interdicted They will be avenged on them that never offended Full well prophesied of them Paul in the second Epistle to Timothy 3. Some men will say wouldst thou that men should fight in the 〈◊〉 unpunished Nay but let the King ordaine a punishâ—â—â—â—â—or them as he doth for them that fight in his Palace and leâ— not all the Parish bee troubled for ones fault And as for â—heir hallowing it is the juggling of Antichrist A christian man is the Temple of God and of the Holy-Ghost and hallowed in Christs bloâ—d A Christian man is holy in himselfe by reason of the Spirit that dwelleth in him and the place wherein he is is holy by reason of him whether he be in the field or towne A Christian husband sanctifieth an unchristian wife and a Christian wife an unchristian husband as concerning the use of Matrimony saith Paul to the Corinthians Iâ— now while we seeke to be hallowed in Christ we are found unholy and must be hallowed by the ground or place or walls then dyed Christ in vaine Howbeit Antichrist must have wherâ—with to fit in mâ—ns Consciences and to make them feare where there is no â—eare and to rob them of their faith and to make them trust in that that cannot helpe them and to seeke holinesse of that which is not holy in it selfe After that the old King of France was brought downe out of Italy marke what pageants have â—eâ—ne played and what are yet a playing to seperate us from the Empâ—rour least by the helpe or ayde oâ— us he should be able to recover his right of the Pope and to couple us to the French men whose might the Pope ever abuseth to keep the Emperour from Italy What prevaileth it for any King to marry his daughter or his Sonne or to make any peace or good ordinance for the wealth oâ— his Realme For it shall no longer lâ—st than it is profitable to them Their Treason is so secret that the world cannot perceive it Thâ—y dissimule those things which they are onely cause of and simule discord among themselves when they are most agrâ—ed One shall hold this and another shall dispute the contrary but the conclusion shall be that most maintaineth their falshood though Gods Word be never so contrary What have thâ—y wrought in our dayes yea and what worke they yet to the perpetuall dishonour of the King and rebuke of the Realme and shame of all the nation in whatsoever Realmes they goe I uttered unto you partly the malicious blindnesse of the Bishop of Rochester his juggling his conveying his Fox wilenesse his â—opeepe his wresting renting and shamfull abusing of the Scripture his Oratory and alleadging of Heretickes and how he would make the Apostles Authors of blind Ceremonies without signification contâ—ary to their owne doctrine and have set him for an ensample to judge all other by The cause why Laymen cannot rule Temporall Offices is the falshood of the Bishops Their polling iâ— like a consumption wherein a man complaineth of feâ—â—lâ—neâ—se and of faintnesse and worteth not whence his disease commeth it is like a pocke that fretteth inward and consumeth the very marrow of the bones There seest thou the cause why it is impossible for Kings to come to the knowledge of the truth For these spirits lay awaite for them and serve their appetites at all points and through conâ—ession buy and sell and betray both them and all their true friends and lay â—aites for them and never leave them till they have blinded them with their sophistry and have brought them into their nets And then when the King is captive they compell all the rest with violence of his sword For if any man will not obey be it right or wrong they cite him suspend him and curse or excommunicate him if he then obey not they deliver him to â—ilate that is to say unto the temporall Officers to destroy him All this and much more he â—ully proves and more largely prosecutes in his Booke intituled The Practise of Popish Prelates Concerning Bishops intermâ—dling with temporall matters he thus writes Our Saviour Jesus Christ answered Pilate Ioh. 18. that his Kingdome was not of this world And Mat. 10. he saith The Disciple is not greater than his Masterâ— but it ought to suffice the Disciple that he be aâ— his Master is Wherefore if Christs Kingdome be not of this world nor any of his Disciples may be otherwise than hee was then Christs Vicars which minister his Kingdome here in his bodily absence and hâ—ve the over-sight oâ— his flocke may be none Emperours Kings Dukes Lords Knightâ— Temporall Iudges or any temporall Officer or under false names have any such Dominion or minister any such Office as requireth violence And Mat. 6. No man can serve two Masters where Christ concludeth saying Yee cannot serve God and Mammon that is riches coveâ—ousneâ—se ambition and temporall dignities And Christ called his Disciples unto him and saydâ— Ye know that the Lords of the Heathen people have dominion over them they that be great do exercise power over them Howbeit it shal not be so among you but whosoever wil be great among you shall be your minister and he that will be chiefe shall be your servant even as the Son of man came not that men should minister unto him but for to minister and give his life for the redemption of many Wherefore the Officers in Christâ— Kingdome may have no temporall dominion or jurisdiction noâ— execute any temporall authoriâ—y or Law of violence nor may have any like manner among them But cleane contrary they must cast themselves downe under all and become servants unto all suffer oâ— all and beare the burthen of every mans infirmities and goe before them and â—ight for them against the world with the â—word of Gods Word even unto the death after the example of Christ. And Mat. 18. when the Disciples asked Who should be greatest in the Kingdome of heaven Christ called a young Child unto him and set him in the midst among them saying Except ye turne backe and become as children ye shall not enter into the Kingdome of heaven Now young children beare no rule one over another but all is fellowship among them and he sayd moreover Whosoever humbleth himsâ—lfe after the ensample of this Child he is greatest in the Kingdome of heaven that is to be as concerning ambition and worldly desire so childish that thou couldst not heave thy selfe above thy Brother is the very bearing of rule and to be great in Christs Kingdome And to describe the very fashion of the greatnesse of his Kingdome he sayd He that receiveth one such child in my name receiveth me What is that to receive a childe in Christs name verily to submit to meeke and to humble thy selfe under all men and to consider all mens infirmities and weakenesses and to helpe to heale their diseases with â—he word of truâ—h and to live
purely â—hat they see no contrary ensample in thee to whatsoever thoâ— teachest them in Christ that thoâ— put no stumbling blocke before them to make them â—aile while they be yet young and weake in the faith But that thou abstaine as Paul teacheth 1 Thes. 5. Ab omni specie mala from all tâ—at might seeme evill or whereof a man might â—urmise amisse and that thou so love them that whatsoever gift of God in them is thou thinke the same theirs and their food and for their sakes given unto thee as the â—ruth is and that all their infirmitâ—es be thine and that thou feele them and that with all thy power to helpe to amend them and cease not to cry to God for them neither day nor night and that thou let nothing be found in thee that any man may rebuke but whatsoever thou teachest them that be thou and that thou be not a Wolfe in a Lambes skin as our Holy Father the Pope is which commeth unto us in a name of hypocrisie and in the Title of cursed Cham oâ— Ham calling himselfe Servâ—s servoâ—um the Servant of all â—ervants and is yet found tyrannus â—yrannorum of all tyrants the most cruell This is to receive young Children in Christs name and to receive young Children in Christs name is to beare rule in the Kingdome of Christ. Thuâ— ye see that Christs Kingdome is altogether spirituall and the bearing of rule in it is cleare contrary unto the bearing of rule temporally Wherefore none that beâ—reth rulâ— in it may have any tempâ—rall jurisdiction or minister any temporall Office that requireth violence to compell withall Thus and â—arre more Mr. Tyndall All whose passages are very remarkable and worthy serious consideration Iohn Friâ—h our learned English Martyr in his Answere to the Prefacâ— of Mr. Moores Book pag. 116 writes thus of Bishops anâ— their great possessions This Canker then began to spread in the Congregation and did full sore annoy the body insomuch that within foure hundred yeares there were very many Sects scattered in every coast Notwithstanding there were faithfull Fathers that diligently subdued them with the sword of Gods Word But surely since Silvester received such possessions hath the Canker so crept in the Church that it hath almost left never a sound member And as Cistercensis writeth in the eighth booke that day that hee received revenues was a voyce heard in the ayre crying over the Court which sayd This day is venome shed into the Church of God Before that time there was no Bishop greedy to take a Cure For it is no honour and profit as it is now but onely a carefull charge which was like to cost him his life at one time or other And therefore no man would take it but he that bare such a love and zeale to God and his â—locke that hee could be content to shed his blood for them But after that it was made so honourable and profitable they that were worst both in learning and living most laboured for it For they that were vertuous would not entangle themselves with the vaine pride of this world and weare three Crownes of gold where Christ did weare one of thorne And in conclusion it came so farreâ— that whosoever would give most money for it or best could flatter the Prince which he knew well all good men to abhorre had the preheminence and got the best Bishopricke and then instead of Gods Word they published their owne Commandements and made Lawes to have all under them and made men beleeve they could not erre whatsoever they did or sayd and even as in the Roomes stead of Moses Aaron Eliazer Iosue Caleb and other Faithful folk came Herod Annas Caiphas Pilate and Iudas which put Christ to deathâ— So now in the stead of Christ Peter Paul Iames and Iohn and the faithfull followers of Christ we have the Pope Cardinalls Arch-Bishops Bishops and proud Prelates with their Proctorsâ— the malicious Ministers of their Master the Devill which notwithstanding transformâ—â— themselves into a likenesse as though they were the Ministers of righteousnesse whose end shall bee according to their workes So that the body is cankered long agone and now are left but certaine small members which God of his puissant power hath reseâ—ved uncorruptedâ— and because they see that they cannot be cankered as their owne â—lesh is for pure anger they buâ—â—e themâ— lest if they continued there might seeme some deformity in their owne cankered carkasses by the comparing of these whole members to their scabbed body Our godly Martyr D. Barnes in his Articles pag. 210 211 212 213. writes thus of Bishops I will never beleeve nor yet I can never beleeve that one man may be by the Law of God a Bishop of two or three Cities yea of an whole Country for it is contrary to Saint Paul which saith I have left thee behind to set in every City a Bishop And if you find in one place of Scripture that they be called Episcopi you shall find in divers other places that they be called Presbyteri I was brought before my Lord Cardinall into his Gallery and there he read all my Articles till he came to this and there he stopped and said that this touched him and therefore he asked mee if I thought it wrong that one Bishop should have so many Citties underneath him unto whom I answered that I could no farther goe than to Saint Pauls text which set in every City a Bishop Then asked hee mee if I thought it now unright seeing the Ordinance of the Church that one Bishop should have so many Cities I answered that I knew none Ordinance of the Church as concerning this thing but Saint Pauls saying onely neverthelesse I did see a contrary custome and practice in the world but I know not the Originall thereof Then said hee that in the Apostles â—ime there were divers Citieâ— some seven miles some sixe mileâ— long and over them was there set but one Bishop and of their Suburbes also So likewise now â— bishop hath but one City to his Cathedrall Church and the country about is as Suburbs unto it Mee thought this was farre fetched but I durst not deny it because it was great Authority and of so holy a Father and of so great a Divine But this date I say thaâ— his Hollinesse could never prove it by Scripture nor yet by any authority of Doctors not yet by any practice of the Apostles and yet it must be trâ—e because a pillar of the Church hath spoken itâ— But let us see what the Doctors say to my Article Athanasius doth declare this text of the Apostle I have left thee behind c. Hee would not commit unto one Bishop a whole Isle but hee did enjoyne thâ—t every Cityâ— should have his proper Pastor supposing that by this meanes they should more diligently oversee
THE ANTIPATHIE OF THE ENGLISH LORDLY PRELACIE BOTH TO REGALL MONARCHY AND CIVILL UNITY OR An Historicall collection of the severall execrable Treasons Conspiracies Rebellions Seditions State-schismes Contumacies oppressions Anti-monarchicall practices of our English Brittish French Scottish Irish Lordly Prelates against our Kings Kingdomes Laws Liberties and of the severall Warres and Civill Dissentions occasioned by them in or against our Realm in former and latter ages Together with the Judgement of our owne ancient Writers most judicious Authors touching the pretended Divine Jurisdiction the Calling Lordlinesse Temporalties Wealth Secular imployments Trayterous practises unprofitablenesse and mischievousnesse of Lordly Prelates both to King State Church with an Answer to the chiefe Objections made for the Divinity or continuance of their Lordly Function The first Part. By WILLIAM PRYNNE late and now againe an Utter-Barester of Lincolnes Inne Beware of false Prophets which come unto you in sheepes cloathing but inwardly they are ravening wolves you shall know them by their fruits Mat. 7.15 16 LONDON Printed by Authority for Michael Sparke senior An. 1641. TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE THE HIGH COVRT OF PARLIAMENT NOW Through Gods sweete Providence MOST HAPPILY ASSEMBLED Right Honourable Senators IT is a received principle in Law that there are no Accessories in Treason whence to conceale a Notorious Traytor is really to be one The consideration of the Capitalnesse of such a Concealement in these proditorious times and the discharge of my bounden Duty to my Soveraigne Lord the King this Church and Kingdome of which I am a true though unworthy member and to this Honourable Court to whose impartiall Iustice next under God I owe the fruition of my present Liberty my Native Soyle and Quondam Profession of the Law hath induced me by way of Gratitude to present your Honours with this large Discovery not of one or two but of an whole Tribe and succession of notaâ—le Arch-Traytors Rebels Conspirators and desâ—erate Enemies to our Kings Kingdomes Lawes Liberties to say nothing of our Church and Religion masked under the innocent disguise of an Episcopall whiâ—e Rotchet and the specious much abused Title of The Church which our Prelates have monopolized to themselves the better to palliate their mischievous designes and boulster out their vilâ—anies when as if we beleeve either our learned Martyr Master William Tyndall or Bishop Bilson himselfe The Church is neâ—eâ— taken in the new nor old Testament for the Bishops or Priests alone but generally for the whole Congregation of the faithfull and oft times for the people alone without the Priest or Minister which is worthy your observation and will utterly subvert one principall Pillar of our Prelates suppoâ—t I could not but conjecture that this Antipathy would be very distastfull to our Lordly Prelates the Malefactors whose long-concealed Treasons Conspiracies seditious practises it lays open to your publick view and justice so that I can expect nothing but such extreame Malignity opposition and Calumnies from them and their confederates as might in some sort have deterred me from divulging it Yet wheÌ„ I considered that the detectioÌ„ of grosse Traytors Conspirators hath bin ever reputed not only an inoffensive but acceptable and meritorious service both to Kings and States in al other persons and that I have no cause to doubt but that it will receive the selfe-same benigne interpretation in me especially from your Honours by some of whose earnâ—st desires and â—peciall approbations I committed these Historicall Colections to the Presse I could not but with all alacrity proceede on in this service for the Common good to the which I have beene the more incouraged by a Divine Providence For being a Prisoner in the Tower of London stript of my Profession and all other imployments by some Prelates undemerited malice considering with my selfe how I might there passe my solitary houres in the usefullest manner for the publicke benefit of this Church and Kingdome it pleased God among other subjects to pitch my thoughts upon a Collection of the severall Treasons Rebellions Warres Seditions and Anti-monarchicall Practises of Lordly Prelats of all Countries and ages especially of our owne English Bishops which I found scattered in Histories wherupon taking my hint from the Title of a now-non-extant Booke written by one Thomas Gybson a Physitian in King Edward the 6. his dayes stiled Proditiones Praelatorum a Conquestu seene by our laborious Iohn Bale and mentioned in his Centuries which booke it seemes the Prelates since suppressed I gathered with no facil labour the most of those Materials I here present unto your Honours and Marshalled them into distinct files with an intention to make them publick so soone as a seasonable opportunity should present it selfe But the Arch Prelate of Canterbury not long after persecuting me afresh in the Starchamâ—er without any just occasion procured me there not onely to bee most inhumanely censured but likewise to be sent thence close prisoner first to Carnarvan then to Mount-Orguile Castle in the Isle of Iersie and there cloystred up so narrowly that I could neither have the use of pen inke paper writings nor Bookes to benefit my selfe or others and withall searching both my Chamber and friends houses sundry times by his Pursevants seized on all my bookes and Papers he could meete with But these Collections escaping his clutches fell into the hands of another persecuted Gentleman who without my privity carried them beyond the Seas where they were preserved till after my late returne from Exile by the justice of this Honourable House and not many moneths since when I gave them over as lost were unexpectedly returned to my hands in safety whiles the businesse of Episcopacy was in agitation before your Eminencies which speciall Providence put me in minde of that speech of Mordeâ—ay to Ester Who knoweth whether thou art come to the Kingdome for such a time as this and made me strongly apprehend that God had restored me to Liberty and these Collections to my hands for such a time as this which blessed be our good God we now live to see wherein our domineering Prelates lewde practises and Conspiracies against our Religion Lawes Liberties Lives Soules and Estates are not onely detected but questioned and some of the Potentest and pestilentest of them charged with no lesse than High Treason and other most grosse Misdemeanors in and by your Honorable Assembly which have rendred them so generally detestable to the whole Kingdome that divers Petitions have beene presented to your Honours both by Ministers and People out of many entire Countries for their utter extirpation which long efflagitated difficult worke which your Honours have now set upon I conceive the publishing of this Antipathy will much facilitate and advance being thus specially preserved and reserved by Gods Providence for such a time as this The principall motives which originally induced me to undertake this worke were the very same which have now perswaded me to
forbad Stephen Langhton entrance into the Realme The Pope hearing this sends his Mandates unto William Bishop of London Eustace Bishop of Ely and Mauger Bishop of Worcester wherein hee willed them first to admonish and perswade the King to restore the Monkes their goods and place and to give the Arch-Bishop possession of his Temporalties by a day then if he refused so to doe to interdict the whole Realme They durst not but obey and finding the King resolute in his determination at the time appointed they published the Popes Interdiction interdicting the whole Realme And as well foreseeing the ensuing trouble to come as their present danger got them out of the Land together with Ioceline Bishop of Bath and Giles of Hereford The King immediately seized all their Goods and Temporalties into his hands and moreover banished all the friends and Kinsfolks of these Bishops that were likely to yeeld them any comfort or reliefe During the time of this Interdict all Divine Service ceased throughout the Realme Gods Service giving place to the Popes pride and malice except onely Baptisme of Children Auâ—icular Confession and the Administration of the Sacrament unto such as lay upon the point of death The Pope seeing this Curse prevailed not at the instigation of the Arch Bishop and other Prelates proceeded to a particular Excommunication of the King and not long after deprived him by a Judiciall sentence of his Crowne Kingdome and all Regall authority a thing till that time in no age ever heard of For the better executing which sentence he writes to Philip the French King to expell King Iohn out of his Kingdome promising him remission of all his sinnes and giving the Kingdome of England to him and his successors for this his good service and withall sends â—orth his Bulls to the Nobles Knights and Souldiers in divers Countries that they should signe themselves with the signe of the Crosse to cast the King of England out of his Throne and revenge the injury of the Universall Church by ayding King Philip in this Catholike Warre promising them all as large and ample indulgences in all things as those enjoyed who visited the Lords Sepulcher at Hierusalem whereupon the French King prepared a great Armie both by Sea and Land to expulse King Iohn who made himselfe so strong by Sea and Land in a short time that he had farre more Ships and Land-Souldiers than Philip which Pandolfe the Popes Legate perceiving and doubting of the successe willingly repaires into England tells King Iohn in what danger he and his whole kingdome were how much Christian blood he was like to cause to bee spiltâ— to prevent all which inconveniences hee counsels him to resigne his Crowne and Kingdome to the Pope and then to receive it from him againe which he yeelded to at last See now to what extremities this poore King was brought by these rebellious and traytorly Prelates meanes who refused to appeare before him when he sent for them his whole Land was under Interdiction and so remained for 5. whole yeares like an Heathenish Nation without the celebration of Divine Service and Sacraments Iohn himselfe was by Name Excommunicated and had so remained for divers yeares All his Subjects were released freed a Regis fidelitate subjectione from owing either fidelity or subjection to him yea they were forbidden and that under paine of Excommuniâ—ation so much as to company or converse with him either at Table or aâ— Councell or in speech and conference Further yet Iohn was deposed from his Kingdome and that judicially being in the Romane Court deprived of all right to his Kingdome and judicially condemned and that sentence of his deposition and deprivation was solemnly denounced and promulgated before the French King Clergie and people of France Neither onely was Iohn thus deposed but his Kingdome also given away by the Pope and that even to his most mortall enemie for the Pope to bring his sentence to execution writ unto Philip the French King perswading yea enjoyning him to undertake that labouâ— of dethrâ—ning Iohn actually as judicially hee was before and expelling him from the Kingdome promising him not onely remission of all his sinnes but that hee and his Heires â—hould for ever have the Kingdome of England withall the Pope writ Letters to all Nobles Souldiers and Warriors in divers Countries to signe themselves with the â—rosse and to assist Philip for the dejection of Iohn Philip was not a little glad of such an offer bâ—â— hereupon gathered Forces and all things fit for such an expedition expending in that preparation no lesse than 60. thousand pounds all these things being notified to King Iohn did not a little daunt him and though he was too insensible of the impendent calamities yet to strike a greater terrour into his amazed heart and make a more dreadfull impression in his minde of the dangers which now were ready to faâ—l on his head Pandolph was sent from the Pope unto him to negociate about the resigning of his Kingdome to which if hee would consent he should finde favour protection and deliverance at the Popes hands Pandulf by a crafty kinde of Romish Oratory at his comming to the King expressed yea painted out in most lively colours all the difficulties and dangers to which the King was subject the losse of his Crowne the losse of his honour the losse of his life that there was no other way in the world to escape them but by protection under the Popes wings Iohn seeing dangers to hang over him on every side by the French abroad by the Barons at home and being dejected and utterly dismayed and confounded with the ponderation of them resolved for saving his life to lose his liberty and honour and to save his Kingdome from his open Adversary to â—ose it and give it quite away to his secret but worst enemie that hee had and to take an Oath of sealty to the Pope recorded in Holinshed p. 178. doing herein as if one for feare of being slaine in the open field should kill himselfe in his owne chamber It was not piety but extreame misery nor devotion but feare onely and despaire that caused and even â—orced Iohn against his will being then drowned in despaire to resigne his Crowne and to make two severall grants thereof to the Pope The first Charter was made to Pandulph the Popes Legaâ—e on the 15. day of May in the 14. yeare of King Iohns raigne the Copie whereof is set downe in Matthew Paris Matthew Westminster The second Charter was made to Nicholâ—s Bishop of Tusculum the Popes Legaâ—e for the Popes use in Saint Pauls Church in London the 3. of October in the 15. yeare of King Iohn An. Dom. 1213. agreeing verbatim with the former differing onely from it in this that the first was sealed with Wax the second with Gold which severall Grants were so detestable to the whole
devill and his disciples be against thee for God thy protector is stronger than hee or any other and shall by his grace give him and them a fall and so shew unto thee that God is on thy side Consider that it is written in Prov. 6. that amongst many crimes there rehearsed that God hateth chiefly hee doth detest those persons that sow discord among their brethren as all we Christians are brethren under our heavenly Father Also it is written in Iohn 8. that those that do stirre men to murther are children of the Devill which was from the beginning a murtherer and brought Adam to sinne and thereby to death as the Jewes his children stirred the peopâ—e to put Christ to death Saint Paul also in Rom. 16. warneth them to beware of those that make dissention and debate among them against the Doctrine that he had taught them and biddeth them eschew their company wherein the Holy Ghost wrought in Paul for these many yeares past little warre hath beene in these parts of Christendome but the Bishop of Rome either hath beene a stirrer of it or a nourisher of it and seldome any compounder of it unlesse it was for his ambition and profit Whereâ—ore since as S. Paul saith in 1 Cor. 14. that God is not the God of dissention but of peace who commandeth by his Word peace alway to be kept we are sure that all those that goe about to breake peace betweene Realmes and to bring them to warre are the children of the devill what holy names soever they pretend to cloake their pestilent malice withall which cloaking under hypocrisie is double devillishnesse and of Christ most deâ—ested because under his blessed name they do play the Devills part And therefore seeing Christ is on ourside against them let us not feare them at all but putting our confidence in Almighty God cleaving fast to the Kings Majesty our supreme head on earth next under Christ of this Church of England as â—aithfull subjects by Godslaw ought to do though they goe about to stirre Gog Magog and all the ravenners of the world against us we trust in God verily and doubt not but they shall have such a ruine as is prophesied by Ezekiel in C. 39. against Gog and Magog going about to destroy the people of God whom the people of God shall so vanquish and overthrow on the mountaines of Israel that none of them shall escape but their carkasses there to lye to be devoured by kiâ—es and crowes and birds of the aire and if they shall persist in their pestilent malice to make invasion into this Realme then let us wish that their great Captaine Gog I meane the Bishop of Rome may come to them to drinke with them of the same cup that hee maliciously goeth about to prepare for us that the people of God might surely live in peace Thus Tonstall concerning the Pope and the Cardinall though a Papist It is an Italian proverbe of our English men That an Italianated English man is a devill incarnate such a one was this Cardinall qui Italis pontificiisque adulationibus conâ—iliis atque technis in Regis atque Patriae discrimine sic se 〈…〉 passus â—st â—â— non modo 〈…〉 PRODITOR writes his immediaâ—e successor of himâ— In the 31. yeare of King Henry the 8â— he put the King Kingdome to extraordinary trouble and expence â—or the King being then enformed by his â—rusty and faithfull friends that the cankered and cruell Serpent the Bishop of Rome by that Arch-trâ—ytor Reginald Poole enemy to Gods Words and his naturall country had moved and stirred divers great Princes and Potentates of Christendome to invade the Realme of England and utterly to destroy the whole Nation of the same Wherefore his Majesty in his owne person without any delay tooke very laborious and painâ—ull journeys â—owards the Sea coasts also hee sent divers of his Nobles and Counsellours to view and search all the Ports and dangers of the Coasts where any meeâ—e and convenient landing place might be supposed as well on the borders of England as also of VVales and in all such doubtfull places his highnesse caused divers and many Bulwarkes and â—ortifications to be made And further his Highnesse caused the Lord Admirall Earle of Southhampton to prepare in readinesse ships for the Sea to his great cost and charges And beside this to have all people in a readinesse hee directed his commissions throughout the Realme to have his people mustered and the harnesse and weapons seene and viewed to the intent that all things should be in readinesse if his enemies should make any attempt into this Realme and likewise caused a generall muster to be made of all the Citizens of London betweene the age of 60. and 16. This Arch-traytor after the Pope had imployed him to move the Emperour and King of Spaine to breake their league with King Henry and to proclaime warre against him kept a continuall guard about him lest the King should send some to murther him And retiring to Viterbium where he lived some space neere a Nunnery he begaâ— two bastards a sonne and a daughter on the Abbeâ—se who oft repaired to his lodging which was afterwards objected to him when he was elected Pope by the major part of Cardinals and yet lost that Antichristian See by his owne negligence and delayes King Edward the 6. deceasing and Queene Mary comming to the Crowne she presently sent for this Traytor home the Pope upon this occasion makes him his Legate to reduce England under his vassallage and tyranny The Cardinall hereupon sore longed homeward not doubting but if things stood as hee thought to get a dispensation to lay off the Hat and put on a Crowne But the Emperour mistrusting what the Prelate intended found devises to hold him beyond the seas untill the match was concluded betweene Queene Maâ—y and his sonne Anno 1554. he arrived in England and the same day he landed an Act passed in the Parliament house through the Queenes and VVinchesiers meanes for his restitution in blood and the utter repealing of the Act of atâ—ainder against him in King Henry the 8. his raigne The Cardinall soone after caused Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury to be deprived and degraded seating himselfe in his See and making a long Oration in Parliament declaring the offence and schisme of the Kingdome in casting off the Pope and his willingnesse to receive them into the bosome of the Church againe upon their submission he caused the Parliament to make an Act repealing all Statutes Articles and Provisions made against the See of Rome since the 20. yeare of Henry the 8. reviving the Popes supremacie and denying the Queens wherein the whole Realm submitted it selfe to the Pope some parts of which Act pertinent to my purpose I shall crave leave to recite Whereas since the 20. yeare of K. Henry the 8. of famous memory Father unto your Majesty our most naturall Soveraigne
saying plainly and swearing by Saint Iohn the Evangelist for that was his common Oath that Earle Goodwine should not have his Peace till hee restored his brother Alfred alive againe unto his presence with which answer the Peeres departed in choler from Court and Goodwine towards the Coast. Comming also unto the shore and ready to take shipping hee kneeled downe in presence of his conduct to wit at Bosenham in the moneth of September from whence hee intended to saile into Flanders unto Baldwine the Earle and there wished openly before them all that if ever hee attempted any thing against the Kings person of England or his Royall estate that he might never come safe unto his Cousin nor see his Country any more but perish in this voyage and herewith he went aboard the ship that was provided for him and so from the Coast into the open Sea But see what followed hee was not yet gone a mile away from the Land before he saw the shore full of armed Souldiers sent after by the Archbishop and his friends to kill him ere he should depart and goe out of the Country which yet more incensed the hearts of the English against them Being come also to Flanders hee caused the Earle the French King and others of his friends among whom also the Emperour was one to write unto the King in his hehalfe but all in vaine for nothing could be obtained from him of which the Normanâ— had no liking whereupon the Earle and his Sonnes changed their minds obtained aid and invaded the Land in sundry places Finally joyning their powers they came by the Thames into Southwarke neere London where they lodged and looked for the King to encounter with thâ—m in the field the King seeing what was done commanded the Londonerâ— not to aide nor victuall them but the Citizens made answer how the quarrell of Goodwine was the cause of the whoâ—e Realme which hee had in a manner given over unto the spoyle of the French and thereupon they not onely victualled them abundantly but also received the Earle and his chiefe friends into the City where they lodged them at their ease till the Kings power was ready to joyne with them in battle great resort also was made unto them from all places of the Realme so that the Earles Army was wonderfully increased and the day and place chosen wherein the Battle should be fought But when the Armies met the Kings side began some to flee to the Earle other to lay downe their weapons and not a few to â—unne away outright the rest telling him plainly that they would never fight against theiâ— owne Countâ—y men to mainaine Frenchmens quarrelâ— the Normans also seeing the sequell fled away so fast as they might gallop leaving the King in the field to shift for himselfe as hâ— best might whilst they did save themselves elsewhere In the meane season the Earles Power would have set upon the King either to his slaughter or apprehension but hee stayed them saying after this manner The King is my Sonne as you all know and it is not for a father to deale so hardly with his child neither a subject with his Soveraigne It is not he thaâ— hath hurt or done mee this injury but the proud Normans that are about him wherefore to gaine a Kingdome I will doe him no violence and therewithall casting aside his battell axe hee ran to the King that stood altogether amazed and falling at his feete he craved his peace accused the Archbishop required that his cause might be heard in open assemblie of his Peeres and finally determined as truth and equity should deserve The King after hee had paused a pretty while seeing his old Father-in-Law to lie groveling at his feete and conceiving with himselfe that his suite was not unreasonable seeing also his children and the rest of the greatest Barons of the Land to kneele before him and make the like request hee listed up the Earle by the hand bad him be of good comfort pardoned all that was past and friendly having kissed hâ—m his sonnes upon the cheekes he lead them to his pallace called home the Queene and Summonned all his Lords unto a Councell wherein it is much to read how many â—ils were presented against the Bishop and his Normans some containing matter of rapes other of robbery extortion murder manslaughter high tâ—eason adultery and not a few of battery wherewith the King as a man now awaked out of sleepe was so offended that upon consultation had of these things he banished all the Normans out of the Land onely three or foure excepted whom he retained for sundry necessary causes albeit they never came more so neere him afterward as to be of his Privie Councell after this also the Earle lived almost two yeares and then falling into an apoplexie as he sate with the King at the table hee was taken up and carried into the Kings bedchamber where after a few dayes hee made an end of his life and thus much of our first broyle raised by the Clergie practice of the Archbishop I would intreat of all the like examples of Tyranny practised by the Prelates of this See against their Lords and Soveraignes but then I should rather write an History than a Description of this Iland Wherefore I referre you to those reports of Anselme and Becket sufficiently penned by other the which Anselme also making a shew as if hee had beene very unwilling to be placed in the See of Canterbury gave this answer to the Letters of such his friends as did make request unto him to take the charge upon him Secularia negotia nescio quia scire nolo c. Of secular affaires I have no skill becuase I will not know them for I even abhorre the troubles that rise about them as one that desireth to have his mind at Liberty I apply my whole endeavour to the rule of the Scriptures you lead mee to the contrary and it is to be feared lest the plough of holy Church which two strong men of equall force and both like earnest to contend unto that which is good that is the King and the Archbishop ought to draw should thereby now swarve from the right furrow by matching of an old sheepe with a wild untamed Bull. I am that old sheepe who if I might be quieâ— could peradventure shew my selfe not altogether ungratefull to some by feeding them with the milke of the word of God and covering them with wooll but if you match mee with this Bull yoâ— shall see that through want of equality in draught the plough will not goe too right c. as followeth in the processe of his Letters The said Thomas Becket was so proud that hee wrote to King Henry the second as to his Lord to his King and to his Sonne offering him his Counsell his reverence and due correction c. Others in like sort have protested that they oug't nothing to the Kings of this Land
sworne Vassall to the Pope and a Traytor to his Prince which Mr. Tyndall who lived at that time thus relates About the beginning of the Kings Grace that now in France was mighty so that I suppose it was not mightier this five hundred yeares King Lewis of France had won Naples and had taken Bonony from Saint Peters Seeâ— wherefore Pope Iuly was wroth and cast how to bring the French men down yet soberly lest while he brought him lower hee should give an occasion to lift up the Emperour higher Our first Voyage into Spaine was to bring the French men lower for our meynye were set in the Fore-front and borders of Spaine toward Gascoine partly to keepe those parties and partly to feare the Gascoynes and to keepe them at home while in the meane time the Spaniards wan Naverne When Naverns was wan our men came to lose as many as dyed not there and brought all their mony with them home againe save that they spent there Howbeit for all the losse of Naverne the French men were yet able enough to match Spaine the Venetians and the Pope with all the Souchenars that he could make so that there was yet no remedie but wee must set on the French men also if they should be brought out of Italy Then Pope Iuly wrote unto his deare Sonne Thomas Wolsie that hee would be as good as loving and as helping to Holy Church as ever any Thomas was seeing he was as able then the new Thomas as glorious as the old tooke the matter in hand and perswaded the Kings Grace And then the Kings Grace tooke a Dispensation for his Oath made upon the appointment of peace between him and the French King and promised to helpe the Holy Seate wherein Pope Peter never â—ate But the Emperour Maximilian might in no wiâ—e stand still leâ—t the French men should money him and get aide of him since the Almaines refuse not mony whensoever it be proffered then quoth Thomas Wolsie O ho and like your Grace what an honour should it be unto your Grace if the Emperour were your Souldier so great honour never chanced any King christened it should be spoken of while the World stood the glory and honour shall hide and darken the cost that it shall never be seene though it should cost your Realme Dixit factum est It was even so And then a Parliament and then pay and then upon the French Dogs with cleane remission of all his sinnes that slew one of them or if hee be slaine for the pardons have no strength to save in this life but in the life to come only then to Heaven straight without feeling of the paines of Purgatory Then came our King with all his might by Sea and by Land and the Emperour with a strong Armie and the Spaniards and the Pope and the Venetians all at once against King Lewis of France As soon as the Pope had that he desired in Italy then peace immediately and French men were christen menâ— and pitty yea and great sinne also were it to shed their bloud and the French king was the most Christian king again And thus was peace concluded our Englishmen or rather Sheep came home against Winter and left their Fleeces behinde them wherefore no â—mall number of them while they sought them better rayment at home were hanged for their labour When this peace was made our holy Cardinalsâ— and Bishops as their old guise is to calke and cast 40. yea an hundred year before what is like to chance unto their kingdome considered how the Emperour that now is was most like to be chosen Emperour after his Grandfather Maximilian for Maximilian had already obtained of divers of the Electours that it should so bee They considered also how mighty hee should bee First King of Spaine with all that pertaineth thereto which was wont to be 6. or 7. Kingdomesâ— then Duke of Burgaine Earle of Flanders of Holland Zeland and Braband with all that pertaine thereto then Emperour and his Brother Duke of Austria and his sister Queene of Hungarie wherefore thought our Prelates if wee take not heed betimes our Kingdome is like to be troubled and wee to be brought under the feet for this man shall be so mighty that he shall with power take out of the French Kings hands out of the hands of the Venetians and from the Pope also whatsoever pertaineth unto the Empire and whatsoever belongeth unto his other kingdomes and Dominions thereto and then will hee come to Rome and be crowned there and so shall hee overlooke our Holy Father and see what he doth and then shall the old Heretickes rise up againe and say that the Pope is Antichrist and stirre up againe and bring to light that we have hid and brought asleepe with much cost paine and bloud-shedding more than this hundred yeares long Considered also that his Aunt is Queene of England and his wife the King of Englands Siâ—ter considered the old amitie betweene the House of Burgaine and the old Kings of England so that they could never doe ought in France without their helpe and last of all considered the course of Marchandize that England hath in those parts and also the naturall hate that Englishmen beare to Frenchmen wherefore if we will use our old practise and set the French King against him then he shall lightly obtain the favour of the King of England by the meanes of his Ant and his wife and aid-with men and mony wherefore wee must take heed betimes and breake this amitie which thing we may by this our old craâ—â— easily bring to passe Let us take a Dispensation and breake this Marriage and turne the Kings Sister unto the French King If the French King get a Male of her then wee shall lightly make our King protectour of France and so shall England and France be coupled together and as for the Queene of England wee shall trim her well enough and occupie the king with strange love and keepe her that shee shall beare no rule And as the Gods had spoken so it came to passe Our faire young Daughter was sent to the old pockie king of Franceâ— that yeare before our mortall enemie and a Miscreant worse then a Turke and disobedient unto our Holy Father and no more obedient then hee was compelled to bee against his will In short space thereafter Thomas Wolsie now Cardinall and Legate a latere and greatly desirous to be Pope also thought it exceeding expedient for his many secret purposes to bring our king and the king of France that now is together both to make a perpetuall peace and amitie betweene them and that while the two kings and their Lords dalied together the great Cardinalls and Bishops of both parties might betray them both and the Emperour and all Christian kings thereto Then he made a journey of Gentlemen arrayed altogether in silke so much as their very shooes and lining of their Bootes more like their Mothers
and Lincolne both detained Prisoners affirming that it was a miserable wickednesse that the king was so farre seduced by incendiaries that he should command hands to be layd on his owne people especially on his Bishops in the peace of his Court That a Celestiall injury was hereby added to the kings dishonour that under pretence of the defaults of the Bishops Churches should be spoyled of their possessions That the kings excesse against the Law of God did so farre grieve him that he would rather suffer much losse both in his body and estate than the Episcopall celsitude should be cast downe with so great indignity that he ofâ— admonishedâ— the king to amend this same who even then refused not the calling of the Councell that therefore the Arch-bishop and the rest should consult together what was needfull to be done and hee would not be wanting to the execution of their advise neither for love of the king who was his brother nor for the losse of his possessions no nor yet for the perill of his head The King not distrusting his cause sent some Earles unto the Councell demaunding why he was summoned thither The Legate answered them in briefe that he who remembred that he had subjected himselfe to the faith of Christ ought not to be angry if he were called by Christs Ministers to make satisfaction being conscious of so great guilt as these ages had never seene For it was the act of secular Gentiles to imprison Bishops and strip them of their possessions Therefore they should tell his Brother that if he would give a willing assent to his Councell he would by Gods direction give him â—uch as neither the Church of Rome nor the Court of the king of France nor Count Theobald brother to them both should contradict but ought favourably to embrace that the king for the present should doe advisedly if either he would give an account of his fact or undergoe the judgement of the Canons for he ought of duty to favour the Church by reception into whose bosome and not by a â—and of Souldiers he was promoted to the kingdome Whereupon the Earles departing returned not long afâ—er wâ—th Albin Deâ—er an experienced Lawyer Who pleaded that Roger the Bishop had many wayes inâ—ured king Stephen that he came very seldome to his Court thaâ— his men presuming on his power had raised seditions that as often in other places so of late at Oxford they had made assaults on men and that upon Earle Alans owne Nephew and upon the Servants of Henry de Lyons a man of so great Nobility so haughty a brow that he would never upon king Henries request condescend to come into England That this injury redounded to king Stephen for whose loves sake hâ—e came that so great violence was offered to him that the Bishop of Lincolne out of his inveterate hatred against Alan had by his Servants beene the Author of Sedition that the Bishop of Salisbury secretly favoured the kings enemies dissembling his double dealing in the interim till a fiâ— occasion that the king had undoubtedly discovered this by many things and by this especially that he would not suffer Roger Mortimer with the kings Souldiers which he led in great â—eare of the Bristow men so much as to stay one night at Malmesbury that it was in every mans mouth that as soone as ever the Empresse should arrive that he with his Nâ—phewes and Castles would revolt to her that Roger was thus taken not as a Bishop but as the Kings Servant who both administred his affaires and received his wages that the King had not taken away the Castles from them by violence but that both the Bishops thankefully rendered them that they might excuse the calumny of the tumult which they had raised in the Court that the King found some money in the Castles which were lawâ—ully his owne because the Bishop had collected it out of the Rents of the Royall Exchequer in the time of King Henry his Uncle and antecessor that the Bishop for feare of his offences against the King willingly parted from them as he did from his Castles of which â—he King wanted not witnesses that therefore he desired the agreements betweene him and the Bishops should remaine firme Roger on the other side alleaged that he was never a Servant to the King nor received his wages moreover some threatnings were uttered by this generous Prelate who scorned to be dejected with mis-fortunes that if he found not justice in that Councell for the things taken from him that he would complaine thereof in the audience of a greater Court. The Legate answered mildlyâ— That they ought first to inquire as of other things so of all things which are spoken against Bishops in an Ecclesiasticall Councell by way of accusation whether they be true or not rather then to pronounce sentence against men uncondemned contrary to the decrees of the Canons let the King therefore doe that is lawfull to be done in secular judgements revest the Bishop of the things taken away by the Law of the Nations disseised men shall not plead Many things being spoken on both sides after this manner the cause at the Kings request was deferred 3. dayes longer till the Archbishop of Rhoan came Who sayd he granted that Bishops might have Castles if they could prove by the Canons that by law they ought to have them Which because they could not that it was extreame dishonesty to contend against the Canons And grant saith he that they may enjoy them yet verily because it is a suspitious time all the great men according to the custome of other Nations ought to deliver up the Keyes of their Fortresses to the Kings pleasure who ought to wage warre for the peace of all men Thus all the controversie of the Bishops was weakned For either according to the Decrees of the Canons it is unjust they should have Castles or if this be tolerated by the Kings indulgence they ought to yeeld up the keyes tâ— the necessity of the time To this Albric the Kings Lawyer added that the King was informed that the Bishops threatned among themselves and provided to send some of them to Rome against him And this saith he the King commendeth to you that none of you presume to doe it for if any one against his will and the dignity of the Kingdome of England shall goe any where from England peradventure his returne shal be difficult Moreover he because he seeth himselfe grieved of his own accord appeales you to Rome After the King partly by commending partly by way of threatning had commanded these things it was understood whither it tendedâ— Wherefore they so departed that neither he would suffer the censure of the Canons nor be judged by them neither did the Bishops thinke fit to exercise it and that for a double reason Either because it would be temerarious to excommunicate the King without the Popes privity Or else because they heard and some also
saw that there were swords drawne round about them for words were no jests but there was a contention almost about life and blood Yet the Legate and Archbishop gave not over but prosecuted the tenor of their office for casting themselves humbly downe at the Kings feete in his Bedchamber they beseeched him to compassionate the Church to compassionate his owne sâ—ule and fame that he would not suffer a dissention to be made betweene the Kingdome and Priesthood He rising up courteously although he removed the envie of the things done â—rom himselfe yet he made no effectuall performance of his good promises And so this great suite wherein the Prelates presumed to convent the king himselfe before them to try his title to Castles being temporall possessions ceased and the pretended execution of their owne Canons never pressed before that I read of vanished into nothing These bickerings betweene the Bishop his Nephewes and the king to whom he owed even the Crowne he wore caused all the Bishops to fall off from him againe and joyne with Maude This their treachery to King Stephen is most fully recorded by William Malmesbury who relates that the Bishop of Winchester brother to king Stephen and the Popes Legate taking some offence against the king came to a Parley with Maude in the fields neere Winchester where Maude the Empresse swore and vowed to him that all the greatest businesses in England and especially the Donations of Bishoprickes and Abbies should be at his disposall if he with the holy Church would receive her for their Soveraigne and be continually loyall to her some of the greatest Nobles of her party making the same oath Whereupon the Bishop made no scruple to receive the Empresse as Lady of England and to sweare to her by himselfe and some others that as long as she brake not this agreement that he would be faithfull to her which done the next day she was received by the Bishop in the Cathedrall Church of Winchester with an honourable Procession the Bishop of Winchester going on her right hand and Barnard Bishop of Saint Davids on her left there were other Bishops present beside these as Alexander Bishop of Lincolne Robert of Hereford Nigellus of Ely Robert of Bath with sundry Abbotsâ— a few dayes after Theobald Arch-bishop of Canterbury came to the Empresse at Winchester being invited by the Legate but deâ—erred to sweare fealty to the Empresse without the kings privity being as hee thought a dishonour to his fame and person but after some conference had with the king by the Cardinall and most of the Prelates who intreated leave of him to yeeld to the necessity of the time they condescended to the Legates motion and fell off to the Empresse Whereupon about a fortnight after Easter Theobald Arch-bishop of Canterbury held a Councell of all the Bishops of England and of many Abbots in great state at Winchester wherein the Bishop of Winchester made this speech That by vertue of his Legatine power which he derived from the Pope he had summoned the Clergie of England to this Councell that they might consult in Common of the peace of the Country which was in great danger of Shipwrack that in the time of King Henry his Uncle England was a singular houshold of peace c. Which King some yeares before his death caused all the Bishops and Barons to sweare to the Empresse his Daughter and onely Childe that the whole kingdome of England with the Dutchy of Normandy should descend to her if he had no issue male by the Duke of Loraines daughter That dismall fortune envied his most excellent Uncle so as he dyed in Normandy without issue male Therefore because it seemed long to expect the Lady who resided in Normandy and delayd to come into England to provide for the peace of the Country my Brother was permitted to raigne And although I became a surety betweene God and him that hee should honour and exalt the holy Church maintaine good Lawes and abrogate evill yet it grieves me to remember it shames me to relate what a one he hath shewed himselfe in his kingdome how no justice hath beene exercised upon the presumptuous how all peace was presently abolished almost the same yeare the Bishops apprehended and compelled to a reddition of their possessions Abbies sold the Churches rob'd of their treasures the Counsells of wicked men heard of good men either suspended or altogether contemned You know how often I have convented him both by my selfe and by the Bishops especially in the Councell the last yeare summoned to that purpose and that I got nothing but hatred thereby Neither can it be unknowne to any who will rightly consider it that I ought to love my mortall brother but ought much more to esteeme the cause of my immortall Father Therefore because God hath exercised his judgement touching my brother that he might permit him without my knowledge to fall into the power of the Mighty left the kingdome should â—ottet if it wanted a king I have invited you all by the right of my Legation to assemble together at this place Yesterday the cause was secretly ventilated before the greater part of the Clergie of England to whose right especially it belongs both to elect and ordaine a king Therefore having first invocated as it is meete Gods assistance we have â—lected the Daughter of a peace-making king a glorioâ—s king a rich king a good king and in our time incomparable to be Queene of England and Normandy and we promise fidelity and maintenance to her When the Bishop of Winchester had thus spoken all the Bishops and Clergie present as William of Malmsbury then present at the Councell relates did either modestly give their acclamation to the sentence of Mauds election and Stephens rejection or keeping silence did not contradict it In this Councell many who tooke king Stephens part were excommunicated and by name William Martell who had intercepted some of the Legates goods aâ—ter this Councell the City of London formerly addicted to king Stephen and the greatest part of England willingly submitted to the dominion of Maude who was principally counselled by Robert her brother and by the Legate of Winchester who pretended that hee sought her welfare but within few dayes after there fell out a difference betweene the Legate and Maude which occasioned a great alteration and was the cause of many new mischiefes in Englâ—nd Whereupon the Bishop Legate departed from the Court absolved all those whom he â—ormerly excommunicated in the Councell without the consent of the Bishops raised up a complaint against the Empresse that she intended to apprehend him and made no account of any thing she had sworne to Which report was spred over all England Whereupon he stirred up the Londoners and Barons against the Empresse whom he beseiged and restored Sâ—ephen not onely to his liberty but to the Crowne In the meane time â—his Roger Bishop of Salisbury dyes of a Quarâ—aine Fever which
a Towne called Tapsham and punishing him grieviously compelled him to eate with his teeth and swallow downe a Parchment Citation wax and allâ— written and sealed with the Archbishops sealâ— which he carried in his bosome wherewith to cite the Bishop Of which misdemeanor the Archbishop complaining to the King hee commanded William Courtney Earle of Devonshire to curbe these Rebells and to apprehend and carry them to the Archbishop who enjoyned them pennance and withall removed William Byd a Dr. of Law and Advocate of the Court of Arches from his Order and place because hee had given counsell to the Bishop of Exeter against the dignity of the See of Canterbury and thereupon prescribed a set forme of Oath to all the Advocates of that Court not to give any advice to any person against that See The Bishop of Exeter after much contention finding the Archbishop too potent for him and that his appeales were like to succeede but ill by reason the King favoured the Archbishop submitted himselfe to the Archbishops Iurisdiction and craved pardon for what was past In Edmund Lacyes time the 21. Bishop of this See there arose great contentions betweene him and the city for Liberties which by arbitrement were compounded After which Anno. 1451. King Henry the sixth came in progresse to the city of Exeter where after great entertainment there was a Sessions kept before the Duke of Sommerset and certaine men condemned to die for Treason and had judgement to be executed to death Edmond Lacy and his Clergy understanding hereof with open mouthâ— complained to the King that he caused a Sessions to be kept within his Sanctuary contrary to the priviledge of his Church and that therefore all their doings being done against Law were of no effect And notwithstanding the King and his Councell had discoursed to them the just and orderly proceeding the hainousnesse of the offences and of the offenders and the necessitie of their condigne punishment yet all could not availe for holy Church for neither holy Church nor the Sanctuary might be prophaned as they said with the deciding of temporall matters whereupon the King in the end yeelding to their exclaimes released a coupple of arrant Trayâ—ors reversed all his former lawfull proceedings and so departed and returned to London his Lawes and Justice being thus captivated to this Prelates will and trayterly encrochments upon his Prerogative so farre as even to exempe and rescuee notorious condemned Traytors from his Justice and condemnation even after judgement of death pronounced against them George Nevill the 23. Bishop of Exeter afterwards Archbishop of Yorke March the 4. 1460. after a solemne procession preached at Pauls Crosse where hee tooke upon him by manifold evidence to prove the Title of Prince Edward afterwards Edward the fourth to the Crowne to be just and lawfull answering all objeâ—tions that might be made to the contrary whereupon the â—aid Prince accompanied with the Lords Spirituall and Temporall and a great number of the common people rode the same day to Westminister Hall and there by the consent approbation of them all tooke possession of the Kingdome against King Henry the sixth who made him Bishop See more of him in Yorke part 1. p. 196.197 The Rebellion in Cornewall and Devonshire in Edward the sixe his raigne was imputed to Iohn Voysey Bishop of Exeter and other Priests who thereupon resigned his Bishoppricke into King Edwards hands having much wasted and impoverished it before Godwin writes of him That hee was Lord President of Wales and had the government of the Kings onely daughter the Lady Mary who afterwards proved a bloody persecuter by the Prelates cruell instigation tutership and evill counsell when she came to the Crowne Of all the Bishops of the Land he was accounted the best Courtier being better liked for his Courtly behaviour than his learning which in the end turned not so much to his credit as to the utter ruine and spoyle of the Churâ—h For of 22. Lordships and Mannors which his Predecessors had left unto him of a goodly yearely revenew he left but three and them also leased out and where hee found thirteene houses well furnished too much for one Prelate he left onely one house bare and without furniture and yet charged with sundry fees and anuities So as by these meanes this Bishopprickeâ— which sometime was counted one of the best is now become in temporall lands one of the meanest Iames Turbevill the 32. Bishop of this See was deprived in the first yeare of Queene Elizabeh for denying the Queenes Supremacy and refusing to take the Oaâ—h of Allegiance William Cotton the 37th Bishop of Exeter was a great persecuter and silencer of godly Ministers in his Diocesse and so was Bishop Cary after him for a season but at last both of them being mollified with gifts and gratuities became more milde selling that liberty of preaching for money which they formerly restrained gratis of purpose to advance this sale to an higher price so as may apply that of Bernard to them Episcopi hujus temporis Christi approbria sputa flagella claues lancem crucem mortem haec omnia in fornace avaritiae conflant profligant in acquisitionem turpis quaestus Et praecium vniversitatis suo marsupio includere festinant hoc solo sanâ— a Iuda Ischariota differentes quod ille horura omnium denariorum emolumentum denariorum numero coâ—pensavit isti voraâ—iori ingluvie lucrorum infinitas exigunt â—pâ—cunias his insatiabili desiderio inhiant pro his ne amittant timent cura amittunt dolent Animarum nec casus reputatur nec salus For the present Bishop of this See a man formerly much honored and deservedly respected both for his Writing and Preaching before he became a Bishop he hath much degenerated and lost himselfe of late not onely by his too much worldlinesse but by his over-confident defence of Episcopacy to be Iure Divino in some late Bookes he hath published and that upon such weake sandy grounds as vanish into smoake when seriously examined I read that Osbertus the second and William Warewest the third Bishop of this See became blinde in their latter dayes I wish this reverent Prelate may not doe the like who doth already Caecutire through the splendor of that Episcopall Lordly pompe and honour which some feare hath dazled his eye-sight I come now to Worceter The Bishops of Worceter Dunstan the sixteenth Bishop of Worceter afterwards of Canterbury put King Edgar to seven yeares penance for ravishing Wildfrid and kept him some twelve or fourteene yeares from the Crowne Which fact of Dunstans Mr. Fox thus expresseth you heard before how King Edgar is noted in all Stories to be an incontinent liver in deflouring Maids and Virgins three notoriously are expressed in Authors to wit Vlstride or Vlfride the second was the Dukes maide at Andever neere to Winchester the third
King Iohn and at last was glad to flie the Realme with other Prelates the King seising on his and their goods and banishing him the Kingdome Peter de Egueblancke the 42. Bishop of that See Cujus Memoria sulphureum faetorem exhalat ac deterrimum writes Matthew Paris An. 1255. put King Henry the 3. upon a strange and intolerable kinde of exaction such and so great as even beggered all the Clergie of that time he got certaine authenticke seales of the Bishops of England wherwith he sealed Indentures Instruments and Writings wherin was expressed that he had received divers summes of money for dispatch of businesses for them and their Churches of this or that Marchant of Florence or Spaine whereby they stood bound for payment thereof by the same Instruments and Writings so made by him their agent in their name This shift was devised by the said Bishop with license of the King and Pope into whose eares he distilled this poysonous councell the maner whereof Matthew Paris relates at large These debts being afterwards demanded the Prelates denied them to be true and said there was a greater occasion for them to suffer Martyrdome in this cause than of that of Thomas Becket of Canterbury whereupon the Bishops of London and Worceter protested they would rather lose their lives and Bishopprickes than consent to such an injury servitude and oppression Haec alta detestabilia à sulphurto fonte Romanae Ecclesiae proh pudor imo proh dolor tunc temporis emanarunt Writes Matthew Paris of this and such like cheating projects to get mony An. 1263. the Barons arrested this Bishop who plotted much mischiefe against them in his owne Cathedrall Church seised upon his goods devided his Treasure unto their souldiers before his face imprisoned him a long time in the Castle of Ordley as a meere pest and Traytor both to Church and State He was accursed of so many for his strange Oppressions Treacheriesâ— and Extravagances that it was impossible many calamities should not light upon him Long before his captivity his face was horribly deformed with a kind of Leprosie Morphea or Polypus which could by no meanes be cured till his dying day this disease made him hide his head so that none within his Diocesse knew where he lurked Some reported that he went to Mount Pessula to be cured of this his infirmity Tot in caput suum congessit imprecationes multipliciter à Doraino meruit flagellari ad sui ut sperandum est correctionem Writes Matthew Paris who further addes Episcopus Herefordensis turpissimo morbo videliceâ— Morphea Domino percutiente merito deâ—ormatur qui totum Regnum Angliae PRODITIOSE damnificauit About the yeare of our Lord 1256. the Archbishop of Burdeaux being old and decrepit began to be deadly sicke and being thought to be dead who was but halfe alive this Bishop of Hereford who most earnestly gaped after this Archbishoppricke thinking to obtaine itâ— procured the Kings Letters who was very favourable to him because hee was his Tax-gatherer and went with them beyond the Seas but when the truth appeared that the Archbiâ—hop was still aliveâ— hee lost both his journey labour travell and expenses and received many scoffes as one Mr. Lambin did in the like case of whom these two Verses were composed Aere dato multo nondum pastore sepultâ— Lambiâ— ad optatum Lambinus Pontificatura He to reimburse his expences not regarding the publike good but his owne privaâ—e benefit by license from the King and Pope collected a tith for himselfe in the borders of Irelandâ— and the places adjoyning which amounted to no small quantitie of money this he reputed the price of his paines and the reward of his treason and he caused it to be so strictly exactedâ— that shame prohibites the relation of the manner of the extortion And because fraud is not accustomed to want feare meticulosus armatus armatus vallatus incessit being fearefull he went armed and being armed hee went with a guard about him Adara de Orleton the 46. Bishop of Hereford was a notable wicked Traytor and Rebell against his Soveraigne King Edward the second who advanced him and was the chiefe cause both of his deprivation and murther Of whom you may read more at large in Winchester p. 265.266 Iohn Bruton or Briton was the 43. Bishop of Hereford on him the King bestowed the keeping of his wardrobes which he held long time with great honour as his Regester saith A wonderfull preferment that Bishops should be preferred from the Pulpit to the custody of Wardrobesâ— but such was the time neverthelesse his humble custody of that charge is more solemnely remembred then any good Sermon that ever he made which function peradventure hee committed to his Suffragane sith Bishops in those dayes had so much businesse at Court that they could not attend to Doctrine and Exhortation This Bishop was Doctor of both Lawes and very well seene in the common Lawes of the Land and writ a great volume De juribus Anglicanis yet extant but that he ever Preached or writ any thing of or had any skill at all in the Law of God I finde nothing at all in story Iohn Trevenant the 51. Bishop of Hereford sided with King Henry the 4th against Richard the second who advanced him and was sent to Rome to informe the Pope what good Title King Henry the 4th had unto the Crowne of England which he usurped So the Bishop of Duresme was then sent unto France the Bishop of Saint Asaph to Spaine the Bishop of Bangor to Germany armed with all â—orts of instructions for the justification of their new advanced King his Title too and usurpation of the Crowne So ready have Prelates beene not onely to act but to justifie defendâ— and boulster out Treasons and Rebellions of the highest nature with the depositions and murthers of their lawfull Princesâ— Anno. 1499. this Bishop of Hereford had a chiefe hand in deposing King Richard the second and was the second commissioner sent from the States in Parliament named in the Instrument wherein they declare his voluntary resignation and he with the Archbishop of Yorke made report to the Parliamentâ— of the Kings voluntary resignation of his Crowne and Kingdome the instrument whereof subscribed in their presence was delivered unto Thomas Arundels hands then Archbishop of Canterbury an Arch-traytor as I have formerly manifested The most of the succeeding Bishops of this See were translated to other bishopprickes where you may meete with them who were most obnoxious onely I observe that in the generall pardon of 22. H. 8. c. 15. the Bishop of Hereford then Charles Booth is specially excepted out of the pardon of the Premunire It seemes his crime was very great And for the present Bishop of Hereford George Cooke he stands now impeached by the Commons in Parliament for the late Canons Oath and benevolence in the pretended Synod
May the 13th This Bishop riding a horse somewhat too lusty for him was cast and so brused with the fall as he died by and by to wit May 13â— 1254. Thomas Merkes the Fiftenth Bishop of this See amongst many unworthy preferred to Bishopprickes in those dayes was undoubtedly a man well-deserving that honour for he was both learned and wise but principally to be commended first for his constant and unmoveable fidelity unto his Patrone and preferrer King Richard then for his excellent courage in professing the same when he might safely yea and honestly also have concealed his affection Some other there were of the Nobility that remembring their duety and allegiance when all the world bâ—sâ—de forsoke this unfortunate Prince followed him with their best assistance even till the time of his captivity This man nothing regarding the danger might ensue not onely refused to forsake him when he had forsaken himselfe but defended him and his cause the best he could when he might well perceive his endeavour might hurt himseâ—fe much without any possibility of helping the other when the furious and unstable multitude not contented that King Richard had resigned his Crowne to save the head that wore it and their darling Henry the fourth seated himselfe in his royall throne importuned the Parliament assembled to proceed yet farther against him desiring no doubt that to make all sure his life might be taken from him This worthy and memorable Prelate stepping forth doubted not to tell them that there was none amongst them meete to give judgement upon so noble a Prince as King Richard wasâ— whom they had taken for their Soveraigne and Leige Lord by the space of twentie two yeares and more And proceeding further I assure you quoth he I report his words as I find them in our Chronicles there is not so ranke a Trayter nor so arrant a theefe nor yet so cruell a murtherer apprehended or detained in prison for his offence but he shall be brought before the justice to heare Judgment and will you proceed to the judgment of an annointed King hearing neither his answere nor excuse I say and will avow that the Duke of Lancaster whom ye call king hath more trespassed to King Richard and his Realme the King Richard hath done either to him or us for it is manifest and well knowne that the Duke was banished the Realme by King Richard and his Councell and by the judgement of his owne Fatherâ— for the space of tenne yeares for what cause ye remember well enoughâ— This notwithstanding without Licence of King Richard he is returned againe into the Realme and that is worse hath taken upon him the name title and preheminence of King and therefore I say that you have done manifest wrong to proceede against King Richard in any sort without calling him openly to his answer and defence This Speech scarcely ended he was attâ—ched by the Earle Marshall and for a time committed to ward in the Abbey of St. Albanes Continuing yet his loyall affection unto his distressed Master soone afâ—er his inlargement he trayterously joyned with the Hollands and others in a conspiracy against King Henry the 4th which being bewrayed to the destruction of all the rest he onely was pardoned peradventure in regard of his calling for it had seldome or never been seene hitherto that any Bishop was put to death by order of Law peradventure in some kind of favour and admiration of his faithfull constancy for vertue will be honoured even of her enemies peradventure also to this end that by forcing him to live miserably they might lay a punishment upon him more grevious than death which they well saw he despised The Pope who seldome denied the King any request that hee might afford good cheepe was easily intreated to translate forsooth this good Bishop from the See of Carlile that yeelded him honourable maintenance unto Samos in Greece whereof he knew he should never receive one penny profit he was so happy as neither to take benefit of the gift of his enemy nor to be hurt by the masked malice of his counterfeit friend disdaining as it were to take his life by his gift that tooke away from his Master both life and Kingdome hee died shortly after his deliverance so deluding also the mockery of his Translation whereby things so falling out he was nothing damnified Hall reports that hee died for feare more than sicknesse as one rather desirous to die by deaths dart than the temporall Sword which this his Treason deserved being a great blemish to his former fidelity Owen Oglethorpe the 31. B. of this See was deprived with divers other Bishops for withstanding Q. Eliza. proceedings and refusing to take the Oath of Allegiance in the yeare 1559. Of other Bishops of this See since his dayes I find little mention most of them being translated to other Sees I shall therefore proceede to the Bishops of Norwich The Bishops of Norwich Iohn de Gray the fifth Bishop of Norwich if we beleeve Matthew Paris was one of those three Court Bishops who were consiliarios iniquissimos most wicked counsellors to King Iohn during the time of the inderdict of the Realme who desiring to please the King in all things consilium non pro ratione sed pro voluntate dederunt gave the King counsell not according to Reason but Will and thereby wrought much trouble both to the King and Kingdome Pandulphus the next Bishop of this See consecrated by the Pope at Rome Anno. 1222. was the Popes Legate and the chiefe instument who perswaded King Iohn most ignominiously and shamefully to resigne up his Crowne and Kingdome to the Pope to become his Vassall to his eternall infamy and to submit himselfe to Sâ—ephen Langhton and those other Trayterly Prelates who intardicted the Realme excommunicated this King published the Popes deprivation of him from his Crowne and instigated the French King to invade the Realme of England and usurpe the Crowne which the Pope had conferred on him upon King Iohns deprivation from it of which you may read more at large before in Stephen Langhton Archbishop of Canterbury p. 33. to 41. Onely let me informe you that during the time of this inderdict aboue six yeares space all Ecclesiasticall Sacraments ceased in England except Confession and the viaticum in extreame necessity and the Baptisme of Infants so as the bodyes of dead men were carried out of Townes and Villages and burried like dogges in Highwayes and Ditches without prayers and the ministry of Priests as Matthew Paris and others testifie Such was the Prelates piety and charity About the yeare of our Lord 1271. In the time of Roger de Skerwing 12. Bishop of Norwich there was raysed a dangerous sedition betweene the Citizens of Norwich and the Monkes of the Cathedrall Church the History whereof is briefely this At a Faire that was kept before the gates of the Priory there hapned
dominion of England and had never peace afterwards By the same counsell in our times the Kingdome was troubled and the interdict came and finally the Kingdome was made tributary and the Prince of Provinces alas for griefe is brought under tribute to ignoble persons and warres begun and long protracted your father died like a banished man neither in peace of the Kingdome nor of minde and so by them he incurred a very perillous death By the same counsell the Castle of Bedford was detained against you where you lost much treasure and many valiant men by meanes whereof in the interim you lost Rochell to the ignominy of the whole Realme Item the now imminent perturbation perilous to the whole Kingdome comes to passe through their wicked counsell because if your people had beene handled according to Justice and the right Judgement or Law of the Landâ— this perturbation had not hapned and you should have had your lands undestroyed your treasure unexhausted Likewise we tell you in that allegiance wherby we are obliged to you that your counsell is not of peaceâ— but of trouble to the Land because they that seeke to thrive by the trouble of the Kingdome and the disinherison of others cannot doe it by its peace Item because they have your Caâ—tles and your forces in their handâ— as if you ought to distrust your owne people Item because they have your Exchequor and all the greaâ—est Wards and Escheates in their power such an expectation pleaseth and how they will answer you in the end wee beleeve you shall prove Item because by your Seale or Precept without the Seale of Peter de Rivallis scarce any great businesse is done in the Realme as if they accounted you not to be King Item because by the same counsell the naturall borne subjects of your Kingdome are expelled out of your Court whence wee have cause to be fearefull both of you and the Kingdome when as wee see you to be more in their power than they in yours as appeares by very many examples Item because they have a mayde out of Brittany and your sister under their power with many other noble girles and women who are marriageable with Wards and marriages which they give to their owne creatures and disparage Item because they confound and pervert the Law of the Land sworne and confirmed and ratified by Excommunication and Justice likewise whence it is to be feared least they be Excommunicated and you also by communicating with them Item because they keepe to no man either their promise faith or oath or writing neither feare they Excommunication whence they who have receded from the truth are desperateâ— as remaining diffident in feare Now these things we faithfully relate to you and wee counsell beseech and admonish you before God and man that you would remove such counsell from you and as it is the custome in other Kingdomes that you governe your Kingdomes by your faithfull and sworne men of your Realme Wee denounce to you in verity that unlesse you correct these things within a short time we will proceede against you and all other contradictors by Ecclesiasticall Censureâ— expecting nothing but the Consecration of our venerable Father the Elect of Canterbury These things being thus spoken the King humbly desired a short time of truce saying that hee could not so sodainely remove his counsell untill he had received an account of the treasure committed to him and so the conference was dissolved all men departing with confidence of a concord speedily to be obtained soone after the Archbishop being consecrated upon the fifth of Aprill the King with his Nobles being at Westminster the Archbishop taking all the Bishops and other Prelates that were present with him whereof this Bishop of Chester was one went to the King and shewed him their counsell touching the imminent desolation and danger of the Kingdome repeating the former inconveniences mentioned in the conference and denounced to the King expresly that unlesse hee would speedily reforme his error and make a peaceable composition with the faithfull men of his Kingdome he with all the Bishops who were present would incontinently in ipsum Regem sententiam ferre excommunicationis pronounce a sentence of Excommunication against the King himselfe and against all others contradictors of this peace and perverters of concord The King hearing this humbly answered that hee would obey their counsels in all things Whereupon a few dayes after understanding his error moved with repentance he commanded Peter Bishop of Winchester to goe to his Bishopricke to intend the cure of soules and that from thenceforth Regiis negotiiâ— nequaquam interesset hee should by no meanes intermeddle with the Kings affaires Walter de Langton Bishop of Chester lived in great authority under King Edward the first who favoured him much but his sonne Edward the second molested disgraced him all that eyer he might His Fatherdying in the North country he â—ommanded this Bishop to conduct his corps up to London and when hee had done so for reward of his paines hee caused Sir Iohn Felton Constable of the Tower to arrest him seased upon all his goods and imprisoned him first in the Tower then in the Castle of Wallingford of which imprisonment he was not released in two yeares after In his fathers life time he had often reprehended the young Prince for his insolent and dissolute behaviour which good admonitions he taking in evill part wronged and disgraced him many wayes namely one time he brakâ— downe his Parkes spoyled and drove away his deare c. The Bishop complained of this outrage unto the King his Father who being greatly displeased therewith committed the Prince his sonne for certaine dayes And this was the cause of the grudge between the yong King and him for which he sent him from Castle to Castle as Prisoner seised his Lands Tenements into his own hands gave his moveables to Pierce Gaviston and his Lord Treasurership to Walter Reignold About the same time or I thinke a little sooner to wit in the yeare 1â—01 hee was accused of certaine hainous crimes before the Pope and compelled to answer the accusation at Rome in his owne person Though the proofes brought against him were either none or very slender yet well knowing whom they had in hand Noverant ipsum prae multis bovem valde pinguem saith Matth. Westminster they were content to detaine him there so long as it forced him to spend an infinite deale of mony yet was never a whit the nearer atlast for the Pope remitted the hearing of the cause to the Archbishop oâ— Canterbury and yet reserved the determination of the â—ame unto himself at last The tempests of these troubles being over-blowne the rest of his time he lived for ought I finde quietly and being happily dismissed from the Court attended onely the government of his charge This Bishop setling his See towards his later end at Litchfield I finde no mention at all of any
a great part of his Clergy and three Abbots and in full Synod excommunicated his Soveraigne Mouâ—ice King of Glamorgan for â—laying Cynetu and breaking the Covâ—nant which he had made in his presence upon the Altar of Peter the Apostâ—e and of Saint Dubricius and Telianus and then layed their Crosses to the earth and likewise intermitted Baptisme throughout his Country 〈◊〉 Communio Christiaâ—a and the Christian Communalty accursed the King and his progeny the Synod confirming it and saying Let his dayes be few and leâ— his childâ—en be Orphâ—nâ—s and his wife a wâ—ddow Whereupon the King with all his Country remained for two yeares space more under the said excommunication after which this King unable any longer to sustaine such a long lasting great excommunication seeing the perdition of his owne soule and damnation of his kingdome went to Landaffe and craved pardon of Saint Oudotius and powring out teares with his head bowed downe in the presence of three Abbots this Bishop imposed the yoake of pennance upon him according to the quality and quantity of his offence commending to him that hee should three manner of wayes amend his fault with God and the Church of Landaffe to wit with fasting Prayer and Almes whereupon this King for the redemption of his owne Soule and for the Soule of Synetu gave foure Villages to the Church of Landâ—ffe the names whereof are mentioned in that Synod Not long after another Synod was assembled by the same Bishop for the pennance and absolution of King Morâ—ant who slew Frioc his Vncle contrary to his oath they two having solemnely vowed that if one them should either kill or deceive the other that he would not redeeme himselfe either with Lands or money but would relinquish his Kingdome spenâ— his whole life in pilgrimage This K. confessing his fault before the Bishop and his Synod and craving pardon both for his perjury and Homicideâ— the whole Synod decreed least the Kingdome should be destitute of a King and of the pâ—otecting buckler of their naturall Lord that he should redeeme his Pilgrimage and â—xpiâ—te his homicide and perjury with fastings prayers and Almes which he swearing to doe they injoyned pennance to him according to his offence and his quality greatnesse and power whereupon he was restored to Christian Communion of which hee was formerly deprived by the Bishâ—p and gave three Churches with other particulars to the Church of Lâ—ndâ—ffe After this a third Synod was held under the same Bishop at Landâ—ffâ— wherein Guidneth who slew his brother Mercâ—ion in a contestation for the kingdome was excommunicated by this Bishop Synod with crosses laid downe to the ground and Cymbals overturnedâ— under which excommunication he remained three whole yeares without any Communion of Christians Afâ—er three yeares expired he asked pardon of the Bishâ—â— who granting him remission sent him in Pilgrimage to the Archbishop of Dole in Britany where he promised to continue a yeares space in exile but returning thence within the yeare this Bishop refused to absolve him and put him under the first excommunication because he performed not his first penance But this Bishop dying within a yeare after and Berthguin succeeding him king Morcant and Guadnorâ—h with many elders went to Landaffe and requested this new Bishop with one mouâ—h seeing â—he crosses yet laid downe upon the ground together with the reliques and Cymbals that he would absolve Guâ—dnorth from his excommunication by lifting up the Crosâ—es and Saints reliques from the earth After which Guednorth promising yet more to amend his life with fasting prayer and Almes and shedding teares with great devotion was thereupon absolved by the Bishop who enjoyned him plenary penance according to the manner of his fault he afterwards mindfull of the divine saying as water extinguisheth fire so alms doth sinne gave three Manors with all their liberties appurtenances to the Church of Landaffe By this kind of indirect meanes this Church got so much lands that had it now but the tenth part thereof Godwin assures us it would be one of the wealthiest Churches in Christendome Tâ—udâ—ur King of Brechiniauâ— or Brecknâ—ck sonne of Rese slew Elgistill another King of that Country treacherously after â— league solemnly sworne betweene themâ— not to lye in waite one for another and to maintaine a firme peace without deceit hereupon Gurcan the tenth Bishop of Landaffe with his Cleargy excommunicated him for his perjury and murther by uncovering the Altars of God casting the crosses and reliques to the ground and depriving him of all Christian communion whereupon Teâ—dur unable to undergoe this malediction and rigour of justice with a contrite heart and teares powred out craved pardon and submitted himselfe to the penance imposed on him according to his quality and greatnesse recompencing his wickednesse with Almes prayer and fasting and for his absolution he gave this Bishop Lan. Michâ—â—l with all its lands libâ—rties and Commons King Cloâ—ri and Lâ—ndguallaun made a solemne league before Berthgwin the 14. Bishop of Landaffe and sware to mainâ—aine fiâ—me peace betweene them in all things wâ—thout fraud or dammâ—ge And if either of them violated it he was to leave his kingdome and to goe on Pâ—lgrimage all his lifeâ— neither should he redeeme himselfe nor his kingdome with gold nor silver Aâ—ter which King Clotri breaking the league slew the other treacherously committing both homicide and pâ—rjury Which â—his Bâ—shop hearing of assembled a Synode of his Clergy at Landaffâ— and in a full Synod excommunicated the King with alâ— his progeny and kingdome by uncovering Gods Altars and casting downe the crosses to the earth and left the Country without Bâ—ptisme and the communion Whereupon the K. unable to endure so great an excommunication with great devotion submitted himselfe to the Bishop left his Kingdome went on Pilgrimage into forraigne parts from whence returning into his Countâ—y after a long â—pace by â—he intercession of King Morcant he obtained absolution from the Bishop to whose enjoyned penance he submitted thereupon he gave Helic with other lands to the Bâ—shop and his successors in the Church of Landaffe In this Bâ—shops time Gurcan the sonne of Guinâ—n kept his owne Stepmother for which the Bishop excommunicated him in such manner aâ— he did Cloâ—ri and upon his penance and absolution the Bishop wrâ—sted from him a peâ—â—e of land called Marchinis In the dayes of Cercenhir the 18. Bishâ—p of Landâ—ffâ— Houel King of Glevissig contrary to his solemne oath circumvented and slew Gallun the sonne of Cidrich whereupon the Bâ—shop summoning a Synode excommunicated him in such sort as the former Kings were almost a yeares space at which time hee coming bare foot to the Bishop implored absolution with many teares which he obtaining after publike pennance enjoyned gave three Mannors to the Bishop and his Church After which this Bishop excommunicated Coubius for murthering Câ—mauc contrary to his solemne oath and that in a publike
to the King recorded at large by Hoveden After which the Pope sent one Rolland Elect Bishop of Dole into Scotland to make peace betweene the King and Iohn who after long debate made this accord that Hugh should abjure the Bishopricke of Saint Andreweâ— and that Iohn should also release all his claimes thereto and in leiu thereof should have the Bishopricke of Dunkelden and all the rents he had before the election and the Chancery of the King and forty markes rent out of the Bishopricke of Saint Andrewes But Hugh when the King required him to renounce his Bishopricke answered That he would rather receive his judgement in the Court of Rome than thus abjure his Bishopricke to which he had beene consecrated And forthwith he reproved the Letters which Iohn had impetrated from Rome against him of falsehood and appealed to the Pope Whereupon Rolland not able to proceed certified the Pope at large of the agreement and proceedings After this Iohn and Hugh appearing before the Pope and Cardinals at Velletris their cause was fully heard and debated in their audience whereupon by the common Counsell of his Brethren he deprived both of them and caused them to resigne the Bishoprick into his hands freely and absolutely And within â—ew dayes after by the advise of all the Cardinalls the Pope restored and confirmed the Bishopricke of Saint Andrewes to Hugh and gave the Bishopricke of Dunkelden with what ever the King formerly offered to Iohn Both the Bishops returning home received these severall Bishoprickes but because the King would not restore to Iohn the things taken from him he questioned Hugh againe for the Bishopricke of Saint Andrewes For which purpose he went to Rome where he procured Hugh to be deposed though but newly setled there before and brought with him five severall Letters from Pope Clement touching this businesse The first to Iocelin Bishop of Glascow Matthew Bishop of Aberden and others declaring the deposition of Hugh and absolving all within his Diocesse from his subjection and obedience and enjoyning them to elect Iohn and receive him for their Bishop The second to William King of Scots to receive Iohn into favour to remove Hugh and invest Iohn in this Bishopricke The third to Henry the second King of England beseeching admonishing and enjoyning him as he tendred the remission of his sinnes and out of his reverence of Saint Peter and him diligently to admonish and perswade the King of Scots Et si necesse fuerit districtione regali qua ei praemines concessa tuae regiae celsitudini potestate compellas c. And if need were To compell him by his royall distresse whereby he was above him and by the power granted to his royall Highnesse to lay aside all his rancor against this Bishop conceived by the malice of some whisperers and removing all excuses to pardon him and to permit him quietly to enjoy the Diocesse of Saint Andrewes without any further trouble or suite seeing he was ready and prepared to be obedient to the King in all things The fourth to all the Clergy and of the Diocesse of Saint Andrewes enjoyning them humbly and devoutly to receive Iohn as their proper Father and Pastor and fromthenceforth to give all due reverence and obedience to his wholesome admonitions and mandates wiâ—hout any diâ—â—imulation declaring all elections of any other to the Bishopricke voyd and threatning to put all the Diocesse under interdict if they presumed to conspire against Iohn untill they should acknowledge their offence and submit unto him The fifth to three Scottish Bishops and sundry Abbots reciting how great persecutions calamities and pressures the Church of Saint Andrewes had suffered under the shadow of the Kings indignation and what great dangers and labours Iohn had sustained â—or the preservation of the liberties of the Church committed to him confirmed by two Popes his predecessours and requiring them after the receipt of this Letter to meete together like wise and provident men and to goe to the Kings presence and diligently to admonish and induce him to remit the rancor of his indignation against the said Bishop and not to contemne the Church of Rome herein but without delay wholesomely to obey and humbly to submit to her and to their admonitions as it was agreeable to his Kingly glory and salvation and quietly to permit the Bishop to enjoy the Bishopricke of Saint Andrewes And that iâ— which God forbid he should resist these Apostolicall monitions to the perill of his owne salvation then they should promulgate an iâ—terdict against his highnesse Kingdome his Person and all his Favorites and Abettors within twenty dayes notwithstanding any appeale by his Apostolicall authority And â—hould strike those with the like sentence who were obedient to Hugh and fomented him in his obstinacy seeing the See Apostolicke had perpetually removed from Saint Andrewes and excommunicated him and should publickely pronounce them to be excommunicated as long as they did thus and should be carefully avoyded by others untill they should returne to the Churches obedience and demaund the benefit of absolution from Iohn as their Bishop Enjoyning them farther to purifie and sanctifie according to the custome of the Church all the Altars and Chalices in which Hugh had celebrated during his excommunication and to suspend all the Clerkes of Saint Andrewes both from their office and benefice and knit them fast in the bond of excommunication who should be contumacious and rebellious against Iohn untill they submitted to him The King hearing these things being at last overcome by the perswasion and intreaty of his friends received Ioâ—n into his favour and granted him peaceably to enjoy the Bâ—shopricke of Dunkelden and all the Rents he formerly had before his consecration upon condition that Iohn should quite claime from all suite the Bishopricke of Saint Andrewes which notwithstanding the Popes Letters wherewith he was furnished he was content to doe and to submit to the Kings mercy knowing That a morsell of bread is better with joy than an house full of sacrifice with contention Hugh being degraded from Saint Andrewes and excommunicated goes to Rome and giving caution to stand to the judgement of the Church he was mercifully absolved by the Pope and within few dayes after dyed at Rome of the plague with most of his family Whereupon the King of Scotland gave the Bishoprick of Saint Andrews to Roger the Earle of Leicestors Sonne then his Chancellour Iohn being present and not contradicting it The same yeare 1188. King William sent Messengers to Pope Clement and obtained of him Letters of Protection in this forme touching the exemption of the Churches of his Kingdome Clemens Episcopus servus servorum Dei charissimo in Christo filio Willielmo illustri Scotorum Regi salutem Apostolicam benedictionem Cum universi Christi jugo subjecti ad sedem Apostolicam patrocinium invenire debeant favorem illos tamen specialius convâ—nit munimâ—ne protectionis confoveri quorum fidem ac
passed through England and having other learned men in his company did visite the King of England of whom hee was most honourably and courteously received from whence going into Scotland he was made Treasâ—rer which Office hee kept as long as his Brother was Governour whom he did further in all good Counsells at home and save and defend in the warâ—es abroade Anno 1598. In Iuly August and March there was an assembly of the Prelates and Clergie of Scotland held at Edenburgh in which certaine men and women of Edenburgh were accused of Heresie and burned at the towne crosse with â—aggots on their backes whereupon great tumults were raysed there for appeasing whereof the Lord Seton was made Governour of the Towne In this Councell of all the Prelates and Clergie of Scotland the Temporalty proponed divers Articles of reâ—ormation as to have the Prayers and administration of the Sacrament in the Scottish tongue the Election of Bishops and all beneficed men to passe by the voyces of the Temporall Lords and people and Parishes c. All which the Bishops refused to grant where through there arose shortly afâ—er great troubles in Scotland For they perswading the Queene Regent to sommon Master Iohn Knox and others to appeare before them at Striveling for lacke of appearance they were denounced Rebels and put to the home Whereupon they and the Burgesses of Perth with others pulled downe the Images and Altars in all Churches and suppressed the houses of Priors and other Religious places and Abbies both in Perth S. Andrewes Edenburgh and other places whereupon the Queene-Regent with the Arch-bishops of Saint Andrewes and Glascow the Bishops of Dulkenden Dublane with many other chiefe of the Clergie came to Perth and raised an Army against the Reformers who thereupon gathered an Army to resist them which being ready to meeâ—e on Couper More in battle by the labour of some Noble men the battle was stayed and Articles of agreement drawne betweene the Regent and the Lords of the reformed Religion the contents whereof you may reade in Lesâ—e Buchanan and Holinshed Anno 1559. A Parliament was holden and a disputation appointed betweene the Protestant Divines and Popish Prelates at what time the Roman Prelates behaved themselves so well that they were commanded not to depart the Towne but to be present at the Sermons of the Ministers In the winter the Lords of the Counsell gave faculties of Benefices to divers of their friends who put forth the Prelates and received the fruites The Earle of Argile disposed Dunkeld and Dublane The Earle of Arran had the ordering of the Bishoprickes of Saint Andrewes and divers Abbies the like was used by other Noblemen through all parts of the Kingdome In the same yeare being the 17. of Queene Mary he was with the Queene beseiged in Leith Anno 1560. superintendents serving for the election of other Ministers were chosen at Edenburgh whereof Iohn Spursword was one chosen by the suffrage of all the people Anno 1562. this Arch-bishop of Saint Andrewes because after an Edict made thereof hee did noâ— abstaine from hearing and saying Masse was commitâ—ed prisoner to Edenburgh Castle This Arch-Bishop still following the Queenes part he with others meeteth her in the yeare of Christ 1566. at Muskleburow and so attendeth on her who noâ— long after in the yeare of Christ 1571. being about the fourth yeare of Iames the sixth was taken in the Castle of Dunbritaine and sent Prisoner into Sterling where being examined by the Regent Matthew Earle of Lenox about the murâ—her of Henry King of Scotâ— sonne to the sayd Matthew he was there drawne hanged and quarteredâ— being the first Arch-bishop that I have yet heard of writes Thin that suffered so ignominous a death the manner whereof Holinshed and Chytraeus doth thus more largely relate The Regent comming to Striveling caused the Arch-bishop of S. Andrewes to be examined upon certaine Articles as well â—ouching the murther of the laâ—e King Henry as also for the death of the Earle of Murrey the late Regent at what time there came in a Priest without compulsion of any and before the Regent declared that one Iohn Hamilton being in extreame sicknesse under confession told him that the Bishop did send him with three others to the murther of the King and as touching the murther of the Earle of Murrey the Bishops flat answere was He might have letted it if he would Therewith the people that heard him cryed Away with him hang him And so for these and other offences for the which he had been foresalted before that time he was now executed on a Gibbet set up in the Market place of Striveling Patricke Adamson alias Constance next succeeded in the Archbishopricke of Saint Andrewes in his time Anno 1573. there was a Parliament in Edenburgh wherein divers were made and Articles agreed upon touching Religion and against Popery â—he third whereof was That none of the adversaries and enemies of Gods truth shall enjoy the patrimony of the Kirke Afterwards Anno. 1578. the question touching the Bishops power was disputed in many assemblies and aâ— length Anno. 1580. in an Assembly holden at Duâ—die their office was found to be unlawfull not grounded on Gods Word but introduced by the folly and corruptions of mens inventions and thereupon una voce condemned and abjured Anno 1581. and 1582. there were many contentions betweene the Prelates and Presbyters of Scotland touching the Jurisdiction of Bishops which the assembly condemned and the setling and confirming of Religion to the great disturbance of the Realme which I pretermit for brevity sake The next yeare 1583. the Presbytery as they had many times done before did excommunicate their Metropolitane the Archbishop of Saint Andrewes and the rest of the Bishops also because they would not in all their actions support and confirme the Doctrine which the Presbytery had established and maintaine the use of their Episcopacy which they had ordered to be simply abjured and relinquished as an office to which they were not called by God which Excommunication the Presbytery did the more boldly pronounce because they were supported by the assistance of Master Lindseie a great enemy to this Patrick Adamson Bishop of Saint Andrews But the King in the beginning did assist him against them and the Arch-bishop did in like sort thunder an Excomunication against them which division writes Thin not being meete to be in the Clergie who ought to be as the Apostles were Of one heart and of one minde will in the end as Christ saith bring that Realme to confusion for Omne regnum in se divisum desolabitur At last this Bishop excommunicated by the Assembly at Edenburgh was enforced to renounce his Archiepiscopall jurisdiction and to make this publike recantation which quite subverts the pretended Ius Divinum of the Prelacy in the Synod of Fiffe Aprill the 8. 1591. I confesse with a sincere minde without
The proud Pope put him out So of his Realme is in doubt But Lords bâ—ware and them defend For now these folk been wondrous stout Moses Law forbade iâ— thâ— That Priests should no Lordships weld Christs Gospell biddeth also That they shoâ—ld no Lordshipâ— held Ne Christs Apostles were never so bold No such Lordships to them embrace But â—â—neren her â—â—eep and keep her fold God amend hem for his grace c. This Booke of Chaucer was authorised to be printed by Act of Parliament in the 34. and 3â— Hen. 8. C. 2. When the Prelates by the same Act prohibited both the printing and reading of the Bible in English such was their piety About the same time there was a device or counterfeit letter fained under the nâ—â—e of Luâ—ifer Prince of darknesse written to the persâ—cuting Prâ—lâ—tes of England in those times and transcribed by Master Fox out of the Register of the Bishop of Hereford and written as some thinke by William Swinderby or some other Lollard The coppy whereof I shall here insert because it lively sets sorth the use and benefit that the Devill makes of our Lordly Prelates and the ill effects of their great wealth and power to the great prejudice both of our Church and State I LVCIFER Prince of Darknesse and profound heavinesse Emperour of the high Misteries of the King of Acharoâ—t Captaine of the Dungeon King of Hell and controuler of the infernall fire To all our children of pride and companions of our Kingdome and especially to our Princes of the Church of this later age and time of which our adversary Jesus Christ according to the Prophet saith I hate the Church or Congregation of the wicked send greeting and wish prosperity to all that obey our commandements as also to all those that be obedient to the Lawes of Satan already enacted and are diligent observers of our behests and the precepts of our decree Know ye that in times past certaine Vicars or Vicegerents of Christ following his steps in miracles and virtues living and continuing in a beggarly life converted in a manner the whole World from the yoake of our tyranny unto their Doctrine and manner of life to the great derision and contempt of our Prison-house and kingdome and also to the no little prejudice and hurt of our jurisdiction and authority not fearing to hurt our fortified power and to offend the Majesty of our estate For then received we no tribute of the World neither did the miserable sort of common people rush at the gates of our deepe dungeon as they were wont to do with continual pealing and rapping but then the easie pleasant and broad way which leadeth to death lay still without great noyse of trampling travellers neither yet was trod with feet of miserable men And when all our Courts were without Suitors Hell then began to howle And thus continuing in great heavinesse and anguish was robbed and spoyled Which thing considered the impatient rage of our stomack could no longer suffer neither the ugly rechlesse negligence of our great Captainâ— generall could any longer endure it But we seâ—king remedy for the time that should come after have provided us of a very trim shift For in stead of these Apostles and other their adherents which draw by the same line of theirs as well in manners as doctrine and are odious enemies to us Wee have caused you to be their Successors and put you in their place which be Prelates of the Church in these later times by our great might and subtilty as Christ hath said of you They have raigned but not by me Once we promised unto him all the Kingdomes of the World if he would fall downe and worship us but he would not saying My Kingdome is not of this World and went his way when the multitude would have made him a temporall King But to you truely which are fallen from the state of grace and that serve us in the earth is that my promise fulfilled and all terrene things by our meanes which wee bestowed upon you are under government For he hath said of us ye know The Prince of this World cometh c. And hath made us to raigne over all children of unbeleife Therefore our adversaries before recited did patiently submit themselves unto the Princes of the World and did teach that men should doe so saying Be ye subject to every creature for Gods cause whether it be to the King as most chiefest And againe Obey ye them that are made rulers over you â— For so their Master commanded them saying The Kâ—ngs of the Heathen have dominion over them c. But I thinke it long till we have powred our poyson upon the earth and therefore fill your selves full And now be ye not unlike those Fathers but also contrary unto them in your life and conditions and extoll your selves above all other men Neither doe ye give unto God that which belongeth to him nor yet to Caesar that which is his but exercise you the power of both the Swordsâ— according to our decrees making your selves doers in worldly matters fightâ—ng in our quarrell intangled with secular labours and businesse And clime ye by little and little from the miserable state of poverty unto the highest Seats of all Honours and the most Princely places of dignity by your devised practises and false and deceitfull wiles and subtilty that is by Hypocrisie Flattery Lying Perjury Treasons Deceiâ—s Simony and other greaâ—er wickednesse then which our internall furies may devise For after that ye have been by us advanced thither where ye would be yet that doth not suffice you but as greedy starvelings more hungry then ye were before ye suppresse the poore scratch and rake together all that comes to hand perverting and turning every thing topsie â—urvey so swolne that ready ye are to burst for pride living like Lechers in all corporall delicatenesse and by fraud directing all your doings You challenge to your selves names of honour in the earth calling your selves Lords Holy yea and most holy Fathers Thus either by violence ye raven or else by ambition subtilly ye pilfer away and wrongfully wrest and by false title possesse those goods which for the sustentation of the poore members of Christ whom from our first fall we have hated were bestowed and given consuming them as ye your selves list and wherewith ye cherish and maintaine an innumerable sort of Whores Strumpets and Bawdes with whom ye ride pompously like mighty Princes farre otherwise going then those poore beggarly Priests of the primitive Church For I would ye should build your selves rich and gorgeous Palaces Ye fare like Princes eating and drinking the most daintiest meates and pleasantest wines that may be gotten Ye hoard and heape together an infinite deale of treasure not like to him that said Gold and silver have I none Ye serve and fight for us according to your wages O most acceptable society
hypocrisie might be seene Be learned therefore ye that Judge the world lest God be angry with you and ye perish from the right way Page 141. He proceeds thus When all men lose their Lands they remaine alwayes sure and in safety and ever win somewhat For whosoever conquereth other mens Lands unrightfully ever giveth them part with them To them is all things Lawfullâ— In all Councels and Parliaments are they the chiefe without them may no King be Crowned neither untill he be sworne to their Liberties All secrets know they even the very thoughts of mens hearts By them all things are ministred No King nor Realme may thorough their falshood live in peace To beleeve they teach not in Christ but in them and their disguised hypocrisie And of them compell they all men to buy redemption and forgivenâ—sse of sinnes The peoples sinne they eate and thereof wax fat The more wicked the people are the more prosperous is their common wealth If Kings and great men doe amisse they must build Abbies and Colledges meane men build Chauntries poore finde Trentalls and Brotherhoods and begging Fryers Their owne heires doe men dis-herit to endote them All Kings are compelled to submit themselves to them Read the Story of King Iohn and of other Kings They will have their causes avenged though whole Realmes should therefore perish Page 142.143 He Addes What signifieth that the Prelates are so bloody and cloathed in Red that they may be ready every houre to suffer Martyrdome for the testimony of Gods Word Is that also not a false signe when no man dare for them once to open his mouth to aske a question of Gods Word because they are ready to burne him What signifieth the Pollaxes that are borne before high Legates A Latere whatsoever false signe they make of them I care notâ— but of this I am sure that as the old hypocrites when they had slaine Christ â—et Pollaxes to keepe him in his Sepulcher that he should not rise againe even so have our hypocrites buried the Testament that God made unto us in Christs blood and to keepe it downe that it rise not againe is all their study whereof these Pollaxes are the very signe Is not that Shepheards hooke the Bishops crosse a false signe Is not that White Rotchet that the Bishop and Channons weare so like a Nunne and so effeminately a false signe what other things are their Sandals Gloves Miters and all the whole pompe of their disguising then false signes in which Paul prophesied that they should come And as Christ warned us to beware of Wolves in Lambes skins and bad us looke rather unto their fruites and deedes than to wonder at their disguisings Runne throughout all our holy religious and thou shalt finde them likewise all cloathed in falsehood Againe Page 145. He writes thus But Christ saith Mat. 7. By their fruites shalt thou know them that is by their filthy covetousnesse and shamelesse ambition and drunken desire of honour contrary unto the example and doctrine of Christ and of his Apostles Christ sayd to Peter the last chapter of Iohn Feede my sheepe and not sheare thy flocke And Peter saith 1 Pet. 5. Not being Lords over the Parishes but these sheare and are become Lords Paul saith 2 Cor. 2. Not that we be Lords over your faith but these will be Lords and compell us to beleeve whatsoever they lust without any witnesse of Scripture yea cleane conâ—rary to the Scripture when the open text rebuketh it And Page 146. saith he as for that solemne doubt as they call it whether Iudas was a Priest or no I care not what he was then but of this I am sure that he is now not onely Priest but also Bishop Cardinall and Pope Page 155. he addes Confession is there held thereby know they all secrets thereby mocke they all men and all mens wives and beguile Knights and Esquires Lord and King and betray all Realmes The Bishops with the Pope have a ceâ—taine conspiration and secret Treason against the whole world And by Confession know they what Kings and Emperours thinke If ought be against them doe they never so evill then move they their Captives to warre and to fight and give them pardons to sâ—ay whom they will have taken out of the way They have with falsehood taken from all Kings and Emperours their right and duties which now they call their Freedomes Liberties and priviledges and have peâ—verted the Ordinances that God left in the world and have made every King sweare to defend their falsehood against their own selves So that now if any man preach Gods Word truely and shew the freedome and Liberty of the Soule which we have in Christ or entend to restore the kings againe unto their duties and right and to the roome and authority which they have of God and of shadowes to make them Kings indeed and to put the world in his order againe then the Kings deliver their swords and authority unto the Hypocriteâ— to slay him So drunken are they with the wine of the whore Page 180.181.182.183 He there thus farther proceedes On the other side I have also uttered the wâ—ckednesse of the Spiritualty the falsehood of the Bishops anâ— juggling of the Pope and how they have disguised themâ—elves borrowing some of their pompe of the Jewes and some of the Gentiles and have with subtile wiles turned the obedience that should be given to Gods Ordinance unto themselves And how they have put our Gods Testament and Gods truth and set up their owne traditions and lyes in which they have taught the people to beleeve and thereby sit in their Consciences as God and have by that meanes robbed the world of Lands and goods of peace and unity and of all temporall authority and have brought the people into the ignorance of God and have heaped the wrath of God upon all Realmes and namely upon the Kings whom they have robbed I speake not of worldly things onely but â—ven of their very naturall wits They make them beleeve that they are most Christian when they live most abominably and will suffer no man in their Realmes that beleeveth on Christ and that they are defenders of the â—aith when they burne the Gospell and promises of God out of which all faith springethâ— I â—â—â—wed how they have ministred Christ King and Emperour ouâ— of their roomes and how they have made them a severall kingdome which they got at the first in deceiving of Princes and now pervert the whole Scripture to prove that they have such authority of God And lâ—st the Lâ—y-men should see how falsely they alleadge the places of the â—â—ripture is the greatest câ—use of this perâ—ecâ—tâ—on They have 〈◊〉 Confession for the same pâ—â—pose to â—â—â—â—blish tâ—eir Kingdome withall All secrets know they therebyâ— The Bishop knoweth the Confession of whom he â—usteth throughout all his Diocesse Yea and his Câ—â—ncellour commâ—â—deth the
men are scantly saved at the last which with couragious faith continually wrestling and fighting with their flesh and the Devill do live in a good and a vertuous kind of life why dost thou then hope in vaine â—hat thou shalt be saved among so many jeâ—pardies among so many voluptuous plaasures What doth it profit saith Christ himselfe if hee do possesse all the World and all the Kingdomes and do cast away his owne soule But whereof or which way will some say should Kings Princes Earles Barons Knights briefely all the Nobles of the world provide for their younger children if these Bishopricks if those Cathedrall and Collegiate Churches were not And therein first we may openly see the exceedinge foolishnesse and blindnesse of all Christendome which hitherto have bought commonly of the Romanists the Benefices and Prebends founded by themselves with the blood of their Children Loe here I doe speake unto thee whosoever thou art who dost wittingly so cast away thy children If any Ploughman or Smith did wound or kill thy Sonne or did defile thy daughter or thy Sister thou wouldst for anger goe about to doe the uttermost mischiefe that thou couldst to overthrow and destroy even whole Cities whole Provinces for the revenging thereof would seeme but a small matter unto thee thou wouldst thinke in thy minde it to be so high and so hainous an offence that was done unto thee but I beseech thee here open the eyes of thy minde and looke whether there can be a more sure Homicide and murtherer of thy children any more grievous and more cruell enemie unto them than thou art thine owne selfe advancing and promoting them to a Bishopricke or thrusting them downe into such a Church as they doe call it for thou makest thy sonne a Bishop which state as it is now far away from the ministration of the word and from all godlinesse thou knowest undoubtedly to be a devillish state in which thy sonne can in no wise be saved Sith it is so that thou dost know this tell me I beseech thee whether thou dost not more sore rage and use more cruelty against him than if thou cut him into gobbets and didst throw his flesh unto dogs to be devoured if thy sonne through his owne mis-understanding ignorance or error had stumbled and falne into such a certaine kind and manner of living thou oughtst with all diligence and with all thy power to labour and goe about if there were any wisedome or any point of a Christian mind in thee to rid him out of it although thou hadst but onely one loafe of bread to live on thy selfe whereof thou shouldst be faine to give him the one halfe but here I beseech thee looke upon thy selfe somewhat more neere and more narrowly whosoever thou art which dost cast downe thy children headlong into these kindes and manners of living and consider what manner of father thou art onely to keepe thy Dominion and thy riches upright and from decay onely lest thy gold and silver should be diminished if it were divided among many heires thou dost thrust downe willingly cast headlong thy Sons and kinsmen into the deep dungeon of hell neither doth it move or stirre thee any whit to see thine owne blood supped and swallowed up in the throate of the Devill and perpetually to perish so that thou be not compelled to diminish or debate any thing of thy superfluity or any parcell of thy pompe and royalty Lo this most ungracious opinion this custome is crept in and used in many places that as oftentimes as any great mans Sonne being meete rather for any other thing than for a Bishopricke is chosen and â—lected Bishop or is brought into the Temple then with solemne pompe and a solemne company set in their array are madde cries and loud shouts as it were in a triumph then all the Halls and Courts doe sound and ring with the noise of trumps with trumpets with â—â—breâ—sâ— then are in every place lighted tapers and torches then that solemne Song Te Dewn laudamus is thundered out so that these triumphs do plainly represent unto us the image of those foolish Kings of Israel which did burne up their sonnes and daughâ—ers for a Sacrifice in the honour of the Idol Moloâ—â— and with the divers loud sounds of trumps did bring to passe that the lamentable crying ouâ— and wayling of them that were in the midst of the fire could not be heard The author of this booke hath many such like passages against Bishops And as for Cathedrall Churches hee stiles them Stewes and the Gates of hell a certaine unsatiable bottomlesse whirle poole which swallowes up the riches of Kings of Princes of Dukes of Earles of the Common people and of all the world But I passe from this old Treatise About the same time there was a Treatise expressing the causes of the Divisions betweene the Spiritualty and the Temporalty Printed Londini in aedibus Thomâ— Bartheleti prope aquagium sitis sub intersignio Lucretiae Romanae excus Cum Privilegio I shall transcribe no passages out of this Treatise but onely the Table of the Chapters at the end thereof wherein the causes of the division betweene the Spiritualty and the Temporalty are summarily expressed Chap. 1. That the Division among spirituall men themselves hath beene one cause of the Division that is now betweene the spiritualty and temporalty in this Realme Chap. 2. That the omitting of divers good lawes with certain defalts disorders in men of the Church which among others be recited and declared by John Gerson have been another occasion of this division Among these he numbers the neglect of these two Canons That Bishops should have poore apparell lodging and table and should not strive for transitory things And the Clerkes shall not take upon them the acts or procurations of spirituall men Chap. 3. That certaine Lawes made by the Church wherein it is recited Quod Laici sunt Clericis infesti That is to say That Lay men be cruell to Clerkes hath beene another cause of this division Chap. 4. That the extreme Lawes made by the Church for laying violent hands upon Clerkes have beene another cause of this Division Chap. 5. That the disordering of the generall sentence of excommunication hath beene another occasion of the said division which saith hee will never be appeâ—sed till the heads spirituall will reforme themselves and shew a fatherly affection to the people and not extend the sentence oâ— the Church upon so light causes and upon such partiality as they have done in times past Chap. 6. That another occasion of this division hath partly risen by temporall men through disordering of their Chaplaines and Chauntry Priests Chap. 7. That suits taken in the Spirituall Courts Ex officio have beene another occasion of this Division which suits together with Oathes Ex officio whereby a man shall be condemned and not know the names of them that be causes
Faith Theo. But Laymen may choose what faith they will professe and Princes may dispose of their Kingdomes though Priests and Bishops would say nay Phi. Religion they may not dispose without a Councell Theo. Not if God command Phi. How shall they know what God commandeth unlesse they have a Councell Theo. This is childish wrangling I aske if God command whether the Prince shall refuse to obey till the Clergy confirme the same Phi. You may be sure a wise and sober Clergy will not dissent from Gods precepts Theo. What they will doe is out of our matter But in case they doe to which shall the Prince hearken to God or those that beare themselves for Priests Phi. In case they doe so you need not doubt but God must be regarded and not men Theo. And hath the Prince sufficient authority to put that in â—re which God commandeth though the Priests continue their wilfulnes Phi. There is no Councell nor consent of men good against God Theo. Hold you there Then when Châ—istian Princes are instructed and resolved by learned and faithfull teachers what God requireth at their hands what need they care for the backward disposition of such false Prophets as are turned from the truth and preach lyes Phi. In England when her Majesty came to the Crowne it was not so The Bishops that dissented were grave vertuous and honourable Pastors standing in defence of the Catholicke and ancient Faith of their Fathers Theo. You say so wee say no. Phi. Those be but words Theo. You say very right and therefore the more to blame you that in both your bookes doe play on that string with your Rhetoricall and Thrasonicall fluence and never enter any point or proofe that my profiâ— your Reader you presume your selves to have such apparent right and rule over the Faith over the Church over Christian Princes and Realmes that without your consent they shall neither conclude nor consult what religion they will professe Their acts shall be disorders their Lawes injuries their correction tyranny if you mislike them This dominion and jurisdiction over all Kingdomes and Countries if your holy Father and you may have for the speaking you were not wise if you would not claime it but before we beleeve you you must bring some better ground of your Title then such magnificall and majesticall florishes The Prince and the parliament you say had no power to determine or deliberate of those mattersâ— And why so you to wit Bishops did dissent May not the Prince command for truth within her Realme except your consents be first required and had May not her Highnesse serve Christ in making Lawes for Christ without your liking Claime you that interest and prerogative that without you nothing shall be done in matters of Religion by the Lawes of God or by the liberties of this Realme By the Lawes of the Land you have no such priviledge Parliaments have beene kept by the King and his Barons the Clergy wholly excluded yet their Acts and Statutes good And when the Bishops were present their voyces from the Conquest to this day were never negative By Gods Law you have nothing to do with making Lawes for Kingdomes and commonâ—wealths you may teach you may not command Perswasion is your part compulsion is the Princes If Princes imbrace the truth you must obey them If they pursue truth you must abide them By what authority then claime you this Dominion over Princes that their Lawes for Religion shall be void unlesse you consent Phi. They be no Judges of faith Theo. No more are you It is lawfull for any Christian to reject your doctrine if he perceive it to be false though you teach it in your Churches pronounce it in your Councels to be never so true Phi. That proveth not every private mans opinion to be true Theo. Not yet to be false the greater number is not ever a sure warrant for truth And Judges of faith though Princes be not yet are they maintainers establishers and upholders of faith with publike power and positive Lawes which is the point you now withstand Phil. That they may do when a Councell is precedent to guide them Theo. What Councellâ— had Asa the King of Judah when he commanded his peoplâ— to do according to the Law and the Commandment and made a covâ—nant that whosoever would not seeke the Lord God of Israel should be slaine Phi. He had Azariah the prophet Theo. One man is no Councell and he did but encourage and commend the King and that long after hee had established Religion in his Realme What councell had Ezechiah to lead him when he restored the true worship of God throughout his land and was faine to send for the Priests and Levites and to put them in mind of their duties What Councell had Iosiah when ten yeares after his comming to the Crowne he was forced to send for direction to Huldath the Prophetesse not finding a man in Iudah that did or could undertake the charge Phi. These were Kings of the Old Testament and they had the Law of God to guide them Theo. Then since Christian Princes have the same Scriptures which they had and also the Gospell of Christ and Apostolike writings to guide them which they had not why should they not in their Kingdomes retaine the same power which you see the Kings of Judah had and used to their immorâ—all praise and joy Phi. The Christian Emperours ever called Councells before they would attempt any thing in Ecclesiasticall matters Theo. What Councell had Constantine when with his Princely power he publikely received and settled Christian religion throughout the World twenty yeares before the Fathers met at Nice What councels had Iustinian for all those Ecclesiasticall constitutions and orders which hee decreedâ— and I have often repeated What Councels had Charles for the Church Lawes and Chapters which he proposed and enjoyned as well to the Pastors as to the people of his Empire Phi. They had instruction by some godly Bishops that were about them Theo. Conference with some Bishops such as they liked they might have but councells for these causes they had none In 480. years after Christian Religion was established by Christian Laws I mean from Constantine the first to Constantine the seventh there were very neere forty Christian Emperours whose Lawes and Acts for Ecclesiasticall affaires were infinite and yet in all that time they never called but sixe generall Councels and those for the Godhead of the Sonne and the Holy Ghost and for the two distinct natures and wills in Christ. All other points of Christian Doctrine and Discipline they received established and maintained without â—ecumenicall Councels upon the private instruction of such Bishops and clerkes as they favored or trusted Theodosius as I shewed before made his owne choyce what faith he would follow had no man nor meanes to direct him unto truth but
WAS THE MOST PERNICIOVS SCHISME OF ALL OTHERS when a Divorce was made from the parity and true doctrine of the Gospell and the Spirituall Discipline of the Church changed into a kinde of Regall Authority and terrene power This I hope will abundantly answere this second Objection for Episcopacy The last Objection is this That by the Statute of 16. R. 2. cap. 5. Bishops are declared to be profitable and necessary to our Lord the King and to all his Realme and that by the removall of them the Realme should be destitute of Counsell That they are one of the greatest States of the Landâ— setled by many Acts of Parliament which cannot well be held without them That the removall of them will breede a great confusion both in the Common and Statute Law and that the King is sworne to defend and protect them to his power Therefore it must needes be dangerous and inconvenient to remove them This Objection consists of severall heads to all which I shall give a particular answer with as much brevity as may bee First for the words of the Statute of Richard the 2d. I doubt not but they were inserted into that Act by the Bishops themselves or by their procurement who ought not to be Trumpeters of their owne prayses nor witnesses in their owne cause Secondly I hope the premised Histories of their Treasons Rebellions Oppressions and desperate Counsells in all times will manifestly declare the contrary to this Act That Bishops are neither necessary nor profitable to the King nor to all his Realme but pernicious to both and that the Kingdome will be no wayes destitute of Counsell if they should â—e removed especially in our dayes when there are so many learned Lords Lawyers and Gentlemen of all sorts to Counsell and advise his Majestie in all State affaires Thirdly The Prelates in this very King Ricard the second his time were so farre from being profitable and necessary to him as their Lord and King and to all his Realme that some of them were the chiefe men that miscounselled him as appeares by the Statutâ— of 11. R. 2. c. 1â—5 6 which recites that for cause of great and horrible mischiefes and perills which were fallen by evill Governance which was about the Kings person by all his time before by Alexander late Arch-Bishop of Yorke Thomas Bishop of Chichester and other their adhaerents thereby the King and all his Realme were very nigh to have beene wholly undone and destroyed for which cause these Prelates were attainted removed from the King and their lands confiscated by this Act. And the residue of them were the principle agents that opposed deprived and thrust him as they did King Edward the second before him from his Crowne and royall dignity as appeares by the premises Now if this were to be profitable and necessary to our Soveraigne Lord the King let all men judge How necessary they were to all the Kingdome in his time let the Histories of this Kings life and the Treasons of Arch-Bishop Arundell fore related declare How well they used the people and their tenants you may see by a Commission granted about this time to enquire of â—he Bishop of Winchesters oppressions and abuses of the Kings people recorded in the Register of Writs part 2 f. 125. b. Rex Vicecomiti salutem Ex clamosis querâ—monâ—is diversorum hominum de comitatu tuo ad nostium saepius pervenit auditum quod A Episcopus Wintoniensis nec noâ— ballivi câ—nstabulariâ— alii ministri servientes ipsius Episcopi pluâ—imas diversas oppressiones extortiones duritias damna excessus gravamina intolerabilia dictis â—ominibus in diversis partibus Comitaâ—us praedicti tam infra liberâ—ates quam extra multipliciter diversimode intulerunt de die in diem inferre non desistunt plures de dictis hominibus vi armis multotiens verberando vulnerando eosque capiendo imprisonando in prisona forti dura super terram nudam absque alimento fame frigore nuditate fere ad mortem cruciando eos in prisona â—ujusmodi donec fines redemptiones ad voluntatem suam fecerint nullâ— modo deliberari permittendo nec non domos quorundam hominum hujusmodi vi armata bona catalla sua capiendo asportando eosdemque uxores servientes suos verberando vulnerando male tracâ—ando hominibus super hujusmodi duriâ—iis conqueri volentibus in tantum comminando quod iidem homines in hundredis aliis curiis dicti Episcopi vel alibi negocia sua inde prosequi metu mortis non sunt ausi alia hujusmodi mala damna excessus inhumaniter indies perpetrando in nostri dedecus contemptum populi nostri partium praedictarum destructionem depressionem manifestam unde plurimum conturbamur Nos oppressiones durâ—â—ias damna excessus ac gravamina praedicta si perpetrata fuerint nolenteâ— relinquere impunita volentesque salvationi quieti dicti populi nostri in hac parte prospicere ut tenemur assignavimus dilectis fidelibus nostris c. sciri poterit de oppressionibus extoâ—tionibus duritiis damnis gravaminibus praedictis per dictos episcopum ballivos constabularios ministros servientes suos alios quoscunque de confederatione sua in hac parte existentes qualitercunque perpetratis de praemissis omnibus singulis plenius veritatem ad querelas omnium singulorum pro nobis vel prose ipsiâ— inde conqueri prosequi volentium nec non ad praemissa omnia singula tam ad sectam nostram quam aliorum quorumcunque audiendum terminandum secundum legem consuetudinem regni nostri Angliae Et ideo tiâ—i praecipimus quod ad certos c. quos c. tibi scire facias venire facias coram c. tot tales probos legales homines de balliva tua tam infra libertates quam extra per quos rei verâ—tas in praemissis melius sciri poterit inquiri Et habeas c. For their profitablenesse and necessary use in our Church in that Kings raigne let the Statute of 5. R. 2. c. 5. surreptitiously procured by tâ—e Prelates and complained against by the Commons the next Parliament and with severall bloody persecutions of the true Christiansâ— in that age under the name of Lollards by William Caurtney Thomas Arundell and other our Prelates related at large by Master Fox in his Acts and Monuments testifie to the world For mine owne part I could never yet finde any good at all that our Lordly Prelates ever did in our Church or State quatenus Prelates If any oâ— them have done any good by their preaching and writing as some of them have which is rare I answere that the most of them who have done any good in this kind did it not as or whiles they were Pâ—elates but as or whiles they were
that this unjust oppression of the Londoners was a great preparative to King Richards deposing and lost him the hearts of his true subjects This proud Prelate when hee died by King Richards appointment had the honour to have his body interred among the Kings at Westminster Richard Milford B. of this Diocesse about the yeare 1388. was by an order of the Barons made in Parliament imprisoned a long time in the Castle of Bristoll as a pernicious whisperer flatterer evill counseller and Traytor to King Richard the second and the State yet afterwards being inlarged he was advanced by this King continued one of his evill counsellors and instruments William Ayscoth Bishop of Salisbury Confessor to King Henry the 6. by his oppressions and ill dealings so farre discontented his Tenants â—nd the people that in the yeare 1450. Iune 29. when that notable Rebell Iack Cade was set up against his Soveraigne some tenants of the Bishops and others came to Edendon where hee was then saying Masse drew him from the Altar in his Albe with his stole about his necke to the top of an hill not farre off and there as hee kneeled on his knees praying they cleft his head spoyled him to the skinne and renting his bloody shirt into a number of peeces tooke every man a ragge to keepe it for a monument of their worthy exploit A barbarous murther yet occasioned by his owne ill carriage violence oppressions and for consenting to the giving up of the Dutchy of Anjou and Mayne into the hands of the French King as some report since this mans murther I find little or nothing recorded of any Bishops of this See Wherefore I shall now steare my course towards Lincolne Diocesse Lincolne ANNO 573. Aldred Bishop of Leicester afterwards translated to Lincolne was deprived of his Bishopricke for his seditious misdemeanors it is very like hee sided with the cruell Pagan Danes though his crimes be not expressed in particular Eadnoth Bishop of this See turned warriour and was slaine by the Danes in battle in the yeare 1016â— Vlfe a man very learned in the yeare 1052. together with Robert Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and William Bishop of London who had given King Edward the Confessor wicked counsell against the English were banished into Normandy their native Country for this offence vix evadentes hardly escaping with their lives they having beene instruments to cause the King to infringe his good Lawes and not to administer right iustice which he promised to reforme upon these Prelates dimission who miscounselled him This Bishop among the rest going to the Councell of Vercels to complaine to the Pope of his wrongfull banishment so farre forth bewrayed his owne weakenesse and insufficiency as the Pope was determined to have displaced him from his Bishopricke untill with gifts and golden eloquence he perswaded him to winke at his imperfections Alexander Bishop of Lincolne Anno 1070. opposed William the Conquerour who appointed how many souldiers every Bishopricke and Abby that held of him by Barony should finde in time of warre from which they were formerly freed hereupon he and Stigand Arch-Bishop of Canterbury fled into Scotland where they kept themselves close for a time being banished by the Conqueror and at last ioyned with the Scots against him Egelwin Bishop of Durham being an exile at the same time having onely the zeale of God excommunicated all the invaders of the Church and ravishers of Ecclesiasticall things This Alexander is omitted by Godwin in his Catalogue of the Bishops of this see and it seemes hee was deprived among other Bishops in the Councel of Winchester Anno 1070. for opposing the Conquerour Remigius who translated his see from Dorchester to Lincolne and built the Cathedrall there to whose consecration by the Kings command all the Bishops of England were summoned himselfe dying two dayes before the time appointed for its consecration was impeached of high treason against King William Rufus but his servant purging his master by the iudgement of an hot iron or Ordalium then in use restored him to the Kings favour and wiped off this blot to his pontificall honour as Huntindon writes He was preferred first to this Bishopricke by William the Conquerour for divers good services done unto him for which he long before promised him a Bishopricke in England The consideration of this gift comming to the Popes eare he would needs adiudge it Simony and as a symonist actually deprived him of his Bishopricke but at the request of Lanfranke Arch-bishop of Canterbury hee restored him to his Ring and Crosier againe The Arch-bishop of Yorke labored to hinder the translation of his See to Lincoln laying challenge to the iurisdiction of that County as antiently belonging to his Archbishoprick wherupon the Bishop was forced to crave in aid of the King to make good the Title and his successor Robert Bloet was glad to give William Rufus 5000 pound to cleare the Title that the Arch-bishop of Yorke layd unto the iurisdiction of this See and County which was reputed Symony in the King but iustice in the Bishop Alexander nephew to Roger the great rich Bishop of Salisbury consecrated Bishop of Lincolne Iuly 22. An. 1123. placed his chiefe delight in building of Castles wherein hee imitated his unkle Roger hereupon hee built a stately Castle at Banbury another at Newarke a third at Sleford which saith Nubrigensis did ill beseem a Bishops honesty much lesse his function These Castles were such eye-sores to King Stephen as they provoked him to picke a quarrell with the Bishop to clap him up in prison together with his uncle Roger of Salisbury and to bereave them at once both of their munition and treasure of which they had heaped up great store For King Stephen fearing that this great rich Prelate and his uncle of Salisbury who had built two strong Castles the one at Salisbury the other at the Devises would side with Maud the Empresse against him sends for both these Bishops and demands those Castles of them which they refusing to deliver up to his possession the King thereupon claps them up in prison besiegeth their Castles which their Creatures held out and kept by force against him til at the last with much a do he possessed himselfe of them in such manner as is before more largely related in the story of Roger of Salisbury The King not long after releasing this Bishop he and some others secretly conspired against him procured Maud the Empresse to come over with an army with whom he joyned And by this and the other confederates assistance Stephen was afterwards taken prisoner deprived of his Crowne in a Synod at Winchâ—ster Maud received and acknowledged as Queene by the Prelates and Kingdome till Stephen being againe released by the Bishops practises and putting Maud to the worst after many battels and great effusion of English Christian Blood occasioned onely by the
Prelates practises Stephen and Maud came to a mutuall agreement Of which you may read more largely in Roger of Salisbury The See of Lincolne continuing voyd almost seven yeeres after the death of Robert de Chisney Geoffry Plantagenet Archdeacon of Lincolne base sonne to King Henry the second was elected Bishop thereto who contenting himselfe with the large revenues of the Bishopricke never sought consecration well knowing that he might so fleece the sheepe though he listed not to take the charge of feeding the sheepe Seven yeeres he reaped the fruits of that See by colour of his election and then by the Popes commandement to Richard Archbishop of Canterbury to compell Geoffry either to resigne his â—ishopricke or immediately to enter into orders and to take the office of a Bishop on him he resigned all his interest in the same the copy of which resignation you may read in Roger Hoveden After which he turned Couttier for eight yeeres space and at last returning to the Church againe became Archbishop of Yorkeâ— How he carried himselfe in that See I have before in part expressed page 185 186. and now shall give you some further account tâ—ough somewhat out of course out of Roger Hoveden and others He was no sooner setled in Yorke but there fell out a great contestation betweene him and Henry deane of Yorke and Buchard the Treasurer whom he excommunicated for refusing to give over singing and to begin their Service afresh upon his entering into thâ— Church whereby the Church that day ceased from Divine Service This difference being composed Buchard and Geoffry soone after fell ouâ— againe whereupon Geâ—ffry excommunicating him the second time he goes to the Pope for absolution and so farre prevailed with the Pope that he would neither confirme Geoffries election nor suffer him to be consecrated And withall the Pope exempted Hugh Bishop of Durham from making any profession of subjection to Geoffry elect of Yorke during his life though he were consecrated because he hâ—d formerly once made his profession to the Church of Yorke and to S. William the Archbishop of Yorke and to his successors Queene Elenor K. Richards mother hereupon passeth from Messana through Rome to intreat and humbly beseech the Pope in the Kings behalfe to confirme his brothers election to Yorke and either to consecrate him Archbishop thereof by himselfe or some other which the Pope doing Geoffry shortly after cites Hugh Bishop of Durham peremptorly to appeare before him at a Synod in the Cathedrall Church at Yorke thereto professe his obedience to him which he endeavoured to substract and to exempt himselfe by all meanes from his jurisdiction Hugh refuseth to come thither or to make his profession or obedience to him being as he said not bound by Law to doe it and thereupon appeales the first second and third time to the Pope and submits his cause to him The Archbishop hearing of it in great fury excommunicates him notwithstanding this appeale threatning to compell him to make profession and obedience by Ecclesiasticall censures notwithstanding this appeale The Bishop of Durham on the other side would not obey the 〈◊〉 but in contempt thereof boldly celebrated and caused to be celebrated Divine offices as before The Archbishop hereupon overturnes all the Altars where the Bishop of Durham had celebrated and breakes the Chalices within his Diocesse wherein any other had celebrâ—ted in the Bishops presence and held his brother Iohn Earle of Morton for an excommunicate person because he had eaâ—en with the Bishop of Duâ—ham after that sentence and would not communicate with him untill he gave him satisfaction and came to be absolved When the Bishop of Durham saw that many refused to speake eate or drinke with him he sent messengers to the Pope who relating to him first in secret then before all the Cardinals how indiscreetly and Archbishop had excommunicated him slighting his appeale the Pope and all the Cardinals adjudged that sentence a meere nullity and that it ought not to be observed and thereupon the Pope writ a letter to the Bishops of Lincolne Rochester and others to declare this sentence of excommunication voyd in their Churches by vertue of the Popes Apostolicall authority and to command the people to communicate with the Bishop of Durham notwithstanding it as they did before and to declare that the Bishop for the injuries done unto him by the Archbishop in overturning the Altars and breaking the Chalices should be exempted from all subjection to him during life Whereupon these Bishops and delegates met at Northampton and after much debate departed without any final agreement In Lent following this Archbishop being summoned to appeare at London by the Kings Justices came to Westminster with his Crosse carried before him whereupon the Bishop of London and the other Prelates prohibited him to presume to carry his Crosse within the Province of Canturbury who contemptuously answered them that he would not let it downâ— for them yet by the advice of his followers he hid it from the face of the people left a tumult should arise among the Clergy The Bishop of London accounting him excommunicate for this transgression suspended the new Temple where the Archbishop lodged both from Divine Service and the tolling and ringing of Bels so as he was forced to goe out of the City After this the Archbishop levied a great Army fortified Doncastre and would have besieged Thifehill Castle belonging to Earle Morton which Hugh Bardalfe and William Stâ—â—ville refusing to doe he departed with his men in a 〈◊〉 from them calling them traitors to the King and Kingdome Soone after the Deanery of Yorke being voyd the Archbishop first gave the Deanery to Simon Apull and after that to one Philip whom the King recommended The Canons of Yorke pretending the right of electing the Deane to appertaine to them elected Apul against the Bishops will The Archbishop hereupon appeales to Rome the Canons notwithstanding proceed in their election of Apul the Archbishops messengers and Apul meeting with the King in Germany in their passage towards Rome he inhibited all their appeales to Rome saying that if any attempted the contrary he should not returne into the Realme againe In the meane time the Canons of Yorke suspended the Cathedrall Church from all their accustomed Divine service and their Bels likewise from their usuall office of ringing for which the whole City was in an uproare they likewise uncloathed their Altars locked up the Archbishops stall in the Quire barred up the doore by which he used to enter into the Church out of his Pallace and Chappell and did many other things in contempt of him which the Archbishop hearing of being ready to take ship to passe the seas returned to the Church admonishing and commanding the Ministers of this Church to minister therein after the ancient manner who contemning his admonition and precept left the Church voyd and destitute of Divine service Hereupon shortly after the Archbishop by