and 't is from thence the Grievances the Church labours under at this time in this Kingdom by the interposition of the King's Officers receiv'd a new Force after the beginning they had had under the Reign of Charles VI. And it is also from thence the Parliaments have taken an occasion to assume the Cognisance of the greatest part of what only belongs to the Tribunal of the Church of God It was very easie for them to attribute to themselves to the Exclusion of subaltern or inferiour Judges what had been at first only committed to them and to extend their Power under that pretence beyond its lawful Bounds since they had none but Inferiours to encounter with In the Establishment of the first Order made to remedy the Infractions of the Pragmatical Sanction Appeals were not allowed of They only chastised such as did obtain Rescripts or Mandates from the Court of Rome against the Common Right upon the bare Complaint that was made and averr'd of the same and that without taking cognisance of the Merits of the Cause After which Time which changes all things being join'd to Power which like Fire attracts all to it self made them proceed from that Order establish'd for the Preservation of the Common Right and the Franchises of the Gallick Church against the Attempts of Rome to the Appeals the abuse of which utterly annihilates the Jurisdiction of the French Prelates as well as of the Holy See I am sensible that the most subtile Adherents of the Parliaments to authorize their Practice may say That the Prelates assembled at Bourges having petition'd his Majesty to hinder the Holy See by his Officers from infringing the Pragmatital Sanction have tacitly given him a Right to oppose the Contraventions that might be made to the same by themselves which authorizes them to take cognisance of the Sentences which are daily given in their Tribunal But the Proverb may be alledg'd in this place which is most true That a Bargain is nothing but what it is made and that it is as certain as evident That the Gallick Church assembled at Bourges never thought on what these Gentlemen pretend and moreover that they had no reason to do it They had recourse to the King against the Enterprizes of Rome by reason that the Holy See having no Superiour Tribunal on Earth Temporal Princes alone as Protectors of the Church can put a stop to the course of the Exorbitances of the Officers of Rome whereas the Attempts of the Bishops may be repress'd by their Superiours to whom one may and ought to appeal Finally he that gives his Friend Arms to defend him can never be suppos'd to give them for his own Destruction The Parliaments cannot pretend that the Protection which the Prelates assembled at Bourges desir'd of the King gives his Officers a Right to oppress their Jurisdiction Nevertheless as Evils are greater in their Progress and in their Periods than in their Beginning the Design of the Parliaments cover'd with divers Pretences for a time began to appear without a Mask in the last Age under King Francis I. who was the first that ever made use of the Name of Appeal in his Ordinances Many knowing the Illegality of that Practice which the Church complains of at present will think perhaps that since it may be abolish'd with Justice it would be proper to do it But I 'm of Opinion that such an Alteration would do more harm than the Evil they would avoid and that nothing but the Abuse of such an Order is prejudicial Whatever Ground the said Practice may have it is certain that when it was first publickly establish'd it was only with a pretence to put a stop to the Encroachments the Ecclesiastical Judges might attempt upon the King 's Royal Jurisdiction In process of time they have not only made use of it against the Transgressors of the Ordinances of the Kingdom which include many matters besides Jurisdiction but they have also extended it to the Infractions of the Holy Canons and of the Decrees of the Church and of the Holy See and finally by excess of abuse to all sorts of Matters in which the Laicks pretend a Lezion of Polity which they maintain only belongs to the King's Officers One might reasonably desire to have the Effect of this Remedy reduc'd to its first Foundation which had no extent beyond Attempts upon the Royal Jurisdiction which is sufficiently regulated by the First Article of the Ordinance of 1539. But to remove all pretence of Lezion from the Officers of the Prince and to hinder them from pretending with any appearance that it is impossible for them to get the Ordinances observ'd by reason of the Enterprizes of the Church I am of Opinion that they may consent to the said Appeals when the Judges shall pronounce directly against the Ordinances which is the only Case in which Charles IX and Henry III. by the 59th Article of the Ordinance of Blois required them to be admitted Provided they be not extended under that pretence to the Transgression of the Canons and Decrees because many Ordinances particularly the Capitularies of Charlemagne often contain the same substance with those of the Church I am sensible that it will be difficult to make so exact an Indiction of the Ordinances to this end but that sometimes there will be abuses in whatever Regulation may be made But it is certain that there is no difficulty in the Will of the King's Officers who shall be employ'd to put his in execution The Order which he will be pleas'd to give them will serve them as a Rule without any trouble The Pretence which the Parliaments use that when Ecclesiastical Judges judge against the Canons and Decrees of which Kings are the Executors and Protectors they have the Power to correct the Abuse of their Sentences is a Pretence so void of all appearance of Justice that it is altogether insupportable Should the whole Church judge against the Canons and Decrees one might say that the King who is the Protector of the same might and ought to maintain them in an extraordinary manner by his own Authority But since when a Judge gives a Sentenee against their Tenor the said Sentence may be revers'd and he corrected by his Superiour the Officers of the Prince cannot without invading the Priestly Office and without a manifest Abuse do that which only belongs to those that are particularly consecrated to GOD And when they do so before the last Sentence of the Church is given their attempt is not only void of Justice but even of all appearance of Justice The Endeavours of the Parliaments also to translate all the Spiritual and Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction to the Tribunal of Princes under pretence of Temporal Justice is no less void of Ground and of Appearance And yet there is no Presidial or Judge Royal but will ordain the time of Processions the Hour of High Masses and many other Ceremonies under colour
Rancounters to pass for Duels and to be punish'd as such until those who have been guilty of them surrender themselves Prisoners and are absolv'd of the same by Law you will do whatever is probable to stop the course of that Frensie and your Care to preserve the Lives of your Nobility will make you Master of their Hearts and will engage them to so strict an Allegiance that they will pay with Usury whatever your Majesty can expect from them in all the Imployments they are gratified with CHAP. IV. Of the Third ORDER of the Kingdom TO Treat of the Third Order of the Kingdom with Method and to see clearly what is proper to be done to make it subsist in the State in which it ought to be I will divide it into Three Parts The First shall contain the Body of the Officers of Justice The Second of those who have the Management of the Finances And The Third the People which commonly bears the Burthen of the State SECT I. Which relates in general to the Disorders of the Courts of Justice and examines in particular whether the Suppression of the Sale of Offices and of Hereditary Offices would be a proper Remedy for such Evils IT is much easier to discover the Defects of the Courts of Justice than to prescribe Remedies for the same Every body is sensible that those who are appointed to hold the Scale even in all things have inclin'd it so much themselves on one side to their own Advantage that there is no longer any Counterpoise The Disorders of the Courts of Justice are come to that pass that they can go no farther I would enter into the Particulars of the said Disorders and of the Remedies which may be applied to the same if the Knowledge I have both of the Person of him who has the First Office of Justice at present and of his Design to render it as pure as the Corruption of the World will allow it did not oblige me barely to propose certain general Remedies to your Majesty to stop the progress of the principal Disorders In the Opinion of the Generality of the World the Chief consists in suppressing the Sale of Offices in extinguishing the Inheritance of the same and in giving them gratis to Persons of such known Capacity and Integrity that even Envy it self may not be able to contest their Merit But whereas it is a thing which cannot be done at this time and that it will be difficult to practice this Expedient at any other it would be useless at present to propose Means to that End Whenever the said Design is undertaken some will certainly be found which cannot be foreseen at present and those one might prescribe would be no longer in season when the thing might be attempted In the mean time though it is commonly dangerous to be singular in Advising I cannot forbear saying boldly That considering the present State of Affairs and that which may be foreseen for the future it is better in my Opinion to continue the said Sale and Inheritance of Offices than absolutely to alter the Settlement thereof So many Inconveniences are to be fear'd in such an Alteration that as though the Elections for Benefices are more ancient and more Canonical than the Nomination of Kings nevertheless the great Abuses which have been committed in the same and which it would be impossible to prevent render the Nominations more supportable as less subject to ill Consequences So notwithstanding the suppression of the Sale and Inheritance of Offices is consonant to Reason and to all the Constitutions of Right yet the inevitable Abuses which would be committed in the distribution of Offices depending so much on the bare Will of Kings and consequently on the Favour and Craft of those who should have most Power with them would render the present proceeding in the same more tolerable than that which has been us'd heretofore by reason of the great Inconveniences which alway attended it All reasonable Men must needs see the difference between these two Parties and heartily desire the suppression of the Sale and Inheritance of Offices supposing that in this case Places would be distributed by the pure Consideration of Vertue Neither can they be ignorant that in such a Case the Artifices of the Court would prevail before Reason and Favour before Merit Nothing contributed more to make the Duke of Guise so Powerful in the League against his King and Country as the great Number of Officers his Credit had introduc'd in the greatest Employments of the Kingdom And I have been told by the Duke of Sully That the said Consideration was the most powerful Motive which induc'd the late King to the Establishment of the Annual Duty That that great Prince had not so much regard to the Revenue which accru'd to him by it as to the Means to secure himself for the future against such Inconveniences And that notwithstanding Treasure had a great Influence over him Reasons of State were more prevailing on that occasion In the new Establishment of a Commonwealth it were a Crime not to banish the Sale of Offices because in such Cases Reason obliges to establish the most perfect Laws Human Society can permit But Prudence does not allow it in ancient Monarchies the Imperfections of which are turn'd to use and the Disorder of which not without Advantage composes part of the Orders of the State In such Cases Men must submit to Weakness and prefer a moderate Regulation to a more austere Settlement which perhaps would be less proper the Rigour of it being capable to shake the Fabrick which one would strengthen I am sensible that it is a common Saying That he who buys Justice by the Lump may sell it by Retail but yet it is certain that an Officer who lays out the best part of his Estate upon a Place will be kept from doing ill in a great measure for fear of loling all that he is worth and that in such a case the Price of Offices is not an ill Pledge of the Fidelity of the Officers The Complaints which are made against the Sale of Offices have been the same in all the Ages of the Monarchy but though they have ever been look'd upon as reasonable in themselves yet the Disorders upon which they are grounded have been tolerated supposing that we are not capable of the austere Perfection which is the scope of them Those who are not ignorant of History must needs know that some Writers not even sparing the King St. Lewis have upbraided his Reign because Places were not bestow'd gratis in his Time That they condemn others after him because the Traffick of Offices was already so publick that the Money arising by the same was Farm'd and that they cast an Odium upon the Memory of the great King Francis because he was the first who upon the account of the necessity of the Age he liv'd in made a Regulated Commerce of them which has lasted ever since I
Prince I am also sensible that the said Practice has been suffer'd hitherto under pretence of the Safety of Kings saying That it is impossible for Officers to answer for what they have done unless they carry or see it carried themselves to your Majesty But this Reason seems inconsiderable to me since there is no reason to believe that a Scullion will be more faithful to his Master than a Gentleman who in divers other occasions might betray him if he were so minded Fourscore young Gentlemen whom your Majesty maintains Pages of your Chamber or of your Stables would be much better employ'd in that Service than in barely serving your First Gentlemen or Queries who Command them and without doubt as they would do it with more Dignity they would not perform it with less Fidelity The Neatness which is becoming in all places is consequently more requir'd yet in the Palaces of Kings The Magnificence of Furniture is the more necessary there by reason that Foreigners only judge of the Grandeur of Princes by what appears externally and yet though your Majesty is vastly stor'd with the same both fine and rich which are destroy'd in the Places where they should be preserv'd Your Majesty often uses such in your Chamber that those to whose share they fall when you lay them aside do not think fit to use them after you The Entrance into your Cabinet has been allow'd to all Men not only to the Prejudice of your Dignity but also in Contempt of the Safety of your Person Ambassadors have been crowded more by Footmen by Pages and other inferiour Officers than by the Grandees of your State in their Audiences and nevertheless your Dignity and the ancient Custom of this Kingdom require on such Occasions your being attended by the Princes Dukes and Peers the Officers of the Crown and other Grandees of your State I am sensible that most Kingdoms have different Customs That in Spain the Greatest see their King oftner than in England There are such good Orders there upon that Subject that though all the Doors are open none are seen in the Chambers or Cabinets but such as have a free entrance there by their Dignities and Employments I know moreover that it is a Privilege of those who bear your Crown to be crowded by their Subjects but it should be with this distinction that usually it ought to be by your Nobility and on the occasion of receiving Foreigners by qualify'd Persons of which there is a sufficient Number in your State to make them observe the Grandeur and Singularity of it by that Prerogative In a Word Disorder reigns so universally in all your Majesty's Houshold that there is no particular place free from it Though all great Princes are careful to have an Equipage of great Horses suitable to their Grandeur your Majesty never had one in your great Stable which you could use on occasion though you are at a greater Charge about it than ever any of your Predecessors were I might easily specifie many other Defects no less remarkable than this but I will not enter into the Particulars of so great a Disorder both because it would be a very difficult Task without descending too low for the Dignity of this Work and that it is sufficient to know a Distemper without publishing it to prescribe Remedies for the same I will perform my Duty in proposing to your Majesty the true means to afford as much Lustre to your Houshold as there is Meanness and Disorder in it at present The first thing which is necessary to that end is That your Majesty should be strongly bent to the said Reformation since it is certain that in Affairs of this nature the Will of Kings is like the Will of GOD in relation to the most difficult things in which to will and to do is one and the same thing The second is That you would be pleas'd for the future to employ none but Persons of Quality in the First Places of your Houshold having all the Qualifications which are requir'd to discharge their Trust worthily Let an Officer be never so great he will apply himself to the least Dependencies of his Office if he be capable of it because he will judge them to be of Consequence as indeed they are Unless the Stewards for instance take a particular Care to cause those Places to be cleans'd Morning and Evening where People eat as soon as the Tables are remov'd they will be wanting in one of the most material Points of their Charge I may say the same of all the Principal Officers and particularly of the First Gentlemen of your Chamber who must be careful to keep all your Majesty's Apartment so neat and so clean that it will not be too much to sweep and perfume them three or four times a day by reason of the vast Concourse of People which cannot be avoided there though it be never so well regulated Provided every Man be qualify'd for his Office every thing will be done according to your Majesty's Desire and the Regulation of all the rest depends on this point For whatever Rule be establish'd it will prove useless unless there are Men capable to see it perform'd and if they are they will have Wit enough to cause that to be done which Reason will shew them to be necessary for the Dignity of their Place and for the Service of their Master The third consists in That your Majesty should employ none but Gentlemen in all the Places of your Houshold unless in the Lowest which contributing much towards your Dignity will create the more Affection into your Nobility in that they will have more means to advance themselves near your Person By this means your Majesty may make the four Troops of your Gens d'Arms of the Body the Four best Troops of Gens d'Arms in your Kingdom it being most certain that there are many Gentlemen who would be over-joy'd to have a means to live in that Quality provided those Places be given them gratis which are now sold at who gives most In that case many will be glad to have that Employment who would by no means accept of it at present because it is usurp'd by Persons who do not deserve it And all Gentlemen will willingly accept of it upon the account of the access it will give them at Court where a Chance and some Acquaintance may advance their Fortune in an instant Your Majesty will also receive another Benefit by the said Establishment in that as it will lessen the Number of the Roturiers who are freed of the Tailles by the Places they enjoy in your Houshold it will encrease the Number of those who are to help the People to bear the Burthen they are over-whelmed with at present The fourth is That your Majesty should give all the Places of your Houshold gratis without allowing them to be sold upon any Consideration whatever It may be urg'd perhaps That it is not reasonable that those who
his being so against Calumnies and that all the Crosses he may meet with may never discourage him from doing well He must know that the Labour Men undergo for the Publick is seldom acknowledg'd by private Persons and that no other Reward is to be expected for it on Earth than that of Fame which is the true Reward of great Souls He must also know That the great Men who are employ'd in the Government of States are like those who are condemn'd to suffer with this difference only That those receive the Reward of their Faults and the others of their Merit Moreover he must know That none but great Souls are capable to serve Kings faithfully and to support the Calumnies which the Wicked and Ignorant impute to Men of Honour without disquiet and without slackning in the Service they are oblig'd to do them He must likewise know That the Condition of those who are call'd to the Administration of publick Affairs is much to be pity'd by reason that if they do well the Malice of the World lessens the Glory of it pretending that one might do better though it were absolutely impossible Finally he must know That those who are employ'd in the Ministry of the State are oblig'd to imitate the Stars which notwithstanding the Barking of Dogs lighten them and follow their Course which ought to oblige him so far to contemn such Injuries that his Integrity may not be shaken by it in the least nor he hinder'd from prosecuting those Ends steadily which he has propos'd to himself for the Advantage of the State SECT IV. Which represents what Courage and Force is requir'd in a Counsellor of State THe Courage which is necessary in this case does not require so much Boldness in a Man as to dispise all sorts of Perils nothing can be more likely to ruin States And a Counsellor of State ought to be so far from behaving himself so that on the contrapy it behoves him to be very wary on all occasions and to undertake nothing without great Consideration and in proper Time Neither does the Courage requir'd in a perfect Counsellor of State oblige him to think on nothing but Great Things which happens often to the most elevated Souls when they have more Courage than Judgment on the contrary it is absolutely necessary that he should stoop to the meanest though they may seem below him at first because great Disorders often arise from small Beginnings and that the most considerable Establishments have sometimes Principles which seem to be of no Consideration But the Courage in question requires a Man to be free from Weakness and Fear which render those who are tainted with those two Defects not only incapable of taking good Resolutions for the Publick Good but also from putting those in execution which they have taken It requires a certain Fire which makes Men desire and prosecute great things with as much Eagerness as the Judgment embraces them with Wisdom It requires moreover a certain Steadiness which makes Men undergo Adversities bravely and hinders them from appearing and from being alter'd in the greatest Alterations of Fortune It ought to give the Minister of State an honest Emulation of Glory without which the most capable and the most worthy seldom signalize themselves by an advantagious Action to the Publick It must give him the force to resist without being daunted Envy Hatred Calumny and all the Crosses which are commonly met with in the Administration of Publick Affairs Finally It must justifie the Saying of Aristotle in his Person who affirms That whereas those that are Weak make use of Cunning and of Craft those who are strong despise both equally by the just Confidence they have in themselves To this end we must observe That to be Valiant and to have Courage is not the same thing Valour supposes a Disposition to expose one's self willingly on all occasions to the Perils which present themselves which Courage does not require but only a sufficient Resolution to despise Peril when we are engag'd in it and to support Adversity patiently when we are involv'd therein We may even proceed farther and say That besides the Disposition above specify'd Valour requires another which is Corporal and which enables Men to shew their Valour by their Arm. I am sensible That those who have spoken of the principal Vertues of Man heretofore did not understand those Distinctions but if you consider them maturely you will find the first absolutely necessary and the second not superfluous because most Men only judge of a Man's Valour by the Performances of his Arm which shew his Worth Whatever sence you take Valour in it is not necessary in a Counsellor of State there is no need of his having a Disposition to expose himself to Perils nor even a corporeal Aptness to shew his Worth by the virtue of his Arm it is sufficient for him to have so much Courage that an ill-grounded Fear and the Crosses he may chance to meet with may not be able to divert him from his good and generous Design and as the Mind governs and not the Hand it is sufficient that his Heart should sustain his Head though it cannot influence his Arm. SECT V. Which represents what Application is requir'd in Counsellors of State APplication does not require that a Man should Labour incessantly in Publick Affairs on the contrary nothing is more capable to make him useless than such a proceeding The nature of State-Affairs requires respite by reason that the weight of it is greater and more burthensom than all others and that the Forces of the Mind and Body of Men being limitted a continual Labour would exhaust them in a short space of time It allows all manner of honest Divertisements which do not divert those who take them from those things to which they ought to be particularly apply'd But it requires that he who is engag'd in Publick Affairs should make them his particular Care and should fix his Mind his Thought and Affection on them it requires that the greatest of his Pleasures should be the good success of his Affairs It requires that he should often surround the World to foresee what may happen and to find means to prevent the Evils which are to be fear'd and to execute those Enterprises which Reason and Publick Interest advise As it obliges not to lose one moment in certain Affairs which may be ruin'd by the least delay it also requires that we should not precipitate our selves in others in which time is necessary to take such Resolutions as one may have no reason to repent of One of the greatest Grievances of this Kingdom is that most Men apply themselves more to those things to which they cannot apply themselves without a Fault than to those they cannot omit without a Crime A Soldier speaks of what his Captain ought to do the Captain of the Defects he imagines in his Colonel the Colonel finds fault with his General the General disapproves
Kingdom in that that tho the Levity of our Nation should make it incapable of making great Conquests their Valour would render them Invincible in their defence having considerable Places so well fortify'd and so well provided with all things that they may be able to show their Courage without being exposed to suffer great hard-ships which are the only Enemies they have to overcome A Frontier well fortify'd is capable either to discourage Enemies from the designs they might have against a State or at least to stop the Course of the same and their Impetuosity if they dare venture to do it by open force The subtil motions of our Nation stand in need of being secured against the Terrour they might receive in an unexpected attack if they did not know that the entrance into the Kingdom has such strong Ramparts that no foreign Impetuosity can be capable to take them by Storm and that it is impossible to overcome them without a considerable Time The new method of some of the Enemies of this State being more to starve the Places they besiege than to take them by force of Arms and to ruin the Country they invade by a great number of horse than to advance by degrees into it with a considerable body of Foot as was done antiently it is clear that Frontier Places are not only useful to resist such Efforts but also to secure States in the Bowels of which it is impossible for Enemies to make any great Progress if they leave Places behind them to cut off the communication of their Countrys and their Convoys together These considerations oblige me to represent that it is not sufficient to fortify Places and to put such Provisions and Ammunitions into them as may serve to resist brisk attacks but also to furnish them with all things necessary for a year at least which is a sufficient time to relieve them conveniently I am sensible that it is almost impossible for great Kings to provide many Citadels thus but it is not so with great Towns in which the Society of Men produces a great store of many things which a particular Governor cannot make a sufficient provision of and it is easie to oblige the Inhabitants to provide Provisions for a Year which will always suffice for six Months and more if they turn out useless Mouths as reason requires I am so far from pretending that this Order should exempt Princes from having publick Magazins that on the contrary I am of opinion that they can never have too many and that after having provided them they must establish such good Orders to preserve them that the Governors to whom the disposition of the same belongs may not have the Liberty to dissipate them in vain either out of negligence or a desire to convert them to their own Uses I do not particularly specify the Number of Cannons* of Powder and of Bullets and of all other Warlike Ammunitions which are to be put in every place because it is to be different according to their different Largeness But I will say that Provisions for the Mouth are not more necessary than those of War and that it would be to no purpose for a Town to be well stor'd with Victuals if they wanted what is absolutely necessary both to defend themselves and to annoy their Enemies seeing particularly that Experience showeth us that those whoshoot most commonly kill most when a Place is besieg'd one might better spare Bread than Powder The Antients having observ'd very well that the real Strength of Towns consists in the number of Men I cannot forbear adding that all Fortifications are useless unless the Governor and the Officers who command in a place have a Courage equal to the Strength of the Walls and Ramparts and unless the Number of Men is proportion'd to the Largeness of the place and the quantity of the Posts that are to be defended Experience has show'd us in divers occasions that the least Holds are impregnable by the steadiness of the courage of those who defend them and that the best Citadels make no great resistance when those that are in them have not a Courage suitable to their Force Therefore Princes can never be too careful in choosing those to whom they intrust Frontiers since the Welfare and repose of the State depends chiefly on their Fedelity and Vigilancy their Courage and Experience and that often the lack of one of these Qualifications costs millions to States if it does not prove the absolute cause of their Ruin SECTION IV. Of the Power a State ought to have by its Land-Forces This Section has several Subdivisions upon the account of the abundance of matter it contains which will be specify'd in the Margin THE most potent State in the World cannot boast of injoying a certain Peace unless it be in a condition to secure it self at all times against an unexpected Invasion or Surprise In order thereunto it is necessary that so great a Kingdom as this is should always keep a sufficient Army on Foot to prevent the designs which hatred and envy might form against its Prosperity and Grandeur when 't is look'd upon to be in a secure Repose or at least to stifle them in their Birth Who has Force has commonly Reason on his side and he that is Weak is commonly thought in the wrong in the Judgment of most Men. As a Souldier who do's not always wear his Sword is lyable to many inconveniences that Kingdom which do's not always stand on its Guard and keep it self in a condtion to prevent a sudden surprise is in great danger Public Interest obliges those who have the management of States to Govern them so as not only to secure them against all the Evil which may be avoided but also from all apprehensions of it As Reason requires a Geometrical Proportion between that which sustains and that which is sustained it is certain that there must be considerable Forces to sustain so great a Body as this Kingdom Those that are necessary to so great an End may and ought to be of a different Nature that is that among the Men design'd for the preservation of this State some must be listed to be ready on all occasins and others actually in Arms in order always to be in readiness to make a good defence In order to provide for the Frontier Towns and to keep a Body on foot to oppose all unexpected Designs it is necessary to keep at least four thousand Horse and forty thousand Foot actually in Arms at all times and it is easie without burthening the State to keep ten thousand Gentlemen and fifty thousand Foot listed ready to be rais'd on all Emergencies It may perhaps be urg'd that the Defence of the State does not require such great Preparations but whereas the said Establishment is so far from being a Burthen to France that on the contrary the Nobility and the People will receive a Benefit by it I say that
of China the Entrance into which is allow'd to no body is the only Country in which that Nation has no Place settled for their Trade The City of Genoa which only abounds in Rocks makes so good a Use of its Trade that I may safely affirm that it is the Richest City in Italy if the succors of Spain France only abounding too much within it self has hitherto neglected Trade tho they are as conveniently seated for it as their Neighbours and might free themselves of the assistance they receive from them on that account at their own Cost The Fisheries of the Ocean are the easiest and most useful Commerce which can be made in this Kingdom It is the more necessary in that there is no State in the World so well Peopled as France That the Number of those who are out of the Road to Heaven is very inconsiderable compar'd to the Catholics who living under the Laws of the Roman Church abstain the third part of the year from the use of Meat And that none of the dispensations practised in Spain are used there to eat Meat at all times under a specious pretence Trade will be the easyer for us in that we have a great number of Sea Men who heitherto have been oblig'd to seek out imployment among our Enemyes having none at home and we have made no other use of them hitherto but to get salt Fish and Herrings But having wherewith to imploy our Mariners instead of being Constrained to strengthen our Enemies by weakning our selves we will be able to carry into Spain and other Countrys that which they have hitherto brought to us by the assiistance of our Men who serve them France is so fertile in Corn so abounding in Wine Flax and Hemp to make Cloth and Riggings so necessary for Navigation that Spain England and all other Neighbouring States must have recourse thither And provided we know how to improve the advantages which Nature has given us we will get money of those who have occasion for our Goods without troubling our selves much with their Commoditys which are of little use to us Spanish English and Dutch Cloths are only superfluous we may make them as good as theirs getting Wool from Spain as they doe Moreover we may have them more conveniently upon the account of our Corn and Linen Cloths if we will exchange them to make a double gain Our Kings having made a shift with Draps de Berry we may very well make a shift now with Draps de Sceau and de Meunier or Millers Cloth which are now made in France without having recourse to those that are made abroad the use of which will be abolish'd by this means as well as the Serges of Chalons and of Chartres have abolish'd those of Milan And indeed the Draps de Sceau are insomuch request in the Levant that next to those of Venice made with Spanish Wool the Turks preferr them to all others and the Citys of Marselles and of Lyons have heitherto driven a very great Trade in them France is Industrious enough Not to stand in need of the best Manufactures of our Neighbours such fine Plushes are made at Tours that they are sent into Spain Italy and other foreign Countrys the Plain Tafetas which are made there also are so much in Vogue throughout France that there is no need to look for any elsewhere Red Purple and Spotted Velvets are made finer there now than at Genoa It is also the only place in which Silk Serges are made Mohair is made as good there as in England the finest Cloths of Gold are made finer there and Cheaper than in Italy So that we may easily forbear that Trade which only serves to foment our Laziness and to feed our Pride to stick solidly to that which may increase our Wealth and imploy our Mariners insomuch that our Neighbours may not improve our labours at their cost Over and above those above specify'd which are the best in the Ocean many others may be made The Skinners Trade of Canada is the more necessary because there is no need of carrying Money there and that they take such Commodities in Exchange as scizzer-Cases Knives small Pen-knives Needles Pins Bills Hatchets Watches Hat-bands Points and other sorts of Mercery Wares That of the Coast of Guiny in Africa in which the Portgueze have long possess'd a place call'd Castel de Mine which the Hollanders of the West-India Company have taken from them within these 2 or 3 years is of the same nature in that the only Goods exported there are Pedlars Wares Canvass and course Linen Cloths in exchange of which the Negroes give Golden Powder The Merchants of Roans have formerly driven a Trade of Linen and Woolen Cloths in the Kingdom of Fez and of Morrocco by means of which they got a great deal of Gold Were the King's Subjects strong in Shipping they might ingross all the Trade of the North which the Dutch have got by reason that the North standing absolutely in need of Wine Vinegar and Brandy-Wine of Chesnuts of Pruens and of Nuts all Commodities in which the Kingdom abounds and which cannot be consum'd in it it is easie to make a considerable Trade of them and the better in that returns may be made of Wood of Copper of Pitch and Tar things not only useful for our selves but necessary for our Neighbours who can not get them from them without our Goods unless they will lose the fraight of their Ships in going thither I do not enter into the particulars of the Trade which may be driven in the East-Indies and in Persia by reason that the humour of the French being so hasty that they will see the effects of their desires as soon as they have conceiv'd them Long Voyages are not suitable with their temper However as abundance of Silks and Carpets are brought from Persia many Curiosities from China and all manner of Spices from divers places in those parts of the World which are of great use to us that Trade is not to be neglected To make a good Settlement it would be necessary to send two or three Ships into the East Commanded by Persons of Quality Prudence and Wisdom with Patents and necessay Powers to Treat with those Princes and to Make Allyances with the People on all sides as the Portugueze English and Dutch have done This design would succeed the better by reason that those who have taken a footing in those Nations are very much hated by them at present either because they have deceiv'd them or because they have subdued them by Force As to the West there is no great Trade to be expected there Drake Thomas Cavendish Sperberg L'Hermite le Maire and the late Count Maurice who sent twelve Ships thither of 500 Tuns on purpose to Trade there either by way of Friendship or by Force not having been able to make any settlements there there is but little to be hop'd for on that side unless
The Court was full of Men who accus'd those of Rashness who should dare to attempt it and all of them knowing that Princes are apt to impute the ill Success of things that have been well advis'd to those that are about them so few expected a good Event of the Alterations it was said I design'd that many concluded my Fall even before your Majesty had rais'd me Notwithstanding all these Difficulties which I represented to your Majesty knowing what Kings can do when they make a good use of their Power I presum'd to promise you without Temerity in my Opinion what is come to pass in your State and that in a short time your Prudence your Power and the Blessing of God would alter the Affairs of this Kingdom I promis'd your Majesty that I would use my utmost Endeavours and all the Authority you were pleas'd to give me to ruine the Huguenot Party to abate the Pride of the Grandees to reduce all your Subjects to their Duty and to raise your Name again in Foreign Nations to the Degree it ought to be Moreover I represented to your Majesty that in order to compass a happy end it was absolutely necessary you should confide in me and that notwithstanding for the time past all those who had serv'd you had thought no way so proper to obtain and to preserve your Confidence as to remove the Queen your Mother from it I would take the contrary way and that nothing should be wanting on my side to keep your Majesties in a strict Union so necessary for your Reputation and for the Welfare of the Kingdom As the Success which has attended the good Intentions which God has been pleas'd to inspire me with for the Settlement of this State will justifie to future Ages the steadiness wherewith I have constantly pursued that Design so your Majesty will be a faithful Witness that I have us'd my best Endeavours lest the Artifice of some Evil-minded Persons should be powerful enough to divide that which being united by Nature ought also to be united by Grace If after having for many years happily resisted their divers Efforts their Malice has finally prevail'd it is a very great Comfort to me that your Majesty has often been pleas'd to express That while I was most intent on the Grandeur of the Queen your Mother she labour'd for my Ruine But I refer this matter to another place to keep to my present Subject and not to break the Order I am to keep in this Work The Huguenots who have never slipt any occasion to increase their Party having in 1624. surpriz'd certain Ships which the Duke of Nevers was preparing against the Turk afterwards rais'd a potent Navy against your Majesty Notwithstanding the Care of the Sea had been so far neglected till then that you had not one Ship your Majesty behav'd your self with so much Address and Courage that with those you could get among your Subjects 20 from Holland and 7 from England you defeated the Army the Rochelois had put out to Sea Which prov'd the more wonderful and happy in that this advantageous Effect proceeded from a Succour which was only granted to serve you in appearance You took the Isle of Ré by the same means which the Rochelois had unjustly made themselves Masters of long before You routed 4 or 5000 Men they had put into it to defend it and forc'd Soubise who commanded them to fly to Oleron which your Friends not only drove him out of but also forc'd him to fly the Kingdom This happy Success reduc'd those Rebellious Souls to make a Peace so glorious for your Majesty that the most difficult were pleas'd with it and all agreed that it was the most advantagious that had been made till then The Kings your Predecessors having for the time past rather received from than given a Peace to their Subjects though they were diverted by no Foreign Wars they were Losers in all the Treaties they made with them and tho' your Majesty had many other Occupations at that time you then granted it to them reserving Fort St. Lewis as a Citadel at Rochel and the Isles of Re and of Oleron as two other Places which serv'd as a good Circumvallation about it At the same time your Majesty secur'd the Duke of Savoy from the Oppression of the Spaniards who had attack'd him openly and notwithstanding they had one of the greatest Armies that had been seen of a long while in Italy which was Commanded by the Duke of Feria a great Man you hinder'd them from taking Verua of which your Arms jointly with the Duke of Savoy's sustain'd the Siege with so much Glory that they were finally forc'd to raise the Siege shamefully The Spaniards soon afterwards making themselves Masters of all the Passes of the Grisons and having fortify'd the best Posts of all their Vallies your Majesty not being able by a bare Negotiation to free your ancient Allies from that Invasion in which those unjust Usurpers had the more success by reason that the Pope favour'd them upon the vain Hopes they gave him of procuring some Advantages for Religion did that by force of Arms which you had not been able to obtain by strength of Reason Your Majesty had by that means for ever freed that Nation from the Tyranny of the House of Austria had not Fargis your Ambassador in Spain at the Sollicitation of Cardinal de Berulle made as he has confess'd it since without your Knowledge and contrary to your Majesty's strict Orders a very disadvantagious Treaty to which you adher'd at last to oblige the Pope who pretended to be concern'd in that Affair The late King your Father of Immortal Memory designing to marry one of your Majesty's Sisters in England the Spaniards thought themselves oblig'd to break that Project by marrying one of their Infanta's there The Treaty thereof being concluded the Prince of Wales was so ill advisd as to expose himself to the Discretion of a Prince who being Master of his Person might impose whatever Law he thought fit upon him and pass'd through France incognito in order to go into Spain to marry her As soon as the thing was known here such Negotiations were set on foot that notwithstanding the great Honours he receiv'd in that Court where the King gave him the Right Hand all the while he tarry'd there altho' he was no Crown'd Head at that time the Marriage was broken off and soon after it that of France was treated of concluded and accomplish'd with Conditions three times more advantagious for Religion than those which were design'd to be propos'd in the late King's time Soon after that Powerful Cabals were form'd at Court into which the Duke of Orleans your Brother was engag'd by those who had the Care of his Conduct before his Age made him capable of it Being constrain'd to say with great Regret that a Person of the greatest Consideration was insensibly drawn into it with several others who formented
beat the Duke of Savoy assisted by the Spaniards rais'd the Siege of Cazal and constrain'd all your Enemies to agree with you This glorious Action which restor'd Peace in Italy was no sooner atchiev'd but your Majesty whose Mind and Heart never found any rest but in Labour pass'd directly into Languedoc where after having taken Privas and Alez by force you reduc'd the rest of the Huguenot Party throughout your Kingdom to Obedience and by your Clemency granted a Peace to those who had presum'd to wage a War against you not by granting them Advantages prejudicial to the State as had been done till then but by banishing him out of the Kingdom who was the only Head of that miserable Party and who had all along fomented it That which is most considerable in so glorious an Action is that you ruin'd that Party absolutely at a time when the King of Spain endeavour'd to raise it again and to settle it more than ever He had newly made a Treaty with the Duke of Rohan to form in this State a Body of Rebellious States to God and to your Majesty at once in consideration of a Million of Livres which he was to pay him yearly for which he made the Indies Tributaries to Hell But their Projects prov'd ineffectual And whilst he had the Mortification to hear that the Person he had employ'd to be the Bearer of so glorious an Establishment was executed upon a Scaffold by a Decree of the Parliament of Thoulouse before whom he was Try'd your Majesty had the Satisfaction and Advantage to pardon those who could no longer defend themselves to annihilate their Faction and to use their Persons well when they expected nothing but the Chastisement of the Crimes they had commited I am sensible that Spain thinks to excuse so ill an Action by the Succours you granted the Hollanders but that Excuse is as ill as their Cause Common Sense will convince every body that there is much difference between the continuation of a Succours established upon a Lawful Subject if Natural Defence is so and a new Establishment manifestly contrary to Religion and to the Lawful Authority Kings have received from Heaven over their Subjects The late King your Father never enter'd into a Treaty with the Hollanders until the King of Spain had form'd a League in this Kingdom to usurp the Crown This Truth is too evident to be question'd and there is no Theology in the World but will grant without going against the Principles of Natural Reason that as Necessity obliges those whose Life is attempted to make use of all Helps to preserve it so a Prince has the same Right to avoid the loss of his State That which is free in the beginning sometimes becomes necessary in the sequel Therefore no body can find fault with the Union your Majesty maintains with those People not only in consequence of the Treaties of the late King but moreover because Spain cannot be reputed otherwise than as an Enemy to this State whilst they retain part of its ancient Demeans It is evident that the Cause which has given a Rise to those Treaties not being remov'd the continuation of the Effect is as lawful as necessary The Spaniards are so far from any Pretence of being in the same case that on the contrary their Designs are so much the more unjust that instead of repairing the Injuries they have done this Kingdom they increase them daily Moreover the late King never join'd with the Hollanders until they were entred into a Body of State and was constrain'd to it by an Oppression which he could not wholly avoid He neither occasion'd their Revolt nor the Union of their Provinces And Spain has not only often favour'd the Revolted Huguenots against your Predecessors they also endeavour'd to unite them in a Body of State in yours A holy Zeal has induc'd them to be the Authors of so good an Establishment and that without any Necessity and consequently without Reason unless the Continuation of their ancient Usurpations and the new ones they design rectifie their Actions so much that what is forbidden to all the World besides is lawful in them upon the account of their good Intentions Having treated this matter more at large in another Treatise I will leave it to continue the Sequel of your Actions The ill Faith of the Spaniards having induc'd them to attack the Duke of Mantua again to the Prejudice of the Treaties they had made with your Majesty you march'd the second time into Italy where by the Blessing of God after having gloriously cross'd a River the Passage whereof was defended by the Duke of Savoy with an Army of 14000 Foot and 4000 Horse contrary to the Faith of the Treaty he had made with your Majesty the Year before You took Pignerol in sight of the Emperour 's and King of Spain's Forces and of the Person and all the Power of the Duke of Savoy and that which renders that Action the more Glorious in sight of the Marquess de Spinola one of the greatest Captains of his Time By that means you took Susa and overcame at once the three most considerable Powers of Europe the Plague Famine and the Impatiency of the French of which there are not many Examples in History After which you Conquer'd Savoy driving an Army of 10000 Foot and 2000 Horse before you which had a better Advantage to defend it self in that Mountainous Country than 30000 to attack them Soon after which the Combats of Veillane and of Coriane signaliz'd your Arms in Piemont and the taking of Valence Fortify'd by the Duke of Savoy in order to oppose your Designs made the World sensible that nothing could resist the Just Arms of a King as Fortunate as Powerful Cazal was reliev'd not only against the Opinion of most Men but even against the very Thoughts of the Duke de Montmorency who had been employ'd to that end and against the Opinion of Marillac who was substituted in his Place who both publickly declar'd that it was an impossible Enterprize The Relief of the said Place was the more glorious in that a stronger Army than your Majesty's retrench'd at the Head of the Milaneze which furnished them with all sorts of Conveniencies and shelter'd under the Walls of Cazal which had been consign'd in their Hands was constrain'd to quit it and five other Places at the same time which the Spaniards held thereabouts in the extent of Mont-Ferrat Those who know that in the very height of that Design your Majesty was reduc'd to the utmost Extremity by a Fit of Sickness and that tho' your Person was dangerously Ill your Heart was yet in a worse Condition If they consider that the Queen your Mother at the Instigation of some malicious Persons form'd a potent Party which weakning you considerably strengthen'd your Enemies If they also consider that they daily receiv'd Advice that your Majesty's most faithful Servants whom they both did hate and dread would
extraordinary that the Chamber of Accounts would only verifie the Letters Patents thereof for Nine Years After the Reign of Lewis the 11th his Successors Charles the 8th Francis the 1st and Henry the 2d continu'd the same Favour during their Lives Charles the 9th went farther and granted to Perpetuity to the Holy Chappel what his Predecessors had only granted them for a time The Intention those Princes had is praise-worthy since they gave a Right which did belong to them to a good end But the Use those of the Holy Chappel have made of it can never be sufficiently blam'd since that instead of being satisfy'd with what was given them they have endeavour'd under that pretence to make all the Bishopricks of France subject to the Regalia The Parliament of Paris which pretend to be the only Judges of the Regalia have been blinded to that degree by Self-interest as to make no Scruple to declare even all those Bishopricks which in our days have been united to the Crown liable to that Servitude and to order the Advocates in proper terms no longer to question but that the extent of the Regalia was as large as that of the Kingdom This Incroachment being too visible to produce any Effect induc'd the Churches which were not liable to that Right no longer to acknowledge that Tribunal for Judges and the Kings to refer all such Causes to their Council The extent of that Right over all the Bishopricks of the Kingdom is a Pretension so ill grounded that in order to discover the Injustice thereof it will be sufficient to read a Deed the Original of which is in the Chamber of Accounts which the President Le Maitre caus'd to be printed which gave an Account of the Bishopricks that are subject to the Regalia and of those that are free from it Formerly the common Opinion was that there was no Regalia beyond the River Loire the Kings Lewis le Gross and Lewis the Young exempted the Archbishoprick of Bourdeaux and the Suffraganâ— thereof of the same Raymond Count of Tholouse granted the same Favour to the Bishops of Provence and of Languedoc which was afterwards confirmed to them by Philip le Bell and St. Lewis yielded the Regalia of all Brittany to the Dukes of the Country by the Treaty he made with Peter Maâ—-clerc which shews that he did not give it to the Holy Chappel when he founded it Several other Bishopricks as Lyons Autun Auxerre and divers others are so undoubtedly free from that Subjection that no body calls it into question The Ordinances made at divers times shew clearly that the Kings of France never did pretend to have a Regalia over all the Bishopricks and that Truth is so evident that Pasquier the King's Advocate in the Chamber of Accounts is forc'd to confess that he who maintains that Doctrine is rather a Court Flatterer than a French Lawyer These are his very Words The Ignorance or rather the want of Spirit and Interest of some Bishops has contributed very much towards the Vexation the Prelates of this Kingdom suffer at this time who to free themselves of the Presecution they did receive in their own particular have made no scruple to receive Acquittances from the Holy Chappel for Sums they never paid The Opinion they had that in disputing their Right before Judges who were their Parties they would be condemn'd has perswaded them that they might innocently commit such a Fault the Consequence of which would be very dangerous if your Majesty's Goodness did not repair the harm done by their Weakness Common Right requiring the Disposition of the Fruits of a vacant Benefice to be reserv'd for the future Successor the contrary cannot be done without an Authentick Title to impower one so to do Yet we find none of that kind to justifie the Pretensions of Kings to dispose of them according to their Pleasure for want of which they are forc'd to have recoutse to Custom This Truth is so certain that all the Ordinances made upon that Subject only maintain their ancient Possession As it is very easie for Soveraign Princes by divers Pretences to attribute that to themselves which does not belong to them and that thereby an unjust Usurpation in the beginning may in process of time be deem'd Lawful by virtue of Possession There may be a great deal of Reason to question Whether Custom can have the force of an authentick Title in the case of Soveraigns But not designing to dispute your Majesty's Rights but only to persuade you to regulate them insomuch that they may not endanger the Salvation of Souls without endeavouring any farther to examine the Source and the Foundation of the Regalia's which I suppose valid I only design to examine what the Holy Chappel can pretend by virtue of those Concessions of your Predecessors and to propose the Remedy of the Abuse which is committed in the enjoyment of such a Grant It often happens that a Bishop who is Rich in all the Qualifications requir'd by the Canons and which the Piety of Good Men can desire in him but Poor by his Birth remains two or three Years incapable of performing the Duty of his Office both by the Payment of the Bulls to which he is oblig'd by the Concordates which often sweep away a whole Year's Revenue and upon the account of this new Right which takes away another So that adding to these two Expences the Charge he must be at to buy the Ornaments he stands in need of and to furnish his House according to his Dignity it will often be found that three Years are pass'd before he can receive any thing for his Maintenance For which reason many of them do not go to their Bishopricks excusing themselves upon necessity or laying aside House-keeping deprive themselves of the Reputation they ought to have to feed their Flock as well by Acts of Charity as by Words It also often comes to pass that to avoid these Inconveniencies they engage themselves so far that some are prevail'd with to practsie illegal means to acquit their Debts And those who do not fall into that Extremity live in perpetual Misery and finally frustrate their Creditors of what they owe them for want of Power to pay them The Remedy to that Evil is as easie as necessary since it only requires the annexing to the Holy Chappel an Abbey of equal Revenue with that which they can receive by that Settlement Some perhaps will say That it will not be easie to clear this Point as it should be by reason of the difficulty the said Society will make of disclosing that which they design to conceal But if your Majesty orders them to justifie in two Months time by the Acts of their Registers what they did enjoy before the perpetual Concession made to them by Charles IX and that on pain of forfeiting the said Right this lawful Proceeding will soon discover what is necessary to be done to recompence the Grant
sufficient to free the Youth from gross Ignorance prejudicial even to those who design to follow Arms or to spend their Lives in Trading By that means before Children are determin'd to any Condition two or three Years will discover the Capacity of their Minds after which those that have a good Genius being sent to great Cities will succeed the better in their Learning both upon that account and by their being instructed by abâ—er Masters Having thus provided against this Evil which is much greater than it seems to be we must also provide against another into which France would infallibly fall if all the Colledges that are establish'd were in one Hand The Universities pretend that a great deal of wrong is done them in not leaving them exclusively from all others the faculty of Teaching Youth The Jesuits on the other hand would not be displeas'd perhaps of being the only Persons imploy'd in that Function Reason which ought to decide all sorts of Differences does not permit the frustrating of an ancient Possessor of what he possesses with a just Title And Publick Interest cannot suffer a Society not only recommendable by their Piety but famous for their Learning as the Jesuits are to be depriv'd of a Function which they are able to perform with great Advantage for the Publick If the Universities should teach alone there would be cause to fear they would in time resume their former Pride which might prove as prejudicial for the future as it has been heretofore If on the other hand the Jesuits had no Companions in the instructing of Youth besides that the like Inconvenience might be fear'd there would be moreover a just subject to fear many others A Society which is govern'd more than any ever was by the Laws of Prudence and which devoting it self to God without depriving themselves of the knowledge of the things of this World lives in so perfect a Correspondence that the same Spirit seems to animate the whole Body A Society which by a blind Vow of Obedience is submitted to a perpetual Chief cannot according to the Laws of Sound Policy be much Authoriz'd in a State in which a powerful Community must be formidable If it be true as it is most certain that Men have a natural Inclination to advance those they have receiv'd their first Instructions from and that Parents have always a particular Affection for those who have educated their Children It is also true that the absolute Education of Youth cannot be committed to the Jesuits without being expos'd to give them a Power which would be the more obnoxius to States in that all the Places and Honours which give the management thereof would be fill'd by their Disciples and that those who take an Ascendant early over the Mind sometimes retain it during their whole Life If we add that the Administration of the Sacrament of Penance gives that Society a second Authority over all sorts of Persons which is of no less weight than the first If we consider that by those two ways they penetrate into the most secret Motions of Hearts and Families it will be impossible not to conclude that it is not fit to leave them the said Ministry alone without Competitors Those Reasons have been so powerful in all States that we have no Example of any hitherto who have been willing to yield the Empire of Letters and the absolute Education of their Youth to that Society alone If that Society good and harmless in it self created so much Jealousie in the Arch-Duke Albert one of the most pious Princes of the House of Austria who only acted according to the Motions of the Council of Spain that he thought fit to exclude them out of certain Universities in which they were actually settled and to oppose the new Settlements they design'd in Flanders If they have behav'd themselves so as to induce some Republicks to remove them absolutely out of their Dominions tho' with too much Rigour it is the least that can be done in this Kingdom to give them some Check seeing not only that they are submitted to a Foreign and Perpetual Chief but moreover subject and at the Devotion of Princes who seem to desire nothing more than to humble and ruine this Crown As in point of Faith all the Catholick States of the World have but one Doctrine in that which does not relate to it there are many who differ from whence the Source of their Fundamental Maxims is often deriv'd for which reason standing in need of some Theologians who may on certain occasions couragiously defend the Opinions which have been always receiv'd there and preserv'd by an uninterrupted Transmission they require some free from any Ingagement with any suspected Powers having no dependance to deprive them of Liberty in things in which Faith allows it to all the World History informs us that the Order of St. Benedict was formerly so absolutely Master of the Schools that no body was taught in any other places and that it decay'd so absolutely in point of Science and of Piety together in the Tenth Century of the Church that it was call'd Unhappy upon that account It also informs us that the Dominicans have afterwards enjoy'd the same Advantages which those good Fathers were first possess'd of and that Time has depriv'd them of it like the others to the great prejudice of the Church which happen'd to be infected at that time with many Heresies It also informs us by the same means that Letters are like passing Birds which do not always remain in the same Country And therefore Policy requires the preventing of the said Inconvenience which being come to pass twice is with Reason to be fear'd a third time and which probably will not happen if that Society has Companions in the Possession of Letters All Parties are dangerous in point of Doctrine and nothing can be more easie than to form one under pretence of Piety when a Society thinks it self oblig'd to it by the Interest of their Subsistance The History of Pope Benedict the 11th against whom the Cordeliers nettled upon the account of the Perfection of Poverty viz. of the Revenue of St. Francis were animated to that degree that they did not only declare open War against him by their Books but moreover by the Emperour's Arms by favour of which an Anti-pope arose to the great prejudice of the Church is too great an Example to require any thing more to be said upon that subject The more Societies adhere to their Chief or Superiour the more they are to be fear'd particularly by those to whom they are not favourable Since then Prudence obliges not only to oppose whatever may be prejudicial to the State but also to prevent whatever might contribute thereunto since the Power of so doing often creates a Desire so to do Since also the Weakness of Humane Nature requires a Counterpoise in all things and that it is the Foundation of Justice it is more reasonable that the
understood I will reduce those I look upon to be most advantagious for the Government of this Kingdom to Nine which in my opinion are absolutely necessary Tho some of them may have divers Branches they will not increase their Number as those of Trees do not multiply the Stems CHAP. I. The first Foundation of the Happiness of a State is the Establishment of the Reign of God THE Reign of God is the Principle of the Government of States and indeed it is a thing so absolutely necessary that without that Foundation it is impossible for any Prince to rule well or for any State to be happy It would be easie to write whole Volumes upon so important a Subject for which Scripture the Fathers and all sorts of Histories furnish us an infinite number of Examples of pretences and exhortations which all tend to the same end But all Men are so sensible by their own Reason that their Original does not proceed from themselves but that a God is their Creator and consequently their Director that they all feel that Nature has imprinted that Truth in their hearts with undefaceable Characters So many Princes have undone themselves and their States by laying the foundation of their Conduct upon a Judgment contrary to their own knowledg and so many have been loaden with Blessings in submitting their Authority to that from whom it was deriv'd for having only sought their Grandeur in that of their Creator and for having taken more Care of his Reign than of their own that I will enlarge no further on a Truth too evident to stand in need of any Proof I will only say this that as it is impossible that the Reign of a Prince who suffers disorder and vice to reign in his State should be happy so God will not easily permit his to be unhappy who takes a particular care to establish his Empire within the Extent of his Dominion Nothing can be of greater use to such an Establishment than the Regularity of Princes Lives which is a Law that speaks and persuades with more efficacy than all those they could enact to induce People to follow the good they would procure If it be true that whatever Crime a Soveraign may fall into he sins more by the ill Example he gives than by the nature of his fault It is no less certain that whatever Laws he may make if he practises what he prescribes his Example is no less useful towards the Observation of his Will than all the Penalties of his Ordinances tho never so grave The purity of a chast Prince will banish more impurity out of his Kingdom than all the Ordinances he could publish to that end The Prudence and Discretion of those who avoid Swearing will sooner put a stop to the Oaths and Blasphemies which are too common in States than all the Rigors they can exert against those who addict themselves to such Execrations Not but it is absolutely necessary at the same time to chastise Scandals Swearing and Blasphemies with the utmost Severity It is a thing in which Princes can never be too exact for let the Life of a Prince or of a Magistrate be never so godly and regular they will never be reputed to have perform'd their Duty unless while they invite People to it by their Example they also force them to it by the Rigor of their Laws All the Soveraigns of the World are oblig'd by that Principle to promote the Conversion of those who living under their Reign stray out of the Road to Heaven But as Man is reasonable by his Nature Princes perform their Duty in practising all reasonable means to attain so good an end and Prudence does not allow them to attempt any so hazardous as to run the risque of pulling out the good Wheat in endeavouring to remove Dissention which it would be difficult to purge a State of by any means but those of mildness without exposing it to a tottering condition capable to ruin it or at least to cause a notable prejudice to it As Princes are oblig'd to establish the true Worship of God they must be very careful to banish the false Appearances of it so prejudicial to States that one may truly affirm that Hypocrisy has often serv'd as a Veil to cover the deformity of the most pernicious attempts Many Persons whose Weakness is equal to their Malice sometimes use that kind of Varnish which is the more common in Women in that their Sex is more inclin'd to Devotion and that the little force it is attended with makes them the more capable of such disguises which suppose less Solidity than Cunning CHAP. II. Reason must be the Rule and Conduct of a State NAtural Knowledg convinces us that Man being created reasonable Reason ought to be the Guide of all his Actions since otherwise he would act against his Nature and consequently against him who is the Author of it It also teaches us that the greater a Man is and the more he is elevated the more he ought to respect that Privilege and to avoid abusing that reason which constitutes his Being because the advantages he has over other Men oblige him to preserve whatever relates to the Nature and to the End which he whom he derives his Elevation from propos'd to himself It follows clearly from those two Principles that if Man is Soveraignly reasonable it is his Duty to give Reason an absolute Empire which does not only require his doing nothing without her but obliges him moreover to use his best endeavours to oblige those who are under his Authority to reverence and follow it religiously This Consequence is the Source of another which teaches us that as we ought never to will any thing but what is just and reasonable so we must never will any thing without putting it in execution and without exacting an intire Obedience to our commands since otherwise Reason would not reign soveraignly The Practice of that Rule is the easier in that Love is the most powerful Motive to oblige Men to obey and that it is impossible for Subjects not to love a Prince when they are sensible that Reason is the Guide of all his Actions Authority constrains to obey but reason persuades to it and it is much safer to guide Men by Ways which insensibly ingage their Will than by such which for the most part only prevail by force If it be true that Reason ought to be the Light to guide Princes in their own Conduct and in the management of their States it is also true that as nothing in Nature is more inconsistent with it than passion which blinds Men to that degree that it often makes them mistake the Shadow for the Body a Prince must above all things avoid to act by such a Principle which would render him the more odious in that it is directly opposite to that which distinguishes Men from Animals Men often repent at leasure what Passion has induc'd them to do in haste and
to kindle them The Peace of the State is too Considerable to neglect that Remedy without being answerable for it to God I have often seen the Court in the midst of Peace so full of Factions for want of practising this good Counsel that they were very like like to overthrow the State That knowledg and that which History has given your Majesties of the like Perils to which many and particularly the last of your Predecessors have often been exposed upon the same account having oblig'd you to seek out a Remedy I have seen France so peaceable at home while she had Wars abroad that considering the Repose it injoy'd no body could have thought it was oblig'd to oppose the greatest Powers Perhaps some may urge that the Factions and Troubles I have mention'd have been occasion'd more by the invention of Women than by the Malice of Flatterers But that Instance is so far from being against what I have urg'd that on the contrary it confirms it powerfully seeing that in speaking of Flatterers and the like I do not design to exclude Women who are often more dangerous than Men and to whose sex a World of Charms are annex'd more powerful to Disturb and to Imbroyl Affairs Courts and States than the most subtil and industrious Malice of any others whatever It is true that while the Queens Catherine and Mary de Medicis had a share in the Government and that many Women being Influenc'd by them meddl'd with the Affairs of the State many of them very powerful in Sence and Charms have done a world of Mischief their Places having acquir'd them the best Qualify'd Persons of the Kingdom and the most Unhappy they have drawn this advantage by it that being serv'd by them according to their Passions they have often prejudic'd those who were not in their Favour because they were useful to the State I might Inlarge upon this Subject but divers respects stop my Pen which not being Capable of Flattery when it condemns openly cannot forbear observing That the Favourites I have mention'd in the preceeding Chapter often supply the place of those whose Malice I have examin'd in this After those Truths I have no more to say but that it is Impossible to secure States against the Evils those sort of Persons may occasion but by removing them from the Court which is the more necessary in that it is Impossible to keep a Snake in ones bosom without exposing one's self to be stung by it CHAP. IX Which Treats of the Power of the Prince and is divided into Eight Sections SECTION I. The Prince must be Powerful to be Respected by his Subjects and by strangers POWER being one of the most necessary Ingredients towards the Grandor of Kings and the prosperity of their Governments those who have the chief Management of Affairs are particularly oblig'd not to omit any thing which may contribute to Authorise their Master so far as to make all the World Respect him As goodness is the object of Love Power is the cause of Dread and it is most certain that among all the Princes who are capable to Stir a State Fear grounded upon Esteem and Reverence has so much Force that it ingages every one to perform his Duty If this Principle is of great Efficacy in respect to the internal Part of States it is to the full as prevailing abroad Subjects and Strangers looking with the same Eyes upon a formidable Power both the one and the other abstain from offending a Prince whom they are sensible is in a condition to hurt them if he were so inclin'd I have observ'd by the by that the ground of the Power I am speaking of must be Esteem and Respect I add that it is now a thing so necessary that when it is grounded upon any other Principle it is very dangerous in that case instead of creating a reasonable Fear it inclines Men to hate Princes who are never in a worse condition than when it turns to public aversion The Power which induces Men to respect and fear Princes with Love is of many different kinds It is a Tree which has five divers Branches which all draw their nutriment and substance from one and the same Root The Prince must be powerful by his Reputation By a reasonable Army always kept on Foot And by a notable Sum of Money in his Coffers to supply unexpected exigencies which often come to pass when they are least expected Finally by the Possession of his Subjects hearts as we may easily see SECTION II. The Prince must be powerful by his Reputation and what is necessary to that End REputation is the more necessary in Princes in that those we have a good opinion of do more by their bare words than those who are not esteem'd with Armies They are oblig'd to value it beyond Life and they ought sooner to venture their Fortune and Grandeur than to suffer the least Breach to be made in the same since it is most certain that the least diminution a Prince receives tho never so slight is the step which is of most dangerous consequence for his ruin In consideration of which I declare freely that Princes ought never to esteem any Profit advantagious when it reflects in the least upon their honour and they are either blind or insensible to their true Interests if they receive any of this nature And indeed History teaches us that in all Times and in all States Princes of great reputation are always happier than those who being inferior to them in that Point have surpass'd them in Force and Riches and in all other Power As they cannot be too jealous of it their Counsellors can never be too careful to cry up the good Qualities they possess Those who will form their Conduct upon the Rules and Principles contain'd in this present Testament will undoubtedly acquire a Name which will be of no small weight in the mind of their Subjects and of their Neighbours particularly if being Religious towards God they observe the same Rule towards themselves That is in being true to their word and faithful to their Promises conditions which are so absolutely necessary for the reputation of a Prince that as he who is destitute of them can never be esteem'd by any body so it is impossible for him who does possess them not to be reverenc'd and credited by all the World I could instance many Examples of this Truth but as I do not design this Work for a Common Place easy to be perform'd by all sorts of Men who will extract good Books I will only instance such as are so certain and so clear that all sensible Persons will find the Proof of them in their own Reason SECTION III. The Prince must be Powerful by the force of his Frontiers NONE but such as are depriv'd of common sence can be unsensible how necessary it is for great States to have their Frontiers well Fortify'd It is a thing the more necessary in this
Country inclines them some times to take Arms against their King the Inconstancy and sudden Motions to which they are subject not permitting any body to rely upon them they do themselves more harm than they are capable of doing to their Country 'T is most certain that the Spaniards surpass us in Constancy and Steadiness in Zeal and in Fidelity for their King and Country but in exchange that Kingdom is so barren and so desart in some Places and so little abounding in Men that were it not for their Constancy it would often be abandon'd by it self Moreover if among the French some particular Persons ingage against their Master the Spaniards some times mutiny and revolt in Bodys in their Armys If the Emperor has the advantage to govern a Nation which is the Nursery of Souldiers he has the disadvantage that they easily change their Party and Religion together besides that they are very much addicted to Drunkenness and far more unrulythan ours in the Field In a Word all Nations have there defects and the most prudent are those who endeavour to acquire by Art what Nature has deny'd them It is more easy to add Flegm Patience and Discipline to the Courage Valour and Courtesy of the French than to inspire that Fire in Flegmatic Nations which they have not naturaly The French are Capable of every thing provided their Commanders are Capable to teach them what they are to do Their Courage which inclines them to seek out War all the World over Justifys this Proposition Since they live like Spaniards in their Armys like Sweedes in their Country like Crawats when they are listed among them and like Hollanders in their States They observe their several Disciplines which shows that if they keep their Natural Imperfections in their Country it is because they are tolerated and that their Officers do not know how to Correct them If they live in this Kingdom without Discipline it is not so much their fault as the fault of their Leaders who commonly content themselves with making fine Ordinances and do not take so much care as they should do to cause them to be observ'd Nothing can be more easy than to prescribe Rules to live well and nothing more difficult then to put them in practice however it is not impossible Endeavours must be us'd to show the Justice of them by reason and then no mercy must be shown to those who Violate them If one two or three Examples of Punishment do not put a stop to Disobedience the continuance of it will do 't and I dare assure your Majesty that if you find Chiefs worthy to command you will never want Subjects fit to obey It is most certain that the general Opinion of the World That the French are incapable of Rule and Discipline has no other Foundation than the Incapacity of their Commanders who do not know how to chuse necessary means for the Ends they propose The Siege of Rochel in which during thirteen Months an Army of 25000 Men receiv'd Orders and obey'd like Monks bearing Arms and the Expedition of Pignerol where they did the same plainly demonstrate what I have said But the General must be a Man of Resolution and no respecter of Persons and known to be so for it is certain that unless he has so much steadiness as to remain inflexible in the Rigor of the Rule he has prescrib'd no Man will think himself oblig'd to observe it or at least many will venture to break it in hopes of a Pardon But when a General persists as much in punishing as the Delinquents in their Faults his steadiness will stop the course of our excessive Levity and without such a Remedy it is in vain to expect to keep so hot and so impetuous a Nation as ours is within the Bounds of Reason The Punishments of Marillac and of Montmorency have reduc'd all the Grandees of the Kingdom to their Duty in an instant of time and I dare affirm that the same being practis'd against Ten Officers and Fifty Souldiers will maintain the Armys in Discipline and in a condition to perform whatever will be desir'd of them Punishing those thus who shall be wanting in the Performance of their Duty few Men will be punish'd since few will venture to expose themselves to ruin finding it inevitable and by the Death of a small Number the Lives of many will be preserv'd and Order observ'd in all things The Defects of this Nation never appear'd more than under your Majesty's Reign which being signaliz'd by great Prosperity and Power by your Conduct will also be signaliz'd in the opinion of the most judicious for many Insidelities you have suffer'd and by a World of Attempts against your Service After having made divers Inquiries into the Reasons of both I am not afraid of saying That they proceed from the Weakness of your Majesty's Minority during which Men have so insensibly accustom'd themselves to all sorts of Licentiousness that they thought they might continue the same under your Reign with the same Impunity as heretofore The first is that as there are more Colleges of Religious Orders more Officers of Justice and of the Finances than for the time past there are not near so many Souldiers for which reason the desertion of those who retire from the Armies is more apparent because there are not so many found as formerly to supply the room of those who forsake their Duty The second that Souldiers advanc'd their Fortune more formerly than in these Times in which the Officers of the Finances and the Partisans reap all the Fat to the great disgust of those who are constrain'd to expose their Lives almost to no purpose The third that Generals are less careful in our days of military Discipline and less severe in chastising those who swerve from it than our Fore-fathers were The fourth that the long discontinuation the French have had of Foreign Wars in which they had powerful Enemies to encounter had almost made them forget the Trade and disus'd them from the Fatigues they are little capable of tho they must go through many when they have brisk and potent Enemies to deal with I add to these considerations that your Majesty's health has not always permitted you to be in the Army and that the Injustice of the French is so great that they are never satisfy'd in a Place where they venture their Life unless they see their King whose presence they fancy does in some measure secure it None but the Enemies of this State can make War successfully by their Lieutenants the Flegm of their Nation gives them that advantage but the French are the most unfit for it of any other Nation because the eagerness of their Courage and the desire of fighting gives them an Impatience which can never be vanquish'd but by the presence of their King If at any time any great Enterprise has met with Success under Lieutenants it will either be found that those who
Impression of fear to him he attacks the Impatient and Inconstant Temper of the French is as unfit for the defensive part as their fire and first eagerness qualifys them to perform their duty in the first Experience makes me speak thus and I am persuaded that those who are perfect Commanders will say the same SECTION V Of Naval Power THE Power of Arms do's not only require that the King should be strong a shore but also potent at Sea When Anthony Perez was receiv'd in France by the late King your Father and that in order to soften his misery he had secured him a good Pension That stranger being desirous to express his Gratitude to that great King and to show him that tho he was unfortunate he was not ungrateful gave him three Councels in three Words which are of no small Consideration Roma Consejo Pielago The advice of this old Spaniard consummated in Affairs is not so much to be looked upon for the Authority of him that gave it as for its own weight We have already mention'd the Care Princes ought to take to have a good Council and to be authorised at Rome it now remains to show how it behoves the King to be Potent at Sea The Sea is of all Heritages that in which Soveraigns pretend to have the greatest share and yet it is that on which the Rights of every body are least agreed upon The Empire of that Element was never well secur'd to any It has been subject to divers Revolutions according to the inconstancy of its nature so subject to the Wind that it submits to him who Courts it most and whose Power is so unbounded that he is in a condition to possess it with violence against all those who might dispute it with him In a word the old Titles of that Dominion are Force and not Reason a Prince must be Powerful to pretend to that Heritage To proceed with Order and Method in this point we must consider the Ocean and the Mediterranian seperately and make a distinction between the Ships which are of use in both those Seas and of the Gallies the use of which is only good in that which Nature seems to have reserv'd expresly betwixt the Lands to expose it to less Storms and to give it more shelter A great State must never be in a condition to receive an injury without being able to revenge it And therefore England being situated as it is unless France is powerful in Ships the English may attempt whatever they please to our prejudice without the least fear of a return They might hinder our Fishing disturb our Trade and in blocking up the mouth of our great Rivers exact what Toll they please from our Merchants They might Land without danger in our Islands and even on our Coasts Finally The Situation of the Native Countrey of that haughty Nation not permitting them to fear the greatest Land-Forces the ancient Envy they have against this Kingdom would apparently encourage them to dare every thing should our weakness not allow us to attempt some thing to their prejudice Their Insolence in the late King your Father's time towards the Duke of Scily obliges us to put our selves in a posture never to suffer the like again That Duke being chosen by Henry the Great for an extraordinary Embassy into England Embarking at Callis in a French Ship with the French Flag on the Main Top Mast was no sooner in the Channel but meeting a Yacht which came to receive him the Commander of it Commanded the French Ship to strike The Duke thinking his Quality would secure him from such an affront refus'd it boldly but his refusal being answer'd with three Cannon shot with Bullets which piercing his Ship pierc'd the Heart of the French Force constrain'd him to do what Reason ought to have secur'd him from and whatever Complaints he could make he could get no other reason from the English Captain than that as his Duty oblig'd him to honour his Quality of Ambassador it oblig'd him also to compel others to pay that respect to his Master's Flag which was due to the Soveraign of the Sea If King James's words prov'd more civil yet they produc'd no other effect than to oblige the Duke to seek for satisfaction in his own Prudence feigning himself cur'd when his pain was most smarting and his wound incurable The King your Father was oblig'd to dissemble on that occasion but with this Resolution another time to maintain the Right of his Crown by the Force which time would give him means to acquire at Sea I represent this Great Prince to my mind projecting in that occurence what your Majesty must now put in Execution Reason obliges to take an Expedient which without ingaging any of the Crowns may contribute towards the preservation of the good understanding which is desirable among the Princes of Christendom Among many that might be propos'd the following are in my opinion the most practicable It might be agreed upon that French Ships meeting English Ships upon the Coast of England should Salute first and strike the Flag and that when English Ships should meet French Ships upon the French Coast they should pay them the same Honors on condition that when the English and French Fleets should meet beyond the Coasts of both Kingdoms they should both steer their Course without any Ceremony only sending out their respective Long-Boats to hail each other coming no neerer than within Cannon shot It might also be agreed upon that without having any respect to the Coasts of France or England the greater number of Men of War should be Saluted by the smaller either in striking the Flag or otherwise Whatever Expedient is found out on that subject provided it be equal on all parts it will be just if your Majesty is strong at Sea that which is reasonable will be thought so by the English who are so much blinded on that subject that they know no Equity but Force The advantages the Spaniards who are proud of being our Enemies at present derive from the Indies oblige them to be strong on the Ocean The reason of a sound Policy does not allow us to be weak there but it obliges us to be in a condition to oppose the designs they might have against us and to cross their enterprizes If your Majesty be potent at Sea the just apprehension Spain will lay under of your attacking their Forces the only Source of their Subsistance of your making a Descent on their Coasts which have upwards of six hundred Leagues Circumference your surprising some of their places which are all weak and in great number that just apprehension I say will oblige them to be so powerful at Sea and to keep such strong Garisons that the major part of the Revenue of the Indies will be consumed in Charges to preserve the whole and if the remainder suffices to preserve their States at last it will produce this advantage that they will no
longer he able to trouble their Neighbours as they have done hitherto Had your Majesty been as weak as your Predecessors you could not have reduc'd to Ashes in the midst of the Waters all the Forces Spain could assemble in 1638. on the Ocean That proud haughty Nation could not have been constrain'd to suffer the checking of their Pride not only within sight of Italy but also before the Eyes of all Christendom which seeing the Isles of St. Marguerits and of St. Honorat snatch'd out of their hands by open force whereas they had only got them by surprize has beheld at once and with the same Eye the shame of that insolent Nation and the Glory and Reputation of yours You could not finaly have fought that famous Combat of the Gallies on the Seas of Genoa which striking your Enemies with Terror increas'd the Love and Esteem of your Allies and imprinted so much Reverence in the indifferent that the weight of respect ingag'd them absolutely on your side Your Majesty having Allies so distant from this Kingdom that it is impossible to have any Communication with them but by Sea if they found France destitute of necessary means to succor them on certain occasions it would be easie for those who are Enemies of the happiness of both sides to sow the same Division in the minds which is between the States whereas your Naval Forces being considerable tho' divided as to place they will remain strictly united in Heart and Affection to this State Nature seems to have offer'd the Empire of the Sea to France by the advantagious Situation of her two Coasts equally provided with excellent Havens on the Ocean and on the Mediterranean Britanny alone contains the finest in the Ocean and Provence which has but 160 Miles extent has many larger and safer than Spain and Italy together The separation of the States which form the Body of the Spanish Monarchy renders the preservation of them so difficult that Spain has no other way to keep them in some Union than by keeping a great number of Ships on the Ocean and of Gallies in the Mediterranean which by their continual going backwards and forwards may in some measure preserve the Union between the Members and the Head transporting to and fro whatever is necessary for their subsistance as Orders for whatever is to be undertaken Officers to Command Souldiers to Execute Money which is not only the Sinew of War but also the Fat of Peace from whence it follows that obstructing the Liberty of such passages those States which cannot subsist of themselves can never be able to avoid confusion weakness and all the desolations wherewith God threatens a divided Kingdom And whereas the Western Coast of this Kingdom separates Spain from all the Territories possess'd by their King in Italy so the Providence of God which will keep an even Balance seems to have been pleas'd to separate the Territories of Spain by the Situation of France to weaken them by their Division If your Majesty constantly keeps forty good Men of War well Rigg'd and Equip'd ready to put our to Sea on all occasions that number will be sufficient to secure you against all Injuries and to make you fear'd on all the Seas by those who have hitherto despis'd your Forces there As Men of War are necessary to that end in the Ocean Gallies which are light Ships and can make great Courses with their Oars in Calms which are more usual in the Mediterranian than elsewhere are as useful in the Levant With thirty Gallies your Majesty will not only balance the Power of Spain which by the assistance of their Allies can put fifty in a Body but you will overcome them by the reason of Union which reodubles the Power of the Forces it unites As your Gallies may remain in a Body either at Marseilles or Toulon they will always be in a condition to oppose the conjunction of those of Spain which are so much separated by the Situation of this Kingdom that they cannot assemble without passing in sight of the Ports and Roads of Provence and even sometimes without Anchoring there by reason of the Storms which surprize them half way the Chanel which those light Ships are not able to bear without great hazard in a troublesome passage in which they are very frequent The Gulph of Leon is the most dangerous passage in all the Seas of the Levant the inconstancy and contrariety of the Winds which commonly reign there render the passage of it very difficult whatever way it is undertaken All stormy weather is very dangerous there and unless our Coasts are favourable to those who pass by them they seldom have a safe passage The true reason of the hazard of this passage proceeds from the contrariety of Winds occasion'd by divers Aspects of the Coasts The more a Coast is Mountainous and elevated the more it raises Winds when the heat of the ground is oppos'd by the coldness and moisture of the water or of the Snow it is covered with This is the reason that the Coasts of Provence which are of this nature being ever moisten'd during the Winter with Rain or Snow are never free from Wind which blowing from the Shore are always contrary to those who have a mind to land there And tho' those Winds are contrary to the approach of Vessels yet they are not strong enough to carry them back to the places from whence they come because they commonly meet with other shore Winds which drive them back again in so much that the contrariety of Winds from our Coasts and from those of Spain force the Ships into the Gulph where generally by Tempestuous Weather their ruine proves inevitable All Ships and Gallies going from Spain into Italy always set Sail from the Cape of Quiers and from the Gulph of Roses and commonly tarry for a Werstern and North-west Wind safely to reach the Coast of Genoa or Morgues which is their first landing place but tho' they put out with a fair Wind it changes as soon as they come to the Gulph If the Wind turns to the S. W. or S. S. W. they must of necessity make for the Coast of Provence and if it turns to the South East and by East it is impossible for the Gallies and Ships which are near our Coasts either to reach Italy or to turn back to Spain and in hard weather it is a Miracle if they are not lost on the Banks of our Coasts On the other hand the Ships which go from Italy into Spain set sail commonly from Morgues which is the last Port of Italy In order to have a good Passage they tarry for a North West and Northerly Wind but they are never half way the Gulph before the Weather changes and without their being in Peril because a South East or a Southern Storm renders their loss inevitable unless our Ports are open to receive them Therefore France being strong in Gallies and in Gallions they can
will be very considerable in six years time by the number of their Ships and in a condition to assist the Kingdom in case of need as it is practis'd in England where the King makes use of his Subjects Ships in time of War without which he would not be so powerful at Sea as he is Moreover the number of Ships your Majesty designs to keep will not be lessen'd by it since the Publick Docks you have been pleas'd to re-establish will furnish you yearly as many as you please There is no State in Europe fitter to build Ships than this Kingdom abounding in Hemp Linen Cloth Iron Rigging and in Workmen whom our Neigbours commonly debauch from us because they are not imploy'd at home The Rivers Loire and Garrone have such convenient places for Docks that Nature seems to have design'd them for that use The cheapness of Victuals for the Workmen and the conveniencies of divers Rivers which disburthen themselves into them and bring all manner of necessaries justifie the said Proposition If next to this Expedient your Majesty will think fit to grant Merchandising some Prerogatives to give a Rank to Merchants whereas your Subjects are oblig'd to obtain it by divers Offices which are only good to maintain their idleness and to please their Wives you will restore Trade to that degree that every one and all in general will be advantag'd by it In fine if besides those two Favours you will be pleas'd to take a particular care to clear these two Seas from Pirates which may easily be done France will soon add to its Natural Plenty what Trade affords to the most barren Countries Six Guard Ships of two hundred Tuns and six Pinnaces well Arm'd will be sufficient to secure the Ocean provided the said Ships keep constantly at Sea And in order to secure the Sea of the Levant it will also be sufficient to put out to Sea yearly towards the month of April a Squadron of ten Gallies steering their Course towards the Isles of Corsica and Sardinia cruising all along the Coast of Barbary unto the Streights steering the same Course back again not to come home again until the Weather compels them to it at which time six Ships well Equip'd shall put out to Sea in their room to perform their Caravan in the Winter time SECTION VII Which shows that Gold and Silver are one of the principal and most necessary supporters of the State declares the means to make this Kingdom Powerful in that kind shows the revenue of the same at present and how it may be improv'd for the Future in discharging the People of three parts in four of the Burthen which overwhelms them at this Time IT is an old saying that the Finances are the sinews of a State and it certainly is the point of Archimedes which being firmly settled Inables to move all the World A necessitous Prince can never undertake a Glorious Action and necessity ingendring Contempt He can never be reduced to that condition without being exposed to the Efforts of his Enemys and of those who are Envious of his Grandeur Gold and Silver are the Tyrants of the World and tho' their Empire is unjust in it self it is sometimes so reasonable that we must suffer the Dominion of it and sometimes it is so extravagant that it is impossible not to detest the yoke of it as alltogether Insupportable There must be as I have already observ'd it a proportion between what the Prince draws from his Subjects and what they can give him not only without ruining themselves but without a notable Inconvenience As it is reasonable not to exceed the Power of those that give neither can less be exacted than what the necessity of the State Requires None but Pedants and the real enemys of the State can say that a Prince ought not to exact any thing from his Subjects and that his sole Treasure ought to lay in the Hearts of those who are submitted under his Dominion But at the same time none but Flatterers and the true Plagues of the State and of the Court can Insinuate to Princes that they may exact what they please and that in that Case their Will is the Rule of their Power Nothing can be more easy than to find plausible Reasons to raise Money even when there is no necessity for it neither is any thing less difficult than to produce apearent arguments to Condemn the same tho never so necessary Men must lay aside all Passions to be able to Judge and to decide what is reasonable on such occasions and there is no small difficulty to find the certain point of a just Proportion The Expences which are absolutely necessary for the subsistance of the State being fix'd the less a Prince can raise among the People is the best In order not to be forc'd to raise great summs it is necessary to spend little and the best way to make moderate expences is to banish all Profusion and to Condemn whatever may tend to that end France would be too Rich and the People too abounding if it did not suffer the dissipation of the public Revenue which other States spend with rule They lose more in my opinion than some Kingdoms who pretend some Equality with us Commonly spend A Venetian Ambassador told me one day wittily upon this Subject speaking of the Wealth of France that in order to make us perfectly happy he only wish'd we knew as well how to spend that well which we dissipate without reason as the Republic knew how to lay out every Quatrain without waste and without overmuch husbandry If it were possible to regulate the appetite of the French I would think that the best way to manage the King's purse were to have recourse to that expedient but as it is impossible to prescribe bounds to the greediness of our Nation the only way to contain them is to use them as Physicians do famish'd Patients whom they constrain to use abstinence by keeping all manner of Victuals from them To that end it is necessary to reform the Finances by the suppression of the chief means by which Men get money unlawfully out of the King's Coffers Among them all none are so dangerous as that of the Comptans the abuse of which is grown to that heigth that not to remedy it and to ruin the State is one and the same thing Tho it is useful to use them on some occasions and that it seems necessary in others nevertheless the great inconveniences and the abuses which arrise by it do so far surpass their usefulness that it is absolutely necessary to abolish them Whole Millions will be sav'd by this means and a thousand conceal'd profusions will be redress'd which it is impossible to discover as long as the secret ways of spending the public Treasure will be in use I am sensible that some will urge that there are some foreign expences which by their Nature must be kept secret and which the
State may receive considerable advantages by which it will be depriv'd of whenever those in favour of whom they may be made will think they can get no more Money out of them But so many robberys are committed under that Pretence that I am of opinion upon mature deliberation that it is better to lose some advantages which may accrue by it than to be thereby exposed to all the abuses which may be daily committed to the ruin of the State However not to Obstruct the means of making some secret Expences to the advantage of the State a million of Gold may be allowed for the said private expences on condition that the laying of it out shall be sign'd by the King himself and that those who shall have a share in it shall give acquittances for the same If any one urges that these Comptans are necessary for the remitments which are in use I say that it is one of the reasons for which it is fit to remove them Since Men have liv'd in former ages without the aforesaid Compians the same may be done again and if in laying aside the use of them the use of Farming were also abrogated instead of doing any harm it will do a great deal of good Some perhaps may wonder why since I know the use of the Comptans to be of ill consequence I did not retrench it in my time The great Henry was sensible of the evil establish'd in his Predecessor's time and could not remove it The Troubles and Intestine broils the foreign Wars and consequently the great Expences and the extraordinary Farms the King has been oblig'd to make and to let out to raise Money have not permitted the thinking on the Execution of so good an advice The ruining the Huguenot Party abating the Pride of the Grandees maintaining a great War against Powerful Enemys in order to secure the future Tranquillity of the State by a good Peace are all means which have been used to reach the ends proposed since that is the way to remove the Causes of the Toleration of those abuses The Subject of the Comptains having given me an occasion to speak of the letting out of extraordinary Farms I cannot forbear saying that the great augmentations of the revenue which may be made that way are so far from being advantageous to the State that on the Contrary they are very prejudicial and Inpoverish it instead of Inriching it Perhaps this proposition may be looked upon at first as a Paradox but it is impossible to examin it carefully without discovering the Justice and Truth thereof The King's Revenue can only be increas'd by the augmentation of the Impositions which are laid on all sorts of Commoditys and therefore it is evident that increasing the revenue that way Expences are increased at the same time since those things must be bought dearer which were bought cheaper before If Meat grows dearer if the Price of Stufs and of other things rises the Souldiers will not be able to maintain themselves and consequently it will be necessary to augment their Pay and the salary of all Workmen will be greater than it was before which will make the increase of the Expence answerable to the augmentation of the Revenue and tho it will be a great grievance to the People the Prince will be but very little the better for it Poor Gentlemen whose Estates consist in Land will not improve their Revenue by such Impositions the Fruits of the Earth will hardly rise in Price at least for their advantage and if the Times make them dear the less of them will be sold so that at the Year's end the poor Gentry will find no augmentation in their Revenue tho a very considerable one in their Expences by reason that the new subsidys will raise the Price of all those things which are necessary for the maintenance of their Families which they will make shift to maintain at home tho' poorly but they will be no longer able to send their Children into the Armies to serve their King and Country according to the obligation of their Birth If it be true as it is most certain that the sale of those Commodities which your Subjects deal in diminishes according to the increase of Impositions it may happen that such augmentations will lessen your Majesties Duties instead of increasing them If we consider such as are imploy'd in the Kingdom it is certain that when Goods are at a reasonable price People buy and really spend more than when the price of them is excessive for then they retrench even those which are most necessary If on the other hand we consider those Commodities which are carry'd out of the Kingdom it is plain that Foreigners who have hitherto been incourag'd to buy them because they were cheap will provide their stores elsewhere if they can better themselves which will leave France abounding in the Fruirs of the Earth but unprovided of Money whereas the Impositions being moderate the great quantity of Fruits which will be Exported by Foreigners will recompense the loss some may fancy by the moderation of Subsidies Moreover the increase of Impositions is capable to reduce a considerable number of the King's Subjects to idleness since it is certain that the major part of the poor People and Workmen imploy'd in Manusactures will rather be idle and do nothing than consume their whole life in an ungrateful useless labour if the unreasonableness of the Subsidies hindering the sale of the Fruits of the Earth and of their Labour hinders them at the same time from receiving what they have earn'd by the sweat of their Body To resume the thred of my Discourse after having condemn'd the abuse of the Comtans and demonstrated that the augmentation of Subsidies is sometimes not only uselss but often prejudicial I say that there ought to be a Geometrical proportion between the Subsidies and the necessities of the State that is that no Impositions ought to be made but such as are absolutely necessary for the subsistance of the Kingdom in its Grandeur and Glory Those last words signifie much since they show not only that it is lawful to raise that upon the People which is requisite to preserve the Kingdom whatever condition it may be in but also to raise that which may be necessary to maintain it with Lustre and Reputation Nevertheless care must be taken not to extend those last conditions so far as to think that the Prince's bare Will should be under that pretence the Rule of those Impositions Reason must be the only Rule in those cases and if the Prince exceeds those bounds exacting more from his Subjects than he ought to do tho' even in that case they owe him Obedience he will be answerable for it before God who will call him to a strict account for the same Moreover Reason and Policy can never allow the increasing of the Peoples burthen to receive no benefit by it those that do it draw publick Maledictions
upon their Heads which are attended with very ill consequences since it is certain that the Prince who exacts more than he should do from his Subjects only exhausts their Love and Fidelity which are far more necessary towards the Subsistance of the State and the Perservation of his Person than the Gold and Silver he may hoard in his Coffers I am very sensible that in a great State it is always necessary to have a Fund to supply unexpected occasions but that Fund must be proportion'd to the Riches of the State and to the quantity of the Coyn'd Gold and Silver which is in the Kingdom and unless it be regulated by that the Riches of the Prince would prove his Poverty since his Subjects would no longer have any Fund themselves either to keep up Trading or to pay the lawful Duties they owe their Sovereign As a Prince ought to be careful to lay up Money to supply the necessities of the State and Religious in preserving it when there is no necessity to lay it out he must be liberal in imploying it when Publick good requires it and in doing it in due time for delays in such cases are often dangerous to the State and time thus lost is never to be retriev'd We have examples of Princes who to preserve their Money have lost both it and their States together and it is most certain that those who lay out their Money with regret commonly spend more than others because they do it too late It requires a great deal of Judgment to know the most important hours and moments and some may be capable to lay up who not knowing how to lay out may occasion unutterable misfortunes But whereas general Maxims are always useless unless a proper application be made of them there now remains to see What the revenue of this Kingdom may amount to What the Expence of it may be What Fund is necessary to be kept in the Coffers and to what degree the People may be eas'd The Revenue of this Kingdom may be consider'd in two respects Either as it may be in time of Peace without altering the advance of Money which is drawn at present out of the general Receipts and Farms making no other augmentation save that which may be made in reducing the old Rents which will be preserv'd to six per Cent as well as the Salary of certain Officers who will rather suffer the Diminution of the same than the Suppression of their Places with reimbursements Oâ— as it may be in making certain alterations thought so reasonable and so useful by those in whose Hands I have seen the Management of the Finances that in their opinion no other opposition is to be fear'd but that of Novelty By the first Settlement the Exchequer mâ—y expect to receive 35 Millions of Livers yearly according to the following acâ—â—nt By the Taille 17 Millions 350000 Livers By all the Gabelles 5 Millions 250000 Livers By the Aids one Million 400000 Livers By the Reduction of Rents to 6 per Cent one Million By the Reduction of the Treasurers of France to two thirds of their Salary which they will willingly consent to provided they are freed from the new Taxes they are daily plagu'd with 552000 Livers Des Parties Casuelles which is the Income the King receives by the Sale of Offices and the Annual Duty paid him out of the same two Millions By the Farm of Bourdeaux 800000 Livers By 3 Livers per Muid of Wine for the entrance into Paris 700000 Livers By the ancient 30 Pence and the new addition of ten more for entrance upon every Muid of Wine brought into Paris 503000 Livers By the Farm of 45 Pence instead of the Tolls 503000 Livers By the 9 Livers 18 Pence per Tun of Picrady 154000 Livers By the Farm of Brouage 250000 Livers By the Exportation of Goods from Languedos Spices and Drugs from Marseilles and two per Cent from Arles 380000 Livers By the third additional Tax of Lyons 60000 Livers By the five great Farms two Millions 400000 Livers By the new Impositions of Normandy 240000 Livers By those of the River Lâ—irâ— 225000 Livers By the Farm of Iron 80000 Livers By the Sales of common Woods 550000 Livers By the Demeans 550000 Livers By the second Settlement discharging the People absolutely of the 17 Millions of Livers which the King receives at present by the Tailes the Receipt may amount to 50 Millions as the following account will clearly justifie By an Imposition to be put upon Salt or upon the Fens in all the Provinces of the Kingdom the King may receive all Charges being paid 20 Millions By a Penny per Liver upon all the Merchandise and Commodities of the Kingdom 12 Millions By the Aids one Million 400000 Livers By the Reduction of the price of the Rents constituted on the Hostel de Ville six Millions By the Reduction of the Treasurers of France 550 thousand Livers By the Income the King receives by the Sale of Offices and the Annual Duty paid him for the same two Millions By the Farm of Bourdeaux 1800000 Livers By the three Livers per Muid of Wine entrance into Paris by a new Imposition 700000 Livers By the ancient 30 Pence and the new addition of ten more for the entrance of every Muid of Wine into Paris 580000 Livers By the Farm of 45 Pence instead of the Tolls and Grants 530000 Livers By the 9 Livers 18 Pence per Tun of Piccardy 174000 Livers By the Farm of Brouage 254000 Livers By the Exportation of Goods from Languedoc Spices and Drugs from Marseilles two per Cent from â—â—ies 380000 Livers By the additional Tax of Lyons 60000 Livers By the five great Farms two Millions 400000 Livers By the new Impositions of Normandy 250000 Livers By those of the River Loire 225000 Livers By the Farm of Iron 80000 Livers By the Sale of common Woods 550000 Livers By the Demeans 550000 Livers Summ Total 50 Millions 483000 Livers I am very certain that this Settlement being well understood will be found just and reasonable by all those who have any Experience and Capacity in the direction of States Among the several super-intendants of the Finances in my time I have known some of the most learn'd in what relates to the Treasury who equal'd the bare Imposition upon Salt or upon the Fens to the King of Spain's Indies and who preserv'd that secret as the true foundation of the ease of the People of the Reformation and of the Wealth of the State And indeed let Men be never so dull they must needs be sensible that it is impossible to express the discharge and satisfaction the People would receive if they were allow'd to use Salt as they do Wheat every one buying no more than he thought fit and could imploy It is certain that the suppression which would be made of the great number of Officers which are established for the Imposition of the Salt and the deliverance of
the Disputes and Law-Suits they often commence to discharge their Trust and sometimes out of Malice to constrain the People to take the Salt that is impos'd upon them would be a wonderful ease to them It is moreover certain that one might easily recompence the Provinces which hitherto have injoy'd the Exemption of Salt by such a discharge of Tailles that if for the future they were oblig'd to buy it dearer than they have done heretofore the Diminution of the Taille would be equivalent to the augmentation of the price of the Salt to which they would be liable tho' they should buy it freely It is also certain that tho' it may be said that the Diminutions of the Tailles only relate to the People and that the augmentation of the price of Salt which has hitherto been sold in the Provinces without any Imposition would concern the Clergy the Nobility and those who are free All of them would receive the benefit of the Diminution of the Tailles bp reason that the Revenue of the Tailles being taken off the Revenue of Estates would increase according as the Farmers who rent them were discharg'd of the Impositions which are laid on the Estates they Farm Finally It is certain that notwithstanding the difficulties of such an Establishment might prove great yet they might be overcome If after having consider'd this Establishment of the Salt we examine that of the Penny per Liver it will be found the more just in that it is established in many Countries and that it has already been resolv'd upon twice by the Body of the State under the Great King Francis and in the Assembly of the Notables at Roans under the Great Henry of Eternal Memory Nevertheless whereas Suspicions are so natural in the People and in communities that they commonly place their principal safety in their diffidence which ever induces them to fear that what is most useful for them will prove disadvantagious and that great alterations are for the most part liable to dangerous Revolutions Instead of advising such an establishment I presume to advise the contrary and the more boldly because such Novelties must never be attempted unless they are absolutely necessary Now France is so far from being under such circumstances that on the contrary I am of opinion that it will be much easier to ease the People and to inrich the State without having recourse to such expedients than in putting them in practice seeing that tho' there is no difficulty in it but what may be overcome yet undoubtedly much greater would be met with in having recourse to such alterations In order to verifie this proposition it will be sufficient to examine the Expences one may make a shift with in time of Peace and to see what improvement may be made with the Money the times will allow to lay up The Safety and Grandeur of the Kingdom will allow no diminition of the expences of War above mentioned which will amount near unto twelve Millions The Charge of the usual Garisons which amounts yearly to three Millions might be suppress'd both because the major part of the Forces which will then be maintain'd by the State will be quarter'd in the said Garisons and by reason that the best part of the said three Millions are only taken out of the King's Purse to inrich the Governour 's who commonly keep but ten Men when they should have a hundred But whereas it is difficult not to have some Privileg'd places of such consequence that it would be impossible to refuse the Governors of the same some particular Garisons to enable them the better to answer for them as being of their own choice In my opinion it will be proper to retrench two thirds of the said Expence to reduce it to one Million The Expence of the Western and Eastern Sea cannot be less than of two Millions 500000 Livers as it appears by the particular Settlements of the same That of the Artillery will amount to 600000 Livers That of the King 's the Queen's and Monsieur's Housholds to three Millions 500000 Livers The Pensions paid to the Switzers which cannot be retrench'd in honour amounts to 400000 Livers The Buildings will cost 300000 Livers Ambassadors 250000 Livers The Fortifications 600000 Livers All the Pensions might absolutely be retrench'd which cost the King four Millions but as it is impossible to pass from one extream to another without a medium and that the Court of France is not us'd to resist importunities tho' never so unjust I am of opinion that it will be sufficient to retrench one half of them Which is the more necessary in that it is advantagious for the Publick that the Idleness of Courtiers may meet with no reward and that they may be all annexed to the Perils of the War and thus Pensions and Salaries will only amount to two Millions for the future The King's Gentlemen in Ordinary 50000 Livers Warrants for the payment of certain summs 400000 Livers Casual Accounts and the King's Progresses two Millions Arrears of Duties 150000 Livers The King 's Privy Purse 300000 Livers All these Expences amount only to 25 Millions which being deducted out of 35 to which the Receipt amounts there will remain ten which for the first year shall be imploy'd towards the diminution of the Tailles The true way to inrich the State is to ease the People and to discharge both of their Burthens In lessening the Charges of the State the Tailles may be diminish'd and no otherwise and therefore it is the chief end which ought to be propos'd in the Regulation of this Kingdom In order to take true measures in an Affair of that consequence it is necessary to know that tho' all the Levies which are made in this Kingdom amount to near 80 Millions upwards of 45 of the same are imploy'd in Charges which may be so well husbanded that whereas we may say at present that the said Charges prove the King's Ruine I dare affirm that the King will be eas'd and inrich'd by the means thereof Many without doubt will be of opinion that it would be fit to ease the State of all that burthen but as it is impossible to make agreat Body subsist without divers Expences absolutely necessary for its maintenance Aâ— the weight of all these Charges together cannot be born by the State so the intire suppression of the same cannot be desir'd with reason Three means may be propos'd for the diminution of the said Charges The first is grounded on the over long injoyment which private persons have had of the King's Money open the Fund they have disburs'd to acquire the Rents Offices and Rights they enjoy I am sensible that it would be easie to dispossess some of the said persons of the Rents and Duties they receive by making a true supputation of the Summs they have receiv'd in which besides the Interest allow'd by the Laws it would be easie to find the reimbursement of the price at first
laid down by them for the same But tho' the Justice of the said expedient were allow'd of Reason wouldnot permit the making use of it since that in so doing it would be impossible for the future to find out Money to supply the necessities of the State whatever securities were offer'd Therefore it is necessary to observe that a thing may not be unjust and yet contrary to Reason and sound Policy and to take care never to have recourse to any expedient which without violating Reason would nevertheless violate publick Faith If any urges that the publick must be preferr'd to private Interest allowing his proposition I desire him to consider that in the discussion of this point those different kinds of Interests are not in the least concern'd but that those of the publick are counter-pois'd by others of the same nature and that as the future has a far greater Latitude than the present which passes in an instant those Interests which relate to the time to come must be respected before those of the present contrary to the custom of sensual Men who prefer what is at the least distance from them because the sight of their Reason has no greater extent than that of their Senses If we consider publick Faith in this point as I think it absolutely necessary the State will be far more eas'd by it than it would be tho' part of its Charges should be suppress'd without making any new Lives in that it will remain Master of the Purses of its Members on all occasions and yet will considerably increase its revenue The second means to diminish the Charges of the Kingdom consists in the reinbursement of the Money which was actually paid by private persons but the verification of it would prove difficult since that in order to facilitate the Sale of what the necessity of the State has oblig'd to alienate that has often been given at four years purchase which appears to be ingag'd at six This medium tho just in it self is not practicable without giving a pretence to many complaints tho' ill grounded The third means for the Diminution of the Charges of the State consists in reimbursing those that are not necessary at the same price at which they are sold among private persons Reimbursing the Owners of the Offices of the Rents and of the Duties which will be thought necessary to be suppress'd in this manner they will receive no prejudice and the King will not make use of the common advantage he has with private persons who have the liberty to free themselves of the said Debts when they are able to pay them at the rate they are commonly sold at This medium which is the only one that can be us'd may produce its effect divers ways either in many years time by the bare management of the injoyment of the said Charges or in one only by an immense sum of Money which must be had ready by the supply of an extraordinary Fund The natural Impatience of our Nation not allowing us to hope that we will be able to persevere 15 or 20 years in the same resolution The first way which requires so much time is nowise receivable The great Fund which is necessary to reimburse all at once such immense Charges as those of the State would make this second proposition as ridiculous as impossible and so the third only remains practicable In order to make use of it with so much Justice that no body may have cause to complain it is necessary to consider the charges which it will be necessary to suppress in three different manners according to the divers rates at which they are sold The first Rents constituted upon the Taille which are commonly sold at five years purchace ought only to be consider'd and reimburs'd at that rate according to which their Injoyment of the same makes the Reimbursement of them in seven years and a half The other Rents constituted upon the Taille since the late King's Death which are paid either in the Elections or in the General Receipts must be reimbursed at the rate of six years purchace which they are sold at the Injoyment of which will only reimburse them in eight years and a half The Offices of Elections with salaries Taxations of Offices and other Rights which they injoy must be reimbursed at the rate of eight years Purchace which is the common Price of such Places Reason requires the taking of the same method for the Reimbursement of the charges constituted upon the Aids upon all the Gabelles upon the five great Farms upon the Foreign Farm of Languedoc and of Provence upon the Customs of Lyons upon the Convoy of Bourdeaux the Custom of Bayone the Farm of Brouage and such Reimbursements can only be made by the bare Injoyment in eleven years time I am sensible that Rents of that kind are daily sold for less than eight years Purchace but I propose the Reimbursement of them at this Rate for the satisfaction of the partys concern'd being sensible that if in an affair of that importance there must be a loss it is better it should fall upon the King than upon them The Rate of all the Reimbursements which can be made being justly establish'd it is necessary to consider that there are some Charges so necessary in this Kingdom or ingaged at so high a Rate that I do not place them among those of which the Reimbusement is to be thought on by the way I am proposing Those are the salarys of the Parliaments and other sovereign Courts of the Presidials and royal Courts of the King's Secretarys of the Treasurers of France and receivers General Not that I think that no suppression ought to be made in those kind of Offices that 's far from my thoughts But to proceed with order towards the diminution of the Charges of the Kingdom Reason requires that one should begin by the Reimbursement of those which are sold at lower rates and which are inconvenient to the Public For that reason I prefer the suppression of the Rents establish'd upon the Tailles and that of many Places of assessors to all others That of those sorts of Rents by reason of the lowness of their Price and that of the assessors because those offices are the true source of the People's Misery both upon the account of their Number which is so Excessive that it amounts to upwards of four Millions in Exemptions as also of their Male-administrations which are so Common that there is hardly any one Assessor who do's not discharge his own Parish that many draw considerably out of those they have nothing to do with and that some of them are such abandon'd wretches that they are not affraid of loading themselves with crimes by adding Impossitions on the People which they convert to their own use That very consideration is the only one which hinders me at present from speaking of the suppressions of many Offices of judicature the Multitude of which is useless
their Price being as extraordinary as their salarys are Inconsiderable it would be an ill piece of husbandry to meddle with them upon the account of the present necessity When it will be thought fit to lessen the Number of them the best way in order thereunto will be to make so good a Regulation of the Paullette that the said Offices being reduc'd to a moderate Price the King may be able when they become vacant to Reimburse them to the owners and suppress them at once Neither do I as yet include in the number of the suppressions the Colleges of the King's Secretarys the Offices of the Treasurers of France and the Receivers General not upon the account of the smalness of their Profit which is pretty considerable but upon the account of the summs they have paid for the same which are not small Neither do I put in the old Rents which have been created in the time of your Majesty's Predecessors which are paid in the Office of the City of Paris both by reason that the actual summs disburs'd by the Purchacers are greater than that of all the rest and because it is fit that the interest of Subjects should in some manner be mix'd with those of their Soveraigns as also because they are devolv'd to several Religious Houses Hospitals and Communitys towards the maintenance of which they are necessary and that having been often divided in Familys they seem to be settled there in such a manner that it would be difficult to remove them without disturbing their settlements Nevertheless in order not to omitt any husbandry that may be made with reason to the advantage of the State I must observe two things in this place The first is that the Office of the Treasurers of France remaining a third part of their Salarys may be retrench'd since they will think themselves very favourably used in the general Reformation of the Kingdom if in securing them against all new Taxes their Salary is redu'd to two thirds of what they have injoy'd hitherto and had by their first Creation The second is that in not suppressing the Rents establish'd upon the Town House in the late King's time which are all Created at the rate of eight per Cent which will be the more reasonable in that as no private Persons do allow above six the owners of the said Rents settled upon the Town-House will by your Majesty's favour get two per Cent more in the injoyment of those of this Nature And as they will find an advantage by this the King will do the same by reason that the Rents charg'd upon the State will be more coveted than those of private Persons supposing they be paid exactly without any deduction as in reason they ought to be In order to pay the said Rents as well as the Salary of divers Officers either absolutely necessary or at least which cannot be suppressed in these Times I am of opinion that it will be fit to suppress thirty Millions out of the fourty five this Kingdom is at present charged with leaving the rest to acquit the remaining charges Out of the thirty Millions which are to be suppress'd there are near seven the Reimburstment of which being only to be made at the rate of five years Purchace the suppression of the same will be perform'd in seven years and a half 's time by the bare Injoyment of the same As many will be found out of the remaining twenty four which being to be reimburs'd at the rate of six years Purchace which is the Currant price of them will be suppress'd in eight years and a half 's time by the bare injoyment But whereas as abovesaid long Winded designs are not the safest in this Kingdom and that upon that account it is necessary to reduce all the suppressions which are fit to be made to a number of years not exceeding the compass of our Patience in order to accomplish the Reimbursments which will be undertaken at the same time in which the Rents which are sold at five years purchace will be suppress'd by the very income of the same an extraordinary Fund must be rais'd to the Value of a sixth part of the currant price of the Rents which amounts exactly to seven Millions once paid for the suppression of as much revenue To accomplish the suppression of the thirty Millions propos'd there still remains 16 to be reimburs'd which must be done at the rate of eight years purchace because it is the common price of them And whereas the reimbursement of those sixteen Millions cannot be perform'd under twelve years time by the bare enjoyment of the same and that it is necessary to shorten that time to reduce the said suppression to the term of seven years as well as that of the fourteen preceeding Millions out of eight parts three must be supply'd by extraordinary Funds amounting to 48 Millions Tho' the greatness of the said summ may surprize at first those who are acquainted with the facility of Affairs of that nature in this Kingdom will not question the feasibleness of the same considering that it is only to be paid in seven years time And Peace will be no sooner settled but the practice of Parties which is usual at this time to find out Money being abolish'd those who are bred in those sort of Affairs not being able to alter their former way of living all of a sudden will willingly convert all their Industry to destroy what they have rais'd by the same means they did use to establish it at first That is to extinguish and suppress by virtue of the Bargains they will make to that effect the Rents Rights and Offices the creation of which they have promoted by virtue of other Bargains Thus the Kingdom may be eas'd in seven years time of thirty Millions of common Charges which it bears at present The People being actually discharg'd of the 22 Millions of Taille which is one half of what they bear at present The Revenue of the Kingdom will be found to amount to 57 Millions as the following Settlement will justifie RECEIPT Of the Tailles 22 Millions Of the Aids 4 Millions Of all the Gabelles 19 Millions Of all the other Farms 12 Millions Total 57 Millions Out of which deducting 17 Millions which will be yearly put into the Exchequer the said summ must be look'd upon to be so considerable that there is no State in Christendom which lays up half so much all the Charges of it being deducted before If next to these suppressions which will make many persons liable to the Tailles without their having any reason to complain of it all Offices are suppressed which are officiated by Inrollment or by bare Commissions if the number of Notaries be regulated not only such as are Royal but those of common Jurisdictions it will ease the People considerably both in that they will thereby be deliver'd of so many leeches and that as there are upwards of 100000
Officers of this kind to be turn'd out those who will find themselves deprived of their usual imployments will be constrain'd to follow the Wars to ingage into Trade or to turn Labourers If in the next place all Exemptions are reduc'd to the Nobility and to the Officers in ordinary of the King's Houshold it is most certain that the Cities and Communities which are exempted the Soveraign Courts the Offices of the Treasurers of France the Elections the Salt Magazines the Offices of Waters and of Forests of the Demain and of the Tithes the Intendants and Receivers of Parishes which compose a Body of upwards of 100000 exempted persons will discharge the People of more than one half of their Tailles it being also certain that the Richest which are liable to the greatest Taxes are those who get exemptions by dint of Money I am sensible that it will be urg'd that it is easie to make such Projects like unto those of Plato's Commonwealth which tho' fine in his Ideas is a real Chimera But I dare affirm that this design is not only so reasonable but so easie to execute that if God pleases to grant your Majesty a speedy Peace and to preserve you for this Kingdom with your Servants of which I esteem my self one of the meanest instead of leaving this Advice by Testament I hope to accomplish it my self SECTION VIII Which shews in few words that the utmost point of the Power of Princes must consist in the Possession of their Subjects Hearts THe Finances being manag'd as above written the People will be absolutely eas'd and the King will be Powerful by the Possession of his Subjects Hearts who considering his care of their Estates will be inclin'd to love him out of Interest Formerly the Kings thought themselves so happy in the Possession of their Subjects Hearts that some were of opinion that it was better by this means to be King of the French than of France And indeed this Nation had formerly such a Passion for their Princes that some Authors praise them for being always ready to spill their Blood and to spend their Estates for the Service and Glory of the State Under the Kings of the first second and third Race until Philip le Bell the Treasure of Hearts was the only publick Wealth that was preserv'd in this Kingdom I am sensible that former times have no relation nor proportion to the present that what was good in one Age is often not permitted in another But tho' it is certain that the Treasure of Hearts cannot suffice at present it is also very certain that the Treasure of Gold and Silver is almost useless without the first both are necessary and whoever shall want either of them will be necessitous in Wealth CHAP. X. Which concludes this Work in showing that whatever is contain'd in it will prove ineffectual unless the Princes and their Ministers are so mindful of the Government of the State as to omitt nothing which their Trust obliges them to and not to abuse their Power IN order to conclude this Work happily I am now to represent to your Majesty that Kings being oblig'd to do many things more as Soveraigns than as private Men they can never swerve so little from their Duty without committing more faults of omission than a private person can do of commission It is the same with those upon whom Soveraigns discharge themselves of part of the burthen of their Empire since that Honour makes them liable to the same obligations which lie on Soveraigns Both of them being consider'd as private persons are liable to the same faults as other Men but if we regard the Conduct of the publick which they are intrusted with they will be found liable to many more since in that sence they cannot omit without sin any thing they are oblig'd to their Ministry In that consideration a Man may be good and virtuous as a private person and yet an ill Magistrate anâ—ilh Soveraign by his want of care to discharge the obligation of his Trust In a word unless Princes use their utmost endeavours to regulate the divers orders of their State If they are negligent in their choice of a good Council if they despise their wholsom Advice Unless they take a particular care to become such that their Example may prove a speaking voice If they are negligent in establishing the reign of God that of Reason and that of Justice together If they fail to protect Innocence to recompence signal Services to the Publick and to punish disobedience and the Crimes which trouble the order of the Discipline and Safety of States Unless they apply themselves to foresee and to prevent the evils that may happen and to divert by careful Negotiations the Storms which Clouds easily drive before them from a greater distance than is thought If Favour hinders them from making a good choice of those they honour with great imployments and with the principal Offices of the Kingdom Unless they are very careful to settle the State in the Power it ought to have If on all occasions they do not preferr Publick Interest to Private Advantages tho' otherwise never so good livers they will be found more guilty than those who actually transgress the Commands and Laws of God it being certain that to omit what we are oblig'd to do and to commit what we ought not to do is the same thing I must moreover represent to your Majesty that if Princes and those who are imploy'd under them in the first Dignities of the Kingdom have great advantages over private Men they injoy that benefit upon hard conditions since they are not only liable by omission to the faults I have already observ'd but also that there are many others of commission which are peculiar to them If they make use of their Power to commit any injustice or violence which they cannot do as private persons they are guilty of a sin of Prince or Magistrate by commission which their sole Authority is the source of and for which the King of Kings will call them to a very strict account on the day of Judgment Those two different kind of faults peculiar to Princes and to Magistrates must needs make them sensible that they are of a far greater weight than those of private persons by reason that as universal Causes they influence their disorders to all those who being submitted to them receive the impression of their movements Many would be sav'd as private persons who damn themselves as publick persons One of the greatest of our Neigbouring Kings being sensible of this Truth at his Death cry'd out that he did not stand in so much dread of the sins of Philip as he was apprehensive of the King 's His thought was truly Pious but it would have been much better for himself and for his Subjects to have had it before his Eyes in the heighth of his Grandeur and of his Administration than when in discovering the
importance of it he could no longer make that use of it which was necessary for his Conduct tho' he might for his Salvation I humbly crave your Majesty would be pleas'd to reflect this very moment on that which that great Prince perhaps only thought on a few hours before his death and to invite you to it by Example as much as by Reason I promise you that I will spend no day of my life without endeavouring to introduce that into my Mind which ought to be there at the hour of my Death in what relates to those Publick Affairs which you are pleas'd to intrust me with THE END Historical Observations ON THE Political Testament OF Cardinal de Richelieu Book 1. Chap 1. Page 42. of the First and Page 50 of the Second and Third Editions publish'd at Amsterdam by Henry Desbordes in the Year 1688. Upon These Words THE Removal of the Duke de la Valette tho' Voluntary and not forc'd giving me an occasion to put him in this Classis I cannot omit saying That not long before be did solicit Monsieur your Brother and the Count de Soissons to turn your Forces of which they had the Command at that time against your Person Your Majesty had honour'd him with the Title of Duke and Peer to which I must also add that in order to Ingage him the more in your service you had thought fit to Vnite him to those who were altogether inseparable from it and that in Consideration of my Allyance you had granted him the Survivorship of the Government of Guyenne and were pleased to add 30000 Livers Income to his place of Colonel of the Infantry I may say moreover that the Pardon your Majesty did grant him for a Crime so base and so shameful averr'd by the mouth of two Princes whose Testimony was undeniable on that occasion did not hinder his Weakness and jealonsy against the Prince of Conde and the Arch Bishop of Bourdeaux or him design to cross the prosperity of your Affairs from making him lose a great deal of honour in losing the occasion of taking Fontarabie when the Enemys could no longer defend it Observation THE Wisest Ministers have much ado to defend themselves against Pride In this place the Cardinal speaks to the King his Benefactor and Master The Duke de la 〈…〉 he speaks of had the honor in his first Marriage to Wâ—dd Gabrielle de Bourbon the King's Sister who upon that account always call'd him Brother either in Speaking or writing to him The Cardinal nevertheless thinks he do's much for him and that he will Ingage him to be eternaly Faithful tho he had never been so before by giving him Madamoiselle de Pont Chateau his Cousin But the Actions of great Men must not be examin'd with Rigor Neither would we reflect upon this thing were it not to redress some essential Circumstances of the History which we know ab Origine In order thereunto we must go back a Little since it is Impossible to give a true account of the Duke de la Valette's Voluntary Removal of his Innocence or of his Guilt without explaining the then state of his Family either in relation to the King or to the Minister This relation which perhaps will prove some what long and will seem sometimes to deviate from the subject will nevertheless always return to it and if I am not mistaken will have some curious and remarkable passages John Lewis de la Valette whom we commonly call the old Duke d' Espernon who was the first of that Name Father to the Duke de la Valette I am to speak of was naturaly very haughty and Imperious a great and dazling Fortune made in a short space of time had not lessen'd his Courage The unbounded favour of Henry the 3. had heap'd Honors Dignitys Governments and great places upon him The said Prince sometimes boasted that he would make him so great that it would not be in his Power to destroy him It is very well known that in giving him the Government of the three Bishopricks Mets Toul and Verdun he offered him the absolute Soveraignty of the same which he had the Wisdom or Cunning to refuse His Marriage with the Heiress of Foix and of Candale had acquir'd him all the Lands of that ancient Family and the most illustrious Alliances Under the two following Reigns among many contradictions he had still kept his Rank and defended his Fortune being considered and fear'd rather than lov'd by all those who did govern by the power he had to plague them within the Kingdom It was perhaps for that Reason Henry the 4th seemed dissatisfied with his behaviour at first but being reconcil'd to him afterwards in the year 1610. in the great War he was meditating when Death prevented him he design'd him the honor of the Command of his Vanguard untill he had joyn'd the Prince of Orange and then sent him back to Mary de Medicis to be her Minister However reflecting on his former Favour and Elevavation he could neither forget what he was nor what he had been nor agree with any Favourite or Minister less with Richelieu than with another because he had a greater esteem for him than for any other and did look upon him as the fittest Man to humble all those who had rais'd themselves The Cardinal on his side tho a far better Politician finding himself at the helm of Affairs could brook no resistance tho' never so Inconsiderable without being wounded to the very heart by it nor suffer any grandeur unless subservient to his own And indeed tho we should allow him to be above all Weakness or private Interest which Humanity is never free from his general Plan and the honor of his Ministry could hardly suit with the Power and Authority of a Man who under Henry the 4th had sustain'd an open War to maintain himself in the Government of Provence who lately in the Duke de Luines time setting out of his Fortress of Metz in cold blood with his usual Equipage of 20 Mules and near two hundred Horse for his Guard Gentlemen and other Persons of his Retinue cross'd the whole Kingdom quietly to rescue the Queen Mother who was confined at Blois to give her a refuge in his Governments and to make himself Mediator between that Princess and the King her Son The old Duke had three Children Henry Duke of Candale Bernard Duke de la Valette the Person in question here and Lewis Arch-bishop of Toulouse as Men often were in those Times in Commendam without being ingag'd in sacred Orders and since Cardinal de la Valette Henry bore the names of Foix and of Candale according to the Fathers obligation who had promis'd in Marrying the Heiress of that Family to leave all her Estate Name and Arms to the Eldest Son of that Marriage This Gentleman having a lively Wit a free and agreeable Humour was likewise out of favour with the Minister by reason that
any good but on the contrary their Ruin His Fortune was looked upon to be very much shook when the Enemy seem'd to settle in the Kingdom within sight of the Capital City and of the Throâ—â— it self by the taking of Catelet of La Capelle and of Corbie The success of that War which he alone had counceled and which he was proud of being the Author of was either his fafety or his Ruin having moreover so many Envious Persons Enemys and secret Intrigues to oppose he left no means unattempted to retake the Places of Picardy with powerful Armys Commanded by the Duke of Orleans the King's brother and by the Count de Soissons a Prince of the Blood The Duke de la Valette in an occasion which was look'd upon as a great Peril of the State desir'd leave to serve as a Volunteer in the Army of Picardy which could not be deny'd him But before his departure from Paris he made rather by his Misfortune than fault being as it were forc'd to it a new and very deep wound in the Minister's mind The Baron du Bec Governer of La Capelle was the Duke's Friend whether he had surrender'd it too soon out of Weakness or for want of all manner of Ammunitions as he pretended which I have not dicover'd the Cardinal thought it necassary to make an Example of him either to keep the Governors of the Frontier Towns in Awe by that severity or to clear himself before the King and the Public for the loss of that Place which through Picardy had given the Enemy an entrance into the Kingdom For those who are at the helm of Affairs are never in the wrong and the weakest is Commonly the most guilty He would have that affair examin'd in a Solemn Coucil the King being present in which all the Officers of the Crown were to assist The Duke excused himself three times from coming to it to avoid the danger he foresaw But Chavigny was sent to him the fourth to acquaint him that he must either break of with the Cardinal or not presist in his refusal Therefore he went to the Council but more faithful to Friendship or to Reason than to his own Interest he spoke for the Accus'd contrary to the intention of the Minister who not being commonly Master of himself in the first heat of his Anger as soon as the Council broke up calling him a side used hard and reflecting Language towards him which a good heart can never bear nor forget His answer was not only firm and bold but full of a heat which made the Cardinal sencible of his own which he endeavour'd to aleviate concluding with obliging words In this condition the Duke de la Valette went for the Army where it is true that the Count de Soissons and the Duke of Orleans caused him to be sounded in secret to ingage him to a revolt and to afford them a retreat in Guienne But it is equaly true that he refused both barely assuring the Princes on one hand of his Respect and moreover of secrecy and on the other that the old Duke without whom he could do nothing would never hearken to any such thing what ever Cause he had to complain of the Cardinal as well as himself It has never been known from the Dukes own Mouth who made him that proposition he kept his word but too scrupulously and never spake of it even when he might have done it without danger What the Cardinal sayes here that this crime is averr'd by the Mouth of two Princes whose Testimony is undeniable on that occasion is easily clear'd One of them who out liv'd that Minister has often own'd that he had been surprised and persuaded that the Duke de la Valette had accused him so that being irritated by his pretended Infidelity as well as by his Refusal he was glad to excuse himself by laying the whole fault at his door The sequel of things naturally represented in my opinion do's not allow the questioning of this Truth The said Negotiation whether rejected or receiv'd certainly was not prosecuted and was not known in a certain time after it But when Corbie was retaken and Picardy peaceable and the Cardinal's authority better settled than ever even those who thought him undone before were earnest to serve him and to inbrace his Interest At that time one of the Duke of Orleans false Servants to whom that secret was confided made haste to reveal it to him The two Princes who had notice given them thereof remov'd forthwith from the Court for fear of being secur'd The Duke de la Valette who was gone for Guienne some days before quietly prosecuted his journey They sent Bourdeilles and Montresor after him to excite him and the old Duke his Father upon the account of their common danger which both they said would endeavour in vain to defend themselves of considering the opinion the Cardinal had of that business and his desire to ruin them They both shut their Ears and the old Duke after Complements full of respect for the Princes gave them wise Councels to regain the King's favour The Duke of Orteans hearken'd to them and made his Peace The Count de Soissons neglected them to his Misfortune for he never returned to Court and dyed afterwards as it is known in Arms against his Prince and Country The Cardinal having as good intelligence as ever any Minister had was not ignorant of the old Duke's wise behaviour on that Subject which he never boasted of himself There still is a Letter extant which that Minister order'd the Chevalier Seguier his constant friend to write to him in which praising his prudence which he assures him the King is very well pleased with he Endeavours to make him discover more of the matter which the old Duke had the address to excuse himself from And so far from accusing him of any thing at that time nor La Valette his Son new orders were sent to both to drive the Spaniards out of Guienne For they had settled themselves in the Port of Secoa where they had two Forts and five or six thousand Men well Retrench'd Those orders to express the more Confidence gave the old Duke a power to raise such Forces as he should think fit and to make what ever Impositions he thought necessary on the Province to deliver it from the Enemy which he looked upon as a snare that was laid for him being warn'd by Ancient and new Examples and even by that of Marshal de Marillac Moreover he was persuaded that without Oppressing the People whom he lov'd naturally and whom it was his Interest to keep Measureâ— with he would be able to perform what he was ordered And indeed the Duke de la Vallette having put himself at the Head of a small number of Men he raised in haste besieg'd or block'd up as it were those Spaniards retrenched and much stronger than himself but in want of all things Notwithstanding the Sea
the Treaty which du Fargis made at Moncon in 1626 with the Spaniard's in relation to Valtelina we must consider that the said du Fargis had been six years before Ambassador in Spain and that he was sent thither by the Court of France before Cardinal de Richelieu entred into the Ministry which was in 1624. The instructions which du Fargis had receiv'd in taking leave of the Court from M. de Puisieux Secretary of State Son to the Chancellor de Sillery oblig'd him to treat with the Spaniards on the same Conditions as he did since at Moncon because the Council of State was resolved at that time not to break with Spain But Cardinal de Richelieu caused that resolution to be alter'd and the collection of the Pieces for the Justification of that Cardinal which were given to the Public by M. du Chatelet maintains in several Places that the said Cardinal sent M. du Fargis orders directly contrary to those he had receiv'd in France But M. du Fargis persisted constantly in denying that ever he received them and the thing remains undecided to this day Therefore it is not true that he himself confessed that he had concluded the Treaty of Moncon at the sollicitation of Cardinal de Berulle without the King's knowledge and contrary to his Majesty's Express Orders For among so many Authors who have attack'd and defended the Reputation of Cardinal de Richelieu none ever bethought himself hitherto to write this point of History and there is no reason to believe the said Cardinal upon his bare Word since he was so public an Enemy to the Cardinal de Berulle that his Panegyrists lose no occasion to blame him and to push it as far as ever it can go Finally it is yet less true that the Cardinal de Berulle and the Lord Keeper Marillac advis'd the King to abandon the Duke of Mantua to the injustice and insatiable Avidity of the Spaniards but that which is cerain in relation thereunto as the two Authors who are most devoted to Cardinal de Richelieu who are those that have written his Life and the History of his Ministry do acknowledge is that at the Death of Vincent Duke of Mantua and when the Duke de Nevers succeeded him it was put in agitation in the Council of France not whether the Duke of Nevers should be absolutely seconded but whether they should second him so far as to run the hazard on his account to break the Peace of Vervins which King Henry the Great had concluded with Spain and it was carry'd by the plurality of Voices that the King should not run the hazard of that risque Cardinal de Berulle who was then one of the Principal Councellors of State was of that opinion he persisted in it until Cardinal de Richelieu caused the said Affair to be examin'd anew in the Council and made them resolve to maintain the Duke de Nevers against the Emperor and against the King of Spain There was but six Months space between those two deliberations and they were both taken in the year 1627. If the Cardinal de Berulle during the Interval of the said six Months pretended that it was not fit to exasperate the Spaniards In that he only conform'd to the determination of the Council of State of France But I maintain that after the second deliberation which was to protect the Duke of Mantua towards and against all the Cardinal de Berulle never let fall any word to blame the War which France engaged into upon the account of the Duke de Nevers with the Emperor and the King of Spain and no Man can produce any Printed paper or Manuscript which says any such thing THE END THE Contents Chap. I. A Short Relation of the King 's great Actions until the Peace concluded in the Year pag. 1. Chap. II. Of the Reformation of the Ecclesiastical Order pag. 48. Sect. I. Which represents the ill State of the Church at the beginning of the King's Reign the Present State thereof and what is necessary to be done to put it in that in which it ought to be ib. Sect. II. Of Appeals and the Means to regulate the same pag. 53. Sect. III. Of Privileg'd Cases and the means to Regulate the same pag. 64. Sect. IV. Which shews the Consequence of the Regalia pretended by the Holy Chappel of Paris over the Bishops of France and opens a way to suppress the same pag. 68. Sect. V. Of the Necessity of Protracting the Delays that are us'd in the Course of Ecclesiastical Justice from whence it happens that three Crimes remain unpunish'd pag. 75. Sect. VI. Which represents the Prejudice the Church receives by the Four Exemptions several Churches enjoy to the Prejudice of the Common Right and proposes Means to remedy the same pag. 78. Sect. VII Which represents the Inconveniences that arise from the Bishops not having an Absolute Power to dispose of the Benefices that are under them pag. 90. Sect. VIII Of the Reformation of Monasteries pag. 93. Sect. IX Of the Obedience which is due to the POPE pag. 95. Sect. X. Which sets forth the Advantage of Learning and shews how it ought to be Taught in this Kingdom pag. 97. Sect XI Means to Regulate the Abuses which are committed by Graduates in the obtaining of Benefices pag. 104. Sect. XII Of the Right of INDULT pag. 106. Chap. III. Of the NOBILITY pag. 109. Sect. I. Divers Means to Advantage the Nobility and to make them Subsist Honourably ib. Sect. II. Which Treats of the Means to prevent Duels pag. 114. Chap. IV. Of the Third ORDER of the Kingdom pag. 119. Sect. I. Which relates in general to the Disorders of the Courts of Justice and examines in particular whether the Suppression of the Sale of Offices and of Hereditary Offices would be a proper Remedy for such Evils ib. Sect. II. Which proposes the general Means which may be us'd to put a stop to the disorders of the Courts of Justice pag. 131. Sect. III. Which represents the necessity of hindring the Officers of Justice from incroaching upon the King's Authority pag. 135. Sect. IV. Of the Officers of the Finances pag. 137. Sect. V. Of the PEOPLE pag. 140. Chap. V. Which considers the State in it self pag. 142. Sect. I. Which represents how necessary it is that the several Parts of the State should remain every one within the extent of their Bounds ib. Sect. II. Which examines Whether it is better to make the Governments Triennial in this Kingdom than to leave them Perpetual according to the Vse which has been practis'd hitherto pag. 143. Sect. III. Which condemns Survivorships pag. 146. Chap. VI. Which represents to the King what Men think he ought to consider in relation to his Person pag. 149. Chap. VII Which represents the present State of the King's Houshold and sets forth what seems to be necessary in order to put it into that in which it ought to be pag. 162. Chap. VIII Of the PRINCE's Council