vulpian Charity lent to Monsieur de Termes and to Monsieur d' Aumale St. Blanzay hang'd Monsieur dâ— Bourbon Monsieur de Bonivet The Prince of Aurange Prince Auria Of how greaâ— importance it was to the Kingdom of Frâ—ncâ— to discontent Andrea as one who alone ruâ—n'd the Kings affairs The Prior of Capuâ— The Maâ—escâ—al de Bâ—es A brave Reâ—â—â—at Monsieur de Tais banisht the Court. He is slâ—in The death of Monsieur de la Chastaigneray Dissimulation at Court The two Scipio's His name was Lucius Marcius * Courts of Law The greatness of the Tuâ—k Pâ—eparation for the Siege of Rochelle The taking of the Isles 〈…〉 The importance of Rochelle The Sieur de Monâ—â—ucs judgment of the Commotion of St. Michel The short Peace 1567. The practices of the Hugonots to win Des-Rois over to their Party The Sieur de Montluc's advice to the King Advice to Princes A discouâ—se touching the designes of the Prince of Coâ—de â—rouage the fairest Haven in France The design of a Naval Army * Pardon me you have done so many ridiculous thingâ— that I thought you would have done this also but 't is sufficient I am satisfied The Sieur de
occasion he was not fit to have been provoked or disgusted but perhaps the King might have some other reason In the end our Gallies arriv'd and brought with them the Prince of Navarre Brother to King Henry with some few Gentlemen only of his train who lived but three weeks after for he came in the beginning of our sickness At his landing Monsiâ—ur de Laâ—trec sent Michael Aâ—tonio Marquess of Saluzzo for his Convoy for he landed a little below la Magdaleine within half a mile of Naples and with him a great part of the Geâ—s d' Armes with the black Italian Regiments which were commanded by Count Hugues de Gennes since the death of Signior Horatio Bailâ—one and had been the Companies of Signior Giovanni de Medicis Father to the Duke of Florence that now is who had been wounded in his leg with a Harquâ—buze shot before Pavie being then in the Kings Service and was thence carried to Plaisance where he had his leg cut off and thereof soon after dyed and after his death the said Signior Horatio took upon him the command of his Companies It seem'd that God would at that time some evil to the King when he lay before Pavie For in the first place some one advis'd him to send away the Grisons secondly to send Monsieur d' Albain to Rome with another part of the Army and for the sum of all misfortunes God sent this mischance to Signior Giovanni who to speak the truth understood more of the affairs of War than all the rest who were about the King having three thousand Foot under his command the best that ever were in Italy with three Cornets of horse and I do verily believe and there are several others of the same opinion that had he been well at the Battel matters had not gone so ill as they did Signior Horatio afterwards encreas'd the number a thousand men which made up four thousand foot who carried black Ensigns for the death of the said Signior Giovanni and were moreover all put into mourning from whence they deriv'd the name of the Black Regiments and afterwards associated themselves to the Marquess of Saluzzo who temporiz'd for about two years in Italy and about Florence and afterwards join'd with our Army at Troyes or else at Nocera I am not certain which for that I lay at the same time wounded at Termes on Bresse But to return to the landing of the Prince of Navarre because there was something of Action there performed wherein I had a share I shall give an account of that business Captain Artiguelaube who was Colonel of five Gascon Ensigns which were wont to be under Monsieur de Luppée and of five others commanded by the Baron de Bearn was commanded as also was Captaâ— de Buch eldest son of the Family of Candale to draw down to that place and I also poor wretch as I was was one of the number So soon as we were got down to the shore the Marquess left all our Pikes behind a great Rampire which the Count Pedro de Navarre had caused to be cast up and that extended on the right hand and on the left for about half a mile in length Close adjoyning to this was a great Portal of Stone through which ten or twelvemen might march a breast and that I do believe had been a Gate in former times for the Arch and other marks thereof were still remaining to the checks of which Portal our Rampire was brought up both on the one side and the other Our Battaillon was drawn up about an hundred paces distant from this Portal the Black Regiments some three hundred paces behind ours and the greatest part of the Horse yet further behind them Monsieur le Marquis Monsieur le Captau the Count Hugues Captain Artiguelaube and almost all the Captains as well Italians as Gascons along with them went down as well to facilitate as to be present at the Princes Landing which said Seigneur Captâ—â— had six Ensigns three of Piedmontoise and three of Gascons They were so long about their landing that they there staid three long hours for they made the Prince to stay and dine abroad before he came out of the Galley a little delay sometimes occasions a great mischief and it had been better that both he and all the company with him had made a good sober fast but the vanity of the world is such that they think themselves undervalued if they do not move in all the formalities of State and in so doing commit very often very great errors It were more convenient to move in the Equipage of a simple Gentleman only and not to Prince it at that rate but to do well than to stand upon such frivolous punctillios and be the cause of any misadventure or disorder Captain Artiguelaubâ— in the mean time had plac'd me with threâ—score or fourscore Harqucbusiers upon the cross of a high way very near to the Magdaleine which is a great Church some hundred or two hundred paces distant from the Gates of Naples and upon another cross of the high way on the left hand of me where there stood a little Oratory two or three hundred Harquâ—busiers of the black Regiments with an Ensign of Pikes In the same place also and a little on the one side was plac'd the Company of Seignâ—ur de Candale consistâ—ng of two or three hundred Harquebusiers about two hundred paces distant from and just over against the place where I stood Being thus upon my Guard I saw both horse and foot issuing out of Naples and coming full drive to gain the Magdaleine whereupon mounting a little Mule that I had I gallop'd straight down to the water side All the Lords and Gentlemen were as yet on board caressing and complementing one another to whom by certain Skippers that were plying too and again betwixt the Gallies and the Shoar I caus'd it to be cryâ—d out that the Enemy was sallying out of the Town by whole Troops to intercept them and to recover the blind of the Magdaleine and that they should think of fighting if they so pleased an intelligence at which some were basely down in the mouth for every one that sets a good face on the matter has no great stomach to fight I presently return'd back to my men and went up straight to the Magdaleine from whence I discover'd the Enemies Horse sallying out dismounted with the bridles in the one hand and their Launces in the other stooping as much as they could to avoid being seen as also did the Foot who crept on all four behind the walls that enclosed the backside of the Church I then presently gave my Mule to a Soldier bidding him ride in all hast to acquaint Monsieur de Candale and Captain Artiguelaube therewith whom he found already got on shore and who upon my first advertisement had caus'd a Galley to put out to Sea from whence they discover'd all that I had told them which being in the
I could truly add that at the time when the Peace was concluded betwixt your most Serene Republick and the Turk the king of the Romans by the secrâ—t practices of his Agents did all that in him lay to hinder that Treaty as by the several Letters and Dispatches that have been intercepted does most manifestly appear The same Ministers of the Emperor do think also that they discharges themselves from all blame in keeping a â—lutter and farcing their Posts and Gazetts as their manner is with observations of the long abode that the Naval Army of the Grand Signior has for some months made in the Ports of France and under that pretence would by their passionate calumnies impose upon the world a new Article of Faith to wit that no Prince for his own defence either can or ought to derive succours from such as are of a Religion contrary to his own not taking notice that in condemning the King my Lord and Master they at the same time accuse David a valiant King and a holy Prophet who seeing himself persecuted by Saul fled away to Achish who was an Idolater and a profess'd Enemy to the Law of God and not only so but some time after moreover rank'd himself in the Squadrons of the Infidels even then when they went to fight with the people of his own Religion They also condemn Asa King of Juda who called into his aid the King of Syria to deliver him from the oppression of the King of Israel They moreover reproach Constantine a most Christian Prince and he who of all the Emperors has best deserved of the Christian Commonweal who in most of his expeditions carried along with him a great number of Idolatrous Goths in his Army They likewise taxe Boniface so highly commended by St. Augustine in his Epistles who for his own defence and perhaps to revenge some injury receiv'd called into Affrick the Vandals profess'd enemies to our Religion They calumniate Narses the slave of Justinian a very valiant but above all a very religious Captain as may be concluded from the testimony of Saint Gregory and also by the Churches he has built both in this illustrious City and that of Ravenna who called in the Lumbards to his aid a people at that time abborring the name of Christian. Arcadius Emperor of Constantinople allowed by all Historians for a Prince equally religious and wise having in the latter end of his days a desire to substitute some Governor and Protector that might be sufficient to preserve the Dignity and Authority of the Empire turn'd his thoughts towards the King of Persia an Idolater and entreated him in his last Will to accept the Tuition and Protection both of his Son and the Empire A choice that was singularly approved by all the Christian Princes of that time and so much the more for that the king of Persia not only accepted the charge but moreover worthily acquitted himself of his trust to the hour of his death â—efore Hâ—raclius suffer'd himself to be infected with the poyson of Heresy he served himself in an infinite number of Wars with Saracen Soldiers Basile and Constantine sons to John Emperor of Constantinople took Apulia and Calabria by the means and assistance of a great number of Saracens which themselves had first driven out of the Isle of Candie I could say as much of Frederick who by the help of the Saracens Lorded it over the greatest part of Italy I could present before you the Example of Henry and Frederick brothers to the King of Castile who in the time of pope Clement the fourth accompanied with Conradin called the Saracens both by land and sea not for the security and defence of their own Country but to drive the Frâ—nch out of Italy and with the same Army of Barbarians in a short time made themselves Masters of a great part of Sicily I could speak of Ludovico Sâ—orza who with several other Princes of Italy made use of the Forces of Bajazet What shall I say of Maximilian of the â—ouse of Austria who not to defend himself but to ruine your state most illustrious Senators tryed to nettle and incite the Turk against you to your great prejudice and ruine as it is faithfully recorded by Signiâ—r Andrâ—a Mocenigo one of your own Historians together with the remedies you were fain to oppose in that exigency and distress If yet neither natural reason nor exemples drawn from holy Scripture and Christian History wâ—re sufficient to confirm you in or to perswade you into the truth of this cause I could accompany them with several others which I am willing to omit both because I would not â—ire your â—ordships patience â—nd also for that I believe there can remain no manner of scruple in you considering that by the Exemples before alledged I have already discover'd the weak foundation of that Article of Faith lately forged by the Imperialists to serve for their own ends And which is more I do say and will maintain that the most Christian King my Lord and Soâ—eraign by the Exemple of so many renowned and religious Princes may without any prejudice to the place he holds or to the Title of most Christian which be â—ears serve himself in all affairs and nâ—cessities with the aid and assistance of the Grand Signior And if this with truth and reason may be understood of all his necessary affairs how much more ought his most Christian Majesty not only be excused but highly applauded who for no need how great soever he has to defend himself for no single revenge His Majâ—sty might desire for so many injuries done and so many wrongs received so many assassinations and slaughters executed upon his people by the Emperor or by his procurement would accept of no other succours but only thâ—se which we by experience see are to all Christiâ—ns of greater utility than disadvantage And if any one of thâ—se who adhere to the Emperor's party should demand how the Turkish Army can remain in our Ports no lâ—ss for the benefit of Italy than for our own particular convenience I could ask him by way of answer which way be can prove that Christendom has received any detriment by our having received and refresh'd this Naval Army in our Heavens To which I am certain the wisest and most affâ—ctionate of the Imperial party could return me no answer unless it were some one who delights to argue for controversies sake and takes more pleasure in hearing himself talk than that he has really a desire to enter into a serious examination of things to understand the negotiation and to be enfomed of the reasons thereof But that we may not leave any thing that may beget the least imaginable doubt in the minds of such as are not perfectly inform'd of this Affair I shall handle the point us succinctly and with as much brevity as I can So oft as your Serenity has by the Emperor's Embassadors been applyed unto for leave to pass thorough
President Lagâ—baston who made me the Harangue in the Palace to perswade me to take the Government upon me what answer I made him there in publick and what I afterwards said to him in private There are also other Presidents and Counsellors yet living who heard my reasons and who I am confident can remember if the Predictions I then made of my self be come to pass So it was that at that time I did not accept it nor of two dayes after not that the King did not herein conferre a greater honor upon me than I deserv'd nor that I would not have been glad of so good a fortune but I had evermore a thousand niceties before my eyeâ— But the premier President Lagebaston the other Presidents his Brethren and the antient Councellors came to my lodging and gave me very many arguments to perswade me and on the other side Monsieur de Candalle Monsieur d' Escars whom I found there Monsieur de Lieux my Brother Messieurs de Barsac d'Vza and all the Gentlemen who were with me were very pressing upon me saying that I ought to accept it and the Jurats together with the whole Body of the City did the same by which means being left single in my opinion I was constrain'd to pass the Wicket like a man that is thrust into the Gaol for so I may say I was forc'd in and had I been left at liberty I would have lost my life or have perform'd some services that should have been acceptable to the King and from which I would have deriv'd some recompence whereas by the services I have perform'd in my administration in these parts I have reapt no other advantage than reproaches and disgrace And yet I will be bold to say that no man under heaven could have behav'd himself better than I did by the testimony of all the three Estates of Guienne and had I done such services in the life time of either of the late Kings Francis or Henry there had not been a Gentleman in France under the Title of a Prince who had been higher preferr'd or in greater esteem than I had been But God be praised for all all the recompence I have had is a great Harquebuz shot in my face of which I shall never be cuâ—'d so long as I live which makes me eternally curse the hour that ever I had this Command Many better men than I would have esteem'd themselves honor'd by it and so did I but being to serve a King in his Minority and in a Country where I foresaw I should have enough to do and very little means wherewithal to do it I conceived it might have been more advantageous to me to have gone further off from my own Dunghil And I would ever advise any friend of mine rather to accept a remote Command than one near home for no man is a Prophet in his own Country However for the benefit of my Country I was content to take this great burthen upon me Now as I thought to have departed from Bourdeaux to go to Tholouze after I had appeased all things here the Peace came which was brought by Captain Fleurdelis He had met with Captain Montluc hard by Mussidan who was carrying twelve Companies of Foot the finest Companies and the best arm'd that ever had been raised in Guienne and one Troop of Lighthorse to the King the Sieur de Lanâ—on was his Lieutenant and the Sieur de Montferran his Ensign The City of Bourdeaux had sent him two pieces of Canon and one Culverine which the said Captain Fleurdelis met two leagues from Mussidan but Captain Montluc would not stop his March till first he heard from me The Peace being publisht every one was of opinion that I should countermand him which I therefore did brought back the Artillery and disbanded all the Foot and Horse that the people might no longer be eaten up sending in like manner to Tholouze to do the same so that in eight dayes time every one was retir'd to his own home I making no question of securing Guienne without Garison either of Horse or Foot which I did and so well that for the space of five years neither Trooper nor Foot Soldier eat so much as a Hen throughout the whole Province upon the account of arms I had three pieces of Canon at Agen and with threats and bravadoes kept all the world in awe making every one lay aside his arms especially fire arms so that not a man was seen to wear any arms the Gentlemen excepted who were allow'd their Swords and Stillettoes And for two Catholick Souldiers that I caused to be hang'd for transgressing the Edict I stroke so great a terror into the whole Countrey that no one dar'd any more to lay hand to his arms The Hugonots thinking to escape better cheap and that I would not offer to punish them two other Soldiers of the Religion also transgressed the Edict whom I likewise immediately truss'd up to bear company with the others so that the two Religions seeing there was no impunity for either of them and that neither the one nor the other could promise to themselves any assurance of me if they should offend they began to love one another and to frequent one anothers houses Thus did I maintain the Peace for the space of five years betwixt both parties in this Country of Guienne and do believe that if every one would have taken the same course without partiality to the one side or the other and have executed justice indifferently upon those who deserv'd it we had never seen so many troubles in this Kingdom And it was no little thing that I perform'd for I had to do with as capricious and fanatick head-pieces as any in the whole Kingdom of France or peradventure in all Europe and who governs a Gascon may assure himself he has done a Masterpiece who as he is naturally warlike so is he proud mutinous and insolent nevertheless by playing one while the gentle and another the austere I subjected all to me without any one so much as once daring to lift up his head In brief the King was acknowledg'd and his Laws obey'd This was the end of the first Civil War and the first troubles in those places where I was with the account of what I did in them which is in summe that if God had not inspir'd me with courage to oppose the Hugonots in due time they would have been so establisht that it had not been in the power of the King of a long time to have remov'd them for I am not of the opinion of those who say it had signified nothing and that though they had been canton'd here one might have shut them up It is a rich and plentiful Country as any in the Kingdom of France abounding in Navigable Rivers strong Holds and very good Harbours how then should such a Country be shut up considering that the English and other forreign Nations may at all
times come to it by Sea The King has set but two little value upon it 't is well if he do not one day repent it But provided these fine talking Gentlemen who prate at their ease may have their own arms at liberty they care not for any body else and when one comes to demand of them assistance of money for of every thing else we have but too much they cry let them raise it upon the Country and so the Soldier not being paid is necessitated to plunder and rob and the King's Lieutenant to endure it 'T is all one say they a Country spoiled is not lost O lewd expression and unworthy of a Counsellor of the Kings who has the management of affairs of State He has not the trouble of it nor does he bear the reproach but he who has the charge of the Province and whom the people load with continual exercations Behold then our Guienne thus lost and recover'd and since maintain'd in peace for the good of the people and to my particular and great misfortune for my Son Captain Montluc being no more able to live at rest than his Father seeing himself useless in France as being no Courtier and knowing of no forreign War wherein to employ his arms design'd an Enterprize by Sea to go to make his fortune in Affrick and to this end followed by a brave number of Gentlemen Volunteers for he had above three hundred with him and by a great many of the best Officers and Soldiers he could cull out he embarkt at Bourdeaux in a Fleet of six Men of War as well equipt as Vessels could possibly be I shall not insist upon the design of this unfortunate Expedition wherein he lost his life being slain with a Musket shot in the Island of Maderas going ashore to water and where being the Islanders would not peaceably permit him to refresh his Ships he was constrain'd to have recourse to violence to their loss and ruine but much more to mine who there lost my right hand Had it pleased God to have preserv'd him to me they had not done me those charitable Offices at Court they have since done In short I lost him in the flower of his age and then when I expected he should have been both the prop of mine and the support of his Country which has very much miss't him since I had lost the brave Mark Anthony my eldest Son at the Port of Ostia but this that died at the Maderas was of such value that there is not a Gentleman in Guienne who did not judge he would surpass his Father But I leave it to those who knew him to give an account of his valour and prudence He could not have fail'd of being a good Captain had God been pleased to preserve him but he disposes of us all as seems best to his own wisdom I think this little Montluc that he has left me will endeavour to imitate him both in valour and loyalty to his Prince which all the Montluc's have ever been eminent for and if he prove not such I disclaim him Every one knows and the Queen more than any other that I was never the Author of this unfortunate Voyage and the Admiral knows very well how much I endeavour'd to break the design not that I had a mind to keep him â—dle by the fire but out of the apprehension I had it might occasion a Breach betwixt the two Crowns of France and Spain which though I might perhaps in my own bosom desire to remove the War from our own doors I would also have wisht that some other might have been the occasion of the rupture My sons design was not to break any Truce with the Spaniard but I saw very well that it was impossible but he must do it there either with him or the King of Portugal For to hear these people talk a man would think that the Sea was their own The Admiral lov'd and esteem'd this poor Son of mine but too much having told the King that never a Prince nor Lord in France upon his own single account and without his Majesties assissâ—ance could in so short a time have made ready so great an Equipage And he said true for he won the hearts of all that knew him and that were enamour'd of the practice of arms and I was so wise as to think that fortune was oblig'd to be as favourable to him as she had been to me For an old Soldier as I am I confess I committed a great error that I did not discover the design to some other considering that the Vicount d'Vza and de Pampadour and my young Son were of the party who might have tried their fortune and pursued the Enterprize projected which nevertheless I shall not here discover because the Queen may peradventure another day again set it on foot The End of the Fifth Book THE COMMENTARIES OF Messire Blaize de Montluc MARESCHAL of FRANCE The Sixth Book FOr the space of five years France enjoyed this tranquility and repose with the two Religions that divided the Kingdom nevertheless I still doubted there was some Snake lurking in the grass though for what concern'd the Province of Guyenne I was in no great apprehension for I had evermore an eye to all things sending the Queen notice of every thing I heard with all the fidelity and care wherewith any man living could give an account of his trust The King at this time went a Progress to visit the several Provinces of his Kingdom and being come to Tholouze I went to kiss his Majesties hand who gave me a more honorable reception than I deserv'd The Hugonots faild not upon this occasion to make use of their wonted artifices and practices and made me false fire under hand for openly they durst not do it but I did not much regard their malice The Queen did me the honor to tell me all wherein she manifested the confidence she repos'd in me and I by that very well that she did not love the Hugonots One day being in her Chamber with Messieurs the Cardinalâ— of Bourbon and Guise she repeated to me all her fortune and the perplexity she had been in And amongst other things that the night news was brought her of the loss of the Battel of Dreux for some brave fellow who had not leisure to stay to see what Monsieur de Guise did after the Constable was routed and taken had given her this false Alarm she was all night in Council with the said Cardinals to consult what course she should take to save the King where in the end it was resolv'd that if in the morning the news should be confirm'd she should try to retire into Guienne though the Journey was very long accounting that she should be safer there than in any other part of the Kingdom May God for ever refuse to assist me if hearing this sad story the tears did not start into my eyes saying