Barons here we sit as Peers Which last is also verified in terminis by the words of a Statute or Act of Parliament wherein the Bishops are acknowledged to be Peers of the Land But to proceed more particularly to our proofs de facto after the alteration of their Tenures by the Norman Conqueror we find a Parliament assembled in the fifth year of that King wherein are present Episcopi Abbates Comites Primates totius Angliae †the * Math. Paris in Willi elmo 1. Bishops Abbots Earls and the rest of the Baronage of England And 3ly In the ninth year of William Rufus an old Author telleth us de Regni statu acturus Episcopos Abbates quoscunque Regni Proceres in unum praecepti sui sanctione egit that being to consult of the Affairs of the Kingdom he called together by his Writ the Bishops Abbots and all the Peers of the Realm (†) Edmor hist Mov l. 2. And 2ly During the Reign of King Henry the first for we will take but one example out of each Kings Reign though each Kings Reign would yeild us more a Parliament was called at London wherein were many things dispatched aa well of Ecclesiastical as Secular nature the Bishops and Abbots being present with the other Lords Coacto apud Londinium Magno Episcoporum Procerum Abbatumque concilio multa Ecclesiasticarum Secularium rerum ordinata negotia decisa Litigia saith the Monk of Malmsbury (†) Malmbs Hist Reg. Ang. l. 5. and of this Parliament it is I take it that Edmor speaketh Hist. Novel l. 4. p. 91. Proceed we 4ly to King Henry the second for King Stephens Reign was so full of Wars and Tumults that there is very little to be found of Parliaments and there we find the Bishops with the other Peers convened in Parliament for the determination of the points in controversy between Alphonso King of Castile and Sancho King of Navarre referred by com-promise to the King of England and here determined by King Henry amongst other things Habito cum Episcopis Comitibus Baronibus cum deliberatione Consilio as in Roger Hoveden (†) Hoveden Annal. pac Rose in H. 2. 5ly Next time comes Richard the first his Son during whose Imprisonment by the D. of Austria his Brother John then Earl of Moriton endeavoured by force and cunning in Normandy to set the Crown on his own head which caused Hubert the Archbishop of Canterbury to call a Parliament Convocatis coram eo Episcopis Comitibus Baronibus Regni (†) Id. in Ioh. wherein the Bishops Earls and Barons did with one consent agree to seize on his Estate and suppress his power the better to preserve the Kingdom in Wealth Peace and Safety 6ly After succeeded John and he calls a Parliament wherein were certain Laws made for the defence of this Kingdom Communi assensu Archiepiscoporum Episcoporum Comitum Baronum omnium fidelium suorum Angliae by the Common Counsel and Assent of the Archbishops Bishops Earls Barons and the rest of his Lieges Remember what was said before touching the Writ of Summons in the said Kings time from this time till the last Parliament of King Charles there is no Kings Reign of which we have not many though not all the Acts of Parliament still it Print amongst us Nor is there any Act of Parliament in the Printed Books to the Enacting of which the Bishops Approbation and Consent is not plainly specified either in the general Proem set before the Acts or in the Body of the Acts themselves as by the Books themselves doth at large appear 7ly And to this kind of proof may be further added the Form and manner of the Writ by which the Prelates in all times have been called to Parliament being the very Law Verbatim with that which is directed to the Temporal Barons save that the Spiritual Lords are commanded to attend the Service in fide dilectione the Temporal in fide Homagio and of late times in fide Ligeantia quibus nobis tenemini A Form or Copy of which Summons as ancient as King John's time is still reserved upon Record directed Nominatim to the Archbishop of Canterbury (†) Titles of Hon. part 2. cap. 1. and then a Scriptum est similiter to the residue of the Bishops Abbots Earls and Barons Then add the Privilege of Parliament for themselves and their Servants during the time of the Sessions the Liberty to kill and take one or two of the Kings Deer as they pass by any of his Forests in coming to Parliament upon his Commandment (*) Charta de forest cap. their enjoying of the same Immunities which are and have been heretofore enjoyed by the Temporal Barons (†) Camden in Briiania and tell me if the Bishops did not sit in Parliament by as good a Title as the Temporal Lords and therefore Essential Fundamental parts of the Court of Parliament By this Discourse it may appear that the Bishops Sit and Vote in Parliament by a double capacity as Bishops first in reference to their several Sees and secondly as Peers in regard of their Baronies In both respects accounted one of the Three Estates and the first also of the Three as from the Premises may be gathered without any great trouble But in so nice a point as this we shall not only build upon general Inferences but particular Evidences And first it is affirmed by Titus Livius in his Relation of the Life and Reign of King Henry the 5th That when his Funerals were ended the three Estates of the Realm of England did assemble together and declare his Son King Henry the 6th being an Infant of 8 Months old to be their Sovereign Lord †as his Heir and Successor And three Estates there * Tit. Liv. M. S. in Bib. Bodl. could not be to perform that Service unless the Bishops were acknowledged to be one of the number 2ly In the Parliament Rolls of King Richard the third there is mention of a Bill or Parchment presented to that Prince being then Duke of Glocester on the behalf and in the Name of the Three Estates of the Realm of England that is to wit the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and of the Commons by name which forasmuch as neither the said Three Estates nor the persons which delivered it on their behalf were then assembled in form of Parliament was afterwards in the first Parliament of that King by the same Three Estates Assembled in this present Parliament I speak the very words of the Act it self and by Authority of the same Enrolled Recorded and Approved (*) An. Speed in K. R. 3 and at the request and by the assent of the Three Estates of this Realm that is to say the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons of this Land Assembled in this present Parliament and by Authority of the same it be pronounced decreed and declared that our said Sovereign Lord the King was
Charter made by King John in the last of his Reign we have the form of summoning a Parliament and calling those together who have Votes therein thus expressed at large Ad habendum commune concilium Regni de auxilio assidendo c. Et de scutagiis assidendis faciemus summoneri Archiepisc Abbates Comites majores Barones Regni sigillatim per literas nostras praeterea summoneri faciemus in generali per Vice-Com Ballivos nostros omnes alios qui in Capite tenent ad certum diem scil ad terminum 40 dierum ad minus ad certum locum c. (†) Id. in Job In which we have not only a most evident Proof that the Bishops are of right to be called to Parliament for granting Subsidies and Escuage and treating of the great Affairs which concern the Kingdom but that they are to be summoned by particular Letters as well as the Earls Barons or either of them A form or copy of which Summons issued in the time of the said King John is extant on Record and put in Print not many * P. 1. 20. 5. years since in the Titles of Honour 5. We have it thus in the Magna Charta of King Henry the 3 d. the Birthright of the English Subject according as it stands translated in the Book of Statutes First we have granted to God and by this our present Charters have confirmed for us and our Heirs for ever That the Church of England shall be free and shall enjoy all her whole Rights and Liberties inviolable (†) Magna Charta c. 1. But it is a known Right and Liberty of the Church of England that all the Bishops and many of the greater Clergy and peradventure also the Inferior Clergy in the said Kings time had their Votes in Parliament and therefore is to be preserved inviolable by the Kings of England their Heirs and Successors for ever Which Charter as it was confirmed by a Curse denounced on all the Infringers of it by Boniface Arch-Bishop of Canterbury (*) Math. Par. in H. 3. and ratified in no fewer than 80. suceedings Parliaments So was it Enacted in the Reign of Hdward the first That it should be sent under the great Seal of England to all the Cathedral Churches of the Kingdom to be read twice a year before the People †That they should be ready four times a year in a full County Court (*) 28 E. 1. c. 1. and finally that all Judgments given against it should be void and null (†) 28 E. 1. c. 2. the Application of which last Clause I refer to those to whom the rectifiing of the Error which to the contrary thereof hath been committed doth of right belong * 28 E. 1. c. 3. 6. We have the Protestation of John Stratford Arch Bishop of Canterbury in the time of King Edward the 3 d. who being in disfavour with the King and denied entrance into the House of Peers challenged his Place and Suffrage there as the first Peer of the Realm and One that ought to have the first voice in Parliament in right of his See But hear him speak his own words which are these that follow Amici for he spake to those that took witness of it Rex me ad hoc Parliamentum scripto suo vocavit ego tanquam major par Regni post Regem primam voce habere debens in Parliamento jura Ecclesiae meae Cantuariensis vendico ideo ingressum in Parliamento peto (†) Antiqui Brit. in Gati Stratford which makes it plain enough that the Arch-Bishop did not challenge a place in Parliament as the first Peer of the Realm either by way of favour or custom only but as a power and priviledge as he ought to have habere debent are the words in the Right of his See 7. And lastly there is the protestation on Record of all the Bishops in the Reign of King Richard the 2 d. at what time William Courtney was Arch-Bishop of Canterbury who being to withdraw themselves from the House of Peers at the pronouncing of the Sentence of Death on some guilty Lords first made their Procurators to supply their rooms and then put up their Protestations to preserve their Rights the sum whereof for as much as doth concern this business in their own words thus De jure consuetudine Regni Angliae ad Archiepiscopum Cantuariensem qui pro tempore fuerit nec non caeteros Suffraganos confratres compatres Abbates Priores aliosque Prelalatos quoscunque per Baroniam de Domino Rege tenentes Pertinet in Parliamentis Regis quibuscunque ut Pares Regni praedicti personaliter interesse ibidemque de Regni negotiis ac aliis tractari consuetis cum caeteris dicti Regni paribus aliis ibidem jus interessendi habentibus Consulere Tractare Ordinare Statuere Definire ac caetera facere quae Parliamento ibidem imminent facienda (†) In vita Gu. Courtney It appertains say they both by Right and Custom to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury for the time being as also unto all the rest of his Compeers as well as the Suffragan Bishops as to the Abbots Priors and other Prelates whatsoever which hold their Land by Barony of our Lord the King to be personally present at all Parliaments as Peers of the Realm and there together with the rest of the Peers and all other which have Right to be therein present to Consult treat of and Ordain and finally to determine and establish all such things and matters as are accustomably handled and ordained in Parliaments Which sets the matter as I take it beyond all dispute as to the first of these two heads or sorts of Arguments whereby I was to prove this point which were those de jure Let us next see whether this Right of theirs be confirmed and countenanced by continual practice and that they have not lost it by Discontinuance which is my second kind of Argument those I mean de facto And in this way of proof we can go as high as the first preaching of the Gospel to the English Saxons and so descend unto those last times without interruption By which it will appear that Christianity in this Nation and the Bishops Votes in Parliaments and Common Councils are of like Antiquity For first no sooner had King Ethelbert received the Gospel but presently we read that as well the Clergy as the Laity were summoned to the Common Council which the Saxons sometimes called Mycell Synoth the great Assembly and sometimes Witennegemote the Councel or Assembly of the Wise men of the Realm Anno 605. Ethelbertus Rex in fide corroboratus Catholica c. Cantuariae convocavit Commune Consilium tam Cleri quam Populi King (†) H. Spelman in Conc. p. 116. Ethelbert as my Author hath it being confirmed in the Faith in the year 605. which was but nine years after his Conversion
Because in this present Parliament some things are to be transacted at which it is not lawful for us by the Decrees of the Holy Canons to be personally present This is the ground and reason of their protestation The wicked Customs therefore which that Monk inveighs against and which cost Becket so severe a Penance must be sought for elsewhere amongst the rest of those Sixteen Constitutions of Clarendon But whatever Opinion the Clergy of those times had of this Canon I doubt not to make it evident that it is grounded upon Principles of Superstition for as the Reverend Davenant hath Determ 11. it Quid impium quid illicitum What is in it that is impious What that is unlawful What that is contrary to the Office or Sacredness of a Priest where there is a just authority for it to bridle and restrain such as are notoriously wicked and disturbers of the Christian Commonwealth by civil penalties and corporal inflictions The Angels of Heaven think it no way disagreeable at Gods command to inflict corporal punishments upon the wicked And why should the Angels of the Church at the appointment of the King who is Gods Image upon Earth think it unlawful to adjudge the same wicked persons to deserve punishment The Act and Exercise of civil Jurisdiction of its own nature is not disagreeable to the most holy person nor any way opposite to the Sacerdotal Function We have the Authority of God himself in the practice of his most Ancient Church to justifie this Jurisdiction Under the Law God himself joyn'd it to the Sacerdotal Office it is not strange therefore nor forbidden by Divine Law that the Priest should obtain a Civil Jurisdiction We find it exemplified in Eli and Samuel and See Numb 25. 7 13. the Maccabees and all that were invested with the Office of High Priest This could not be expected amongst the Apostles because then the Civil Magistrates were not Christians yet S. Peter had once a supply of Civil Authority by a Miracle and to shew that it was not unlawful for an Apostle to give Sentence in Cases Capital He pronounc'd Saphira's Doom for Sacriledge and Lying Acts 5. 9. Behold the feet of them which buried thy Husband are at the Door and shall carry thee out But these New Masters of Israel were afraid a Sentence of Justice should defile them with the Blood of a Malefactor like the Priests and Elders among the Jews John 18. 28. when they had bought and sold the Life of our Blessed Lord and used all the Tricks that Craft and Malice could suborn to destroy him so precise they were for all that they would not go into Pilates Judgment Hall least they should be defiled and unfit to eat the Passover 'T was the Superstition of those Men to think they could render the Priests Office more Sacred and put more veneration upon his person then Gods own Institution had done They would not have him interess or concern himself in a Case of Blood least it should desecrate and unhallow his Person and stain his Function But we know that all Virtue is Ornamental and 't is as well an Act of Justice to condemn the Guilty as to acquit the Innocent 2. Here is Usurpation in this Canon and it is flatly against the King's Supremacy By this means a Foreign Power restrains the Sovereign Authority of the Kingdom from commanding the Service or making use of the Duty of his Subjects in such Cases The Force of this Canon divided the Prelates of those times between the Prince and the Pope either they did not understand or they did wilfully neglect their Duty and some Instances of the mischievous effects hereof this Gentleman gives us in his Letter He tells us p. 7 8. 5 E. 3. The Parliament was declared to be called for the redress of the Breach of the Laws and of the Peace of the Kingdom And because the Prelates were of opinion that it belonged not properly to them to give counsel about keeping the Peace nor punishing such Evils they went away by themselves and they returned no more Nor did their Disobedience stop here but the Gentleman tells us further at p. 96. That 20 R. 2. the Bishops upon occasion of the Statute of Provisors enter a Protestation against whatsoever should be done in derogation or restriction of the Power of their Holy Father the Pope saying they were sworn to his Holiness and to the Court of Rome These and the like Insolencies were the Fruits of those Immunities which the Prelates of those times received by the Decrees of those Holy Canons And as this Canon was grounded upon Superstition and did confront the Kings Supremacy so the Practice of it in those times was irrational and uncharitable First Irrational for 1. Why were the Prelates debarr'd the liberty of sitting Judges in such Cases Was it because they wanted Knowledge Reason or Discretion I suppose not If it were not because they had too little but too much of these Qualifications That was Irrational 2. That the Prelates have been and may be Judges of Misdemeanors this Gentleman does grant at p. 18. But there may be an Impeachment for sundry Offences under the name of Treason which really according to the Rule of Law are no more than Misdemeanors Why may not the Bishops sit as Judges in such Cases Must the Culprit be delivered up to Justice upon such Impeachments without any further Trial or Examination what will it amount unto This would be a kind of Hallifax-Law and that 's Irrational 3. In the Case of Sir John Oldcastle this Gentleman tells us Pag. 38 39. The Popish Bishops did excommunicate and condemn him for an Heretick and so turn'd him over to the Secular Judgment for execution yet certainly saith this Gentlem. p. 39. those good men I mean those Popish Bishops would have no more to do with him as to his further Execution that the World might see they were not men of Blood So that 't is pretended at least that this Holy Canon as they call it was design'd for Caution that the Prelates might have no hand in Blood and yet the practice is so irrational it does not sufficiently prevent it For in their Legislative capacity this Gentleman grants p. 3. that they may Sit and Vote and pass Bills of Attainder * He saith p. 51 the E. of Straffords Trial was compleated that way And p. 104. Acts of Attainder are Laws and every Freeman is supposed to give his consent to every Law either by his Representative or in person if a Member of Parliament and Bishops being Members may I think saith he claim to do it personally And though there be a great stir about such things as are preliminary and preparatory to Condemnation yet the Constitutions of Clarendon enjoyned them Let. p. 71. to attend the Court quousque perveniatur ad diminutionem Membrorum vel ad Mortem till it comes to loss of Life or Member which the
Lawyers understand to be the Sentence of Guilty or Not Guilty Now I would fain be resolved whether these proceedings be not in agitatione causae sanguims whether accoording p. 1. to this practice a Case of Blood be not all the while in agitation And then reflecting upon the Gentlemans Rule in Logick Causa causae est causa causati and upon the Story of Chaucer's Frier let the Reader please to peruse p. 64 65 66 of the Letter and then judge whether the practice be not as I said Irrational And then Secondly This practice of those Popish times was uncharitable for if the Bishops were debarr'd sitting as Judges in such Cases Capital out of a suspition of their Integrity it was uncharitable to the Bishops if out of a jealousie they might be too soft and yielding in their clemency it were uncharitable to the Delinquent if out of fear they might be too severe in point of Justice it is uncharitable to the Commonwealth for Discretion ought to take her Rules from Charity when Pity and when Severity are to be used for the advantage of the Publick Sometimes Justice may be provoked into Severity and when Impeachments are preferr'd with rigour 't is possible the Prudence and Piety of such grave and holy persons intervening a rash and unadvisable Sentence may be stopt and prevent a Deluge of Mischiefs which might otherwise ensue †See the Case p. 26 27 28. of the Letter Had the Bishops been present at Haxeye's Trial they might as well have prevented his Condemnation as obtained his Pardon The Canon-Law then gave the first rise and beginning to this Usage as this Gentleman seems to acknowledge p. 68. But the Ground of that Canon was Superstition and it did confront the Kings Supremacy and was irrational and uncharitable in the practice of it Let us therefore examine what Force it had and by what Authority That this was in use while the Pope had a concurrent Jurisdiction here cannot be denied but whether ever it received a Civil Sanction and an express Ratification and had the stamp of Parliament-Authority set upon it is the matter now in question And this I do stedfastly deny and the Gentleman as earnestly affirm and contend for To prove this he does alledge a double confirmation and to give it the more Credit he carries it up as high as the dayes of Edward the Confessor But I desire the Reader to observe that in the management of his Evidence he turns an Indulgence into a Prohibition a Priviledge into a compleat Act of Parliament and a Protestation into a Statute He does alledge the Year-Book of 10 E. 4. Term. Pasch n. 35. Let. p. 78. Where we have set down the manner of their Trials in Parliament When a Lord is indicted c. he shall plead Not Guilty and this shall be tried by his Peers and then the Lords Spiritual who may not consent to the Death of any man shall make their Proctor c. This saith he I alledge to shew that even by the Law of the Land the Bishops cannot be Judges in a Case Capital Here the Gentleman says Their making a Proctor was Error Temporis the Error of those Times Why Because that practise was not for his purpose But if by the Law of the Land he means the Statute-Law as he seems to do I must have a Writ of Error to reverse his Judgment For the Pope having then a concurrent Jurisdiction here in England the Canon-Law was in force amongst them and in declaring that the Lords Spiritual might not consent to the Death of any man they have respect to the Prohibition of the Canon-Law but this is not any the least confirmation of it But this Gentleman will needs have it confirmed by a Civil Sanction and so become the Law of the Kingdom The first Confirmation he saith was about the time of 10 H. p. 69 c. 2. amongst the sixteen Constitutions of Clarendon which besides the Authority of Parliament to make the Observation of them the more inviolable were established by the Solemnity p. 72. of an Oath which is the greatest Obligation that Mankind is capable of making even God a Party to it to see it obeyed and punish the Transgressors Here is a fair Plea for a solemn Confirmation if the Gentleman were not partial or mistaken in the Business But the Case was this upon the account of their Immunities the Prelates especially grew very remiss and careless of their Duties as was noted formerly Hereupon in that Great Council which was then their Parliament amongst the rest the King made this the 11th of those Constitutions The Archbishops Bishops universae personae Regni p. 71. not all the Dignified Clergy of the Land as this Gentleman renders it but all persons whatsoever who have a Tenure in capite shall hold their possessions from the King as a Barony and shall answer for their Estates unto the Kings Justices and Ministers and shall observe and obey all the Kings Laws and together with other Barons they are to be present in all Judgments in the Kings Courts This is the Duty they are obliged and solemnly sworn to and then follows an Indulgence or Priviledge till the Sentence comes to the loss of Life or Member and here they are left to their Liberty to observe the Decree of the Holy Canon Hereupon we may p. 73. build our Faith that there was really such an Usage as this Gentleman infers in ancient times and that a liberty was left to continue it according to the Canon and in veneration of it but that 't was ratified and confirmed we have not one Syllable to prove it The Second Confirmation this Gentleman finds was in 11 R. p. 18 c. 71 c. 2. upon the Protestation of the Archbishop for himself and the other Bishops And here after some fluctuation and unsteadiness p. 75. to make it a Law he tells us The subject matter enacted did consist of two Particulars the one That the Prelates had a Right to sit and vote in all other Businesses the other That they had no Right nor was it lawful for them to be present in Parliament when such Businesses were in question But the Tenour of their Protestation is That they intend to be present to consult to treat of and to determine in omnibus in all things saving their Rights their State and Dignity But because some things were to be transacted in that Parliament at which by the Decrees of the Sacred Canons it was not lawful for them to be personally present therefore they protested that while such things were in agitation they would absent themselves Which Protestation being read in Full Parliament at the instance and prayer of the Archbishop and other Prelates was entred upon the Parliament-Roll by the Kings Command with the Assent of the Lords Temporal and Commons This the Gentleman will needs contend to be a Law of Parliament or a Law