his Londoners and other Knights brought to the Enemy So difficult was it even to Caesar himself to Conquer Britain having been more than once foil'd by the Britains Caesar tells us of the Trynobants being the strongest of all those Cities by which understand London which submitted to him over whom he placed at their request one Mandubratius whose Father their chief Lord or Ruler Cassibellan had before Slain Be these two Histories the same or different yet either I believe will serve to make good my Assertion of Londons Power Fame and Esteem in those ancient Times Though Britain was hereby made Tributary yet I do not find that London lost it's Esteem For Tenancuis is said to be Buried here and also Cunobelinâ—s or Kymbeline his Son both King 's after Cassibellan In this Kymbeline's Days near about the Nineteenth Year of his Reign or Fourteenth according to Stow Our Blessed Saviour Christ Jesus was Born as is the Opinion of most Writers Henceforth therefore leaving off the Old way of accounting from the World's Creation I shall follow the Christian manner of Computation reckoning from the Birth of our Lord Christ which was in the Forty Second Year of Augustus's Empire as a surer and more certain way Except the Crowning of Arviragus in London I find but little mention of this Honourable City till the Reign of King Lucius who being esteemed by many the first Christian King in the World turn'd the Arch-flamins-See at London into an Arch-Bishoprick the Names of some of which Arch-Bishops we meet with â—ver and anon in Story as such who had a considerable Power in the Land About 226 London was of such Strength that Alectus with his Romans as Fabian relates being over-press'd by the Britains under the Leading of Asclepiodotus chose this City for his Refuge as being then it seems of greatest Security and he being afterwards slain Livius Gallus another Roman Leader manfully desended himself and his Romans in the same City then closely besieged by the Britains till in their entring he was slain near a River running thereby and thrown thereinto which occasioned it afterwards to be call'd Gallus or Wallus-Brook Some Memorial whereof we find remaining at this Day in the Street now standing where that River sometimes ran and known by the Name of Wall-brook After the Departure of the Romans out of this Land many Outrages being committed 〈◊〉 by the Picts and Scots in the Time of 〈…〉 Honorius we read of 〈…〉 by the Arch-Bishop 〈…〉 the Britains to consâ—lt of 〈…〉 many Miserie 's then haâ—ging â—ver 〈…〉 by reason of their Enemies Strength and 〈…〉 Inability to defend themselves as being 〈…〉 no certain Head The Result of which Meetâ—â—â— was to desire Aid of the King of Little Britain which they by Embassy obtain'd under the Conduct of his Brother Constantinus and after Victory by him gain'd over their Enemies Crown'd him King of the Land according to their Promise before made Here was a turn of Affairs effected by the Consult at London Another Change we find not long after through the Treachery of Vortiger and the Pict who slew Constantinus's Son Constantius then King and presented his Head to the aforenam'd Vortiger then at London Which City doubtless in those Days was of much Esteem and Regard and thereupon Vortiger who bare the Chief Rule in the Kingdom at that time though the other had the Name of King probably was much resident therein expecting it may be and waiting for the Performance of this Treasonable Act that he being on the Place might have the better Opportunity to caress the Chief of that Eminent City 'T is certain we find him afterwards endeavouring to cajole the People by the great Sorrow and Heaviness he made shew of for the Kings Death and by putting the accursed Traytors to Death for their Wicked Fact according to the Law of the Land Thus many Love the Treason well enough when successful who nevertheless hate the Traytors after their own Turns be serv'd This is that Vortiger so Infamous in the British Story for his own Vices as Incest with his own Daughter Adultery c. and the Vices of the Times under him For we read that Vice was then accounted of small or no Offence Leachery reigned amongst the Spiritualty and Temporalty Every one turned the Point of his Spear against the true and innocent Man and the Commons gave them all to Idleness and Drunkenness whence ensued Fighting Strife and much Envy After the King 's Exâ—mple the World runs a gadding is a Saying commonly too true As this Vortiger gain'd his Power by Treachery so he Reigned in a manner Precariously For he was so perplexed on the one side for fear of the Return of Constantinus's surviving Sons to claim the Kingdome and the Land on the other side so harrass'd by the In-rodes of the Picts and Scots that he was after a sort compell'd to send for the Heathen Saxons who came under their Leaders Hengist and Horsus to support him about Four Hundred and Fifty Years after Our Saviours Birth The coming in of these Strangers prov'd but as it were the beginning of Miseries For being once let in they soon began to Play their Reakes in the Land and never left till by introduceing more Colonies they had settled themselves and dispossessed the Britains of the best of the Country Neither was it any great wonder that the poor Commons endur'd such Miseries from these New-come Guests when as their Spiritual and Temporal Guides were so given up to all manner of Debauchery One of Hengist's Pranks we find to be his Treacherous slaying of the British Lords at Stonehenge on Salisbury Plains under pretence of a Treaty for Peace But the better to work out his own Ends he is said to have sav'd the King alive whom he knew to have become his Enemy in shew more out of Constraint for fear of his British Lords than for any Hatred towards him he having him sufficiently intangled in the Snares of his Daughter Rowens Beauty So common a thing is it for crafty subtle Men to serve their own Ends by working upon anothers Lusts through the Mediation of an handsome Face and Prostitute Body We read of the Saxon's having got London under their Rule but whether by their own Power or the King's Gift I find not clearly mention'd That he gave Kent and other Counties to Hengist is declar'd by the Historian It may be that he gave them also London to curb it for fear least the Citizens should joyn with Constantinus's Sons whose Return he much dreaded and assist them to regain their Fathers Kingdom Henceforward for some time we are not to expect to find London so Considerable in Power under the Saxon Heptarchy as it was before and after But when all the Seven were reduc'd into one Kingdome and the Affairs of the Land settled in a little more Peace and Quietness London began again more and more to Flourish and soon rose up to such an height
Consent therâ—unto And yet it might have seemed as hard tâ— them to have remained under the Sweeds wheâ— they had but little hopes of having much Share 〈◊〉 the Government or be lookt upon and dealt with â—therwise than as a Conquer'd People The Fame 〈◊〉 may be of this succeeding Policy of the Daniâ—â— King with the Excitation of some of the Boutifeâ—â— of Europe may be supposed to have put somâ— thoughts of the like Nature into the Polish King'â— Head if all be true that hath been reported oâ— the Sloth and Negligence laid to his Charge by 〈◊〉 Senator of the Land of his Backwardness to call 〈◊〉 General Diet of the Nation and of the Purport â—â— a Speech made to him once within these few Yearâ— by an Ambassador from out of these Parts of Europâ— Hence likewise may have proceeded the Fears anâ— Jealousies of the Sweeds hinted to us in Forreign News lest their King by his Neighbours Example â—â—ould be encouraged to attempt the like Which â—â—ems since to have been very much legitimated by â—he Alteration lately made in the Senate of that â—ingdom if our Modern Intelligencers have given â—s a true Account and Relation of that Affairs After that Elective Princes have thus obtained to â—e made Hereditary Monarchs one of their next deâ—â—res is to render themselves Absolute in their Goâ—ernment Wherein they may have received no â—mall Encouragement from the Successful Attempts â—f some such Tyrannical Invader of other Mens â—ights as the present Hector of France And no litâ—le Help in the neat way of subduing and inslaâ—ing their own Country they may have learnt â—rom some such contriving Paâ—e as was one of â—he Catholick Kings of Spain who with an Army â—ut of one of his Kingdoms subverted the Liberty of â—nother So ambitious are some Men of the so much â—nvied Honour of ceasing to be Kings of Men and â—ecoming Tryants over Slaves at their Pleasure With some such kind of Disease do we find King â—ohn also to have been infected in his time But â— Chargeable Disease you may well call it which cost â—im the Loss of much of his Territories abroad the â—earts of many of his Subjects among both the Spiâ—itualty and Temporalty at home and his Peace â—nd Tranquility within together with a free Imperiâ—l Crown and all the Regalities attending it and â—et he dyed at last without obtaining his so much-â—esired Remedy as I doubt not to make sufficientâ—y Evident in the following Relation In the Second Year of this King John by Counâ—el of the Burgesses of the City of London Thirty â—ive of the most substantial and wisest Men are Recorded to have been chosen and after some caâ—led the Council of the City of which yearly weâ—â— Elected the Eayliffs as long as they lasted anâ— after them the Mayor and Sheriffs Which nameâ— we meet with in few Years after For about thâ— latter end of this King 's Nineth Year we read 〈◊〉 a Grant made to the Citizens and confirmed by thâ— King's Letters Patents whereby they had Poweâ— to chuse Yearly a Mayor and Two Sheriffs Tâ—â— First Mayor upon Record is Henry Fitz Alwiâ—â— sworn and charged upon Michaelmas-day in thâ— Tenth Year of this King Anno Christi 1210. whâ— continued several Years Mayor The Sheriffs werâ— Peter Duke and Thomas Neel sworn the same timâ— And the former Name and Rule of Baylâ—ffs clearâ—â— discharged St. Matthew's Day Nine Days befoâ—â— Mâ—chaelmas was the time the Citizens then alloted for their Sheriffs Election and on Michaelmâ—â— day was the Mayor Ordained by the like Ordeâ— to be chosen and charged then with the other though now this in part is altered This same Year is likewise noted in Fabian as fâ—â— the altering of the Rulers of the City from Bayliâ—â— to a Mayor and Sheriffs so also for the changiâ—â— of the Bridge from Timber to Stone which 〈◊〉 perfected about this time by the Aid of the Ciâ—â—zens and Passengers it having been Thirty 〈◊〉 Years in building according to Stow who plaâ—â— the Beginning hereof as high as Henry the Second days So that thence forward we may expect 〈◊〉 find the Power of the City and its Glory more anâ— more encreasing every Age. That the Government of the City should be thâ— changed at the Request of the Citizens and in favâ—â— of them fixt as they would have it argues that the Strength then was thought considerable their â—â—fluence upon the rest of the Nation esteemed not to 〈◊〉 small For at this time was K. John over-pressed by â—he Pope and his Clergy and reduced to so low an Ebb â—f Fortune that but few Years passed before he â—as fain to buy his Peace at no less a price than the â—esignation of his Crown And therefore in the â—idst of his distress by these Acts of Favour he â—ay be thought to endeavour to fix the City to his â—â—terest as hoping thereby to oblige the Citizens 〈◊〉 appear in his behalf against the Pride of these â—â—sulting Priests An Argument doubtless of their â—ower and the King's Esteem of it The Occasion of the difference between the King â—â—d the Pope which brought such Woe to the â—and and Trouble to the King was the displeaâ—â—re he took against the Monks of Canterbury for â—â—eir Electing one to the Arch-Bishoprick contrary 〈◊〉 his Mind together with his Refractoriness in â—ot hearkning to the advice of his Lords and â—â—iends who would have had him have yielded to â—â—e Pope then too potent an Adversary safely to be â—â—ntested with To which may be added his conâ—â—nued Obstinacy in not yielding to terms of Acâ—â—mmodation and Accord when as his Enemies â—â—ew more powerful and his own Strength was â—uch weakned by the loss of Normandy A sharp â—â—rrection it proved to the King to have much of 〈◊〉 Territories abroad his Normans antient Inheâ—â—tance took from him by the War which the â—â—ench King made upon him by the Pope's exciting â—ccording to some Authors to have his Land â—â—d Himself accursed at home his Lords absolved 〈◊〉 their Allegiance that they might be enabled to â—â—e against him and depose him and he himself â—t last compelled for his own security to give aâ—ay his Crown and Dignity and take it again of the Pope at a certain Rent As hard measure had the Kingdom to have the Doors of Churches and other Places of Divine Service shut up in City and Country in London and in the other Parts of the Land that no Religious Worship might be useâ— publickly but the Dead must be buried likâ— Dogs in Ditches and Corners No Sacramentâ— administred no Baptisms no Marriages or 〈◊〉 there were in any Places it must be by special Licence purchased it may be at great rates and all this for the Offence of one Man or a few 〈◊〉 which most probably did neither consent to noâ— could amend without breaking former Laws and Oaths and offending against the Principles of Honesty and the Christian Religion Suppose the Heaâ— Shepherd had offended yet what
Stones So great a value did this high-flown Duke set upon his grace and favour till the Citizens of this honourable City by their power and prudence had brought down his haughty spirit a Peg or two lower and that visibly too For we don't find him as ambitious as he still continued so openly aspiring to Englands Crown for the future how successfully soever his Son made a Rape thereon at the end of this Princes Reign under the pretence of I know not what hidden right accruing to him from his Mother We read indeed I confess in Cotton's Abridgment of the Records that in the seventeenth of this King the Earl of Arundel laid several things to the Dukes charge as not honourable for the King to suffer in him nor fit for him to do being a Subject as that he went Arm in Arm with the King and his Men wear the same Livery the Kings did which seems to shew much of Arrogancy and Ambition to say no more besides some other Objections but herein he was so far justified by the King himself that the Earl was ordered to crave the Dukes Pardon in full Parliament in a certain form of words appointed him In Stows Annals also we meet with an Accusation brought against him in the seventh of this Kings Reign tending to prove his intent and design suddainly to oppress the King and take upon himself the Kingdom but it seems little notice was taken of it by the King himself who was to have lost most had it been attempted Successfully and doubtless as little believ'd otherwise surely the Schedule containing the time place and other Circumstances had not been presently delivered into the Dukes hands nor the accuser committed at his request to the charge of his near Kinsman nor the occasion of his violent Death so little inquired into afterwards The Duke was not so powerful nor so great a Terror but the City was as well able still to deal with him and his whole party and make as vigorous opposition as ever in defence of their Soveraign Lord the King if occasion should have offered it self This we have reason to believe was known in those days to all the Nation much more to the Duke himself from former experience who therefore may be suppos'd not any more to have aspir'd openly whatever secret fires of Ambition lay hidden within his breast whether or no he design'd and attempted ought by unseen Plots and Conspiracies I leave to the Judicious Reader to believe or not as he pleases without speaking to or for in the case Besides the decree of an over-ruling Providence Common equity in siding with what was reputed the juster title natural humanity in defending the young and weak and a well grounded affection to the Prince for his Father and Grand-Fathers sake one the famous Black Prince the other the Glorious Edward the third their King and Sovereign we may conclude the generality of the Citizens had the greater aversion to the Duke and his faction because he was a known favourer of Wickliff and his Doctrines whether on a good account or only out of any Ambitious Design I shall not determine in this place and so look't upon perhaps as little better than another Juliâ—n the Apostate For we are to know that Londons Religion and consequently the Nations was at that time Popish and the generality of the People in Town and Country Romes Votaries who had Wickliffs Doctrine in as great detestation then under the Notion of Heresy as we Protestants have it now in esteem under the Seal and assurance of Truth As indeed for many of the ages past from our ever-blessed Saviours Birth through which I have drawn the thread of this discourse and under the succeeding Kings for above an hundred years Popery continued the National Religion under the power and prevalency of which perswasion was the body of the Citizens bred up who prov'd so famous in their Generations for their powerful influence on the grand concerns of the Nation in every considerable turn and change of the times before the Reformation And when England was made happy with this blessed alteration the Cities Power Strength and Esteem remain'd the same in effect as ever the change of her Religion introducing no change therein unless for the better she encreasing proportionably in every age in Wealth Riches and Honour as the Nation grew stronger and stronger And still continues as visibly conspicuous under Protestantism as before under the Romish Faith a thing easy to be demonstrated in due time and place How influential the Cities actions were upon the Nations affairs and her Love advantagious to the Orphan Prince in securing his Claim Right and Title to the Crown in his Grand-Fathers life time and setling him quietly on the Throne at his Death in spight of all the opposition the deep designs and daring Spirit of his Aspiring Uncle John of Gaunt and his faction could make when they had got the reigns of publick Government into their own hands through the Old Kings Connivance hath been the subject of several of the aforegoing pages The next thing of course falling under present consideration is to observe how this Honourable City of London behav'd her self after she had lent her â—ssistance to raise this Young Prince from the â—eanness of a Subject to the Royal Dignity and Grandeur of a King under the Name of Richard the Second what place she held in his affections â—nd of what esteem in the eyes of all the rest of â—he people But where shall I begin and when â—hall I end Sooner may I be wearied with readâ—ng and tir'd with writing than fail of matter â—o exercise my Pen so copious is my Subject and â—o full of Variety For in my searches into the Histories of this Kings Reign I find it plain to a â—emonstration that the City carried a great sway â—mongst all Ranks and Degrees from the Prince â—o the Subject from the King the Supream to â—is subordinate Magistrates and Ministers and was highly Honour'd Rever'd and Respected â—mong the Nobility Gentry and Commonalty â—f the Land both in the calm of peace and the â—oisterous storms of civil distractions I begin first with the Honourable House of Commons the known representative of the Commons of England and concerning them obâ—erve out of Sir Robert Cotton's exact Abridgment of the Records in the Tower revis'd by William Prynne Esq that in the first Parliament of this King in his first year among other Petitions of the Commons there is to be found one particular division under the Title of Petitions for the City of London wherein the House of Commons become express Petitioners so great was the Cities influence over their Debates and so high a respect had they for her to the King for many considerable Grants in favour of the Citizens and to them very advantagious and beneficial As that all their Liberties may be confirm'd with a Non obstante That they attend upon no Commandment
of the Castle and Lodged by his Assignment except these five Persons viz. Tâ—â—mas Fizt Thomas Mayor Michael Tony Steven Bukkerâ—â— Thomas Pywellyson and John Dâ—flete These five 〈◊〉 the King given to his Son Edward at whose coâ—mandment they remained in the said Tower long â—â—ter notwithstanding the King 's safe Conduct to 〈◊〉 before made What became then of the King's worâ— But who durst oppose a waking Lyons The 〈◊〉 Hunter in the fable lik't not to deal roughly wiâ—â— him till his long Teeth were broken out and his 〈◊〉 cut off When upon the bruit of Queen Mary'◠〈◊〉 with Child King Philip of Spain her Husband 〈◊〉 to be chosen the Childs Guardian if the 〈◊〉 should Decease and offered the Parliament great â—â—surances and Bonds of Security for his redelivery 〈◊〉 the Kingdom at the appointed time that Gentlemâ—â— shew'd himself no Fool who when the assurancâ— were likely to find acceptance stood up and inqâ—â—â—ed who should 〈◊〉 the Bond And the Parliameâ—â— enough approv'd him when they immedintly theâ—â— upon rejected the King's specious offers 'T is very dâ—â—advantagious and often injurious to the Weak to 〈◊〉 making of bargains with the more Powerful who 〈◊〉 strong enough to break their Promises and Covenaâ—â— with Impunity or keep them but e'en as they pleasâ— When the tydings of the usage of the Mayor and thâ— rest at Windsor came to London whereas many 〈◊〉 fear had absented themselves before upon this newâ— many more convey'd away themselves and their good secretly into diverse parts of England so that many of them are said never to have return'd after In the 49th Year November the 6th We find thaâ— the King came to Westminster and shortly after gave to diverse of his Houshold-Servants near about sixty Houses and Housholds within the City so that the Owners were compell'd to redeem their Houses and Housholds with all the goods in them or else to depart and suffer such Persons to enter to whom thâ—â—nd Houses were given This grant is said to have â—â—â—ended likewise to all the Lands Tenements Gooâ—◠〈◊〉 Chattels which the said Citizens had in any other â—â—â—ces of England Riches have often made Persons 〈◊〉 singled out for offendors while the poor Man â—â— the mean time scapes free few envying him his Poveâ—ty After this was 〈◊〉 Constable of the Tower â—â—de Custos or Guardian of the City who chose 〈◊〉 Adrian and Walter Hervy Citizens to be Bayliffs 〈◊〉 him and to him to be accountable to the King's 〈◊〉 Then took the King pledges of the best Men's 〈◊〉 of the City that 〈◊〉 peace should be surely kept 〈◊〉 thâ— same These were put into the Tower â—nd 〈◊〉 kept at their Parents cost Shortly after 〈…〉 Labour and Sâ—it made the foresaid Londoners â—â— the keeping of the Bayliff of the Castle of Windsor 〈◊〉 deliver'd and came to London except 〈…〉 viz. Richard Bonaventure Symon De'Hadâ—stâ—k William De Kent and William De Glocester who with 〈◊〉 other five afore excepted were still kept in the Towâ—r of Windsor Then dayly Suit and Labour waâ— made to the King to have his Gracious Favour and â—o know his Pleasure what fine he would have of the City for their Transgressions and Displeasure by them â—o him done The former Transactions seem to beaâ— a Tendency hereunto The Citizens were prevail'd upon to resign up themselves their Lives and Goods into the King's hands submitting all to his Mercy that a good large fine might be the easier levied of them and the Nation the better made to beleive that the City was well dealt with for paying no more when as the King might have seiz'd upon all they having surrendred in a manner wholly upon discretion To what else tend the many preparatives before rehears'd but to make this bitter Pill go down 〈◊〉 smoother and quieter with them The Book â—â—quaiâ—ts â—â— that the King asked 40000l and 〈◊〉 stood at â—0000 Marks I But the City alledged 〈◊〉 themselves that the poor Commons of the City 〈◊〉 of many were gone away were the Trespassers 〈◊〉 that the best of the City by these riotous Persoâ— were robid and spoilâ—â— and had lost a great part oâ— their Substance in this 〈◊〉 some time by the Râ—vers of the Sea as the Wardens of the five Ports and others For these and many other considerations 〈◊〉 Citizens besought the King of his most Gracious 〈◊〉 your and Pity to take of them as they might â—ear This matter thus depending the King departâ—◠〈◊〉 Westminister to Northampton having a little 〈◊〉 his departure Ordain'd Sir John Lynd and Mâ— John 〈◊〉 Clerk to be Guardians of the City and Towâ—â— they â—eing nam'd in the King 's Writing 〈…〉 Steward 's of the City Upon the Day after thâ— King was gone these Two Stewards sent for Twâ—â—ty Four of the most notable Men of the City anâ— warned them to appear the Day following before thâ— King's Councel at Westminster At their appearaâ—â—â— it was shown unto them by Sir Roger Leyborn that tâ—â— King's mind was That they should have the Rule oâ— the City in his absence under the foresaid Seneschaâ—â— and for to see good Rule kept in the City they should be sworn there before his Councel They were there upon sworn and countermanded unto the City The City's fine was inagitation till about Christmas 〈…〉 End was made with the King by such friends aâ— the City had about him for the Sum of 20000 Marks for all transgressions and offences by them before done some Persons excepted whom the King had giv'n to his Son Edward being those afore nam'd kept in the Tower of Windsor For the payment of this Sum at Days by agreement set where Sir 〈…〉 and Mr. Robert Wareyn Clerk assign'd to take 〈…〉 After Surety by them receiv'd and sent to 〈◊〉 King at Northampton the King sent immediately 〈◊〉 to thâ— Citizens a Charter under his Broad 〈…〉 may be seen in Eabian my Author in these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 needless to make many comments 〈…〉 upon this affair Through the whole it is â—â—â—ifest that the City was of considerable Power and 〈◊〉 so that the King thought not good to exaspeâ—â—â— the Citizens too much least evil should have 〈◊〉 of it To make a Bridge of Gold for a flying 〈◊〉 is no mean Policy Doubtless it was well 〈…〉 Court that they us'd not the 〈◊〉 violence 〈…〉 Baron's Party was not wholy destroyed as yet in 〈◊〉 hand though it was very much crush'd How 〈◊〉 the whole City joyn'd therewith might haâ—e 〈…〉 pois'd if not turn'd the Scales had shâ— been 〈◊〉 â—arâ—hly dealt with I rather crave leave to 〈…〉 the Readers consideration than hastily presume 〈…〉 'T is certain enough that within less than 〈◊〉 Years the Cause was in great likelihood to have 〈◊〉 reviv'd to purpose had not convenient course 〈◊〉 taken to â—ush it a sleep again without rashly â—â—â—ceeding to the highest extremities as you may find 〈◊〉 the sequel of the History After the aforesaid 〈◊〉 was receiv'd by
much like that which I find in a modern Author thus Englished BY the Authority of God Omnipotent of the Son and of the Holy Ghâ—st and of the glorious Mother of God the Virgin Mary and of the blâ—ssed Apostles Peter and Paul and of all other Apostles and of the holy Martyr and Archbishop Thomas and of all the Martyrs and of the blessed Edward King of England and of all Confessors and Virgins and of all the Saints of God We excommunicate and Anathematize and sequester from our â—oly Mother the Church all those which henceforth knowingly and maliciously shall deprive or spoil the Church of her right and all those that shall by any Art or Wit rashly violate diminish or change secretly or openly in deed word or Counsel by crossiâ—g in part or in whole those Ecclesiastical Liberties or ancient approved Customs of the Kingdom especially the Liberties and free Customs which are contained in the Charters of the Common Liberties of England and the Forrests granted by our Lord the King to the Archbishops Bishops Prelates Earls Barons Knights and Freeholders And all those who have published or being published have observed any Statutes Ordinances thing against them or any thing therein contained which have brought in any Customs to the contrary or 〈◊〉 served them being brought in and all Writers of such Oâ—dinances or Councils or Executioners and all such as shâ— presume to judge according to such Ordinances All 〈◊〉 every such Persons as are or at any time shall be knowingly guilty of any such matters shall ipso facto incur thâ— Sentence such as are ignorantly guilty shall incur the saâ—â— if being admonished they within 15 days after amend 〈◊〉 For everlasting memory whereof we hereunto put our Seaâ— Thus far the words of the Curse Nor was the maâ—ner of pronouncing less solemn in open Parliament 〈◊〉 King with all the chief Nobility of the Realm in the Robes and the Bishops in their Vestments with buâ—â—ing Tapers in their Hands standing to hear this 〈◊〉 read and immediately as soon as the Charters and 〈◊〉 were read and signed all throwing down their Tapeâ—â— extinguished and smoaking cry out So let all 〈◊〉 who incur this Sentence and go against this Curse 〈◊〉 extinct and have no better savour than these Snuffs 〈◊〉 then the King having stood all this while with 〈◊〉 hand upon his Breast said with a loud voice So 〈◊〉 me help I will observe all these things sincerely and faitâ—fully as I am a man as I am a Christian as I am Knight and as I am a King crowned and anointed But what could any one think these so solemn 〈◊〉 would avail without a suitable Power and strength Arms to make them good per force When as 〈…〉 known that there lived in those days a Clergy-man Rome who pretended to dispense even with the Almigâ—ty's Laws whose Power was at that time openly prâ—fessed to be believed sufficient by the â—â—nerality of Eâ—rope to absolve all manner of Oaths and Covenantâ— and from whom Dispensations more than a good maâ— might be had for Money The confirmation of the foâ—mentioned Acts we may believe well paid for by the Parliament For we read of a Tax called Scutage that â—s 40 s. of every Knights Fee through England then granted to the King which extended to a large summ of Money viz. Six score Thousand Pounds or more For upon occasion of this large Tax I find the number of the Knights Fees in England at those days in possesâ—ion of Spiritualty and Temporalty summ'd up by my Author to 60000 l. and above Upon supposition that â—he Clergy paid nothing it is said that the Tax would â—ot have amounted over the summ of 64000 l. whereâ—y we may guess what a deal of the Land even almost â—ne half was then belonging to the Clergy Devotion as the times went then brought forth Riches and the Daughter since devoured the Mother Nov. the 6th we are told the King came to St. Pauls and commandâ—ng a Folk-moot to be assembled according to the forâ—er Ordinances made asked license of the Commonalâ—y of the City to pass the Sea and promised there in â—resence of a great multitude of People that he would â—e a good and gracious Lord unto the City by the â—outh of Sir Hugh Bygot Chief-Justice and to mainâ—ain their Liberties unhurt whereupon the People for â—y made an exceeding shout Observe here the turn of â—hings the Courtiers seem to have sought not long time â—â—nce to oppress the Head Rulers of the City by a Folk-â—oot of the Commons Now the King to prevent the â—ffect of ill mens advice hath bound himself to ask their â—ave before he goes out of the Land for a season E're while the Folk-moot or Common-Hall was abused to â—â—rve for a property to destroy their own Cities Liberâ—â—es Now the conservation of the whole Nations welâ—â—re is put into their hands What greater Evidence can â—e demanded to prove this Honourable Cities Power â—nd Influence than to find the Citizens entrusted by â—ing Lords and Commons with so high a charge We may presume the Reason of entrusting the Commons of the City with so large a Grant as the Kinâ— could not pass the Sea without License first obtain'â— of them was to prevent the Evil and Mischief thâ—â— might happen to the Land by advice of ill Counselloâ— who might be persuading the King at every turn to gâ— out of the Realm he having also Lands beyond the 〈◊〉 that they might have the better opportunity to 〈◊〉 out their own ends though to the Peoples oppressioâ— in his absence What trouble affliction and oppressioâ— the land suffered under this Kings Uncle Richard thâ— first 's Imprisonment at the Hands of the Kings Officeâ—â— who rak'd and pill'd what they could of Clergy 〈◊〉 Laity on pretence of raising Money for the Kings Râ—demption I had rather send the Reader back to pag. to satisfie himself where I have related somwhat of thâ— charge of the Kings Ransom than stay to repeat it ovâ—â— again A fuller description the curious may meet wiâ—â— in Neubrigensis l. 4 cap. 35. treating particularly therâ—of Some I believe may have observed in these unsettlâ—â— times that they have fared much better and more eâ—sily avoided the malitious attempts of their Fellow Suâ—jects who have liv'd as it were in the Sunshine of thâ— Kings presâ—nce than such who being many scores â—â— may be Hundreds of Miles distant have liv'd so â—â— phrase it in the shadow I know not but 〈◊〉 â—resence of the head Governour 〈◊〉 as needful always 〈…〉 as is the General in 〈◊〉 Army Certâ—in enough it is by the History that 〈◊〉 this Kinâ— Henry was thus absent from his Kingdom 〈…〉 ways in France that Dissention arose'â— Englaâ—d between the Kings Son Edward and the 〈◊〉 of Gloucestâ—r which might have immediately brougâ—â— no small trouble to the Land had not there been greâ—â— endeavours used to prevent it wherein this Honourabâ—â— City shew'd much of her
then Prelatical In the late times 't was once the Presbyterian then the Independent Church and other Sectaries were puting in a pace for a share and then had they succeeded it might have been without much impropriety entitled to the Epithite of Fanatical King Charles brought back the Bishops and so now 't is again Episcopal Should Popery come in it would be Popish Were there any likelihood of so great an Impossibility as the prevalency of Judaism then it would be the Jewish Church If Mahomets Religion which hath been publickly profess'd in the Pulpit preferable to Presbiteriansm why might it not be allow'd the Title of Mahometan And if we should revert to the Ancient Barbarity where would the impropriety be should we term it the Heathenish Church For the Heathens heretofore had the thing though not the Name Temples instead of Churches and bloody Sacrifices to make up the greatest part of their Devotion What a fine Company then of different Epithites of different signifâ—cations would these be for an impertinent Caviller to prefix before that so much applaud'd expression the Church of England in reply to his impertinence that would perswade simple ignorant people that they know not what they say when they call themselves Protestants British Romish Monkish Popiâ—h Reformed Episcopal Prelatical Presbyterian Independent Fanatical Jewish Mahometan Heathenish and what not To such a fine pass would people once be brought when they fall to wrangling about words and terms at the same time that they know one anothers meaning well enough yet will pretend not to understand each other We may have haply reason enough to approve of and glory in the Name of Church of England men though not perhaps in such a restrained sense as some do yet our grounds without all peradventure are as good to apply to our selves the glorious Title of Protestants and we can as properly distinguish our selves thereby from Papists as if we term'd our selves only Sons of the Church of England under this consideration that Protestants at first were such Baker tells us as made a Protestation in defence of their Doctrine and now we are such as protest against Popery and Slavery But to return how contributory this Honourable City was to his Majesties Restauration and how Loyally affectionate her Citizens shew'd themselves to him before and after hath been already instanced Let us then in the next place take a short transient view of her actions and the accidents hapning to her under King Charles the second and see whither she hath not continued still the same as of old a City of high Renown Fame and Power and of great sway and influence all over the Kingdom First then let us consider her misfortunes that we may the better contemplate her glories In sixty two her Parishes lost many of their beloved Pastors in that great ejection of publick Ministers among whom were some that had declar'd in Print against the pretended high Court of Justice in the time of his Late Majesties Tryal In sixty five the great Plague swept away her Citizens by thousands tens of thousands and scores of thousands In sixty six the fire burn'd almost all the Remainder out of House and home and laid in a manner the whole City in Ashes So that if ever she feem'd then near to a very dismal Catastrophe And yet we see now Providence hath delivered her out of these her Calamities and she is become more glorious than ever in the Eyes of the Nation The number of her Citizens is so encreas'd and her streets fill'd with such multitudes of people passing to and fro that those who dyed in the sickness are neither miss'd nor wanted The fire hath made such a Reformation within her Walls and the new buildings publick and private have been rais'd up to the admiration of all in so small a space of time and in so pompous and stately a form that she may be thought like the old Phaenix burning in her nest of odoriferous Spices only to have shaken off her old decay'd feathers by the fire and out of her own Ashes Phaenix like to have risen up with more Splendor and Gallantry than ever Come we now to the late Discovery of the Grand Popish Plot and the times succeeding and therein also we meet with instances of Londons influence and Authority with the rest of the Nation She guarded her self with her own Arms and how soon was she follow'd in other places After the dissolution of some of the National Assemblies which we English men call Parliaments and firmly beleive the greatest liberty of the subject to consist therein upon a new choice when her Citizens made a publick promise to their chosen Representatives that they would stand by them with their lives and fortunes Such a Copy was set the Nation that most places strove to imitate it and the Example was as influential as when before upon the Cities Petitioning for the sitting of one of those before mention'd Parliaments Petitions of the same nature came thronging in amain from several parts of the Land in imitation Look we now upon the City and see how intent the eyes of the Nation are fixt upon her actions and the great contest about the Sheriffs How all the Land seems concern'd on one side or the other and think their own well-fare wrapt up in her security Such sollicitousness of a whole Nation for one particular City must certainly denote some what extraordinary therein And what is it can more interest the Nation in her concerns than the great Influence 't is known she has upon all their grand affairs be they more or less publick Even the very business of the Quo Warranto now depending will administer an instance of her Power and Greatness How do all now stand ready waiting the Event depending upon her success or ready to follow her fate When the Writ was brought against her Charter how great was the Expectation of the people and their longings to know what would be the Issue Some Resign'd but when London appear'd to Stand up in her own Vindication what a stop was there put to Resignations and how rare have been surrenders since Most seem now ready to defend themselves by Law Nay Oxford hath pitch'd upon the same way and method with London Whereas had this Honourable City but surrender'd calmly and quietly 't is a question whither any would have stood out or whether rather all Towns and Corporations would not have strove to have out run each other to the Throne of Majesty there to have made an intire Resignation of all their Charters Liberties Priviledges and Franchises notwithstanding the hazard they might have run by dissolving their Ancient Corporations to have lost back all the Estates given to them as Corporate bodies to the Donors Heirs sutable to the Reply said to be made to the Burgesses of a Certain Corporation when they ask'd advice in the Case Such having been the influences of the City of London all along
that it became the fixt Metropolis of the Nation Yet in the Time of the Saxon's Heptarchy we find mention made of this Noble City several times and on several Occasions As upon account of Mordred's choosing this City to be Crown'd in when he rebell'd against King Arthur The holding of it by Mordred's Son against Constantine Son of Cador till he was slain The Flying away of the Bishops of London and York and other Ministers with their Goods and Reliques for fear of the Saxon's Cruelty under Ethelfride Whereby the Commonalty were left without Spiritual Guides the City without Her chief Pastors The setting up an Arch-Bishoprick there by Austine the Monk and the making of Melitus Bishop of the same in Ethelbert's Days The Building of St. Pauls either by the same Ethelbert or else by Sigebert King of the East-Angles as some affirm In this Ethelbert's Time we read in Fabian of the Building the First Church of Westminster in Honour of St. Peter by a Citizen of London in the West-End of London in a Place called Thorny now Westminster which before was over-grown with Bushes and Briars But Stow affirms Sebert King of the East Saxons to have Built it In the Time of Ethelwolph Son of Egbert King of the West-Saxons London is said to be spoild by the Danes and so not likely then to be of any great Strength though we find the Danes drawing themselves thitherward in Alured or Alfred's Days after an Agreement concluded between them But now again begins this City to be often mentioned in Story and grows more Famous every Day after that King Alured having Victoriously repeal'd the Danes return'd thereunto repair'd those Places that before had been injur'd by the Danes and committed it to the Guiding of Ethelred Earl or Duke of Mercia who was his Son-in-Law by Marrying his Daughter Elfleda Hence may we date another Beginning as it were of it's Glory and Lustre from this new Resurrection out of the Ashes of its former Ruines Some of the next News we hear of this Honourable City is of the Londoner's beating away the Danes who Landing in Sussex and comeing to the Town of Lewes and thence towards London had Builded a Castle near the River of Lewes the more to annoy the Country but the Citizens Valour with the Countrys Help soon demolished it In the Reign of Edward the Eldest Son to the forenamed Alured we find London thought so considerable that the King took it under his own Rule not entrusting even his own Sister therewith thinking it probably too important a Charge to be committed to any Subject never so nearly related to him because of the Power that would accrue to the Possessor thereof and the Danger might thereby happen to him the King in those troublesome Times upon any the least Difference arising between them When Egelred or Etheldred Son of Edgar rul'd the Land we read of the Danes coming to London they being ready enough to haunt any Place that could afford them Spoil and Pillage but we find that then they were repel'd by the Citizens The City it seems was strong enough to defend their own But soon after that another sad Accident befell the City against which it was not so well able to defend it self viz. A great Fire whereby a large Part of it was destroyed So rare is it for any thing great in this World to arrive at it's Greatness from small Beginnings without being Subject to many Mischances and meeting with many Turns and Changes of Fortune before it can arrive at the height of its Grandeur Fabian tells us in his Chronicle that the City had then the most Building from Ludgate towards Westminster and little or none where the Chief or Heart of it now is except that in diverse Places there were Houses but they stood without Order This he professes to have known by an Old Book in the Guild-Hall named Domesday But where-ever the Building stood in those Days or how great Harm soever the Fire did it nevertheless it continued of such Strength and Riches that the Danes were willing to have got it into their own Power and in Order thereunto besieged it but that they took it at that season I read not Yet some Years after I find the Londoners sending Gifts and Pledges to the Danes to divert them then coming towards London 'T was in Egelred's Days that the Danes thus harrassed the Land and did almost whatever they pleased selling the English Men Peace for their Money and then breaking it again at their Pleasure to get a greater Sum. This gave the first Occasion to the Imposition of that Tax upon the Land called Danegelt And the Pride and Lordly Imperiousness of the insulting Danes gave Original to the opprobrious Name of Lurdane as now it is esteem'd though then it was Lord Dane a Term the English were for fear compell'd to give those proud lazy Danes that Rul'd and Domineer'd in many of their Houses at the right Owner's cost Neither is it much to be wondred at that this Land was brought into so great Misery by these Hectoring Strangers when as we fiâ—d Dissention amongst the Lords and such treacherous Dealing that whatsoever was devis'â— by Some for the Hurt of their common Enemies it was quickly by Others of the same Councel betraâ—'d and made known to them The King giving himself to a vicious and incontinent Life and to get Money any manner of way sticked not to 〈◊〉 Men of their Possessions for small or seigned Causes according to the History and after cause them to redeem their own for great Sums of Money In London 't was that I find this unfortunate Egelred more than once residing for his own Security it seems more than for any Aid he attempted to get of the Londoners to defend his Land Here he fell sick died and was also Buried and with him some of the English Men's Shame and Dishonour For Edmund Ironside his Son favoured by the Londoners and some other Lords was Crown'd in that City and thence departing with his Strength so hotly pursued Canutus the Danish King that he was several Times put to the worst and in fair likelihood to have been utterly over-thrown had not the false Edric who having got an Habit of Treachery in Egelreds Days could not so easily forâ—ake his Old base Conditions oft disappointed King Edmund by his Treacherous Dealing By â—his Edric's Treachery I have read That Edmund lost his Life afterwards for which Fact the â—alse Traytor expecting a great Reward at the â—ands of Canutus had his Head exalted according â—o the others Promise above all the Lords of Engâ—and it being stricken off pitch'd upon a Spear â—nd after set upon the highest Gate of London But about the King's Death and Edric's Authors are found much to vary Neither is it any marvel that Writers differ so often and so much in their Relations of Things done so many Ages since Whenas in things but as it were of yesterday we