absolute euen to the title of Prince he did not debate with discression the condicions of that citie who at that time being populous in multitudes and mighty in riches and nourished by many ages with an apparance of a common weale the principall Citisens being accustomed to participate in the gouernment rather in forme of companions then subiectes would hardly endure so great and suddein mutacion And therefore Peter knowing that to the holding vpp of his ambicion must be ioyned foundacions extraordinary and the better to haue a mighty piller to support his new principallitie he restrained him selfe immoderatly to thAragons determining in their course to communicate with their fortunes Thus perhaps was furthered by this accident not many dayes before thembassadors of the french ariued at Florence there came to light certeine practises which Lavvrence and Iohn de medicis yong men rich and neare in bludd to Peter and lately become his enemies vpon certein light occasions of youth conspired with Lodovvik Sforce and by him with the french king directly against the greatnes of Peter But being arested by the Magistrates they were with light punishment returned to their houses in the countrey for that the temperance of the Magistrates preuailing with Peter not without some difficulties induced him not to suffer the lawes to execute any extreme action vpon his kinred and bludd But receiuing warning by this accident that Lodovvyk Sforce thirsted after his ruine he esteemed it so much the more needefull to remaine still in his first purpose At last thembassadors were aunswered but much to their discontentment and more contrary to their desire in place of the conclusion they hoped for they were told with wordes reuerent and respectiue with what naturall deuocion the people of Florence honored the house of Fraunce togither with their commō desire to satisfie so great a king on the other side they made declaracion of their impediments as that there could be nothing more vnworthy of Princes and common weales then not to keepe faith promised which vnlesse they should apparantly defile and breake they could not now satisfie his demaundes and content the time togither They sayd as yet was not ended the confederacion which by thauthoritie of king Levvys his father was made with Ferdinand with couenant that after his death it should stretch to Alphonso wherein they were bound by special condicion not only to defend the realme of Naples but also to giue no passage thorow their countries to any that went about to inuade it Lastly that it brought no small greefe to them that there was such difference betwene their desires and wills and that they had no power to make other resolucions then such as must either make the king displeased or bring great preiudice to their whole estate Onely they hoped that the king being wise and iust would interpret them according to their good wills and referre to those reasonable impediments that which they could not promise The king made angrie with this aunswere commaunded immediatly thembassadors of Florence to depart out of Fraunce and following the councell of Lodovvyk Sforce he banished out of Lyons not the generall marchauntes but onely the factors and bankers of P. de medicis to the ende that they might iudge at Florence that he acknowledged this iniurie particularly vpon Peter and not vpon the body of the state The other Potentats of Italy being diuided amongest them selues some bearing fauor to the french and some fearing calamities and extreme fortunes the Venetians onely determined to remaine newters and with an idle eye to behold the yssue of all thinges perhaps they were not much troubled that Italy should fall into garboyle hoping that the long warres of others would giue them oportunitie to enlarge their estate or perhaps the opinion of their greatnes would not suffer them to be dowtfull of perills And therefore not fearing that the victors could haue any fortune ouer them they iudged it a folly to make proper to them the warres of others had no apparant necessitie And yet Ferdinand ceassed not to solicite them continually and the french king the yeare before and euen then had sent to them Embassadors who forgat not to declare that betwene the house of Fraunce that common weale was alwayes amitie and good will and as occasion offered mutuall effectes and offices expressed The which disposicion the king seeking to augment and ratifie he desired of that wise Senate councell and fauor in his enterprise whereunto they aunswered with this moderacion and breuitie that the king for him selfe was so wise foreseeing enuironed with a councel so graue and ripe that it could not be without too much presuming to ioyne to him their opinions and councells They would be alwayes glad of his prosperities good fortunes for the obseruances which they had alwaies borne to the crowne of Fraunce They were not a litle greeued that they could not accompany the readines of their mindes with those effectes they desired for that by the suspicion wherein the Turke kept them continually wanting neither desire nor oportunities to vexe them Necessitie compelled them to keepe alwayes with great charges many yles and coast townes fronting vppon him the same being the cause that they could not make them selues parties to the warre of an other But the preparacions which were made on all sides as well by lande as sea were of farre greater importance then eyther the orations of thembassadors or the aunsweres made to them for king Charles had sent Peter d'Vrfe his great Esquier to Genes ouer which citie the duke of Myllan commaunded by the ayde of the faction of Adorne and I. L. de fiesco signo to rigge vp a mighty armie of shippes and gallies causing also to be armed other vessells in the portes of Ville Franche and Marselles This was the cause of the brute in his court that he determined to enter the kingdom of Naples by sea as had done afore time Iohn sonne of Rene against Ferdinand In Fraunce albeit many beleued that what for the youth of the king and the base condicion slender conduct of such as stirred him to this expedicion togither with the want necessitie of money these preparacions in them would dissolue vanish into smoke yet to satisfie the desire of the king who by the aduise of his fauorits had newly taken vpon him the title of king of Ierusalem and both Cycylyes then the title of the kinges of Naples There was generall and diligent order giuen on all partes for the prouisions of the warre as making of musters gathering of money remouing of men with other industries due to such expedicions And no councell had but with Galeas de S. Seuerin who held inclosed in his mind all the secrets purposes of Lodovvyk Sforce Of the other side Alphonso in whom had wanted no pollicie or diligence to fortifie him selfe by sea and by land iudging now there was no more time to
Calui where the same day the king was entred This did Triuulce notwithstanding that many others of the citie wel disposed to keepe their faith to Ferdinand did speake against it with many braue and hawtie wordes But being presented to the king all armed as he came in he tolde him in the name of the Capuans and souldiers That they seeing their forces defence and strength to fayle in Ferdinand whom they had faithfully serued whilest there remayned any apparance of hope were now come to make offer of their seruices to him bringing mindes to follow his fortunes where so euer he will employ them vnder honest condicions adding withall that he dowted not to bring him Ferdinand him selfe so that he would enterteyne and acknowledge him as apperteyned The king made him this gracious aunswere that he accepted the offers of the Capuans and the souldiers as also the comming of Ferdinand should be no lesse welcome onely that he should retein no porcion of the kingdom of Naples how litle so euer it were but that he would indue him with estates and honors in the realme of Fraunce It may be dowted with what maner of inducements this Triuulce a capteyne valiant and particular in the profession of honor was drawne to reuolte and leaue his king Touching him selfe he affirmed that he went by the wil and direction of Ferdinand to solicit some composicion with the french And being altogither excluded from all hopes and the iudgement manifest that the kingdom of Naples could be no longer defended by armes he thought it not onely lawful but also allowable to prouide at one tyme for the safetie of the Capuans and securitie of the souldiers But the common opinion of men made an other construction referring his reuolt to a desire he had that the french king might be Victor for that he hoped when he had made a conquest of Naples he would looke into the meanes by the which he might in like sort make him selfe maister of Myllan In which citie he being borne of a most noble familie and because for the priuie fauors which the house of S. Seuerin had with Lodovvyk Sforce with other occasions he had not place according to his vertues and merits he was wholly estranged from Lodovvyk for those occasions many wise men iudged that he had councelled Ferdinand to proceede in the actions seruice of Romania more temperatly then perhaps thoccasions required But in Capua afore the returne of Triuulce all began to declyne to reuolt the souldiers had sacked the pallaice armories and stables of Ferdinand the men at armes made diuisions of them selues and were bestowed in sundry quarters And Virginio and the Count Petillane were retyred with their companies to the citie of Nola belonging to the sayd Count by the donation of the Aragons sending first to the french king to demaund safeconduct for them and their people Ferdinand returned according to his word and promise hauing somewhat appeased according to the tyme the humors of the Neapolytaines by giuing them hope of the defense of Capua he was come within two myles of the citie all ignorant of the chaunge that hapned since his departure But the towne hearing of his returne and so neare approach and the people wholly exclayming against his reentrey drew into armes and by a common voyce and councell sent forth to meete him certeyne of the nobilitie to aduertise him to passe no further for that the citie seeing he had left it abandoned that Triuulce gouerner of the men of warre was gone to the french his owne souldiers had made a spoyle of his pallaice and Virginio and the Count Petillane left them to their fortunes and that almost all his armie was broken they were constrayned for their proper safetie to giue place to the conqueror with these newes no lesse heauy thē troublesom Ferdinand after he had made vayne instance euen with teares to be receiued returnes to Naples being wel assured that the example of Capua would draw the residue of the kingdom to reuolt as the citie of Auerse seated betwene Capua and Naples drawne into emotion dispatched present Embassadors to offer them selues to the french king And the Neapolytans consulting also manifestly to doe the like the infortunat king determined not to resist so obstinat a will of fortune and therefore assembling vpon the place of the new castell many of the nobilitie and people he deliuered to them this last and lamentable speech I may call God to witnesse and the consciences of all those men that heretofore haue had any informacion of my thoughtes and conceites that no desire made me more to aspire to the crowne then to expresse to the world with what greefe I misliked the rigorous gouernments of my father and grandfather and with a recompense more iust plawsible to reclayme by moderacion and benefits those hartes and affections which they had lost by their hard dealing and crueltie But the infelicitie of our house would neuer suffer that I shoulde receiue this frute which I esteeme more excellent and honorable then the kingdom itselfe seeing that to be a king is a thing that often tymes dependes vpon fortune but to be such a king as to turne all his cares and endes to the welfare and felicitie of his peoples that depends onely of him selfe and his proper vertue These be hard tearmes in nature to detect my parentes and chalenge their abuses to those to whom nothing is more welcome then thoccasion of reuenge nor any thing further of then hartes and affections to forgiue or forget I could say enough to iustifie my selfe for that it is easie for innocents to finde wordes to speake but seeing there is so litle comparison betwene their offences past and the merit of my innocencie present it were but in vayne to vrge a hatefull remembrance of them and yet nothing the more acquite you of the calamities that approach No in cases of aduersitie it is a better temperance to prouide for the ill that is comming then to amuse the tyme in complaintes against the Authors supposed leauing the consideracion of the cause to God with whom no mortall creature hath familiaritie in the vnderstanding and ordering of his iustice I see our affayres suffer hard fortunes and thextremitie wherein they are falne is of that nature that we may complayne more to haue lost the kingdom by thinfidelitie and feares of our armies and Capteynes then our ennemies can vaunt to haue wonne it by their proper vertue And yet our fortune leaueth vs not altogither without hope if we susteyne yet a litle tyme for that both by the king of Spayne and all the Princes of Italy is preparing a mighty succor their eyes being now opened that afore could not consider that the fire which burnes our realme must in like sorte without prouidence cast his flames into their seuerall estates And for me at the least courage shoulde not want to determine to gether the kingdom and my life
he was not without hopes to procure the king of England to stirre But that which should most haue appeased him he made to serue most to stirre vp kindle his stomacke which was the knowledge he had that the frēch king hauing no disposicion to make warre against the church nourished a setled desire to haue peace In so much as it seemed that it would alwaies remeyne in his power to drawe him to peace yea though he had leauyed armes against him The reason of these matters making him rise dayly more insolent and redoubling openly his complayntes and threates agaynst the Frenche Kinge and Duke of Ferrara he refused in the feaste of the celebracion of S. Peter A day wherein accordinge to auncient custome are offered the tributes which are due to the seege Apostolyke to accept the tribute of the Duke of Ferrara saying that the euasion of Alexander the sixt who in marying his Daughter had from foure thowsande duckats reduced that offeringe to a hundred coulde not take example to the preiudice of that sea Besides he woulde not affore this tyme giue licence to the Cardinall of Achx and other frenche Cardinalls to returne into Fraunce and vnderstanding that daye that the Cardinall of Achx was gone to take the pleasure of the fieldes with certein greahowndes he entred into a vayne suspicion that he would secretly start away and therefore sent speedely after to take him and helde him prisoner in the castell S. Ange Thus disclosing openly his manifest contencion with the Frenche Kinge and for that cause seeing him selfe so much the more constrayned to laye great and assured foundacions he graunted to the King Catholike thinuestiture of the kingdome of Naples vnder condicion of the same tribute with the which the kings of Aragon had obteyned it notwithstanding he had refused affore to bestow it otherwaies then for forty thowsand duckats A rate affore time imposed vpon the french when he obteined it In this action the Pope respected not so much the bond which in other inuestitures of the same kingdom was wont to be made to him to enterteyne euery yeare for him as often as neede required 3. hundred men at armes for the defence of the Church as the desire he had to make him his friend ioyned to a hope that his aydes vpon occasion might doe much to leade him into open contencion with the french king Whereof were already discerned certeyne seedes and beginnings for that the king Catholike suspecting much the greatnes of the french and no lesse ielous of his ambicion for that not content with the limits of the league of Cambray he aspired to draw to his obedience the citie of Verona and besides all this being pushed on by the memorie of auncient quarrels desired greatly that there might be found some impediment in his affayres And therefore ceassed not to councell a peace betweene Caesar and the Venetians which was not a litle desired by the Pope And albeit he proceeded secretly in those actions yet he was not able altogether to couer his thoughtes In so much as his armie by sea beinge falne vpon Sicile which he sent to assayle the I le of Gerbes anyland aunciently called by the Lattins the great Sirta the king was entred into suspicion and the mindes of men that were well acquaynted with his suttletyes were occupied with many dowtes But as in worldely dealinges it often hapneth that the thinge that is feared least doth soonest chaunce and hurteth moste so troubles and perplexities beganne to rise to the Frenche Kinge from those partes which he dowted least and in a tyme wherein he had no exspectacion of any mouing of armes to be prepared agaynst him for the Pope betweene whose suttletye and secrecye was no difference working alwayes vnder hande solicited that at one tyme Genes might be assayled both by sea and lande That twelue thowsande Svvyzzers might discende vppon the Duchie of Myllan That the Venetians shoulde take the fielde to recouer their townes holden by Caesar And that his owne armie should enter vpon the contrey of Ferrara with intencion to passe afterwards into the Duchie of Myllan if things begā to succeede happely to the Svvyzzers he hoped that Genes being assailed vpon the suddein there would easily arise some mutacion or mutinie both for that there were many that bare no sownd affection to the french and also that the faction of Fregosa would minister ayde going thether vnder cooller to make Duke Octauian whose father and Vncle had possessed the same dignitie That the french men amased for the commocion of Genes and inuasion of the Svvyzzers woulde reuoke to the Duchie of Myllan all the bandes which they had with Caesar and the Duke of Ferrara which would be a cause that the Venetians should easily recouer Verona and afterwards set vpon the Duchie of Myllan lastly that his regiments shoulde doe the like after they had made an easie conquest of Ferrara beinge abandoned of the french making a iudgement vpon these computacions that the state of Myllan would haue no abilitie of defence against so many enemies and so suddeine a warre he began at one time the warre against Ferrara and against Genes And albeit the Duke of Ferrara against whom he proceeded the more to hasten thexecucion as against a notorious offender offered to giue him the saltes that were made at Comacho with obligacion that hereafter there shoulde be no more made yet nothinge can satisfie a mind possessed with malice after he had licensed his Embassadors he caused his armie to march against him which with the onely somonce of a trompet and no defence appearing obteined Cente Pieua Which borowes apperteining first to the bishoprike of Bolognia Pope Alexander in marying his Daughter had annexed them to the Duchie of Ferrara recompensing the bishoprike with other reuenues Against Genes were sent eleuen gallies of the Venetians guided by Grillo Conterin and one speciall gallie of the Popes carying Octauian Fregosa Ieronimo Dorea with many other of the banished men of that state And by land at the same time and for the same expedicion was dispatched M. Anth. Colonno with a hundred men at armes and seuen hundred footemen This Capteine hauing left the pay of the Florentyns and being interteyned by the Pope aboade vpon the territories of Lucqua vnder cooller to furnish his band giuing out a brute that he was afterwards to goe to Bolognia And albeit Monsr Chaumont entred into some suspicion of Genes by reason of his abiding yet not knowing that the armie by sea was to come and the Pope spreading a suttle and dissembling brute that the preparacions of the Svvyzzers and houering of M. Anth. were to execute some surprise vpon Ferrara Chaumont made no other prouision for Genes then a certeine smal crew of footemen whome he sent thether Marke Anth. marched with his companies vp to the vale of Visagna within a mile of the walls of Genes notwithstanding he was not receiued according to the Popes
with the Frenche king was made no particular mention of him nor of the suretie of thestates of Italye stoode more and more confirmed in his former opinion that the ambicion and greatnes of themperour woulde in the ende be his seruitude and thraldome And therefore he determined not to accept thaccorde in the maner it was offred to him but to reserue him selfe free vntill he were assured what course the Frenche woulde take touching the obseruation of the peace In which resolution he stoode so much the more firme by howe muche besides thapparance and likelyhoodes of it he had heard by the relation of certayne speeches deliuered by the king affore hys libertie and spread abroade by some that were familiar in counsell with him that the king had a mynde altogether estraunged from performing the thinges he had promised to themperour And the better to confirme the king in that deliberation his owne suretie also depending vppon it he sent in poste into Fraunce Pavvle Vittorio a Florentin and capteine of his Gallies his charge was to be at the Court at the same tyme the king should aryue vsing that diligence not onely to know his intention assone as might be but also the king hauing a ready hope to be hable to drawe into league agaynst themprour the Pope and the Venetians he might take occasion the sooner to resolue himself It was enioyned also to the expedition of Pavvle to congratulate in the Popes name the kings deliuerie and to discourse with him at large what he had done to that ende and howe muche did induce themperours inclination to his libertie the practises of confederation that were enterteyned with the Lady Regent Lastely that he shoulde impart with the king the Popes vehement desire to haue an vniuersall peace in Christendome and that thEmperour and he woulde perfourme together thenterprise agaynst the Turke who was reapported to make mightie preparations to inuade that yeare the Realme of Hungarie These were his Commissions apparant and knowen but this was his direction most substantiall and secrete that aboue all things he should sounde throwly the kinges inclination whom if he founde resolute to obserue the resolution of Madrill then to passe no further least vaynely he should make his case more desperate with themperour then before but if he founde him to haue other thoughtes and to hang in doubt that he should labour to confirme him in that disposition and seruing hys turne of all occasions he should specially compell him to take that course giuing him knowledge of the Popes desire to ioyne with him for the common benefite He dispatched in like sort into Englande the pronotorie Gambaro to manage the like office with that king and to the same ende Besides he procured the Venetians to sende into Fraunce their secretory Andrevv Rosse with semblable commissions As Pavvle past by Florence vpon his voyage he fell sicke and dyed by reason of whiche accidēt the Pope sent to performe the legacion in his place Capui de Mantua taking it to an yll prediction that nowe the seconde tyme the Ministers which he had sente into Fraunce to aduaunce those practises were in the waye intercepted by death In the meane while making no omission of time nor oportunities he together with the Venetians did all that they could to keepe in courage the Duke of Millan and to enterteine him in hopes least the peace of Madrill ledde him not both with feare and rashnes to make some accorde with themprour By this time the french king was comen vpon the confiues of Fontaraby a towne apperteyning to themprour standing vppon the Occean sea and is a frontyer betwene Biskay and the Duchie of Guyen And on the other side the Lady Regent was aryued with the children of Fraunce at Bayonne not many leagues from Fontaraby The tormentes of the gowte tooke her by the waye which was the cause that she had lingred some tyme longer then the daye appoynted of permutation But at last the xviij daye of Marche the French king accompanied with the Viceroy and Capteine Alarcon with fifty horse was presented vpon the shoare of the ryuer that deuideth the realme of Fraunce from the kingdome of Spayne And on the other side vpon the shoare opposite appeared Monsr Lavvtrech with the kings children and like number of horse There was in the middest of the ryuer a great barke made fast with ankers in which was no person The king was rowed neare to this barke in a little boate wherein he was accompanied with the Viceroy Capteine Alarcon and eyght others all armed with shorte weapons And on the other side of the barke were likewise brought in a litle boate Monsr Lavvtrech with the ostages and eight others weaponed according to the others After this the Viceroy went into the barke with the person of the king and all his companie and also Monsr Lavvtrech with his eyght that accompanied him so that they were within the barke a like number of both partes Alarcon and his eyght being with the Viceroy and Lavvtrech the others with the person of the king And when they were all thus within the barke Lavvtrech fetched out of the boate into the barke the Daulphin who being giuen to the Viceroy and by him committed to capteine Alarcon was foorthwith bestowed in their boate and after him followed the little duke of Orleans who was no sooner entred the barke then the French king leaped out of the barke into his boate which he did with suche quicknes and celeritie that thexchaunge or permutation was thought to be done at one selfe instant Assoone as the king was on the other side of the shore his newe libertie making him fearefull of ambush he mounted vpon a Turkishe horse of a wonderfull swiftnes which was prepared for the purpose and running betwene feare and gladnes vppon the spurre he neuer stayed till he came to S. Iohn de Lus a towne of his obedience foure leagues from the place And being there readilie relieued with a freshe horse he ran with the same swiftnes to Bayonne where after he had past ouer the offices of Court done to him by his people he dispatched with greate diligence a gentleman to the king of England to whom he wrote with his owne hande letters of his deliuerie charging the messenger vnder verie louing commissions to tell the king of Englande that as he acknowledged theffect of his libertie to be wrought whollie by him and his operacions so in recompense he offred to remaine to him a perpetuall and assured frend and to be guided in all his affaires by his councell And afterwardes he sent an other solemne Embassage into Englande to ratifie the peace which his mother had made with him as one that reapposed a verie great fundacion in thamitie of that king The ende of the sixteenth Booke THE ARGVMENT OF THE SEVENTENTH BOOKE The Pope the french king the Venetians and the Duke of Millan draw into league against thEmperour The Duke of Burbon comes
the importance and daunger of the thing to handle so great an enterprise sought to communicate perswade all things with the Pope in whō he knew had most dominion two stirring humors ambicion disdayne he told him that not by the fauors of the Princes of Italy and much lesse by the meane of their armies and helpes he should be reuenged of Ferdinand nor haue hope to compasse estates worthy and honorable for th aduancement of his sonnes He found the Pope to beare a vehement and ready wil to the matter perhaps for a desire to innouate and alter thinges but more likely to constraine the Aragons by feare to come to that which by consent wil they would not accord to him After they had communicated their councells they dispatched secretly into Fraunce personages of trust to sound the will of the king such as gouerned him who shewing them selues not farre from their intencion Lodovvyk turning his whole witts to the deuise of this enterprise sent in the sight of all the world but shadowing it with other occasions one Charles Balbyan Earle of Belioyense who soliciting the king certeine dayes in priuate audience working particularly with sundry of his principal fauorits was at last introduced into open councell the king present where in a publike hearing of the Prince his Lordes and Prelates of the Court he deliuered this forme of discourse Most christian king Thexperiēce of the disposiciō of harts diuersly inclined ▪ makes me dowtful whether vnder a direct absolute forme I should begin my discours or vsing the custome of Orators bring into question such obiectiōs as may be opposed against the presēt matter for in causes of perswasion the one with the other must orderly cōcurre least for want of due office in the speaker the matter seeming to suffer imperfectiō error do not bring forth resolucion effect according to thexpectacion of the parties for whom he solicites And albeit the vniuersal coniecture opiniō of your maiesties many vertues the graue aspect face of your right wise coūcel here assēbled promise no lesse ready cōsent liking thē the matter is iust innocēt ▪ yet for your maiesties better inducemēt general satisfactiō of your Lordes Prelats assisting I wil ioyne my self to the refutaciō of that general dout which in negociaciōs of this nature are cōmonly obiected more by custō thē iust cause arising If therefore right Christian king any man for what occasion so euer will hold for suspected the integritie of mind and faith with the which Lodovvik Sforce comes to councel you to beare armes to cōquer the kingdom of Naples he may easily deliuer his mind of that ill grounded suspicion if he either loke into the offers offices cōdicions wherwith he doth accompany his perswasion councell offering you the cōmoditie of his treasors men all other oportunities or at least wil cal to his memory with what deuociō both he Galeas his brother originally Francis his father did honor the late king Levvys your father continued with no lesse constancie faith piety to the glorious name of your maiestie Let him consider also that by this enterprise Lodovvyk standes possible to many great daungers with a very naked hope of any profit yea in this is conteined the only benefit he shall haue to see a iust reuenge of the ambushes wronges done by them of Aragon where your maiestie by meane of the victory shal happily aspire to a most florishing kingdom bringing with it a greater glory oportunitie of farre more high and honorable merite an action wherunto the thoughts of mighty Princes ought to be fashioned And of the other part if it happen that you come not to the end of this enterprise yet your maiestie loseth no reputacion nor your greatnes the more diminished for that onely the fortunes of Princes are subiect to opiniōs but not their estate maiesty impaired But for Lodovvyk he is of nothing more sure then to suffer general ill wil contempt of nothing more vnsure then to find remedy in his perils for that in him would concurre all the displeasures slaunders which may concerne his estate life or reputacion And therfore I see not how should be suspected the councels of him whose cōdicions fortunes are so vnequal inferior to yours But there be reasons stirring you to this honorable expedicion which for the simplicity roundnes innocency they conteine will admitte no dowt for that in them are liberally concurrant all the groundes foundacions which inconsulting of enterprises merit chiefest consideracion that is to say the iustice of the cause the facilitie of the conquest the great frut of the victory it is manifest to all the world how resolute apparāt be the rights which the house of Aniovv to whom you are lawful inheritor hath to the realme of Naples how iust is the succession which this crowne pretendes to it by the yssues of Charles who first of the blood royall of Fraunce obteyned the same kingdom both with thauthoritie of the Pope and by his proper valour And it is no lesse easie to conquer it then the action is iust for who knowes not howe much the King of Naples is inferior in force authoritie and fortune to the most mightie King of all Christendom And no nation dowteth with what terrour and renowne the name of the french thundreth throughout the regions of the world neyther with what astonishment the brute of your armies keepeth other contreys in dread At no time did the inferior Dukes of Aniovv assaile the kingdom of Naples that they put it not in great hazard And it is to late to be forgotten how Iohn sonne of Rene had in his hand the victorie against Ferdinand now reigning if Pope Pius had not taken it from him but much more Francys Sforce who forbare as is well knowen to obey Levvys the xj your father If those small forces trained with thē so great fortunes what may be hoped for of the armies authoritie of so mighty a king all oportunities being increased and the difficulties obiected against Rene and Iohn diminished seeing the Princes of those estates which gaue impediments to their victories haue now vnitie confederacion with you in them be no small meanes to offend the kingdom of Naples for the Pope by lād by reason the territories of the church are frōtiers to Naples the Duke of Myllan by sea applying to you the cōmoditie seruice of Genes will be furtherers of your victorie with many helpes ▪ fauours and commodities besides these there is no potentacie or iurisdiction in Italy wil oppose against you for it can not be iudged of the Venetians that they will throwe them selues into expenses and daungers and much lesse depriue their estate of the amitie wherein so long time they haue bene interteyned with the kinges of Fraunce to preserue or protect Ferdinand an auncient
xxx yeres sacked cōfisked at sundry times many of the Barōs had heaped togither no smal treasor on the behalf of the king they considered that his capacitie was to green to susteine alone so heauy a burdē for the direction of warres estats the councel weake thexperiēce lesse assured of such as he beleued most in To these they added the want of mony wherof they estemed to neede a great quātity They wished that the deceits suttleties of thitaliās might be depely loked into assuring them selues that it could not be pleasing neither to others nor to Lodovvik Sforce him selfe A man confessed by all the Italians to be of litle faith that the kingdom of Naples should passe into the power of a king of Fraunce they iudged it harde to winne and lesse easie to keepe those thinges that should be wonne For that reason sayd they Levvys father to Charles a Prince in all his actions following more the truth then the apparance of thinges would neuer accept the hopes which were offered him of the matters of Italy and much lesse make reckoning of the rightes falne to him in the Realme of Naples No he saw in his iudgement that to send armies beyond the mounteynes was no other thing then to search enemies and daungers with the wast of infinite treasor and blood of the realme of Fraunce They held it necessary afore all thinges if this expedicion should proceede to reunite controuersies with the kinges borderers for that with Ferdinand king of Spayne was no want of occasions of quarrells and suspicions and with Maximilyan king of Romaines and Philip Archduke of Austrich his sonne not onely many hartburnings and ielousies but also displeasures and iniuries whose minds albeit could not be reconciled without condescending to some things hurtfull to the crowne of Fraunce yet neuertheles such reconcilements would be more by demonstracions then effects for say they if any ill accident happen to the kinges armie in Italy what accord can be so well assured which will hold them from inuading the realme of Fraunce seeing this is familiar with Princes to hold for suspected the greatnes and fortunes of their neighbours and are ouer nothing so watchfull as ouer oportunities and occasions And touching the king of England Henry the vij it was not to be dowted that the naturall hate of thenglish toward the french had not more force then the peace made with him two monthes before for that it is manifest that no one thing brought him more to the composicion then that the preparacions of the king of Romaines aūswered not the promises wherwith he had induced him to lay seege to Bollogne Of this nature were the reasōs alleaged by the great Lordes partly debated amongest them selues and partly disputed in the presence of the king The chiefest of those that iustified these arguments afore the king was one Iames Grauille Admiral of Fraunce whose greatnes albeit was somewhat diminished yet his authoritie suffered no alteracion for the auncient name and credit of his wisdom rouing liberally thorow all the realme of Fraunce But the kinges minde with a wonderful gredines was wholly inclined to the cōtrary aduise what with the greennes of his yeares aspiring nowe to xxij and by his vnstayed nature not yet experienced in th affayres of the world he was caried into a wonderfull ambicion to enlarge his imperie following an appetite of glorie founded rather vpon a light will and furie of youth then vpon maturitie of councel seeing that either by his proper nature or rather thexamples and admonishments of his parents he reapposed litle faith in his Lordes and Nobles of his realme And since he came forth of the tutorship and iurisdiction of Anne Duchesse of Burbon his sister he bare no more care to the councells of thadmirall nor to others that had bene great in the gouernment But gaue him selfe ouer to the directions of certeine men of base condicion trained vp almost alwaies in the seruice of his person of these such as had most fauour and place with him perswaded him greatly to embrace the enterprise being partly corrupted for the councells of Princes are often times mercenarie with the promises and presents of Lodovvykes Embassador by whom was not forgotten any diligence or art to draw the fauours of such as might doe most in this action They were partly pushed on by certeine hopes either to be raysed to estates in the kingdom of Naples or to obteyne of the Pope dignities and pensions in the Church The principall of all these was one Stephen de Vers borne in Languedock of base place but bredd vp of long time with the king in whose chamber he vsed to lye and by the kings creacion made Seneshall of Beucaire with this man did communicate one VVilliam Briconnet who of a marchaunt created first generall of Fraunce and after made Bishop of S. Malo had not onely the charge and administracion of the kings reuenue which the french cal superintendant of the finances but also hauing confederacie with Stephen had by his meanes a great entry into all th affayres of importance albeit he had no great insight in the pollicie and gouernment of matters of estate To the helpe of this enterprise were adioyned the perswasions of Autouell of S. Seuerin Prince of Salerne and of Vernaedin of the same familie Prince of Bysignan togither with many other Barons banished the Realme of Naples who being withdrawne many yeares before into Fraunce had continually solicited the king to that enterprise laying before his eyes the great calamitie or rather generall despaire of the whole kingdom and the factions and many followers which they promised them selues to haue in the same In this diuersitie of perswasions the deliberacion remained suspended for certein dayes others being not onely in dowt what to determine but also the kings will vauering and vncerteine for that some times inclining to his ambicion and glory and some times restrained with feares and daungers he would often be irresolute estsones turne to the contrary of that which he had afore determined But in the ende his first inclinacion togither with the cursed destinie of Italy being of more force thē any thing that could be sayd to the contrary the well gouerned and peasible councells of his Nobles were altogither reiected and communicating onely with the bishop of S. Malo and the Seneshall of Beucaire and partaking nothing with the assent priuitie of all others there was a conuencion made with Lodovvyks Embassador whose condicions albeit were holden secrete for many monthes yet this is the capitulacion and summe of them That king Charles either going in person into Italy or sending thether any armie for the conquest of Naples the Duke of Myllan was bound to giue him passage thorow his iurisdictions To send thether with his men fiue hundreth men at armes paied To suffer him to arme at Genes so many vessells as he will And to lend him before he departed
both with that glorie which becomes a yong king descēded by so long succession of so many kings and also aunswering thexpectacion which hetherunto you haue had of my meritts and vertues But because thinges can not be put to triall without committing the common patrimonie to desperat perill I am determined rather to giue place to fortune and keepe hidd my vertue then in striuing to lose the kingdom to be the causer of effectes contrary to those endes for the which I haue alwayes desired to be king Therefore with teares I giue you this councell that standing no more against the furie of the time you send with speed to make your accord with the french king And to thend you may be in better power to do it without stayne to your honors I absolue you willingly of the homage and othe which you made to me a few dayes past wherein I exhort you according to the necessitie of your fortune not to deferre your obedience humilitie and readines to receiue him as by that meanes to stay the course of your proper aduersities and helpe to moderat the naturall pride of that nation If at any tyme their barbarous customs and manners cause you to hate their rule and imperie and desire my returne I will remeyne in place apt to minister ayde to your will and be ready to offer vp my life for the redresse of your oppressions and harmes But if their gouernment content you this realme shall neuer receiue vexacion or trauell by me your well doing and benefit seruing as a perpetuall consolacion to my miseries and that so much the rather if I may knowe that there remayne in you any memorie that neither in the person of an eldest sonne to a king nor in the power of a king I haue done no wronge to any creature My thoughtes were neuer subiect to mocions of ambicion my mind neuer defiled with inclinacion to crueltie myne owne sinnes bring me not this affliction but by a diuine iustice I suffer for the wickednes of my parentes I am determined not to be the cause that either to preserue the realme or to recouer it any subiect of the same be oppressed No it is more sorow to me to lose the meane to make amendes for the transgressions of my parentes then to forgoe the royall dignitie and kingdom it selfe for albeit I shall be estranged from you and banished from my patrimonie yet I will not holde my selfe altogither wretched if to the memorie of these thinges you ioyne a stedfast beleefe that I would haue bene king rather like to old Alphonso my great grandfather then to Ferdinand or the last Alphonso It can not be that these wordes were deliuered without great compassion But albeit they wrought many sorowfull impressions in the hartes of the hearers yet it did nothing to the stay of the tumult so hatefull was the name of the two last kinges to the people and so sweete the desire of the french gouernment to the nobilitie he was no sooner retyred into the castel then the multitude began to sacke his pauilions and hales then pitched in the place which being an indignitie farre vnworthy his meritts and more then he could endure he returned with great courage to the place to driue them from the spoyle the maiestie and presence of a king being yet of such authoritie in a citie rebelled that the souldiers restrayning their furie euery one absteyned from pillage But assoone as he was returned to the castell and had set on fire and sonke most of the shippes in the hauen hauing no other way to depriue the ennemie of thē he began by tokens certeyne to dowt that the Lansknightes which were the gard of the castell contayning in number fiue hundred conspyred to take him prisoner And therefore the daunger being present he vsed this suddeine councell to giue them his wardropps goods and furnitures that were within the castell and whilest they were busie to deuide and share them he slipt out of the castell by the gate of succors deliuering first out of prison all those Barons that had bene restrayned by the crueltie of his father he mounted vppon the light gallies that attended him in the hauen accompanied with Dom Federyk and the olde Queene wife to his grand father who caried with her Iane her daughter And being followed with very fewe of his people he sayled into the yle of Yschia called by the auncients Enaria distant thirty myles from Naples On his way so long as his eyes were sedd with the prospect and sight of the kingdom he made many repeticions with a pitifull voyce of this verse of the Psalme that they vvatch in vayne vvhich keepe the citie if it be not kept by the Lord But finding now no more comfort of fortune then when he was amydd the daungers of Naples it fell to him to make tryall of his vertue in Yschia togither with an experience of thingratitude and infidelitie of such as rise vp against those wretched persons that are persecuted with fortune for the castell keeper of the place refusing to receiue him but with one man onely he fell vpon him with such furie that what by his agilitie and valour and the impression of a king and maiestie royall he brought immediately vnder his power both the castell and the keeper This aduersitie albeit was much inferior to the losse and priuacion of his kingdom yet it afflicted him no lesse then if the action had bene of higher moment for that in all miseries nothing more mitygates the perturbacions of the minde then to remember that the greatest mishapps are past as in sorowes it is a speciall comfort to know the vttermost But fortune is infinit in her afflictions and leaues no expectacion of remedie where a ruine is determined the same making good thexperience of the olde saying that to the man vnfortunat one ill neuer hapneth alone but when they begin to fall they thunder all at once After Ferdinand was gon out of Naples euery one gaue way as to a violent landflood to the onely name and renowme of the victors and that with such cowardnes that two hundred horsemen of M. Lignies went to Nole whether Virginio and the Count Petillane were retyred with fowre hundred men at armes and tooke them prisoners without resistance either they had confidence in the safe conduict that was graunted them or else their feares were no lesse then the others seing with out triall or show of valour they suffered them selues to be ledd captiues to the rock of Mondragon and all their companies to suffer pillage and spoyle In this meane while thEmbassadors whom the Neapolitanes had sent to present to the french king the keyes of the citie found him at Auerse from whence after he had accorded to them with great liberalities many priuileadges and exemptions he went to Naples and made his entrey the xxj of February he was receiued with generall reioysing on all sortes neither person kinde age condicion quallitie
be a succor for the recouering of that kingdom to Ferdinand of Aragon who with a great hope in the wills of the people labored to enter into Calabria That the Venetians at the same tyme with their armie by sea should assayle the sea coastes of the sayd kingdom That the Duke of Myllan to hinder succors that might come out of Fraunce should doe what he could to get the citie of Ast wherein was the Duke of Orleans with a very small strength That to the kings of Romaines and Spayne shoulde be contributed by the other confederats a certeine quantitie of money to th ende that either of them shoulde make warre vppon the realme of Fraunce with a puissant armie The confederats withall desiring that all Italy would be vnited in the same concorde of will made instance to the Florentyns and Duke of Ferrara to participat with this league But the Duke being delt withall afore the league was published refused to take armes against the french king and yet with an Italian suttlety he consented that Dom Alphonso his eldest sonne should take pay of the Duke of Myllan for clâ—men at armes with title of Liefetenant ouer all his companies But the cause of the Florentyns was otherwise hauing no lesse iust occasion to leaue the french king then allured to the confederacion with many great offers for that immediatly after the publicacion of the league Lodovvyk offered them in the name of all the confederats so that they would communicat in the league all their forces to resist the king if in his returne from Naples he would vexe them and to ioyne with them assoone as might be for the recouering of Pysa and Lyuorne And on thother side they sawe the kinge neither make reckoning of the promises he had giuen at Florence and much lesse had in the beginning restored them to the possession of their townes nor since the conquest of Naples redeliuered the castells of the same They sawe him make his fayth and othe inferior to the councells of those who fauoring the cause of the Pysans perswaded him that the Florentyns assoone as they were restored would vnite with the other Italians They saw also that notwithstanding the great summes of money other corrupcions which they had bestowed vpon the Cardinall S. Mallovv yet he resisted coldly such as incensed the king against them as one that would not for the loue of the Florentyns come to contencion with the greatones of the kinges court Aswell in these causes general as in matters more particular they found in the king by demonstracions manifest that to the violacion of his faith he had ioyned a careles estimacion of them their merits and amities in so much that one day their Embassadors complayning of the rebellion of Montpulcian and summoning him according to his bonde to compell them of Sienna to render it he aunswered in skorne what he had to doe if their subiectes rebelled because they were ill gouerned But all these notwithstanding the Florentyns framing their councells according to the termes and necessities of their affayres would not suffer disdayne to cary them against their propper profit esteeming it to agree best with their present fortune not to beare inclinacion to the requestes of the confederats aswell not to prouoke against them of new the armie of Fraunce in the kinges returne as for that they woulde yet expect and temporise and hope to haue restitucion of their places by such as kept them and lastly for that they reapposed litle in those promises knowing that they were hated of the Venetians for thimpediments which at sundry tymes they had giueÌ„ to their enterprises knowing manifestly that Lodovvyk aspired to the imperie of Pysa But nowe as all thinges earthly are subiect to their seasons of reuolucion and in mortall felicities can be no assurance nor perpetuitie So about these tymes the reputacion of the french began to diminish in the kingdom of Naples for that making their prosperities serue to their pleasures and gouerning thinges at aduenture they looked not to chase the ennemie out of these fewe places yet holden by them which they might easily haue done if they had followed their fortune They litle considered that armes doe litle aduaunce where pollicie is not concurrant and victory bringes a very short glorye where the gouernment is vnperfect But much more began they to decline in opinion affection and friendship for albeit the king expressed many honorable aspects and liberalities towards the people in graunting thorow out the realme so many priuileages and exempcions as they amounted to more then two hundreth thowsand duckatts by yeare yet other thinges were not redressed nor gouerned with that order and discression that apperteyned for that the king holding it an action inferior to his authoritie greatnes to heare the complaintes and sutes of men referred ouer the whole charge of th affayres to such as gouerned him selfe and they partly by incapacitie and partly by particular couetousnes confounded all thinges for the nobilitie were not embrased with that humanitie they looked for and much lesse had recompenses equall to their merits yea they founde many difficulties to enter into the chambers and audience of the king There was made no distinction of persons the merits and seruises of men were not considered but at aduenture The mindes of such as naturally were estraunged from the house of Aragon were not confirmed many delayes and difficulties were subborned touching the restitucion of the states and goods of those that were of the faction of Aniovv and of the other Barons that had bene banished by the olde Ferdinand fauors and graces were imparted to such as procured them by corrupcion meanes extraordinary from many they tooke without iustice or reason and to many they gaue without occasion or deseruing Almost all offices and dignities were transferred to the french in whom were also inuested to the great greefe of the naturall Lordes all the townes of the demayne such they call those that are wont to obey immediatly the king thinges so much the more greeuous by how much the king had promised there should be no alteracion of nature estate or possession of those gouernments The discontentment of these things was much increased by the insolencie and naturall arrogancie of the french aggrauated much by the facilitie of the victorie which caried them into those opinions and weenings that they estemed nothing of the whole Monarchie of Italy attributing that to their proper vertue and vallour which chaunced by their fortune and felicitie And these publike generall insolencies were made more intollerable by many priuat and inferior abuses as the armie being furried in many partes of the realme and the bandes dispersed more at aduenture then by discression liued in such vnbrideled incontinencie that those wiues and daughters that had escaped their dissolucion in the tyme of hostilitie were violently dishonored bearing the name of their hostes and friendes In so much as these doinges
and by them in their returne from that warre was dispersed and spredd thorow all Italy This disease either altogether newe or at least vnknowne in that age in our hemispheare otherwayes then in the most extreame and furthest partes was for certeyne yeares so horrible that it well deserueth mencion and monument as a calamitie greeuous lamentable for it appeared alwayes either in vile botches or buttons which oftentimes proued vlcers incurable or else they tormented the whole bodye with payne and aches in the ioyntes and sinewes And the Phisicions hauing no experience in maladies of that nature and therefore ignorant in the remedies proper and naturall applied oftentimes cures directly resisting and contrary which inflamed the infection to greater rage euen to the killing of many bodies of all ages and sexes Many became deformed with them and subiect almost to perpetuall torments yea some such as seemed to be deliuered of them returned eftsoones in short time to the same miserie But after the course of many yeares either the influence aboue being appeased which bredd them so horrible and raging or by long experience their proper remedies and cures being founde out the disease began to be lesse malicious chaunging it selfe into diuerse kindes of infirmitie differing from the first calamitie whereof truely the regions people of our times might iustly complayne if it hapned to them without their propper disorder seeing it is well approued by all those that haue diligently studied and obserued the proprieties of that euil that either neuer or very rarely it hapneth to any otherwayes then by contagious whoredom or immoderat incontinencie The french thinke it reasonable to acquite them of thignominie for that it is knowen since that such a disease was transported out of Spaine to Naples yet not proper or natural of that nation but brought thether from the yles which in those seasons began to be made familiar to our regions by the nauigacion of Christofer Colonus a Ganovvay In which yles by the fauor of nature are remedies ready to the cure of that ill by drinking onely of the iuice of a wodd most singular for many other worthy properties which growing plentifully in those places is a remedie no lesse easie then absolut and assured to thinhabitants there The ende of the second booke THE ARGVMENT OF THE THIRD BOOKE LODOWYK SFORCE keepeth not the treatie of peace The Venetians take the towne of Pysa into their protection The french king determineth to returne into Italy The king of Romaines beseegeth Lyuorne The Pope makes warre vppon the Vrsins The french King dyeth at Amboyse Frear Ierommo Sauonarolais hanged at Florence THE THIRD BOOKE OF THE historie and discoursse of Guicciardin BY the dishonorable returne of the frenche kinge ouer the Mountes proceeding notwithstanding more of indiscression and disorders then by pusillanimitie or weakenes of his armie wise men grew into hopes and iudgements that Italy after so many skourges and greeuous stormes of infelicities would now at last resume her libertie or at least be redeliuered of the insolent iurisdiction of the french wherein by so much more were worthy and notable the vertues actions of the Senat of Venice and Duke of Myllan by how much the taking armes with a wise and resolut councell were the onely lets that so goodly a part of the world fell not into the seruitude of straungers But as nothing can satisfie the couetousnes of man so if they had not bene caried with ambicious respectes touching their interests and desires particular nor to their propper infamie and common harmes had so corrupted the vniuersall benefitte and common weale of that region No man might haue dowted that Italy readdressed by their armies and councells and eftsoones repossessed of her auncient dignities and prerogatiues had not bene for long time assured against the importunities furies and violent inuasions of the prowde nations beyonde the Mountes But ambicion which would not suffer either of them to be contented with his lymitts was the cause not onely to returne vpon Italy new inuasions and troubles but also that they could not enioy the frute of the victorie which their fortune brought into their hands against those miserable remeynders of the frenche in the kingdome of Naples A victorie which the negligence vnwise councells of the king made of easie action to them for that the succors which he had leuyed at his departure out of Italy were either vtterly vaine or at least of so litle frute that they brought no comfort to his people his prouicions of nauigacion and the aydes promised by the Florentyns seruing also to like effect This is a rule in the nature of man that to him that is iniuried and can not haue iustice nothing is more sweete then the passion of reuenge euen so by howe much the remembrance of th offence is greene and freshe by so much stronger is the desire of reuenge in the mind greeued and so much lesse the trust or confidence in the partie that hath offended Lodovvyk Sforce consented not to the peace with the king with a sownd faith and meaning for that remembring the iniuries he had done him he thought it stoode not with his sewertie eftsoones to commit him selfe to the fidelitie of the king But the desire to recouer Nouaro deliuer his owne estate from thincommodities of the warre induced him to promise that which he had no desire to keepe following the kinges humor with wordes and keeping his intencions dissembled And it may be supposed that in the peace made with this semblance did participat the consent of the Senat of Venice willing to disburden their state without their infamie of the very huge and great expenses occupied vppon the warre of Nouaro But Lodovvyk to whom in actions of shift and conning nothing was more familiar then moderacion of wit because he would not in vnaduised sort breake the articles of the capitulacion but shadow his doings with some coller accomplished that which he could not deny to be in his power he deliuered ostages he sette at libertie the prisoners paying their raunsoms of his propper treasors he restored the vessells taken at Rapale he withdrew from Pysa Frecasse whom he could not dissemble to be in his pay lastly he put the castell of Genes into the handes of the Duke of Ferrare who went thether in person to receiue it But on thother side he left within Pysa Luke Maluezzo with many bandes of souldiers as though he were in the wages and payes of the Genovvayes he suffered that two carrakes which were armed at Genes went to Naples for the seruice of Ferdinand vsing this excuse that for that he had interteyned them afore the conclusion of the peace they of Genes woulde not consent that they should be denied to him he labored secretly that the Genovvays should not deliuer in their ostages to the king And that which was of greater consequence for the losse of the castells of Naples after the
rather to a power absolut then authoritie lymited or regulated for that besides that he had many yeares managed that dignitie with happy successe and besides his many excellent giftes graces of the minde he had so preuayled with singularitie of conning dealing that many Senators willingly opposed against such as in a name to be wise for long experience and for that they had obteyned supreme dignities were of greatest reputacion in that common weale linked to him and followed commonly his opinions rather in a manner of confederats and partakers then with that forme of grauitie integritie which duely is requisit in the office of Councellors He desirous to leaue with the increase of the state a worthy memorie of his name not putting any ende to his appetit after glorie and much lesse contented that during his rule the yle of Cypres failing the kinges of the house of Lusignian should be annexed to the Empire of Venice was importunat to embrase euery occasion to make great their estate In which inclinacion opposing him self against those who for the regard of Pysa councelled the contrary he showed with rounde discourse of wordes and reasons howe much it imported the Senat in vtilitie and conueniencie to haue Pysa how much it concerned them to represse by this meanes the arrogācie of the Florentyns who in the death of Phillipp Maria Visconte had made them lose thoccasion to be Lordes of the Duchie of Myllan of late in their action of loanes of money during the french warres had done more harme then any one of thother Potentats he declared that seldom are offered so goodly occasions what infamie to lose them and afterwardes what repentance would follow for not embrasing them That the condicions of Italy were not such that in the other Potentats was power of them selues to oppose against thenterprise and much lesse was their dowte that for this indignacion or feare they would haue recourse to the french king for that neither the Duke of Myllan hauing so highly offended him durst neuer eftsoones trust him neither such thoughtes moued the Pope And the king of Naples when he had recouered his kingdom would heare no more speaking of the french men Besides their entrie into Pysa albeit greeuous to others was not an accident so furious nor a perill so neare as in regard of that the other Potentats should runne rashly into those remedies which are vsed in the last dispaire no more then in sleight diseases the Phisicion makes no haste to giue stronge medicines esteeming that the patient hath time enough to take them That if in this weakenes and separacion of the other Italians they were fearfull to make reckoning of so goodly occasion it were an exspectacion vaine to tary to be able to doe it with more sewertie the other Potentats being returned into their former strēgths no lesse assured from the feare of them on thother side the Mountes That for a remedie of too great a feare they had to consider that all worldely actions were ordeyned to many perills But wise men knewe that there falles not alwayes in question all the ills that may happen for that either by the benefit of fortune or by aduenture many daungers are dissolued and many auoyded with industrie and helpe of the time And therefore it is no office in men deliberating vppon enterprises to confound as many affirme considering litle the proprietie of names and substance of thinges feare with discression and much lesse are to be reputed wise those sortes of people who making certeine all perills that are dowtfull and therefore haue feare of all doe rule their deliberacion as if they should all happen seeing in no manner can merit the name of wise or discreete such men as feare more then they ought thinges that are to fal That such title praise was farre more conuenient for men valiant and coragious for that looking into the state and nature of daungers and in that regard different from the rash sort in whom is no impression of sense or iudgement of perills they doe notwithstanding discouer how often men some time by aduenture and some times by vertue are deliuered from many difficulties So that those that in deliberating call not into councell aswell hope as feare doe most commonly iudge for certeine the euents that are vncerteine and reiect more easily then others occasions profitable and honorable In imitacion of whom and withall setting afore our eyes the weaknes and separacion of the other Potentats the great power and fortune of the common weale of Venice the magnanimitie and glorious examples of our elders we may embrase with a franke resolucion the protection of the Pysans by whose meane we may in short time see our selues absolut Lordes of that citie A ladder most conuenient to rayse vs to the Monarchie of all Italy Thus the Senat receiued the Pysans into protection by decree publike and speciall promise to defend their libertie which deliberacion was not in the beginning considered by the Duke of Myllan as was conuenient For by this meanes being excluded to enterteyne any bandes there he held it very acceptable to be deliuered of such expenses he esteemed it also not out of the way of his profit that Pysa at one time shoulde be thoccasion of great charges both to the Venetians and the Florentyns Lastly he perswaded him selfe that the Pysans for the greatnes and neighbourhood of his estate and for the memorie of thinges done by him for their deliuerie would be so dedicated to him that they would alwayes preferre him before all others He tooke delite to feede the humor of these deuises and deceitfull hopes with a perswacion wherewith litle remembring the ordinary inconstancie of humane thinges he nourished him selfe to haue as it were vnder his feete fortune whose sonne he would not stick with publike vaunting to say he was so much was he puffed vp with vayne glorie by the prosperous succeeding of his affayres and no lesseouerruled with singular weening for that by his meanes and his councells the french king first passed into Italy appropriating to him selfe the chasse giuen to Peter de medicis by the Florentyns with losse of his estate the rebellion of the Pysans and the fleing of thArragons from the realme of Naples And afterwards with a councel chaunged he was the cause by his deuises and authoritie of the confederacion of so many Potentats against the french king of the returne of Ferdinand into the kingdom of Naples of the departing of the french out of Italy with condicions vnworthy such a greatnes And lastly in the action of the Capteine who had in charge the citadell of Pysa wherein his industrie or his authoritie had more power then the wil commaundements of his king with which rules measuring thinges to come and iudging the wisedom and pollicie of all others to be farre inferior to the excellencie of his spirit he flattered him selfe to be alwayes able
contrey and led away almost lx thowsand head of cattell whereto Marian Sauella offering to make resistance and yssuing forth of Porcina they constrayned him to retyre with the losse of thirty men at armes This losse and shame procured Monsr Montpensier reassembling all his forces to march towardes Fogge for the recouery of the praye and honor lost where being fauored with a succor aboue his hopes or exspectation he encowntred betwene Nocere and Troye eyght hundreth launceknightes newly arriued by sea and entred into the pay of Ferdinand These launceknightes departing from Troye where they were incamped went to Fogge to ioyne with Ferdinand A iorney more vpon their owne braine and rashnes then by the kinges commaundement and altogether against the councell of Fabrice Colonne incamped likewise at Troye And albeit they saw by thextremitie of their perill and place that their fortune had left them no possibilitie of safetie either by fleing or by fighting yet they were obstinate and refused the libertie of the lawe of armes to be made prisonners but were killed euery creature of them exchaunginge their liues with a great deathe and slaughter of thennemie After this Montpensier presented him selfe before Fogge in aray of battell but Ferdinand not suffering others to goe out then light horsemen the french men went to incampe in the woode of Nicoronata where after they had remeyned two dayes with no small difficulties for vittels and hauing recouered the most part of the cattel they appeared eftsoones afore Fogge abiding there a whole night they returned the day following to S. Seuera but not with all the pray they had recouered for that in their retrait the light horsemen of Ferdinand tooke a great part from them In so much as the cattell being harried by the one and the other neither part drew any great profit of the reuenues of that tribute Not many dayes after the french men made weary with want of vittells went to Campobasso which was holden by them and tooke by force Coglionessa or Grigonessa A towne fast by where the Svvyzzers againste the will of the Capteines vsed such execucion and crueltie that albeit it brought great astonishment vpon the contrey yet it estraunged from them thaffections of many And Ferdinand laying to defende his estate aswell as he could whilest he yet exspected the Marquis of Mantua he reordeyned his bandes by the meane of sixteene thowsand duckatts which the Pope had sent him and with such other proporcions as he could leauy of him selfe About this time did ioyne with Montpensier the Svvyzzers and other footbands which were come by sea to Caietta as also on the other part the Marquis of Mantua now entred into the kingdom of Naples by the way of S. Germyn taking in his marching partly by force partely by composicion many places albeit of small importance about the beginning of Iune vnited his forces with the king at Nocere whether Caesar of Aragon led the bandes that had lyen vpon the borders of Tarenta And so by reason of the places the forces of both the factions being almost made neighbours the french more stronge in footemen and thItalians more mighty in horsemen the euent of thinges seemed very dowtfull being not possible to discerne to whether of the parties the victorie should incline In this meane while the french king made care for prouisions to reskew his people And vnderstanding of the losse of the castells of Naples and that his bands were not succored by the Florentyns neither with men nor money for that they had not restitucion of their fortresses seemed to draw to him a new spirit and awaking out of that slumber of negligence with the which he seemed to haue returned out of Fraunce he began eftsoones to turne his thoughtes to the actions of Italy wherein to be more at libertie from all thinges that might reteyne him and showing to acknowledge the benefits receiued in his daungers that he might with more cōfidēce haue recourse againe to the aydes celestial he takes a iorney in post to Tours after to Parys to satisfie to the vowes he made to S. Martyn S. Denys the day of the battell of Furnoua And returning from those places with the same diligence to Lyons he kindled more and more in those desires and thoughtes whereunto of his owne nature he was most inclined for he interpreted it as an action much to his reputacion and glorie to haue made a conquest of such a kingdom being the first of all the french kinges in whose person haue bene renewed in Italy these many worldes the memorie of the armies and victories of the french he made perswacion to him self that the difficulties which he encowntred in his return from Naples proceded more by his proper disorders then by the powers or vertue of thItalians whose name concerning the action of warre caried no reputacion with the french To his inclinacions to discēd eftsones into Italy were not a litle furthering thinticemēts of thEmbassadors of Florence of the Cardinall of S. Peter ad vincla and of Triuulce who was come to the Court for the same occasion with whom were assistant in that instance Vitellezze and Charles Vrsin together with the Count Montoire sent to his Maiestie in that negociacion by the Barons of Naples holding parte with the french as also there came to him at last by sea the Seneshall of Beaucaire by whom were declared many hopes of the victorie in case his Maiestie did not deferre to sende a sufficient succor as of the contrary to delay a releeffe so necessary were to abandon the kingdom and be giltie of the death of so many noble Capteines and souldiers To these were ioyned the fauorable perswacions of many the great Lordes of Fraunce euen such as afore had giuen councell against thenterprise of Italy they aduised the king to giue a new life to that expedicion to auoyd the dishonor that would fal vpon the crowne of Fraunce to lose by cowardisse that which they had conquered with so great felicitie and fortune but much more to preuent the spoyle of so great a part of the nobilitie as lay open to destruction in the realme of Naples Neither were these councells hindred by the emocions which the Kinge of the Spanishe made on the frontyer of Parpignian seeing the preparacions being greater in brute then in effect and the forces of that king more mighty to defend his proper realmes then meete for thinuasion of an other it was iudged sufficient to sende to Narbone and other townes vpon the frontyers of Spaine bandes of men at armes with conuenient companies of Svvyzzers So that in the presence of the councell of the kinge wherein were assembled all the Lordes and persons notable then at the Court it was determined that Tryuulce should returne to Ast with as much diligence as he could vnder the title of the kinges Lieftenant leading with him eyght hundreth launces two thowsand Svvyzzers and two thowsand Gascoyns That after
hundred men at armes and six thowsand footemen with some bandes of Lanceknights cōmaunded all the contrey of Cassentyn except a verie few places and eftsoones gaue a new life to the olde enterprise to take Poppy but their diligence was vnprofitable and the whole action in vaine By meanes whereof the Florentyns were compelled according to the proper intencion of the Venetians to call backe from the affaires of Pysa Pavvle Vitello with his bandes leauing sufficient garde in the places of importance and also in the bastillion of Laventura his comming into the contrey Casentyn caused to retire the Venetiās who were remoued to incamppe the same day about Pratto Vecchio and Fracasso being ioyned with him sent by the Duke of Myllan with fiue hundred men at armes fiue hundred footemen in fauor of the Florentyns he brought presently into harde tearmes and difficulties the state of thennemies who were dispersed into diuerse places both for thin cōmoditie of the contrey which was straite and narrow and also for that to th ende they might haue free entrey and going out of the contrey Casentyn they were compelled to kepe the wayes of Vernia Chiusa and Montalona places verie high vpon the Alpes By which meane being inclosed in that vallye in a season verie sharppe they were without all exspectacion of aduauncement either there or in any other place the Count Rinucce being within Aretze with two hundred men at armes And in the contrey Casentyn the enterprise of Poppy not succeding in the beginning the name of the Medicis bearing no further power or authoritie for that the spirites and affections of the men of the countrey were against them they had receiued many harmes of the Paisantes afore the comming of Vitello In which regard together with an assured intelligence of his comming and the marching of Fracasse they sent backe beyond the Alpes one parte of their cariage and artillerie drew them selues all together into one strength as the nature of the place woulde suffer Against whom Pavvle Vitelli determined to vse his costume which was to carie the victorie with more ease and sewertie to beare no regard neither to the longnes of time nor to great paines and trauell and much lesse to exspences esteeming it a better office in a generall to proceede with all necessarie prouisions then for a desire of glorie to make the victorie speedy to putte in perill the yssue of thinges and the whole armie in hazarde In so much as touching the contrey Casentyn his counsell was not to attempt suddeinly any action vppon the places moste strong but in the beginning to make the ennemie abandon the peeces most weake and to choake and cloase the wayes of the Alpes and the streytes of the contrey with bastillions gardes and intrenched wayes with other fortifications both to cutte of all succours and supplies and to take from them all meanes of mutuall aides and reskew from one place to an other hoping that this forme and manner of proceeding woulde in the ende breede occasions to oppresse them further besides that the great nombers that were within Bybyenna coulde not but consume both by the incommoditie of horsemen and want of vittells With this councells hauing recouered certeine places neere to Bybienna for their qualitie but of small importance but for their commodities very proper for his intencion with the which he looked in the ende to preuaile And wynning euery daye more and more he stripped euery daye many men at armes bestowed in diuerse peeces neere to Bybienna And to cutte of all wayes from the bandes of the Venetians assembling beyond the mountes to mynister reskew to their peoples he deuised to commaunde all the places about the mount la Vernia to intrench all the wayes thereaboutes In so much as many difficulties increasing to the ennemies together with necessities and want of vittells many of them refused the camppe who stealing awaye by soundry wayes fell euery day into chaunge of distresse and fortune sometimes vexed with troublesome passages and sometimes stripped by the paisantes oftentimes slaine by the soldiours These were the actions of armes betwene the Venetians and Florentyns Now in these times albeit th' Embassadors of Florence were departed from Venice without any hope of accorde yet was there holden at Ferrara a new practise of composicion moued by the Duke of Ferrara at the instaunce of the Venetians Amongest whom many of those which held the greatest authoritie in that Senat no lesse weary of the warre drawing with it increase of expenses and difficulties then now made voyde of all hopes to preuaile further in the contrey of Cassantyn desired to shake of the studies and trauells they suffred for the defense of Pisa the cares and charges of that warre being greater without comparison then the commodities or frutes of the seruice in which regard they were ready to omitte no occasion which might minister any honest cooller to be discharged of it But whilest the regions of Italy were in these afflictions for the quarrells of Pisa the new frenche King forgatte not to make preparacions to execute the conquest of Myllan the yeare next following Wherein he hoped to haue in his fauor and on his side the freindshippe of the Venetians who caried with an incredible hate against the Duke of Myllan helde straite negociacion with his maiestie No lesse did solicite with the King in no litle secrecy earnestnes the Pope who excluded from the alliance of Federyk and embrasing still the desire to the kingdom of Naples was wholly conuerted into the hopes of the Frenche by whose meanes he sought to obteine for his sonne the Cardinall of Valence Charilotta doughter to Federyk who was not yet maried but trained vp in the court of France Wherein the king nourrishing him with some tokens of hope for that he supposed the power ouer her mariage rested in his maiestie the Cardinall ioyning with the intencion of his father entred one morning into the consistorie and with an action in speeche and gesture farre from the office and modestie of his profession besought his father and the whole colleadge of Cardinalls that seeing he entred not into priesthood of his proper will and disposicion that they woulde make it lawfull to him to leaue the dignitie and the habitte to follow the exercise whereunto his destinie and inclinacion drew him This request being made easie in the Cardinalls by purchasse and corrupcions was not denied of his father whose authoritie going with the infected partialities of the Cardinalls made his demaunde lawfull and ratified it And so resuming the habite of a personne seculer he prepared speedely to go into Fraunce by whom the Pope sent this comfort and promise to the King to make it lawfull by thauthoritie apostolike to refuse his wyfe And the king for his part became bound to ayde him assoone as he had conquered the Duchie of Myllan to reduce into thobedience of the holy sea all the townes
to foresee whether the hurt in reuenging would not exceed the harmes already hapned by the trespasse committed a forme of dealing which caried not their affections affore their wisdomes but bridling the readines of nature they oftentymes found more securitie to dissemble an iniurie thē to reuenge it And albeit it can not bee denied that the iniuries done by Lodovvyk Sforce to our common weale are not many and great and offende much our dignitie yet by how much they are great and by their propertie offende our reputation by so much more belonges it to our wisdom to moderate our iust anger with maturitie of iudgement cōsideration of the publyke interest benefit for that for men to commaund ouer themselues and vanquishe their proper passions is so much the more cōmendable by how much lesse often it hapneth in vse by how much more iust are the occasiōs that kyndle that anger or any other humain affectiō And therfore my Lords it apparteineth to this Senat to the which is ascribed of al other nations the true partes of wisdō discression who not lōg since made profession to haue deliuered Italy frō the frēch it is our office I say to cōsider wel not only of thinfamy that wil rise if now through our occasiō they prepare their returne but also to loke carefully into the daūgers that may threatē vs if the duchie of Myllā fal into the power of the french King perils which if we can not consider of our selues let vs call to memory what feares were brought vppon vs by the conquest which the late King Charles made of Naples of whom we held not our selues assured but when wee conspired against him almost with all princes Christians But in true comparison there is great difference betweene the one daunger and the other for the late king naked almost of all the vertues of a King was a Prince more in shadowe and showe then in body and substance and as the kingdome of Naples so farre remoued from Fraunce helde his forces so deuided that they weakened more then strengthned his power so that conquest for the feare of their estates so neare neighbours to the realme of Naples procured him two great enemies the Pope the King of Spaine in whom touching the one are occupied for the present many diuers intencions and the other made weary with the things of Italy will make himselfe no partie without very great necessitie But the new King both for his proper vertue is to be feared and for his wise proceeding in this action to be doubted as also the estate of Myllan bordreth so neare Fraunce that in respect of commoditie to succour or reskew it there is no hope to dryue him backe but by setting all the world in a stir In so much that we being neighbours to so great a power shal be sure to be exercised in trauels and perplexeties both in peace and warre In tymes of peace subiect to expenses and suspicions and during the warres so intangled with daungers that we shall fynde many difficulties to make our owne defence And sure I can not but maruell much at him that hath reasoned affore me who on the one side makes no feare of a king of Fraunce being Lord ouer the Duchie of Myllan and on the other side holdes for terrible Lodovvyk Sforce a Prince for power much inferior to vs and with whom this hath bene alwayes a custome eyther with fearfulnes or couetousnes to put in daūger all his enterprises he alledged feare of succours which others might make to him as though it were easie in so great diuersitie of spirits wills in so general varietie of condicions to make such an vnitie or rather as if the absolute cōcord vnion of a great and strong power were not more to be feared then the power of many which as it hath diuers endes mocions so doth it bring forth actions diuerse and discordant he seemes to haue a confidence that in those who for hate and many other reasons desire our embasement would be found that wisdom to vanquish disdaines couetousnes which we finde not in our selues to reteine his ambicious thoughts Besides I know not why we may make promise that the ielousies and new and auncient disdaines against the french king aspiring to the conquest of Myllan may doe more on the behalfe of the king of Romains the Almain nation then the rooted and setled hatred which both they beare to vs by reason of so many townes which wee hold apperteining to thempire house of Austriche Neither can I see vppon what ground or discourse of reason the king of Romains will more willingly ioyne with vs against the french then take part with the french quarrell against vs No rather the vnion of the barbarous and perpetual enemies to the name of Thitalians carieth a more likelehood of truth and seemes more propper to make a praye for that being vnited with him he may rather hope to bee victorious ouer vs then ouer him if he were knit with him Besides these such were his actions during the league past and when he came into Italie that he left no reason why we should so muche desire to haue him eftsones reunited with vs I deny not but Lodovvyk hath done vs many iniuries but euen so it is farre from councell and wisdom for a passionat desire of reuenge to put in perill the whole estate of things And seeing tymes keepe their certeine measure and course and euery tyme is enhabled to his propper function it is neither shame nor ill policie to exspect those accidentes and occasions to reuenge which a common weale may very wel attend and tarie for No rather it is infamous and meriteth imputation to be caryed with affection and prefer the suggestion of disdaine affore thoportunitie of the tyme and in matters of state it is no small slaunder when rashenes and indiscression are accompanied with domage and generall harmes No man will say that for such reasons we were mooued to make an enterprise so rashe but all the world will iudge that the desire to haue Cremona hath pushed vs forward the same giuing cause of question to euery one what is become of the auncient wisdom and grauitie of this Senat And iustly may all the world maruell that we are falne into the same rashenes to be guides to the french king into Italie into the which our selues wondred so much that Lodovvyk Sforce ranne so far Great is the profit of Cremona and the place very conuenient for many respectes But we ought to cōsider whether it be not a greater losse to haue a king of Fraunce Lord of the state of Millan yea we ought to consider whether our greatnes and reputation be stronger in Italie when of our selues we are chiefest and most absolute there or when there is in the hart of the same region a prince so mightie and so neare our neighbour we haue occupied at other tymes with
Lodovvyk both disagreementes and frendships as eftsoones may happen dayly betweene him and vs neyther is the difficultie of Pisa such but there may bee applied some remedie and much lesse doth it deserue that for it we make vs subiect to so great daungers But hauing the french to our neighbours we shal be alwayes trauelled in discordes for that occasions will daily aryse in the diuersitie of our owne myndes in the haughtie pride of the french nation in the hatred wherein princes do alwayes pursue common weales and in the ambicion which the most mightie haue to oppresse the most feeble and weake for which regarde not only the respect of Cremona can not allure me but it doeth euen astonish me for that in it is aggrauated the occasion to the french king to vexe vs which wil be so much the more set forward by those of Myllan by how much lesse they can suffer Cremona to be dismembred from the Duchie And the same occasion will also stirre vp the Iermain nation and the king of Romaines for that Cremona and Guiaradadda be also members of the iurisdiction of the empire At the least our ambicion would not be so much blamed and we should not search with new conquests to get vs euery daye new enemies and to make vs suspected to euery one By reason whereof it must needes come to passe in the ende that either we must be souereigne and maisters ouer all or skourged and beaten of all which of these two is soonest to happen it is easie to consider by such as take not pleasure to beguile themselues The wisdome and grauitie of this Senat by how muche it is knowne and published throughout Italy and all the world by so much more would the action be infamous and slaunderous to defile our doings with a deliberation so rashe and daungerous seeing to be caried with passion against our proper profit is nothing els but lightnes and to esteeme more daungers that be litle then such as be great can not but holde of folly and indiscression which two things being directly contrary to the wisdome and grauitie of this Senat I hope you will set downe a resolucion so moderat well aduised as both your reputation shal be preserued and your custome not broken This councell albeit was susteyned with so many mightie reasons and fauored of many of the principall and most wise of the Senat was not for all that of such force but that the contrary aduise caried the resolucion aswell for respect of hatred as for desire to beare rule two things which leade men easilie to daungerous deliberations for in the hatred which euery one had conceiued against Lodovvyk was neyther measure nor limit and no lesse was the desire to adioyne to the iurisdiction of Venice the citie of Cremona with all the countrey about it and all Guiaradadda an enlardgement of no small value for that it yelded yearely a reuenue of a hundred thousand Duckatts but more to be esteemed for his oportunitie for that embrasing by this encreasement almost all the riuer of Oglia they stretched out their lymits euen to Pavv they amplified also their iurisdiction along the ryuer of Adda and approching within fifteene myles of the citie of Myllan and somewhat nearer the cities of Plaisance and Parma it seemed in their coniectures that they had the way opened to occupie all the Duchie of Myllan as often as the French King was either caried with new thoughts or troubled with great impediments on the other side the Mountes which they hoped woulde happen within short tyme both for the nature of the Frenchmen who are more apt to get then hable to keepe also for that their common weale is perpetuall where in the kingdome of Fraunce it often hapneth by the death of kinges that thinges diuolue to alteration and gouernments and counselles chaunge They brought also into consideration the difficulties of the french to continue the amities and goodwills of their subiectes no lesse for the generall diuersitie of blud then for the difference of the french manners from the customes of Thitalians So that that sentence eftsones cōfirmed by the voices of the greatest nūber they sent to their Embassadors resident with the King to conclude the confederation vppon the offers they made not speaking in any respect of the affaires of Pisa This exception of Pisa did not a litle trouble the King for that he hoped by thoportunitie of that deputacion to vnite the Venetians and Florentyns with him And knowing that the Venetians were inclined to withdrawe themselues by composition from the defence of Pisa he helde it but reasonable that in that action they shoulde rather haue regard to him to make easie thenterprise of Myllan as a thing nourishing common benefit to them both then that hauing better conditions in the composicion to be the causers that the Florentyns should remayne ioyned with Lodovvyk Sforce by whose meane the king knowing that the Negociacion continued at Ferrara was in no litle doubt that he should not haue on his side eyther the Florentyns or the Venetians if Lodovvyk had power to bring the conference of Ferrara to a good conclusion And so the king wauering in many varieties and fancies of mynde and iudging that to be a resolucion both vaine ill aduised which should leaue in neutralitie and doubt both the one and other common weale and lastly being moued not a litle with the distrust which they expressed to haue against him he began to incline rather to conclude the peace which continually was solicited with the king of Romains bearing this condicion that it should be lawful to the one to make warre vppon Lodovvyk Sforce and to the other to vexe the Venetians In which disposition of mynd he made aunswere by the deputies which debated in his name with Thembassadors of Venice that he refused to accord with them if for their parts they gaue not perfection to the deputation of Pisa wherein he had solicited them before And in his owne person he assured the Florentine Embassadors that he would neuer make other agreement with the Venetians But the Duke Valentinois and the Agents of the Pope with the Cardinall of S. P. advincla Tryvulce and the other Italians to whom apperteyned many particular respectes and intrests touching this warre would not suffer him to remayne constant in that deuise They perswaded him with many and great reasons that waighing with the power of the Venetians the oportunities they had to annoy the Duke of Myllan his maiestie coulde not followe a councell more hurtfull then to suffer himself to be depriued of their ayde and succors for feare to leese the fauor of the Florentyns from whom by reason of their owne troubles and that they were far remoued from the Duchie of Myllan could bee drawne no great profit or commoditie to his purposes Besides in that action the occasion would be made easie to Lodovvyk not only to forsake the fauors of the Florentyns
comofrte not to consider what they haue suffred but to remember that no worse can happen Euen so king Federyk making the extremest reckoning of his aduersities was resolued bearing a setled hate to the king of Spaine to recommit him selfe wholly to the honor and clemencie of the french king to whom he sent to demaund safeconduit and hauing obteined it he left all the residue in the rocke of Yschia where remeined also Prosper and Fabricio Colonne And the Yle remeyning as it did before vnder the gouernment of the Marquis of Guast and the Countesse of Francqueuille after he had sent parte of his people to the defence of Tarenta he went into Fraunce with fyue Gallies A councel euil taken sauing that men in aduersitie haue no libertie of election for that if he had bene in a place of libertie seeing to what tearmes the warres grew afterwardes betweene those two kinges he might happly haue bene holpen with many occasions afterwardes to returne into his kingdom But choosing rather to sit downe with the sweete fruites of a quietlyfe then to followe the bitter trauels of a kingdome broken his fortune brought him to this humilitie to accept suche condicions as were offred him by the king who gaue him to th ende he might remeyne in Fraunce the Duchie of Aniovv with so liberall a pension that it mounted euery yeare to thirtie thousand Duckats At his departure he sent order to those in whose confidence he had left the gouernment of Yschia that they should deliuer it vp to the french king and showing no lesse readines to render it then they were vnhable to keepe it he tolde them that the way to deffye their fortune was not to giue her leaue to exercise her malice to their vttermost ruine Consaluo was marched at the same time into Calabria where albeit was a generall inclinacion and desire to liue rather vnder the rule and Lordship of the french yet their aduersities ouerruling their disposicions he founde almost no resistance but with affections compelled was receiued into euery towne except Manfredonia and Tarenta But the destinie of the countrey running with his fortune after he had forced Manfredonia and the Castle he incamped with his armie in the confines of Tarenta where albeit he found greatest difficulties yet in the ende he had it by accord for that the Count Potenso to whose guarde the young Duke of Calabria had bene recommended by his father and freare Leonard of Naples Knight of Rodes and gouernor of Tarenta seeing no hope or possibilitie of further defence compounded to giue vp the Citie and Castle if within foure monethes they were not succoured In which composicion they receiued of him a solemne othe vppon the sacrament that he would leaue in libertie the Duke of Calabria who had secret commaundement from his father to come to him into Fraunce when he could no more resist his fortune But neither the feare of God nor regarde to his honor had more force then thinterest of thestate For Consaluo iudging what a matter of importance it wold bee in tyme to come if the person of the Duke were not in the power of the King of Spanie Thinking it lesse sinne to dispense with his othe then to lose that oportunitie would not suffer him to depart but assoone as he could sent him well accompanied into Spaine where the king receiued him and reteyned him neare about him in high familiaritie and honors due to his greatnes In these seasons thaffaires of the Pope proceeded with a prosperitie accustomed for that he had easely got all the estates which the Colonnoys and Sauelles held in the confines of Rome of the which he disposed one part to the Vrsins And the Duke Valentynois continuing his enterprise against Plombyn sent thether Vitellozze and Iohn Pavvle Baillon with new regiments For whose comming and the ill disposicion of his buisines Iacques Appyan the naturall Lord leauing the towne and Castle manned with Garrisons according to his fortune went with speede into Fraunce to see if he might obteine of the king who long affore had receiued him into his protection that for the regard of his owne honor he would not suffer him to perishe The king without couering his infamie by art answered him roundly that hauing promised the Pope not to oppose against him he could not minister to his distresse without doing wrong to the league sworne But as nothing is more swift then aduersitie which keepes his course by the violent mocion that dryues him So whilest the miserable Lord of Plombyn was in vaine soliciting for succours Pandolfe Petrucci rendered the towne to the Duke of Valentynois and within fewe dayes after the Castle his industrie no lesse thē his fortune turning all things to his discōfort In this course of the Popes selicities he maried his daughter Lucrecia wyfe affore to three husbands and now wydow by the death of Gismon Prince of Viselle bastard sonne to Alphonso king of Naples whom the Duke Valentynois had slaine to Alphonso eldest sonne to Hercules D'este with a porcion of an hundred thousande Duckattes in readie money and many other giftes of great value To this mariage so vnwoorthie for the house of Este which was wont to seeke societie with the famulies most noble Hercules and Alphonso consented partly for that the french king desiring to satisfie the Pope in all thinges was an importunate procurer of it but chiefly they thought by this meane if against so great a disloialtie there be any suertie sufficient to assure them selues of the armes and ambicion of the Duke Valentynois who bearing a great power by the treasor and authoritie of the sea Apostolike ioyned to the fauours which the french king bare him was the only man that was feared throughout the greatest parte of Italy euery one knowing that his ambicion was infinit and his couetousnes without limit The French king continued with great diligence the negociacion of peace with Maxymilian Caesar not only for the hopes he had to shake of by that meane exspences and suspicions and to obteine of him thinuestiture of the Duchie of Myllan which he desired much But also to haue oportunitie to offend the Venetians as being persuaded that his prosperities were greeuous to them and with all nourishing this opinion that they laboured secretly to breake the peace betweene Caesar and him But that which most stirred him to this inclinacion was a couetous desire as well for him selfe as at the persuacions of the Myllanois to recouer Cremona Guiaradadda townes which him self had accorded to them a litle before And also to get again Bresse Bergame and Creme auncient appurtenaunces of the Duchie of Myllan and lately possessed by the Venetians in the warres which they had with Phillippe Maria Viscounte To debate these thinges to better effect and to ordeine the prouisions necessarie for thexpedicion of Naples he had long tyme before sent to Myllan the Cardinal of Amboyse the tongue authoritie of whom
Maxymilian Difficulties which seemed to the king so much the more great and desperate by howe much he was out of all hope at that tyme to accord with the king of Spaine For albeit the french king had made mocions to haue Federyk restored to the kingdome of Naples for which occasion he offred to bring him with him into Italy and that the negociation still continued to establishe a truce for a tyme euery one reteining that he possessed Yet both in the one and other practise there concurred so many obiections and impediments that the french king with malencolly moodes miscontentmeÌ„ts tooke occasion to dismisse from his Court the Spanish Embassadors The Pope ioyning him self to these occasions and no lesse he then the Duke Valentynois watching the aduauntages of tymes and accidents had sent eftsoones to his maiestie one Troccio Chamberleyne to the Pope and of his secret credence promising to ayde him with all their power in the warre of Naples In which respectes he determined to recontinue in the amitie of the Pope And therefore vppon the returne of Troccio to Rome the Duke Valentynois following the answere he brought went secretly in poste to finde the king arryued then at Myllan of whom contrary to the common exspectation and no lesse to the displeasure of euery one in perticular he was welcommed with honors and demonstrations farre greater then was the kinges custome The king vppon reconcilement with the Duke holding it now no more necessarie to keepe his armie in Tuskane sent a countermaund to haue them come into Lombardy hauing affore receiued into his protection the Siennois Pandolfe Petrucci with condition to paie him fortie thousande Duckats at dayes limited After these chaunges and contracts of amities the stirres of Maxymilian began to growe colde and dissolue insomuch as the kings thoughtes had now no other exercise then to deuise vppon the things of Naples which if till then seemed to haue succeeded happely to him he norished for tyme to come hopes of greater prosperitie For he was no sooner comen into Italy then he dispatched thether by sea two thousand Svvyssers and more then two thousande Gascoins who ioyning to the strength of the Viceroy occupying alreadie all Capitinat except Manfredonia and S. Ange encamped before Canosa which Peter of Nauarre kept with six hundred Spaniardes Who after he had made a valiant resistance for many dayes and receiuing direction from Consaluo not to abide thextremitie of daungers for feare to lose so many well trained and resolute bodies rendred the towne to the french their goods liues saued By reason of this accident and the Spanyardes holding now no more place neither in Povvylla Calabria nor Capitinat except besides the peeces affore named Barletta Andria Galipoli Tarente Cosenze Quierace Seminare and a fewe others by the sea and being farre inferior in strength and numbers Consaluo retired with th armie to Barletto without money with skarcetie of vittels and with no lesse want of munitions aduersities intollerable to an armie But touching the last want he was somewhat recomforted by a secret coÌ„sent of the Venetians who did not restraine him to buy at Venice a great quantitie of saltpeter The french king making this suffrance an occasion of complaint against the Senat was answered that it was an action without their knowledge done only by certeine marchauntes perticular and that at Venice which is a Citie free it was neuer defended to any to exercise their negociation and traâ—fyke for marchandise When Canosa was takeÌ„ the french Capteins debating the present difficulties but chiefly that for want of water the whole armie could not continue incamped about Barlette an opinion meinteined against the councelles and protestations of Monsr D'aubigny determined that one parte of their people which they sayde were in number a thousande and two hundred Launces and ten thousande footemen of all natures should remeine still to continue a forme of a seege about the confines of Barlette and the other part should be emploied to recouer the residue of the realme A deliberation in the coniectures of wise men which ioyned to the ordinary negligence of the frenche nation brought great huâ—t to their enterprise The Viceroy immediatly vppon this resolution made him selfe Lorde of all Povvylla except Tarenta Otrante and Galipoly After which successe he returned to the seege of Barlette Monsr D'aubigny at the same tyme communicating in the fortune of the others entring into Calabria with the other parte of th armie sacked the Citie of Cosenze the Rocke remeining still in the power of the Spanishe Who being all drawne into one strength that were in that prouince and ioyning the other bandes that were comen from Cicilia were afterwardes broken by M. D'aubigny in one encounter These prosperities being all hapned or vppon the point to succeede whilest the french king was in Italy made him not only negligent in the continuation of necessarie prouicions by the benefite whereof he might easely haue chased the enemies out of the whole kingdome but also brought him into this opinion of securitie that he had no doubt to returne into Fraunce and that so much the more by howe much he hoped to obteine which hope was not in vaine a long prorogation of truce with the king of Romains But at his departure out of Italy men beganne to discerne to their great maruell what had bene treated vppon with the Duke Valentynois whom accepting his iustification touching the action of Aretze he had not only receiued againe into grace but also in recompense of the othe and promise made by the Pope and him to ayde his maiestie in the warre of Naples when need should be He had for his part giuen them promise to support the Duke with three hundred Launces to conquer Bollonia in the name of the Church and to oppresse Iohn Pà vvle Baillon and Vitellozze Hee was drawne to beare suche immoderate fauours to the greatnes of the Pope either for the ill aduised opinion he had to make him his whole and true friend by so great benefites which woulde bee a meane that not one durst offer to attempt any thing against him in Italy Or els for that he did not so much assure him selfe of his friendship as he feared his ill will To these respects were adioyned the perticular disdaine which he bare against Iohn Pavvle Vitellozze and the Vrsins for that they made no reckoning of thauthoritie of his commaundements to forbeare to offende the Florentyns And Vitellozze in perticular had refused to restore the artilleries he tooke at Aretze and also to come to the kinges presence hauing obteined safe conduit for his safetie Besides all these the king helde it a thing not vnprofitable to the course of his affaires to hold Thitalian Capteins oppressed beginning to feare least they and the Vrsins In mercenorie souldiours constancie is the least vertue might in the ende embrase the faction of the Spanishe king and enter into his paie The Duke
other gentlemen of marke in whom the maner of their death was no lesse lamentable then their fortune ouer besides that which by imputatiō may be imposed vpō the French captains for their disagrement negligent gouerument as also that that may be obiected to the iniury of the time that neither the French nor Svvizzers are not comparatiue with the Spaniards either with resolution of mind to temporise or expect or with their bodies to sustaine the trauels and incommodities that a warre draweth with it There are principally considered two things whiche hindered the Frenche king that he remained not victorious the one was the long aboade that th armie made vppon the territories of Rome for the Popes death the same beeing the cause that wynter came vppon them and that the Vrsins were practised withall by Consaluo afore they coulde enter into the kingdome where if they coulde haue made their entrie whilest the tyme was tollerable Consaluo farre inferiour to them in forces and not fauoured with thoportunitie and rigor of the time had bene constrayned to abandon the greatest part of the kingdome to seeke out the strong places for his succor or els suffer the authoritie of an enemie farre more mightie then him selfe The other consideration was the couetousnes of the officers treasorers who beguyling the king in the payes of the souldiers and lesse trustie in the prouision of vittayles furniments for the seruice made their thefts and negligences the principall cause of the diminution of that armie since the king had expressed such a prouision and care for all things necessarie that it is certayne by good credible testimonie that at the vnhappie time when the frenchmen were ouerthrowen there were within Rome by the kings direction great quantities of siluer and other releefes for warre but so violent was the destinie that ranne to the desolation and ruine of that armie that albeit at the laste after many complayntes of the Captaynes and the whole multitude of souldiours there was leauyed an abundant prouision of vittels yet they suffered suche a penurie and scarsity in the beginning that that disorder ioyned to the other discommodities was the breeder of infinite diseases of the absenting of many of the murmuring of many and that many seeing their fidelitie could finde no refuge in the armie sought their safetie in places thereabout matters which in the ende brought foorth the absolute ruine of so braue an armie for as for the nourishing of the body it is not ynough that the head be well disposed but it is also necessarie that the other members do their office euen so it sufficeth not that the Prince do his duetie if withall the diligence and vertue which ought to be in his ministers haue not equall action the one beeing necessarie to the other as the direction of the head and brayne of man auayleth little without the execution of the other inferior members to whom suche ministration is appoynted The selfe same yere wherin so great mutations hapned in Italie was made a peace betwene the Turke Baiazet Ottoman and the Venetians which both parties embrased with great affection for the Turke in whom was expressed a spirit of mekenes and disposed to learning and studie of the Scriptures of his religion had by the working of his owne inclination a nature farre estraunged from armes by reason whereof notwithstanding he had begonne the warre with great preparations both by sea and lande and occupied in Morea the two former yeares Naupanto nowe called Lepanto Modono Corono and Iunquo yet he folowed not nor continued the warres with so great affection beeing withdrawen eyther by the desire he had to tranquilitie and rest or at least by a suspicion of hys proper daunger least for religion sake the Princes of Christendome should drawe into conspiracie agaynst him for both Pope Alexander had sent certayne galliots to the succours of the Venetians and with money had also stirred vp Launcelot king of Bohemia and Hungaria to make warre vpon the Turkes frontiers the Frenche and Spanishe kinges sending but not at one tyme their seuerall armies to ioyne with the power of the Venetians But this peace was embraced by the state of Venice with a greater desire for that by thiniquitie of the warres and that to the common detriment of the Citie and perticuler losse to euery one in priuate the traffike of marchandise which they made in diuers regions of the Leuant was discontinued the Citie also of Venice whiche euery yeere was wonte to haue from certayne prouinces of the Turkes certayne quantities of corne did suffer many necessities for the depriuation of that reliefe And lastly where they had wont to amplifie their iurisdiction by the warres which they haue managed with other princes they feared nothing so muche as the power of the Turkes of whom they had bene alwayes beaten as often as they had had warres together for Amurathus grandfather to Baiazet had occupied the towne of Thessalonica nowe called Salonica parcell of the dominions of Venice And after him Mahomet his father mainteyning continuall warre agaynst him for sixteene yeres tooke from them the yle of Negroponto a great part of Peleponesso now named Morea Scutaro with many other towns in Macedonia Albania In so much as both for that they supported the war agaynst the Turks with right great difficulties and expences hauing no hope to breede any profite by them and also by how muche they doubted at the same time to be distressed by inuasion of other Christian princes the time beeing full of conspiracies by so muche was it reasonable that they desired to be at tranquilitie with the Turkishe regions It was suffered to Baiazet by the conditions of the peace to reteyne still all that he had occupied and the Venetians reseruing onely the I le of Cesalonia aunciently called Leucado were compelled to yeelde to him the proprietie of Nerita nowe named S. Mavvra But the warre of the Turkes brought not so many displeasures to the Venetians as they receyued harmes by the king of Portugall who had taken from them and appropriated to him selfe the traffike of spices whiche the Marchantes and shippes bringing out of Alexandria a noble Citie in Egypt to Venice they sent dispersed with a wonderfull profite through all the prouinces in Chrystendome The whiche alteration beeing a thing of the most merite and memorie of all others that haue hapned in the worlde since many ages and for the harmes which the Citie of Venice receyued by it hauing some affinitie with the matters of Italie it can not much alter the estate of our historie to speake somewhat of it at large Such men of spirite and science as by depe speculation and contemplation haue considered the wonderfull motions and dispositions of the heauen and haue left the knowledge thereof recommended to succession and posteritie haue figured a line running through the round circle of the heauen frō the west to the East and bearing an
place to the will of the greater parte And therefore there were present directions to make prouisions with a celeritie incredible euery one hauing desire to preuent no lesse th expected succours of the great Capteine then the daungers of the reynie seasons in so muche as the sixt day of September the armie approched the walles of Pisa with six hundred men at armes seuen thousande footemen and sixteene Canons with many other Artilleries of execution the campe beeing pitched betwene Santa Croce and San Michele in the selfe same place wherin the Frenchmen had encamped before And as the artilleries were sodenly planted in the night so they battered the day folowing in great furie all that was betweene the gate di Calci and the turret of S. Frauncis where the walles make within an angle and hauing from the sonne rysing when thartillerie beganne to playe tyll the xxj howre brought to the earth more then thirtie fadomes of wall there was enterteyned where the ruine was moste a hotte skirmishe but to very little profite for that there was not throwen downe so great a quantitie and space of wall as had beene necessarie in a towne where the men presented them selues to the defence with their auncient valour and hardynesse therefore the morning followng to th ende to make a greater opening of the wall they beganne another batterie in a place a little remoued that place of the wall which aforetymes had bene battred by the Frenche remeining betweene the one and other battrie and after they had caste downe so muche of the wall as was thought sufficient Hercules sought to aduance the footbands which were in battell to giue a rough assalt both to the one and other breach where the Pisans trauelling according to their customes the women no lesse venterous then the men resolute had during the batterie drawne a rampier with a ditche afore But there was not in Thitalian footebandes whiche had bene leauyed in haste neyther that action nor that spirite that was to force suche a resistaunce for that ensigne of footemen to whome by lotte apperteyned the firste assalte beginning to refuse through cowardise to go to the walles neyther thauthoritie of the Capteine nor presence of the superintendent of Florence neyther the regarde of their proper honour nor the honour common of the men of seruice of Italie were sufficient to vanquishe their feare nor to shewe valour in an action so muche importing thexample of whome finding imitation and place in the residue that shoulde haue followed them all the regimentes retyred to their lodginges hauing done no other thing then by leauing thinfanterie of Italie infamous through all Europe defyled the felicitie of the victorie obteined agaynst Aluiano and defaced the reputation of the Capteine and Campemaster whiche was greate on the behalfe of the Florentins if content with the glory they had gotten they coulde haue moderated their proper fortune When the souldiours were once retyred to their lodgings there was made no more doubt to leauie the campe chiefly for that the same day six hundred Spanishe footemen of those that were at Plombin were entred Pisa by direction from the great Capteine So that the day following the Florentine armie retyred to Cascina drawing with them more dishonour then eyther prayse or profite prouing in them selues that auncient tradition of the elders that follie and rashnes haue no societie with wisedome nor fortune or aduenture any communitie with good counsell since all those things are referred to a doubtfull issue that are done by will and not by reason Within fewe dayes after there entred into Pisa fifteene hundred spanish footmen who because the seruice had no necessitie of them after they had in vayne giuen an assault to the towne of Bientina at the incitation of the Pisans continued their nauigation into Spayne whither they were sent by the great Capteine for that the peace was already established betweene the Frenche king and Ferdinand king of Spayne to the which all difficulties that earst hindred it beeing nowe remoued as both the regarde of the honour of the Frenche king and the feare to make tharchduke his enemie the death of the Queene of Spayne had giuen perfection for that both the French king enuying muche suche a greatnesse of tharchduke desyred to disappoynt his purposes And also the king of Spayne beeing aduertised that tharchduke disdayning the last will of his mother in lawe had determined to take from him the gouernment of the kingdome of Castilla was constrayned to make his stay vppon newe alliaunces for this cause the mariage was agreed vpon betweene him and Lady Germana de Foix sisters daughter to the French king with condition that the king shoulde giue her in dowry that part of the kingdome of Naples that apperteined to him the king of Spayne bynding him selfe to paye him within ten yeeres seuen hundred thousande duckets in recompence of expences and to indue the newe maried Lady with three hundred thousande duckets This mariage beeing ratified and accompanied with the peace it was agreed that the barons of the faction of Aniovv and all suche as had followed the Frenche parte should be restored without any payment into their libertie countrie estates dignities and goods and reestablished in the same condition and degree that they were in the day that the warres beganne betweene the Frenche and Spanishe whiche they accompt to be the day that the Frenchemen ranne to Tripaldo That all confiscations made by the king of Spayne and by king Federik should be holden for cancelled and voyde That the prince of Rossana the Marquis of Bitonto and of Gesualdo Alphonso and Honorio of S. Seuerin with all the other barons which were prisoners to the Spanish in the kingdome of Naples should be deliuered That the French king should no more intitle him selfe king of Ierusalem and Naples That the homages and fealties of the barons should be made according to the conuentions aforesayde and that in the same maner thinuestiture should be demaunded of the Pope That in case the Queene Germana shoulde dye in mariage without issue her part of dowrie shoulde be transferred to Ferdinand but if he dyed first it shoulde reuert to the crowne of Fraunce That king Ferdinand should be bounde to ayde Gaston Earle of Foix and brother to his newe wife to conquere the kingdome of Nauarre which he pretended to apperteyne to him which was possessed with a title royal by Katthern de Foix by Iohn her husband sonne to Monsr d'Albert That the French king should constraine the widow of king Federik with her two children that were with him to go into Spayne where should be assigned to her a competent portion to liue And if she refused to depart then the king should commaund her to issue out of his realme without making any further allowance to her or to her children by way of pention or other meane to releeue them That neyther one of the parties should enterprise any thing
The ende of the seuenth booke THE ARGVMENT OF THE EIGHT BOOKE MOST of the Princes of Christendome dravve into league at Cambray against the Venetians vvho being ouerthrovven by the Frenche king render the tovvnes of the Churche and make submission to the king of Romains Pisa returneth to the obedience of the Florentins The Venetians recouer the tovvne of Padua vvhich is soone after besieged by Casar Aftervvardes they make vvarre to the Duke of Ferrara The Pope giues them absolution of the Church censures THE EIGHT BOOKE OF THE historie and discourse of Guicciardin THE diuisions of Italie were not so tractable as that they could be reconciled with little labour nor the infirmities of the countrey so easie and priuate as that they stoode subiect to be readdressed or recured with light medicines But as it often hapneth that in bodies replenished with humors corrupt the remedie that is applied to repurge the maladie of one parte engendreth more daungerous infections euen so the truce made betweene the king of Romains and the Venetians in place of the vniuersall expectation of tranquillitie brought foorth to the Potentates and Communalties of Italie infinite calamities and cruelties of warre farre exceeding the examples passed for notwithstanding the regions of Italie for fourteene yeres had borne a perpetuall crosse of warres and mutations yet quarrells beeing oftentimes ended without effusion of blood and battels and skirmishes falling for the moste parte vpon the strangers only the peoples had lesse suffred then the princes and the naturall regions muche spared from the bloudie miseries and actions of warre But the gappe beeing opened to newe discordes in tyme to come there followed throwout all Italie and agaynst Thitalians themselues a miserable trayne of many calamities and cruell accidents infinite murders sackings destructions and spoyles of cities a libertie of warre no lesse offensiue to their friendes then hurtfull to their enemies and a lamentable violation of religion and all holy things with lesse reuerence and respect then if they were prophane and popular the lawe and equitie of things being measured by the wils of the souldiours and nothing iudged vnreasonable agaynst him that was hable to alleage authoritie might or will fruites ordinarie following diuill discorde and by so muche the more perillous and working by how muche they happen in a second mutation as all euils are more daungerous in a seconde degree then in the first The cause of so many afflictions in a generall consideration was thambition and couetousnesse of Princes of whom many of them coulde not brooke any limitation of power imperie or kingdome But if they be weighed in a particular consideration they may be seene to take their beginning of the too rasâ—e and insolent maner of proceeding of the Venetians by occasion whereof were ceassed those difficulties which till that time had holden in suspence and impediments the French king and Caesar from agreeing together agaynst them of whome the one beeing greatly kindled they put him in dispaire and at the same time moued the other to no small indignation or at the least gaue him meane to disclose vnder an apparant coolour that which he had long desyred for Caesar beeing netled by so many infamies and harmes receiued loasing part of his proper inheritaunce in place to conquer thestates of others was not to omit any oportunitie wherein occasion might be giuen him to recouer or repayre so greatslaunders and losses A disposition which the Venetians vndiscretly increased a newe since the making of the truce for that not sparing to aggrauate his indignation no lesse with vayne demonstrations then worse effects they receyued into Venice Aluiano with publike pompe almost resembling a ceremonial triumph And the French king albeit at the beginning he gaue a certen hope to ratifie the truce that was made yet expressing afterwardes the discontentment he tooke he complayned of the presumption of the Venetians to name him and include him as adherent and prouiding for their proper tranquillitie to giue him ouer and leaue him in the cares and trauels of the warre These dispositions of minde both of the one and the other began to burst out into speedie and manyfest experience for Caesar hauing no further confidence in his proper forces and lesse expectation that the Princes or peoples of Germanie would take to heart the iniuries that had bene done to him made as though he had a desire to confederate with the French king agaynst the Venetians as the onely remedie to recouer eftsones the honor and estates he had lost And the French king following the course and oportunitie of the tyme norished the same inclination the new disdayne renewing in him the memorie of ancient offences receiued in the warrs of Naples enterteining also a working desire to draw out of their hands Cremona other townes of the auncient possessions of the dukes of Millan Therefore to th ende that in remouing the impediments of things inferiour they might withall procede to those of higher degree they began to debate how to resolue the quarels betwene tharchduke and the duke of Gueldres whose safetie the Frenche king helde muche for recommended for thauncient alliance and commodities he had receyued by him The Pope did also communicate in this motion stirring vp at the same tyme the French king agaynst the Venetians beeing besides the auncient indignations newly kindled and made hatefull agaynst them for an opinion he had that by their meanes the exiles of Furly who were retired to Faenza had made a tryall to enter that Citie hauing withall receiued into their dominions the familie of Bentyuoleis chased by the king out of the duchy of Millan To these was added this imputation that in many things they had borne slender regarde to the authoritie of the court of Rome and of late experience had slenderly respected it in this which troubled not a litle the Popes minde the Pope had translated the Bishoprike of Vincense vacant by the death of the Cardinall S. P. ad Vincla his nephew to Sixtus his nephew also suborned by him into the dignitie of Cardinall and to those benefices But the Senate of Venice making small reckoning of this collation choase a gentleman of Venice who the Pope refusing to confirme him tooke boldnes to name him selfe Bishop of Vincense of the election of the moste excellent counsell of the Pregati But the Pope beeing not a little kindled for these obstinacies dispatched first to the king Maximus secretarie to the Cardinall of Narbona and afterwards the Cardinall himselfe who newly succeding the late Cardinall of Achx in his Bishoprike was called the Cardinall of Achx They were willingly receiued and heard of the king and brought backe with them the deuise of many meanes and plottes to put in execution that which he desired both without themperour and without any confederacie with him But the Pope shewed a more inclination to complayne then to determine any thing for that on the one side the vnquiet desire he had to make
any longer the excuses which his Capteines made vpon the season of the yeare with other difficulties he assembled them al together at Bolognia and told them he would march to incampe affore Ferrara A resolucion which was allowed onely by thEmbassadors of Venice either not to offende him in gainesaying his deuises or that by that occasion their souldiours should returne more neare their frontyers it was blamed of all the residue of Capteines and nations in the armie but in vaine for that he did not consult but commaund his authoritie making him tractable to nothing that was not conformable to his liking and will it was then determined that the armie should march to Ferrara but with this conduction that to let the french for succoring it they should attempt to take Mirandola if the difficulties were not greater then the aduenture This citie together with the towne of Concorda inherited by the sonnes of the Count Lod. Picqua and by Frauncisse their mother Tutor was kept vnder the deuocion of the french king following the authority of Ioh. Ia. Triuulco naturall father to Fraunciss by whose meane his Nephewes obteined thinuestiture of Caesar The Pope had receiued them long time before into his protection as appeared by writing but now he excused him that by the condicions of the present times he was constrained so to deale that those townes shoulde not be holden by persons suspected offering if they woulde willingly put them into his handes to redeliuer them immediatly after the conquest of Ferrara from that time it was douted the dout increased much more afterwards that the Cardinall of Pauya who was already suspected to interteine secret intelligence with the french kinge was artificially the Author of this councell Wherein he ment by thenterprise of Mirandola to hinder the beseeging of Ferrara the which citie at that time was neither well fortefied nor sufficiently manned besides the frenche men were made weary aswell in bodye as mind by their paynes and trauells passed the Duke in great weakenes and the kinge altered to make any more prouisions there Whilest the Pope with so great care and diligence managed thexpedicion of the warre the french king who was more inclined to practises then to armes recontinued with the Bishop of Gurce the negociacion of things which had bene begon And they carying in the beginning a shew of great facilitie proceeded now with greater delayes both for the slownes of the aunswers of Caesar and also for the dout that was conceiued of the king of Aragon Caesar and the frenche â—nge iudged it necessary to make him asserteyned of their intencion aswell in regard of the continuacion of the league of Cambray as for thaction that was to be done with the Pope if he still perseuered in the amitie of the Venetians and rested possessed of his auncient ambicion couetousnes to get immediatly to the Church the territories of Ferrara The cause of this dout against the kinge of Ferrara was that besides his other actions he had newly called home to the kingdom of Naples his regiments that were within Verona expressing this cooller that towards Ottranto the nauie of the Turke was discouered comming with a mind preiudiciall to him and his Realme The king Catholike after certeine dayes aunswered to the demaundes of Caesar and the french king taking in the same tyme occasion to purge him selfe of many thinges wherein Caesar and the french king complained against him That he had sent the bande of three hundred launces to the Pope according to the obligacion of thinuestiture respecting onely the defense of the state of the Church and to recouer the thinges that were thauncient demaynes of the same That he had called backe his men at armes from Verona for that the tearme was expired for the which he had promised them to Caesar and yet he woulde not haue reuoked them had not the feare of the Turke bene greater then other occasion That at Bolognia his Embassador interposed with others to worke the peace with Monsr Chaumont not to giue time to the succors of the Pope but to quench and put out so great a fire in Christendom knowing withal that to interteine warre with the Church was grieuous to the kinge That he continued still in one setled purpose to accoÌ„plish all that had bene promised in the league of Cambray and that he would doe more hereafter ayding Caesar against the Venetians with fiue hundred launces and two thowsand footemen That this was not his intencion to bind him selfe to new bands nor to be restrained to new capitulacions both for that he saw no vrgent occasion and also desiring to keepe him selfe free the better to make warre vpon the Infidels of Affrika he would not increase the daungers and calamities of Christendom which had neede of tranquillitie and rest That he liked well of the councell and reformacion of the Church if it were vniuersal that times did not repugne against it of which disposicion he asked no better a witnes then the french king in the speeches they had together at Sauonna but now the state of tymes were much contrary seeing that as peace and concord betwene Christians were the foundacions of councells and that there could be nothing agreed vpon to the vniuersall benefit without the vnion and consent of wills so it could not but be vnworthy to being the councell at such a tyme and in such sort that it might seeme to take beginning more by disdaine desire of reuenge then for the honor of God or zeale to the estate of the Christian common weale he sayde lastly but a parte to thEmbassadors of Caesar that it seemed somewhat intollerable that he should ayde him to preserue keepe his townes since he disposed them afterwards to the french king for money meaning expresly Verona Thus the intencion of the kinge Catholike being knowne by this aunswer the Bishop of Gurce on the one part in the name of Caesar and the frenchking on the other part in person delayed no longer to make a newe confederacion reseruing place to the Pope to enter into it within two monethes next and to the king Catholike and the king of Hungria within foure And for a necessary foundacion of the couenants that were made the kinge bownde him selfe to pay to Caesar an hundred thowsand duckats part in hande and the residue at tymes limited Caesar promised to passe into Italy in the springe with three thowsand horsemen and ten thowsand footemen against the Venetians In which action the king was bownd to send him at his proper charges two hundred launces and eyght thowsand footemen with sufficient prouision of artilleries And to rigge out by sea two light gallies foure bastard gallies That they should obserue the league made at Cambray and in both their names require obseruacion of the Pope and kinge Catholike Whereunto if the Pope were heard to beinduced for the regarde of Ferrara that the king should be bownd to hold him selfe contented
declaring as nothing all election that shoulde be made by symonie and giuing an entry and meane very easie to any Cardinall to impugne it This constitution he had pronounced from the tyme he was within Bolognia standing then discontented with certayne Cardinalls who laboured openly to purchase the promises of other Cardinalls to possesse the Papacie after his death He began nowe to growe better and better eyther by his strong and hable complexion or els for that by destinie he was reserued to be the author and principall occasion of more great and long calamities for it was not reasonable to attribute the recouerie of his helth to the vertue or remedie of medicines for that he obeyed neither rule nor order eating in the greatest perill of his maladie rawe apples and things contrarie to the prescription of Phisicke The Pope was no sooner deliuered from daunger of death then he returned eftsones to his olde deuises and cogitations continuing at one time to solicite a peace with the Frenche king and a confederation with the king of Aragon and the Senate of Venice agaynst the Frenchmen suche was his desire to chase out of Italie all dominion and imperie of the Frenche And albeit his will was more inclined to warre then to peace yet he seemed oftentimes drawen with varietie of fancies and for many reasons followed sometimes one opinion and sometimes an other not beeing hable to settle in minde and iudgement hauing his thoughts wandring and reaching to endes farre aboue his power The thing that carried his inclination to the warre besides his auncient hatred agaynst the Frenche and that he was not hable to obteine all the conditions of peace which he desired were the vehement and importunate perswasions of the king of Aragon who feared nowe more then euer least the French king beeing once at peace with the Pope would not execute vppon the realme of Naples vppon the first occasion Wherein to th ende his counsells might carrie a greater authoritie besides the armie at sea which was affore repassed out of Affrika into Italie vnder Peter Nauarre he had sent newly out of Spayne an other sea armie conteyning fiue hundred men at armes six hundred horsmen mounted vpon iennets and three thousand footmen Neuertheles this king proceeding vnderhand with his accustomed subtelties made show that he desired more then euer the warre agaynst the Moores from which his owne profire or particuler interest did not draw him but onely a holy deuotion which he had alwayes borne to the sea Apostolike onely he alleaged that beeing not hable of him selfe to interteine his souldiours it was necessarie that the Pope and thestate of Venice shoulde minister to him wherevnto to th ende they might condiscende more easily his bands that were all descended into the yle of Capri neare to Naples made showes as though they prepared to passe into Affrika But his immoderate demaundes muche amasing the Pope and his suttleties pleasing him nothing at all he entred into many suspicions well knowing that that king ceassed not to giue to the Frenche king hopes all contrarie he knewe the Venetians would not willingly be drawne from his will and purposes euen so he was not ignoraunt that for the greatnes of suche a warre wherein they were they were no longer hable to beare out the burden and charges as before And that time had brought the Senate nowe to seeke more to defende their owne then to take in hande a newe warre which could not be continued without intollerable exspences He hoped that the Svvizzers by a common inclination of those contreimen would declare them selues agaynst the Frenche king but hauing no certentie thereof he seemed to holde it vndiscrete to oppose him selfe to so great daungers for a hope so yll assured not beeing ignorant that as yet were not reiected and cut off their practises with the Frenche king and many of their chieftaines and principalls to whome reuerted not small profites by the Frenche amities labored all they might that in thassembly which was presently to be holden their alliance might be renewed with the kinge Touching the will and intention of Caesar notwithstanding he had many inclinations by the king Catholik of his owne nature a sworne enemie to the Frenche name yet his hope of him was lesse then his feare knowing the great offers that were made to him of new aswell against the Venetians as against him to the which the French king was hable to giue more high state and perfection then to any others that could be made to him he sawe that if Caesar shoulde ioyne with the Frenche king he had greatly to feare the counsell by reason of his authoritie And also his owne power ioyned in good fayth and meaning with the forces and treasures of the Crowne of Fraunce and with thopportunitie of thestates of them both the Pope coulde not in reason haue any hope of the victorie which he founde very harde to obteine agaynst the Frenche king alone But that whiche gaue him the greatest stomacke was a hope he had that the king of Englande would be wonne to rayse warre agaynst the Crowne of Fraunce both by the counsels and perswasions of the king Catholike his father in lawe and for thauthoritie of the sea Apostolike which was then great in the yle of Englande and in whose name he had with vehement petitions implored his succors against the french king as agaynst an vsurper oppressor of the Church to these inducements was ioyned also the naturall hatred aswell of that king as of the people of England to the french nation much helping in this action the forwardnes of the kings youth great abundance of treasor left to him by his father which was supposed to amount to a wōderful quantity These were proper instrumēts to kindle fire in the mind of this yong king hauing neuer experiēced in his kingdom but fortunes happy plausible he was also pushed forward by an honorable desire to renew the glory of his auncestors who intituling them selues kings of Fraunce and at sundry times vexing that kingdome with great warres had not onely holden for many yeres Guyenne and Normandy rich mighty prouinces of that crowne and taken in a battell neare to Poyeters the Frenche king with two of his sonnes and many of his Nobilitie but also had occupied together with the moste part of the kingdome the citie of Paris the capitall citie of the kingdome lastly their vallours and fortunes haue bin so terrible to the Frenchmen that if Henry the fift then king of Englande had not exchaunged this life in the flower of his age and glorious course of his victories it was beleeued he had made an absolute conquest of the whole realme of Fraunce and brought subiected to him selfe the Crowne and imperie of that nation The memorie of these honorable victories working with the youth and disposition of the king were not of little force to draw him to action notwithstanding his father vppon
king of Nauarre being also not ignorant whither those demaundes tended chused rather to offer him selfe to a perill that was vncerteine then to accept a losse certeine hoping he should not faile of the succors promised by the french king for whose affayres it came well to passe that the warre begon in the Realme of Nauarre And at the same tyme eyther to giue more leasure to such as were appoynted to come to his succours or to deliuer him selfe if he could from those demaundes he treated with the king of Aragon who according to his custom proceeded in those conferences with great cunning But the industrie and warines of the king of Aragon hurt not more the king of Nauarre then the negligence of the french king who taking courage by the slownes of thEnglish armie that for many dayes since they were arriued at Fontarabye had done nothing And trusting withall that the king of Nauarre was able with his owne forces to defende him selfe for a tyme deferred very long to send him succours By the commoditie of which delayes the king of Aragon who had cunningly nourished and enterteyned the hopes of the king of Nauarre conuerted thether with great expedicion the bandes which he had prepared to ioyne with thEnglish So that the king of Nauarre both vnprepared of him selfe and by his priuacion of hope dispayring to be able to make resistance gaue place to his fortune and fled into Bearu beyond the Pyreney hils By which accident the Realme of Nauarre was left abandoned except certeine stronge places which yet held out for the king who in his feare was fled And so without any exspenses or difficultie and more for feare and reputacion of thEnglish that were at hand then by his owne forces that were farre of the king of Aragon made him selfe Lorde of that kingdom And because he could not affirme that he possessed it lawefully with any other title he alleaged that he was rightfully and iudicially impatronised of it by thauthoritie of the sea Apostolike for the Pope not satisfied for the happy successe of Italy had a litle before published a Bull against the french king wherein naming him no more Christianissimo but illustrissimo he subiected aswell his person as whosoeuer were his adherents to all the paynes of heretykes and schismatykes giuing sufferance to euery one to occupy their substances estates and all that apperteyned vnto them And in the same seueritie and rigour ioyned to an indignacion that the Cardinalls and other Prelats who were fled to Myllan had bene receiued into the towne of Lyon he commaunded vnder greeuous penalties and taxacions that the fayre or mart accustomed to be kept at Lyon foure tymes euery yeare the traffike of Marchantes beeing no lesse plentifull then the resort of straungers infinit shoulde bee hereafter transferred to the citie of Geneua from whence king Lovvys the eleuenth had taken it for the benefitte of his kingdome And lastly he had brought the whole Realme of Fraunce vnder thinterdiction Ecclesiasticall In his malice he omitted nothing that might apperteyne to seueritie or rigour But after the king of Aragon had conquered the kingdom of Nauarre which albeit is but of litle circuit and of lesse reuenue yet for the situacion it is very conuenient for the kingdom of Spayne and greatly auaileable to the sewertie of it he determined in him selfe to passe no further esteeming it no lesse against his profit then inconuenient for his sauetie to make warre against the french king beyond the Mountes In this respect as also euen from the beginning that thEnglishmen arriued he had beene dilatorie in bringing forth his forces rather temporising with euasions and deuises then aduauncing according to the true meaning of his promisse And after the conquest of Nauarre as the English solicited him to ioyne his forces with them to th ende to marche together and incampe affore Bayon A citie neare to Fontarabye and almoste standing vppon the Occean sea so he protracted thexpedicion they required and proponed other enterprises in places remoued from the sea alleaging that Bayonne was so manned and fortefied that there was no hope or possibilitie to cary it These reasons were aunswered and auoided by thenglishmen who without the towne of Bayonne esteemed nothing of all the other conquest of the Duchie of Guyhenno And therefore after thenglish armie had vainely spent much time to vrge the king that was altogether vnwilling they contemned his suttleties and delayes embarked to returne into England without commission or licēce of their Prince By the retyring of which armie the french king remeyned assured on that side And fearing no more thinuasions of thEnglish by sea for that at last he was become so stronge by sea that he commaunded all that part of the Occean from the coastes of Spayne to the shoares of England he determined to make tryall if he could reconquer the Realme of Nauarre To which expedicion he was encouraged besides the departing of thEnglish fleete for that by reason of his aduersities in Italy all his bandes of souldiours that remeyned were returned into Fraunce At the tyme that the king of Aragon gaue hope to thEnglishmen to enter into the warre the better to bring vnder him the whole iurisdiction of the Realme of Nauarre he had sent certeine regiments of men to S. Ioh. Pie de Porto which is the last place of that kingdom standing at the foote of the Pireney hills on that side towards Fraunce And afterwards as the french forces began to encrease thereabouts he had sent thether with the maine armie Federyk Duke of Alba capteine general of the warre But the french armie at laste beeing become farre more mightye by the presence of the Daulphin Charles Duke of Burbon and Monsr Longeville the very flowers of the Realme of Fraunce The Duke of Alba lying encamped in a stronge place betweene the plaine and the Mountaine held it an action very necessary to that seruice to let the french men for entring into the Realme of Nauarre The french men not able to force him out of that place for the strength of his situacion determined that the king of Nauarre with seuen thowsand footemen of his contrey and Monsr Palissa with his companie of three hundred launces remouing from Sauueterra neare to S. Ioh. Pie de Porto where the whole armie lay should passe the Pireney hils by the way of the vale of willowes And drawing neare to Pampelune the Capitall towne of the kingdom their deuise was to occupy the way of the willowes by the which were brought to the spanish armie vittells whereof the sterrilitie of the contrey had made them suffer great want In Pampeluna the peoples taking corage by the nearenes of the french men beganne already to draw to mutinie not otherwaies rebelling then to releeue their king for whose restoring they thought it good deuocion to aduenture their liues This was theffect of this deuise After the king of Nauarre and Monsr Palissa had wonne
care to them To this perhaps was muche helping a disdayne that he was ledde prisoner to Millan after the battell of Rauenna and by the kings commaundement shoulde haue bene caried in that calamitie into Fraunce But what so euer was the disposition of the Pope or howe so euer his coniecture was caried for these or other causes he proceeded aduisedly and dissembled as muche as he could his intention for that both he sawe he had not so strong fundations to resist as he wished and also he gaue eare dayly with great affection to the demaundes and complaintes made agaynst the king for the Svvizzers bearing an vniuersall inclination to stirre and ryse for the defence of the Duchie of Millan offred to enter into thaction with a farre greater number then before so farrefoorth as they were furnished in preste with a certayne summe of money which for the pouertie and weaknes of others could not be hoped for otherwise then of the Pope Touching the Viceroy his counsells were vncertayne and his speeches seuerall and suttle for that sometimes he offred the Pope to oppose agaynst the Frenchmen not sparing to enter openly into the cause by sending his bands of souldiors to ioyne with him and waging for three monethes a great number of footemen and the rather to accompany his doings with fayth credit he caused to be retyred his souldiors from the townes of Parma and Reggia and lay incamped with his army vpon the ryuer of Trebia leauing notwithstanding certayne bands of his souldiours for the garde of Torrona and Alexandria suche as had not stirred from thence Sometimes also he did assure that he had receiued commaundement from his king and that at the same time that he wrote to him of the truce to leade backe the armie to the kingdome of Naples But Ierome Vich Embassador resident with the Pope vsed other speeches and yet he agreed with him in this that his king promised so farreforth as the Pope would take vpon him the defence of Millan to beginne the warre in Fraunce without bearing respect to the truce that had bene made A libertie whiche he sayd he might lawfully take without making violation of his fayth promised Therefore it was beleeued of many that the king Catholike fearing that by the truce that had bene made not one woulde appeare to oppose agaynst the Frenche king had commaunded the Viceroy that if he sawe none woulde proceede roundly to the defence of the Duchie of Millan that he shoulde not seeke to prouoke the Frenche king by newe iniuries but shoulde retyre his armie to Naples for whiche cause also he shewed to the king a contentment to harken to the peace offring withall to bring in Caesar and the king of Englande And to make him the more tractable if he should recouer the Duchie of Millan he made almoste an assured promise that his armie should be no impediment to him So that the Viceroy who was determined to go his way reuoked the souldiors that were vnder the Marquis of Pesquiero in Alexādria and Torrona and at the same time as was sayd did communicate his resolution to Triuulce to thend his departing might be more acceptable to the French king Neuerthelesse he did not execute so speedily his deuise for that the Svvizzers very desyrous to defende the Duchie of Millan had sente thither by common consent fiue thousande footemen and giuen hope to supplye the seruice with a greater number But making demonstration of the contrary he sent Prosper Colonno to debate with the Svvizzers of the place where they should assemble against the frēch either that he had receiued aduertisement that the truce was discontenting to Caesar or els that he was enioyned by new cōmissions from his king to folow the will of the Pope who perseuered still in the same perplexities suffring a conflict betweene his small hope his proper inclination And yet notwithstanding the Svvizzers being come vpon the territories of Tortona where Prosper had signified to them that the Viceroy would come ioyne with them interposing many excuses he labored thē to come vpon the lands of Trebia to ioyne with him By which maner of solicitation they finding a diuersitie betwene his will and his words made this braue aunswere that the Viceroy made no such demaund to th end to go looke thenemies in the face but to turne their backs with greater surety They saide they cared not whether he feared to fight with the frenchmē or not neither did it import thē whether he went away or whether he taried stil whether he folowed or whether he fled for that their vallour onely did suffice to defende the duchie of Millan agaynst all enemies But now was all the contrey in a mutinie the Count Mussocke sonne to Iohn Iacques was got into Ast without any impediment after into Alexandria al those bāds of frenchmen which were parted frō Susa marching with great diligence The duke of Millan who was come somewhat to late to enter Alexandria ioyned himself to the Svvizzers neare Tortona and they being made to vnderstande by the Viceroy that he was determined to go his way retired to Nouarro Of all voluble things there is nothing more light then reaport in times of mutation nothing lesse assured then the minds of people popular or cōmons whom euery new occasion can cary and leade contrarie to all reason and confidence that feare and ficklenesse which they haue by nature beeing not hable to be assured by any order or discression for thinhabitantes of Millan at the first brute of the departing of the Viceroy sent Embassadors to their Duke at Nouarro to excuse them if hauing no habilitie nor meane of defence they compounded with the French men to th ende to auoyde the extreame calamitie He was tractable according to the condition of his present fortune and with a minde humbled with the consideration of his miseries that were towards he accepted willingly their excuse recommending to them with words of great affection and zeale to haue a charitable care ouer the safetie of the common countrey Vpon this occasion Sacromoro Viscounto to whom was appoynted the besieging of the Castell of Millan turned to the French and reuittled the Castell which he was sente to batter and beate The Viceroy brake vp from Trebia with all his armie whiche was twelue hundred men at armes and eyght thousande footemen to returne to the kingdome of Naples as though the affayres of Lombardie had bene desperate A reason onely wherein he soughte to saue his armie But receyuing the same day in the way betweene Plaisanca and Florenzola letters from Rome he caused immediatly the ensignes to marche backe agayne returning to the same lodging from whence he was departed The cause was that the Pope to whome almoste at the same tyme were rendred Plaisanca and Parma determining to proue if the Duchie of Millan might be defended by the force of the Svvizzers gaue very secretely to Ierome Moron
withdrew him from the thing whereunto his will did driue him so amyd so many variacions of mind he deferred as much as he could to declare his intencion giuing to euery one words and aunsweres generall But being continually importuned by the Frenche king at last he made him this aunswere that there was no person that knew better then him selfe how much he was inclined to his affaires being not ignoraunt with what affection he perswaded him to passe into Italy at a time when he might haue victorie without daunger or great effusion of blood That his perswasions for that thinges were not kept secret as he had oftentimes required him were now come to the knowledge of others to the common detriment of them both for that for his parte he saw him selfe in daunger to be assailed by others that the difficulties were become the greater for the enterprise of the king since others had giuen such order to their affaires that he could no more enter into the victorie but with manifest perill and lamentable slaughter of men That the power and glory of the Turkes being newly increased by so great a victorie successe it was neither conuenient to his condicion nor conformable to thoffice of a Pope either to giue fauor or counsel to Princes christened to make warre amongest them selues And that therefore he could not otherwise aduise him then to temporise surcease exspecting some other facilitie better occasion which when it hapned he shoulde finde in him the same disposition to his glory greatnes which he hath so well discerned certaine monethes passed An answere which albeit it did not in other sorte expresse his conception if it had come to the knowledge of the king it had not onely depriued him of all hope of the Popes fauor but also haue certified him that the Pope would haue ioyned and banded against him both with counsel with armes These were the accidents of the yeare 1514. But death who bringeth with him this law authority to cut of the vaine councells of men euen in their greatest hopes was the cause that the warre so forward in apparaunce burst not out to action with that speede that was exspected for whilest the French king gaue him selfe ouer to behold too much the excellent bewty of his new wife bearing then but eighteene yeres of age nothing considering the proporcion of his owne yeares nor his decayed complexion he fell into the rage of a feauer which drawing to it a suddeine flux ouercame in one instant the life that nature gaue ouer to preserue any longer he dyed the first day of the yeare 1515. a day of memorie for the death of so great a Prince he was a king iust much beloued of his peoples but touching his condicion neither asfore he was king nor after he had the crowne he neuer found constancy or stability in either fortune for rising from a small Duke of Orleance with great happines to the crowne and that by the death of Charles younger then he and two of his sonnes he conquered with a very great facility the Duchie of Millan and the kingdom of Naples and almost all the residue of the regions of Italy being gouerned for many yeares by his direction he recouered with a very great prosperity the state of Genes that was in rebellion vanquished with no lesse glory the armies of the Venetians being in person at both those victories But on the other side euen when he was in youth and best disposicion of body he was constrained by king Lovvys the eleuenth to mary his daughter that was both barren deformed and yet could neuer get the good will nor countenaunce of his father in law And aster his death such was the greatnes of the Lady of Burbon that he could neuer get the institucion of the newe king being then in minoritie being almost compelled to retyre him selfe into Brittaine where being taken in the battell of S. Aubyn he liued two yeares in the calamity of a prisoner To these afflictions may be added the siege and famin of Nouaro the many discomfits he had in the realme of Naples the losse of thestate of Millan Genes and all the townes which he had taken from the Venetians And lastely the grieuous warre he had in Fraunce agaynst very mightie enemies his eyes beholding into what lamentable perils his realme was brought Neuerthelesse afore he died it semed he had conquered al his aduersities fortune shewed good tokens of her reconcilement both for that he had defended his kingdome agaynst mighty enemies also established a perpetuall peace alliance with the king of Englande with whom by howmuche his amitie was great and assured by so muche it gaue him hope to be hable to reconquer the duchie of Millan After Lovvis the xij ascended to the Crowne Frauncis d'Angoulesme who was the next heire male of the blood royall of the same line of the Dukes of Orleance ▪ he was preferred to the successiō of the kingdom before the daughters of the dead king by the vertue disposition of the lawe Salike a lawe very auncient in the realme of Fraunce which excludeth from the royall dignitie all women so long as there is any issue male of the same line The world had such a hope in his vertues and suche an opinion of his magnanimitie such a conceite of his iudgement wit that euery one consessed that of very long time there was none raysed vp to the Crowne with a greator exspectation he was made the more agreable to the fancies of men by the consideration of his age bearing then but xxij yeres his excellent feiture proporcion of body his great liberality general humanity together with the rype knowledge he had in many things But specially he pleased greatly the nobilitie to whom he transferred many singuler great fauors He tooke vpon him together with the title of the french king the name of the duke of Millan A dignitie which he sayd apperteined to him not only by the auncient rights of the dukes of Orleance but also as cōprehended in the inuestiture that was made by Caesar in the treaty of Cambray Besides there liued in him the same desire to recouer it that dyed with his predecessor whervnto not only the working of his owne inclination but the perswasions of al the noble yong gentlemē of Fraunce did induce him no lesse by the memory of the glory of Gaston de Foix thē for the monumēt of so many victories as the kings raigning next afore had obteined in Italie And yet not to warne others afore the time not to prepare to resist him he dissembled his desires by thaduise of his graue counselors in the meane while sell to practise the amities of other princes frō whom were sent to congratulate with him many embassadors whō he receiued with countenaunce affable gracious but specially the embassadors of the king of England who desired
to continue with him thamity begon with his predecessor the iniuries he had receiued frō the king Catholik being yet fresh in memory There came at the same tyme an embassage frō the duke of Austrich wherof the lord of Nausan was chief in this embassage for the regard of th erle of Flaūders wherof the kings of Fraūce are soueraignes were discerned demonstrations of great submission in acknowledging of superiority Both the one the other of these embassages had a ready happy expedition for touching the king of England the confederation betwene him the late king was cōfirmed vnder the same conditions so long as either of thē should liue reseruing a respite of iij. yeres for the Skottish king to enter in it And for tharchduke many differences ceassed which many men supposed would haue giuē great impediments to the action of the peace But the archduke being now in full maiority newly taken vpon him the gouernment of his estates was drawne to the peace for many causes first for thinstance of the peoples of Flaunders who would in no wise haue warre with the realme of Fraunce Secondly for a desire he had to be assured of such impediments as might be opposed against him by the French in the succession of the realme of Spayne when the death of his grandfather should happen And lastly for that he thought it to great a daunger to dwell without any league of amitie in the middest of the powers of England and Fraunce being conioyned together And on the other side the king desired greatly to take awaye all occasions that might restrayne him to be gouerned by thauthoritie counsell of his grandfather eyther by the fathers or mothers side So that at last there was enacted betwene them in the towne of Paris a perpetuall peace confederation reseruing facultie to Caesar the king Catholike without whose authorities tharchduke contracted to take their place in this peace within three monethes In this capitulation was promised thaccomplishment of the mariage betwene the Archduke and Lady Renee daughter to king Lovvis solicited so many times before and that the king should endue the mariage of Lady Renee with six hundred thousande crownes and the duchy of Berry in perpetuitie aswell for her children as for her This dowry in respect of her insufficient age at that time should be assigned to her assone as she should come to the age of ix yeres vnder this condition notwithstāding that she should renounce al rights of inheritance either by the father or mother namely such as might apperteine to her of the duchy of Millan Britaine That the king should be bounde to ayde the archduke with men ships to go to the kingdome of Spayne after the death of the king Catholike At the request of the king the duke of Gueldres was also named and as some write besides the matters afore rehearsed it was agreed that in bothe their names ioyntly embassadors should be sent to the king of Aragon to require him to publish tharchduke prince of the realmes of Spayne such is the title of him to whom the succession apperteineth That he would render the kingdome of Nauarre absteine from the defence of the duchie of Millan Here it is not to be doubted that both these two Princes making this confederation looked not more to the present cōmoditie that appeared then to thobseruatiō of the same in time to come for what fundation could be layde vpon the mariage that was promised the Lady Renee bearing as yet scarcely foure yeres And how could it please the Frenche king that that damsell should be the wife of tharchduke who her eldest sister being the kings wife had her action prepared vpō the duchy of Britaine for that the Britons desiring once to haue a particular duke at such time as Anne their Duchesse maryed the seconde time agreed that the dukedome should apperteine to the youngest of the children and discendantes of her if the eldest were preferred to the Crowne of Fraunce In like sort the French king treated with the king Catholike to prolong the truce made with his predecessor but to leaue out this condition not to molest the duchie of Millan during the truce he hoped he should afterwards compounde easily with Caesar By which reason he kept in suspence the Venetians who offred to renewe the league made with his predecessor wishing that he were in his liberty to accord with Caesar agaynst them But the king Catholike notwithstanding he stoode still possessed of his desire not to haue warre in the frontiers of Spayne considering how great suspicion the prolongation of the truce might giue to the Svvizzers which mighte also be the cause that the Pope who till then had bene in doubt might turne to the french amity refused at last to prolong the truce but vnder the same conditions it had bene renued with the last king So that the Pope shut out of that hope and lesse exspecting to contract with Caesar agaynst the will and councelles of that king reconfirmed with the Senate of Venice the league in the same fourme it had bene made with his predecessor Nowe there remayned the Pope and the Svvizzers Touching the Svvizzers he required that they woulde admitte his Embassadors but they refused to giue them saffe conduit vsing the same rudenes they had done before And for the Pope vpon whose will depended wholly the Florentyns herequired no other thing of him then that he would kepe him out of all bond to th end that when by the trayne of affaires he should be councelled to resolue it might be in his power to make choice of the better perswading him that he should neuer finde in any either for his owne perticular or for the aduauncement of his house a greater amitie A more assured faith or more honorable condicions After the king had layd these foundacions for his affayres he beganne with great care to leauie prouisions of money and to encrease the bandes of his men at armes to the number of foure thowsand he published that he made those preparacions not of intencion to make warre for that yeare but onely to make head against the Svvyzzers who threatned him to inuade Burgondy or Dauphine if he would not accomplish the couenants made at Dyon in the name of the late king Many beleeued him in the semblāces he made the rather for thexample of the kings of Fraunce who haue alwaies forborne to intangle the first yeare of their raigne with newe warres But that coniecture caried not such impression in the mindes of Caesar and the king of Aragon to whome the kinges youth was suspected and the facilitie he had more then other kinges to commaund all the forces of the kingdom of Fraunce and the loue of his people opening a way and readines to all that he would desire Besides they were not ignorant of the great preparacions that king Lovvys had left the same making demonstracion that seeing he was assured
king Catholike shoulde paye to the French king an hundred thousand crownes yerely to helpe to defray his exspences That if she dyed before the mariage and the king should haue an other daughter then he to bestowe her likewise vpon the king Catholike with the same conditions and in case he had no other daughter then to giue him to wife Madame Renea who had bene promised to him in the capitulation made at Paris That in case any of those wiues died in mariage without children then that part of the kingdome of Naples to reuert to the Crowne of Fraunce That the king Catholike within a certaine time should restore the realme of Nauarre to his auncient king and in not performing it it should be lawfull to the french king to ayde him to recouer it but vnder this charge as the Spaniardes affirmed afterwards that the king of that state should first cōmunicate with him his rightes That Caesar might enter into the peace within the tearme of two monethes and if he dyd enter into it it should be lawfull to the French king to ayde the Venetians to recouer Verona which citie if Caesar deliuered vp into the hands of the king Catholike with power to giue it frankly and absolutely to the French king within six weekes to dispose of it as he thought good that he should pay him an hūdred thousand crownes and the Venetians as much whereof the one part to be payed vpon the consignation and the other within six monethes and also to remaine acquited of three hundred thousande crownes which he had receiued of the king Lovvis whylest they were in confederation together That in that case there should be truce for xviij monethes betwene Caesar and the Venetians That to Caesar should remayne Riua de Trenta and Rouera with all that he possessed then in the contrey of Friull and that the Venetians should continue to holde the places whiche at that time they helde of Caesar vntill the French and Spanish kings had determined the differences that had bene enterteined betwene them for their confines limits for resoluing wherof both the one and the other of the parties named the Pope Notwithstanding thaccorde made at Noyon the Venetians ceassed not to stirre vp Monsr de Lavvtrech to besiege Verona desiring to recouer it by armes both for that they were vncertayne whether Caesar would accept the peace and also to cut off the proporcion of money whiche they were to paye But touching the French king the waye of concorde and peace was more agreable to him then the meane of armes and force his desire to haue vnitie with Caesar drawing him aboue all other respectes And yet Monsr de Lavvtrech refused not to consent to their will hauing now no more reason of excuse bothe for that the Venetians had made great leauyes of souldiors and fulfilled all other prouisions demaunded by him and also for that the Launceknightes refused no more to go thither together with the others So that the armies passed seuerally ouer the riuer of Adice the one by the bridge that was buylded aboue the Citie the other by the benefite of an other bridge set vp for the time beneath the Citie One parte of thartillerie of the Frenche armie that laye incamped at Tomba was planted before the gate Santa Luce and the other with the Launceknights was bestowed at the gate S. Massina They made choyse of those places for their artilleries to th ende to do execution all together on that parte where the wall betwene the City Citadell meeteth conioyned with the wall of the towne by whiche deuise hauing meane at one tyme to make entrie into the Citie and the Citadell the defendantes within should be constrayned to deuide them selues into two partes for the regarde of the wall in the middest The Venetian armie passed beneath Verona in the fielde of Mars and remayned incamped at S. Michaels betweene the ryuer and Cannell bothe to leauie and remoue the defences of that place and also to beate the gate called the Bishops gate which was a place of most weaknes least armed The two first daies the defences which were of great strength and beat flanking were beaten downe by thartilleries but with greater difficulties on the quarter of the Venetians to whom it was no small labor to batter the defences of the three bastillions But assone as they were battred both parts began to execute the wall with xviij peeces of great artilleries and xv smaller peces of battery either army hauing throwen down by the third daye twenty fadomes of the wall not forbearing to batter still to make the breache and entry the larger And yet the Venetians on whose side the wall was most weake notwithstanding they had almost reuersed all the bastillions rampiers had not yet wholly remoued all the defences within that played in flanke because they laye so lowe and almoste within the ditche that eyther the boollet went ouer them or else was grazed in the earth affore it came there Moreouer at the same time they vndermined the wall which though they had vnderset stayed with props yet it beguyled the deuise of the doers and fell downe before the time appoynted by the Capteines There was within Verona a strength of eight hundred horsmen fiue thousand launceknightes and xv hundred Spaniards vnder the gouernment of M. Antho. Colonno who had now exchaunged the wages of the Pope for the paye of Caesar This garrison omitted nothing that might tende to the strengthning and repayring of the rampiers and standing carefull to do all other thinges for the valiaunt defending of the place they expressed vniuersally a wonderfull resolution and courage of minde and particulerly was performed an honorable example and office of M. Antho. who receyuing a sleight hurte in his shoulder by a shotte forbare not for all that to offer his body both day and night to all paynes and daungers By this time thartilleries planted by the French men in foure places agaynst the towers betwene the gate of the Citadell and the gate of Santa Luce had made so greate and many ruins that euery breach was hable to receyue souldiours in order The artilleries of the Venetians had aduaunced so muche and almoste done no lesse execution and yet Monsr de Lavvtrech demaunded newe artilleries to make the breache the greater embrasing readily all occasions that offred to deferre the action contrarie to the wyll of the Venetians who cryed to giue thassault He made helping to his delayes this accident there came to th armie by the playnes of Verona eyghte hundred barrels of powder together with many other natures of munitions drawne by Cartes and what by the straitenesse and importunitie of the place and emulation of the dryuers stryuing to enter one affore another the chasing and violent mouing of the wheeles bredde to a fyre whose heate embrased the powder and so consumed the Cartes with the cattell that drewe them Moreouer there was this increase of difficultie to
get Ferrara In these times and in very good season for those practises the french king no lesse taking thoccasion of the tumultes of Spaine then obseruing the perswasions of the Pope which he afterwards assured by complaintes sent out an army into the kingdom of Nauarre vnder Monsr d'Asperot brother to Lavvtrech to raunge that kingdom reduce it to his auncient king requiring at the same instant Robert de la Marche and the Duke of Gueldres to breake out and vexe the confyns of Flaunders The sedicions of Spaine were the cause that Monsr d'Asperot made an easie conquest of the kingdom of Nauarre both beeing destitute of succours and also not without a great memory and deuocion to their originall and auncient king for after he had forced with his artilleries the castel of Pampeluna he entred the frontyers of the kingdom of Catelognia and tooke Fontarabye ronning vp euen to Logrogma of this enterprise it hapned as oftentimes commeth to passe in humane thinges that that which men thought would haue brought preiudice and harme to Caesar turned greatly to his seruice and benefit for the matters of Spaine beeing trauelled till that time with diuers aduentures and fortunes were nowe reduced into very great perplexities and troubles for that on the one side the multitude and popular sorte were bandyd together and on the other side many Nobles and Barons had taken armes for the seruice of Caesar They for thinterest of their estates feared the popular libertie being nowe come to a manifest rebellion and the rather to haue it gouerned by a head of authoritie they had drawne out of the castell of Sciatyua the Duke of Calabria whose fidelitie made him refuse to come out of prison because he woulde not beare armes against Caesar But such is the affection and conscience of men towards their naturall contrey and such the perpetuall custome of contrey men when they see inuasions made by forreine forces that ciuill quarrells can not take from them the feeling of common and forreine daungers for when the Spanyards sawe the armies of Fraunce make slaughter and hostilitie vpon their contrey notwithstanding they had suffered the losse of the Realme of Nauarre beeing a member of their dominions by the vniting which the king Catholike made they felt them selues so touched in conscience and affection that partly for those regards and partly for a happy encownter which the armie of Caesar had made they became men conuerted and returned to the obedience of their king leauing suppressed and forgotten their domesticall hatreds contencions After this easie conquest of the Realme of Nauarre there happened to the king a farre greater successe if he could haue vsed thoccasion for as both he Caesar had their Embassadors with the Svvizzers soliciting seuerally that nation to stand with them so the Cantons did not onely refuse contrary to thopinion of many and against the hope that was giuen the friendship and offers of Caesar but also embrased thallyance of the French king binding them selues to furnish for his seruice so many footemen as he would and for what enterprise it pleased him and not to suffer any leauies of souldiers for any other against him There rested the execucion of the capitulacion made at Rome betwene the Pope and the king who when he was required to ratifie it began to temporise and dwell in suspense being aduertised by many that there was no exspectacion of sewertie in the Pope in whom was no opinion of fidelity and confidence and who since he was possessed of the dignitie and place of Pope had alwayes made declaration of small friendship towards the french That it was to be feared that his doings were intangled with suttletie and deceite since there was no congruencie of reason that the Pope should desire the diuoluing of the realme of Naples into his power or to th inheritance of his sonne for that by howe muche more iurisdiction the french should haue in the kingdom of Naples and the Duchie of Myllan by so much lesse would be the sewertie of the Pope amid a power so mighty and redowted That so greate a showe of amitie breaking out vpon suche a sodayne could not be without misterie That the tokens of deceite that appeared warned him to take heede that vnder the practise to conquer the kingdome of Naples he fell not into the snares layde for him to loase the Duchie of Millan for that to sende his armie into Naples was none other thing then to giue power and oportunitie to the Pope with his sixe thousande Svvizzers to breake it and put all to extreame hazarde which beeing ouerthrowen there remayned no defence for the duchy of Millan An estate which as he knew the Pope had fayled to take from him by armes and warre so it was to be feared that he would assaye to depriue him of it by trecherie deceit These reasons so wrought with the king that they made him doubtfull to ratifie the capitulation and therfore exspecting happly an aunswere of some other practises he sent no dispatche of the ratificacion to Rome but left the Popes embassadors in suspēce But for that the Pope eyther in deede notwithstanding his showes semblances had his mind estranged from the king or for that all the tearmes and dates to answere being past he began to suspect a truthe or happly for that he feared least the king woulde discouer to Caesar his practises so some alliance to passe betwene them to his preiudice or it might be he was pushed on by a vehement ambicion to recouer Parma Plaisanca and to do some thing worthy of memory or lastly perhaps he might take to displeasure thinsolencie of Monsr de Lavvtrech and the Bishop of Tarba his minister who contemning his commaundementes in thestate of Millan and reiecting some ecclesiasticall edictes disdayned him with very prowde and insolent words for some of these causes he determined to enter league agaynst the French king with Caesar who also for his parte beeing kindled for the warre of Nauarre and pushed on by many of thexiles of Millan and lastly induced by some of his counsell desiring to embase the greatnes of Monsr de Cheures who had alwayes perswaded him not to seperate him selfe from the French king resolued to ioyne confederacion with the Pope agaynst the king which he was thought to hasten the more vnder a hope that with the Popes authoritie his owne he should eyther diminish or dissolue the alliance made with the Svvizzers affore it were confirmed by bondes and other offices of gratification Moreouer the Pope tooke greater occasion of confidence in this that Caesar who had heard Martin Luther in the Parliament of VVormes whither he was come vnder his safconduit and hauing passed him to be examined by many diuines who made report that his doctrine was erroneous dangerous for Christendome had banished him to gratify the Pope Only at last there was cōtracted betwene Caesar the Pope a
that confederate that is slowe not of will but by impedimentes giues to his companion no iust cause to complayne nor any honest cooller to depart from his confederacion We ought in this case to iudge of the French king as in matters of amitie good men vse to measure friendship that he that maketh a promise albeit he performe late yet he breakes not the law of promise for that although he disappoynteth yet he fayleth not It is a great vnthankfulnes when we forget what we haue receiued of our friends and when they are slowe to performe but small things we are ready to rayse great complayntes agaynst them But touching this deliberacion if we looke well into thestate of our affayres we shall finde that if common honestie ioyned with the dignitie of our Senate call vs to it no lesse are we iustely prouoked by the regarde of our profite and proper safetie it is easie to be discerned from howe many daungers from how many suspicions and from how many afflictions we shal be deliuered if the French king recouer thestate of Millan and wise men with the same facilitie may finde out into what tranquility into what assurance and into what freedome of estate our affayres will fall for many yeres if he preuayle in that action wherin he hath cōcurring with his forces reason conscience and equitie Of this we are warned by thexamples of the yeres before for at suche time as the king that nowe is went about to recouer it it came to passe that we who affore with many daungers very great exspences were skarce hable to desende Padoa and Treuisa were made hable by his occasion to reconquer Bressia and Verona yea so long as he enioyed that Duchie in quietnes we possessed in peace and suretie all our dominious and iurisdictions and what else was of our imperie or our obedience Which are examples that muche more ought to moue vs then the auncient memorie of the league of Cambray for that the kings of Fraunce haue learned by experience that which they could neuer cōprehend by reason how preiudiciall it hath bene to them to depart out of our alliance A matter which without all comparison they may best discerne in the time present wherin this king hath for his aduersary competitor an emperour a prince whose amplitude of kingdomes and whose redoubted power will keepe him in necessitie to esteeme dearly our alliance But of the contrary who seeth not into what daungerous tearmes our affayres will be reduced when the French king shall finde him selfe merely excluded out of the enterprises of Italie for who can let themperour to appropriate to him selfe or to his brother the Duchie of Millan of the whiche he woulde neuer to this daye transferre thinuestiture to Frauncis Sforce And if he haue power to do so what is he that can assure his will who can staye the streame driuen by so violent a winde yea since the Duchie of Millan is so apte a ladder to lifte him to the Empire of all Italie who will take vpon him to promise that in themperour iustice and conscience will beare more swaigh then ambicion and couetousnes inclinacions naturall to all great Princes If any man take any suretie by the moderacion and temperance of his officers which he hath in Italie let him be aunswered that the moste of them are Spaniardes a nation vnfaythfull rauishing and aboue all others moste insatiable So that if themperour or his brother Ferdinand make Millan their owne and possesse it in what degree shall remayne our estate being enuironed by them bothe on the confines of Italie and Germanie what suretie what succours what exspectacion of remedie amidde so many daungers The kingdome of Naples is in his possession the Pope with all the other Potentates of Italie are at his deuocion and all our friendes being made naked of money and forces there remaynes to vs no hope of ayde or comfort and lesse possibilitie to finde fauour where fortune and so great diuision of minds contende agaynst vs But if the French king were lorde of the duchie of Millan then should things stande so euenly balanced betweene two so great Princes that who so euer stoode in feare of the power of the one of them shoulde finde peace and suretie by the might of the other for that bothe pollicie and their proper ambicion would make them iealouse one of an others greatnes yea the only feare of his comming assureth all his neighbours for that by it the Imperialles are restrayned from entring into armes or to intangle them selues with any enterprise By whiche reason is made more ridiculous then terrible the vanitie of their threatninges to turne th armie agaynst vs if we confederate with themperour as though it were an easie enterprise to moue warre agaynst the state of Venice and as thoughe there were present suretie of the victorie and lastely as thoughe that were the onely meane and remedie to keepe the Frenche king from passing and not rather the cause of the contrarie for who doubteth that beeing prouoked by them we would propound to the king by necessitie such conditions that though he bare no inclination to them yet they would induce him to passe The same hapned in the tyme of king Levvis when the iniuries and treasons that were done vnto vs by that nation enforced vs so to incense and stirre vp that king when of his prisoner I became your Embassadour that euen when he stoode in the greatest feare to be mightily inuaded in his kingdome of Fraunce euen then did he dispatch a strong armie into Italie though with very yll successe Let vs not beleeue that if thimperialls thought the waye to drawe vs to their amitie or to assure themselues of the Frenche king were to sette vppon vs that they had tyll this daye deferred th execution Perhappes their Capteines haue no desire to enriche themselues with the profites and spoyles of warre perhaps they haue had no necessitie in disburdening those countreys that were friendes to them to drawe money from them to nourishe th armie in the countrey of an other No rather they haue well founde oute that by reason of our power it is too harde a matter to force vs And muche lesse standes it with them hauing a continuall feare of the descending of the Frenche to intangle them selues with an other warre nor to giue occasion to a state so mightie in men money and opinion to allure with the greatnesse of offers the Frenche kinge to marche So longe as they are holden in these suspicions and in these doubtes they will not intrude for them selues vppon the Duchie of Myllan neither will they seeke to offende vs but with vaine threatninges Where if we assure them of that feare they will haue in their power to doe both the one and other And if they doe it as it is likely they will where is our remedie where are become our hopes our councells and our exspectacions yea of whome maye we complayne more
drawing thether with their forces The Viceroy was appointed to goe against the Marquis of Rothelin who was come ouer the Mounts with foure hundred launces Neuertheles assoone as he vnderstood of the fortune of the Admirall and that he was retyred he returned also into Fraunce holding it vaine for him to followe further thenterprise when the principall forces were dispersed Besides Monsr de Boysy and Iulio Saint Seuerin to whom was committed the gard of Alexandria made no resistance In like sort Federyk after he had demaunded respit of a fewe dayes to know if the Admirall were passed the Mountes compownded to yeeld vp Loda vppon the condicion that was accorded to them of Alexandria to leade into Fraunce the bands of Italian footemen who conteining a regiment of fiue thousande men did speciall seruice to the King afterwardes This was the end of the warre that was managed against the Duchie of Myllan vnder the gouernment of the Admiral of Fraunce By the which neither the kings power being much weakened nor the rootes of harmes remooued much lesse that so many calamities were cleane taken away seeing they were but deferred to an other season and Italy in the meane while remeining discharged of trobles present but not of suspicion of further aduersities to come And yet Themprour no lesse by the incitacion of the Duke of Burbon then by the hope that the authoritie and name of that man might serue him to speciall purpose Was of minde to transferre the warre into Fraunce to the which also the King of Englande showed a readines and disposicion In the beginning of this yeare Themprour had sent his Camp to Fontarabie a towne of verie smal circuit standing vppon the debatable lands that deuide Fraunce from Spaine And albeit the towne was very wel manned and furnished with artilleries and vittelles and leasure sufficient to them within to make it fortefied yet the fortifications being ill made through the ignorance of the Frenche men the towne laye open to the fury of thenemies who heaping vppon the defendants one necessitie after an other constrained them at last to giue it vp only with the safetie of their lyues He was not satisfied with the recouerie of this place but stretching his thoughtes further he made his ambicion no lesse then his fortune and in those conceites being raised to further enterprise he kept no reckoning of the comfortes and authoritie of the Pope who hauing sent in the beginning of the yeare to Themprour the Frenche King and to the King of Englande to solicit a peace or a truse he found their mindes very ill disposed to giue ouer the warre For the French king consenting to a truse for two yeares refused to make peace for the small hope he had to obteine thereby suche condicions as he desired And the Emprour reiecting the truse by the which was giuen good tyme to the Frenche King to reordeine his forces to folow a new warre desired to haue peace And touching the King of Englande any sort of composicion that was offred to be made by the Popes meanes was displeasing to him as in whom was alwayes a desire that the treatie of thaccorde might bee wholly referred to him To this he was induced by the ambicious counselles of the Cardinall of Yorke who seruing as a true example in our dayes of an immoderate pride notwithstanding he was of very base condicion and no lesse abiect for his parentes and discending yet he was risen to suche an estate of authoritie and grace with the King that in most of the actions of the realme the kings wil seemed nothing without thapprobacion of the Cardinall as of the contrary what so euer the Cardinall did deliberate was either absolute or at least had very great force But both the King and his Cardinall kept dissembled with the Emprour that thought by apparances showed a very forward inclination to moue warre against the realme of Fraunce which the King of Englande pretended lawfully to apperteyne to him He grounded his claime vppon these reasons King Edvvard the thirde after the death of the Frenche King Charles the fourth called the faire who dyed without issue male in the yeare of our saluacion 1328. and of whose sister the sayde King Edvvarde the third was borne Made instance to be declared King of Fraunce as next heire male to the French king deceassed Neuertheles he was put by by the generall Parliament of the realme wherein it was set downe that by vertue of the lawe Salyke an auncient lawe of that kingdome not only the persons of women were made vnable to the succession of the Crowne but also all suche as discended and came of the women line were excluded But he not satisfied with this order brought in to take away his right armed him selfe soone after and taking vpon him the title of the king of Fraunce he inuaded the realme with a mightie armie And as in that action he obteined many victories both agaynst Phillip de Valois published by vniuersall consent lawfull successor to Charles the fayre and also agaynst king Iohn his sonne who being ouerthrowne in battell was ledde prisoner into England So after long warres he forbare further to vex the realme and making peace with the sayde Iohn he reteined many prouinces and estates of the kingdome and renounced the title of king of Fraunce But after this composicion which was neither of long continuance nor of great effect the quarrell was eftsones renewed and sometimes followed with long warres and semetimes discontinued with tedious truces vntill at laste king Henry the fift entring confederacie with Phillip Duke of Burgondy who bare a minde estraunged from the Crowne of Fraunce for the murder done vpon Duke Iohn hys father preuayled so muche agaynst Charles the sixt somewhat simple of vnderstanding that he commaunded almost the whole kingdome together with the towne of Paris And finding in that Citie the French king accompanied with his wife and the Lady Katherine his daughter he tooke to wife the sayde Lady and brought the king to consent hauing no great vse of witte that after his death the kingdome shoulde apperteine to him and to his heires notwithstanding his sonne Charles did suruiue him By vertue of which title assone as he was dead his sonne king Henry the sixte was solemnly crowned at Paris and proclaymed king of Englande and Fraunce And albeit after the death of Charles the sixte his sonne Charles the seuenth by reason of great warres happning in Englande betweene the Lordes of the blood royall had chased thEnglishe out of all that they helde in Fraunce except the towne and territories of Callice yet the kinges of Englande dyd not leaue for all that to continue and vse the title of King of Fraunce These causes might happly moue king Henry the eyght to the warre the rather also for that he stoode more assured in his Realme then anye of his predecessours had done for that the kinges of the house of Yorke that was
him selfe to thEmperour with this allegacion that in that time his Capteines forbearing to communicate with him any parte of their plots or purposes by the space of twentie dayes and dispairing afterwards of the preseruacion of that state not without some feare of the kingdome of Naples for that the Duke of Albania drewe with his regimentes towardes Tuskane he was constrained to looke to his suretie and yet neuerthelesse the regard of his proper daunger did not so muche carie him but that he did accorde with condicions no lesse fauorable and prouiding for thEmperours affaires then his owne and did refuse verie great offers which the frenche king tendred to th ende to make him enter into the allyance ioyntly with him And yet neuerthelesse these excuses had not suche operacion but that thEmperour and his Capteines were muche troubled not so muche for that they sawe them selues whollie depriued of hope to haue any more succours of him as for the doubt they had that the capitulacion conteyned not some further matter then thobligacion of newtralitie Besides they construed that in all sortes he had giuen too great reputacion to thenterprise of the frenchmen had this further feare also least the Pope were the meane that the Venetians were not brought to followe his example a matter which afterwardes was discerned to bee true by certeyne letters and bills founde in the kinges tent after the victorie Lastly the Pope had kindeled these suspicions and discontentmentes when he consented that the municions lent by the Duke of Ferrara to the French king when he lay affore Pauia should not only passe through his landes but also he gaue ayde to the conduction of them But muche more were these quarrels broached at suche time as the Duke of Albanie went to the enterprise of the realme of Naples not onely for that he was receyued and honored as a friende along all the estates of the Church and the Florentins but also he stayed certayne dayes about Siena to reforme at his instance the gouernment of that citie whiche albeit was the cause to prolong the Dukes voyage into the realme of Naples and that it was a matter solicited principally by him to that ende as beeing a thing troublesome to him that vpon one man shoulde be layde the iurisdiction of Naples and Millan yet thimperialls in that respect had made an interpretation that betwene the French king and him was a further bonde then a simple promise not to offende one an other So that it was not without good reason that the Pope did not onely feare together with the other Potentates to be inuaded by the imperialls vpon euery concurrance of time and occasion But also he had his feare particular that without exspecting an oportunitie more great they would bring on their fortune presently euen to set vpon the estate of the Church or to execute some action agaynst the common weale of Florence But the thing whiche more redoubled hys feare was that the Duke of Albanie assone as he was aduertised of the kings calamitie retyred from the Mount Rotondo towards Bracciano for his safetie And hauing also sent thither a cornet of an hundred and fiftie horsemen that were within Rome whom the Pope caused to accompany him thither for his garde fearing the preparations which the Duke of Sesso and the Imperials made to defeate the regimentes of the Duke of Albanie And comming from Sermonete about foure hundred horse and twelue hundred footemen of the bandes of the Vrsins beeing followed by Iulio Colonno with many trowpes of horsemen and footemen it happned that he ouerthrewe them at the Abbey of three fountaynes who fleeing for their safetie into the citie of Rome where they entred at the gates of saint Paule and saint Sebastian the bandes of Iulio entred with them pelmell and in their rage killed diuerse of them in the fielde of Flora and other places of the Citie Vpon whiche occasion the whole Citie drawing into tumult tooke armes first with a great feare and afterwards with no litle indignation of the Pope for the slender regarde and reuerence that was giuen to his authoritie But in suche a doubt and generall trauell of minde he had occurrant the counsells and offers of the Venetians who beeing of them selues entred into the like feare laboured to perswade him with no small instance that by their common ayde and meanes there might be procured to discende into Italie with all speede a regiment of ten thousande Svvizzers and calling also into their paye an other colonie of Italians they might ioyne in grosse to oppose agaynst so manyfest and huge daungers Wherein they promised for their partes whiche is their ordinary custome farre greater things then they are wont to obserue They alleaged that it was many monthes since the Launceknightes within Pauia had bene payed who seeing since the victorie the same difficulties of payment to continue were become mutinous and ceazing vpon the artilleries were drawne into a setled strength within Pauia That because the Capteines had no meane to make good their payment all the residue of the armie was drawne into tumult and murmured euerye day more and more In so muche as both he and they falling speedily into armes both their common estates were assured and the occasion was enterteined by the which they would of themselues fall into disorder beeing no lesse embarked into those difficulties then constrayned to keepe continually great forces for the garde of the king that was prisoner To this they added that there was no doubt that the Lady Regent through whose hands passed the gouernment of Fraunce and in whom was no small desire to further that vnion would not onely make marche at their instance the Duke of Albanie with his regimentes and the foure hundred Launces of the arearegarde reserued of the battell but also would induce the vniuersall consent of the kingdome of Fraunce to be concurrant for the safetie of Italie with a greate summe of money as knowing that therevpon depended the greatest parte of their hope to recouer the king Lastely they vrged this deliberation to be good and necessary if it were with the same speede put in execution but to deferre and temporise were to giue meane to thimperialls to reduce their condition and reorder them selues the rather for that who so euer tooke not a resolution to enter into armes stoode in case of constraynt to compound with them and to giue them money which was no other thing then to become an instrument meane to deliuer them from all their difficulties and submit themselues wilfully vnder a yoke of perpetuall subiection Moreouer they put him in hope that the Duke of Ferrara would follow them who like as both for his auncient dependancie of the Frenche and for the ayde which in that warre he had administred to the king was not without his feare so also his coniunction seemed of no litle importance no lesse for the commoditie of his estate in the warres
of Lombardie Ferrara beeing a very strong towne then for his great store of munitions and artilleries and as the brute went for his right huge wealth of golde and siluer But neyther the hope to ouercome an enterprise so harde and daungerous which with wise men ought to cary no litle care and impression nor the consideration of perilles furthest off and remoued to the which tyme is wont to bring those remedies which the wit of man could not finde out nor anye other thing of what property or operation soeuer could not encline the Pope to open his eares to suche speeches and perswasions had not a feare to be inuaded presently induced him to laye him selfe downe rather to the daunger least certayne then to the perill that seemed moste assured and moste present And therefore the practises were so farre aduaunced betweene them and they staying vppon nothing but to set downe the capitulations by writing there was exspectation from howre to howre to contract and accorde In so muche as the Pope who perswaded himselfe of the conclusion dispatched in post to the king of Englande Ieronimo Ghinuccio a Siennois and Auditor of thapostolike chamber whose commission was to labor to dispose the king to oppose his forces agaynst suche a greatnes of themperour In the very instant of this expedicion aryued with good oportunitie the Archbishop of Capua his auncient fecretorie and counsellor and for many yeres of great authoritie with him he assone as he was aduertised of the victory of thimperials departed from Plaisance and went to the campe of Don Charles de Lauoy Viceroy of Naples and being resolued of his intention he tooke post horse to go to the Pope to whom he caryed an assured hope of accorde for at that tyme the Viceroy and the other Capteines were occupied with two thoughtes and perplexities the one to prouide money to content the armie which for want of paye they sawe began to decline into manyfest confusion the other to cary the person of the French king into such a place as the difficultie to garde him should not keepe them in continuall care and feare Which two things being established they iudged them to stande in degree and condition alwayes hable to execute and put to effect their purposes In which respect they desired accorde with the Pope pretending thereby to drawe from him a great quantitie of money wherevnto seeking to dispose him the rather by feare and also in releeuing thestate of Millan which was almoste wasted with the burden of souldiours they sent to lye vpon the countrey of Plaisanca foure hundred men at armes and eight thousand launceknightes not as enemies but alleaging sometimes the pouerty of the Duchie of Millan to be farre vnhable to nourishe so great an armie and sometimes threatning to make them marche vp to the territories of Rome to seeke out the Duke of Albanie if the regimentes of men of warre that had bene leauyed by the Vrsins were not retyred and dissolued But these industries and diligences were superfluous for that assoone as the Pope was assured to auoyde the daungers present he lefte there all his other thoughtes and disposed his minde wholly to thaccorde In which inclination concurring also the reasons and counsell of tharchbishop he sent after thauditor of the Chamber to countermaunde him backe agayne And to take awaye all occasions that might hinder thaccorde he wrought so that the Duke of Albanie dispersed his whole armie excepte those bandes of footemen and horsemen that were of beyonde the Mountes he lodged the Duke within Corneto after he had on thother side receyued promise of themperours commaunders to giue leaue also to their souldiours that laye vpon the passages of Rome and cause to staye Askanius Colonno with the other companies that came from the kingdome He also was an interposer with the Colonnois beginning to molest the lands of the Vrsins to desist and depose armes The Pope both desyred and did all he could to bring the Venetians comprehended within thaccorde whiche he solicited with the Viceroy but the onely difficultie that resisted was that they refused to paye so muche money as the Viceroy demaunded of them for he required of them so muche money as had bene spente in the warre to the which they ought to contribute and that hereafter they should make their contribution not with men but with money The like demaunde did he also make to all those that were comprehended in the confederation made with Adrian But it made well for the Pope that the Venctians shewed themselues harde straite because they put the Viceroy in suspicion that they layde for newe stirres and commotions And whylest these matters were negociated with a very assured hope of conclusion the Florentins by the Popes ordinance sent xxv thousande ducketts to the Marquis of Pisquairo for thenterteinment of tharmye hauing first receyued promise from Iohn Bart. de Gattinaro who negociated with the Pope for the Viceroy that that summe should be percell of the principall summe which was to be payd to him by vertue of the newe capitulacion And not many dayes afore the resolution and conclusion of the sayd capitulation the duke of Albanie who for his returning into Fraunce had taried for the nauy at sea which being now come also the gallies that were sent him he imbarked himselfe in them together with the gallies of the Pope which were sent to him by consent of the Viceroy and had neuertheles no saseconduit neither for the one nor for the other Ranse de Cere was imbarked with him together with thartillenes which he had had from Siena and Lucquay and foure hundred horse a thousand launceknightes with a very smal trowpe of Italians the residue of the regiments being retyred and gone away by trowpes The residue of the horses were partly solde and partly left there It was discerned clearly by the dealing and proceding of the Duke of Albanie that the purpose of his sending thither was eyther to diuert thimperialls from the Duchie of Millan for feare of the kingdome of Naples or else through that feare to induce them to accorde and aswell for that cause he had marched slowly as for that the forces which the king had giuen him were not sufficient for suche an enterprise But at laste leauing out the Venetians the confederation was concluded within Rome the first day of Aprill betweene the Pope and Florentins on the one part and themprour of thother for whom the Viceroy vndertooke being his lieftenant generall in Italie and for the Viceroy Iohn Bart. de Gattinaro nephew to themprours chief Chauncellor being in Rome with full and ample commission Theffect of the Capitulations most importing was this That betwene the Pope and themprour should be a perpetuall amitie and confederation by the which both the one and the other shoulde be bound to defende with a certayne proportion of men the Duchie of Millan being then possessed vnder the name of themperour by Frauncis Sforce who
was named as principall in this capitulation That themperour should take into his protection all the estates which the Church helde together with those which the Florentins possessed and particularly the house of Medicis with all the authoritie and preheminences which that famulie helde in that Citie That the Florentins should pay presently an hundred thousande duckets for recompence of their parte of contribucion in the laste warres by vertue of the league made by Pope Adrian which themperour pretended not to be dissolued by his death for that it was manifestly expressed vpon the capitulations to endure one yere after the seuerall death of the confederates That thimperials should retyre their forces from of the church estates and not to sende afterwardes any bandes of souldiours to harbour or lodge there without the Popes consent There was place lefte for the Venetians to enter into this confederation within the tearme of twenty dayes vnder reasonable conditions which were to be declared by the Pope and themperour Moreouer it was accorded that the Viceroy should be bound to bring in within foure monthes themperours ratification to all these capitulations And those that were delegates and deputies for the Viceroy were bounde seuerally to a capitulation confirmed by othe that if themperour within the sayd time did not ratifie the sayde capitulations the Viceroy should repay ouer agayne the sayde hundred thousande duckets And yet so long as they were not repayed the league should haue his full obseruation to the which were added these three articles not being any of the text of the capitulation but set downe in articles apart and confirmed also by othe That in all causes and actions of benefices of the realme of Naples it should be permitted to the Popes to vse the same authoritie and iurisdiction as was disposed by the inuestitures of the kingdome That hereafter the Duchie of Millan should make all their prouision of salte from Ceruia according to the price and order which had bene aforetime couenanted betwene Pope Leo and the French king nowe reigning and confirmed in the capitulation which the sayde Pope Leo made with themperour in the yeare a thousande fiue hundred twentie and one That the Viceroy should so worke and labour as the Duke of Ferrara should immediatly render to the Church Reggia Rubiera with suche other townes as he had taken during the vacation of the sea by the death of Adrian And that in consideration thereof the Pope assone as he should be repossessed of them should pay to themperour an hundred thousande duckets and at the first request to be made to him to absolue the Duke of Ferrara of the Censures and priuations which he had incurred but not of the penaltie of an hundred thousande duckets which he had promised in case of breaking the bond made with Adrian And yet neuertheles after the Pope had recouered possession there should be searche and examination made in lawe whether those townes together with Modena apperteined to the Church or to the Empire And if they were founde to be the rightes of thempire then they should stande holden and recognized in chief of themperour and otherwise to remayne free to the sea Apostolike This deliberation of the Pope was diuersly interpreted according to the diuersitie of mens passions and iudgementes but especially did varye the construction of the popular sorte to whom suche counsels as carye the fayrest showes seeme commonly more acceptable and pleasing then those that are disgested with good maturitie of reasons The common people also according to their lightnesse and credulitie do for the most part esteeme for wise and noble suche men as measure things not by discression and experience but by affection and light relation There were also some that professed to desire the libertie of Italie who blamed the Popes dealing as though through pucillanimitie and infirmitie of courage he had let slippe thoccasion to vnite it agaynst themperour and to deliuer him selfe from all disorders But most men of deeper iudgement and insight in matters of state were of an other opinion They sawe howe farre it had bene from wise counsell to oppose resistance with newe companies agaynst so glorious and victorious an armie They considered by howe many reasons the comming of the Svvizzers might be long and dilatorie and with what difficulties they shoulde passe notwithstanding they were ready to discende And yet wayghing with their custome and inconstancle of their nature the fresh wound which they had so lately receyued there was no assurance of their comming These wise men sawe also that there was no better hope or exspectation on the French side eyther for that by reason of so great an ouerthrow they stoode depriued both of courage and counsell or else there remayned no prouision of money nor any supply of men of warre to refurnishe the bandes those fewe that escaped the lamentable slaughter of the battell beeing so spoyled of their furniture and baggage that they stoode neede both of time and money to readresse them So that this vnion caryed no other fundation apparant or probable then a naked hope that th armie of thenemies would not come on nor moue for wante of money A matter which though it came so to passe yet they remayned not for all that depriued of the Duchie of Millan which so long as it stoode at the deuotion of themperour the Pope could not be without a perpetuall occasion of feare And yet that hope was not without his vncertenties for that it drewe with it this feare that the Capteines eyther by their authoritie or by their pollicie or lastly by propounding to the souldiors the sacke of some riche towne of the Churche or of Tuskane would dispose the armie to marche And of this inclination was discerned this manifest token that one part of the Launceknightes to seeke a place of harbor of more benefite and conueniencie were passed the ryuer of Pavv and come vppon the landes of Parma and Plaisanca In so muche as if they had any intention to passe further it could not be but all remedies would come to late and also so great a deliberation was grounded with too great a daunger vpon a bare hope of the disorders of thenemies who neuerthelesse had it in their power and will to ridde them selues out of their disorders Then the counsell of the Pope seemed discret and well considered according to the time that then ranne but it had happly ben more commendable if in all the articles of the capitulation he had vsed the same discression and disposed his wit rather to close vp and make whole all the woundes of Italie then to open and make sharpe any one of consequence Wherein he had wisely imitated the order of the skilfull Phisitions who when the remedies they prepare to cure thindisposition of thinferiour members augment the maladie of the head or the heart they throwe away all care of griefes and infirmities most light and with the fauour of tyme they proceede carefully to
that is iniuried there is nothinge so sweete as the passion of reuenge And by howe muche th offence is auncient and inueterat by so much more incurable is the humor of reuenge and more heauye the stroake where it lighteth We may beleeue that the kinges minde burneth with disdayne when he remembreth how many monethes he hath beene your prisoner with what seueritie he hath beene kept vnder straite and sure garde and neuer was fauored so much as to speake to you or see you Besides in this calamitie of imprisonment he hath passed so many perplexities and perills as had almost brought him to the ende of his mortall life causes not litle materiall to make him highly incensed besides the despite of his other iniuries sufficient to drawe on his desire to be reuenged And nowe he seeth we goe about to deliuer him not through magnanimitie or amitie but by necessitie and feare of so great a confederacion conspired against vs Do we thinke that parentage made by necessitie is more mighty then so many vehement incitacions Doe not we know how much Princes esteeme of such bonds And who can yeld a better restimonie then our selues of the estimacion and reckoning of parentages But it may happly seeme to some that we shall be greatly assured by the faith he will giue to returne againe into prison Oh weake foundacions and full of frailtie oh hopes vnperfect and drawing more perill then sewertie oh councell vndiscreete which hath no societie with wisedome and forecast The griefe I haue to see vs disposed to take a coursse so hurtfull and daungerous makes me burst out into this libertie of playne speeche This boarde is not ignorant what reckoning is made of faith and worde giuen when there is question of interests of estate neyther are we to learne of what force are the promisses of the French men who though they be open and playne in all other thinges yet in this regarde let vs thinke them Schoolemaisters moste perfect in deceyuing and abusing And for the king he hath naturally a readye tongue to promisse and aslowe hande to performe and by custom is so much the more harde and sparing in effects by howe much he is plentifull and prodigall in words and speeches Vppon which I gather this reasonable conclusion that neither the respect of good will betwene two Princes who haue for an auncient inheritance iniuries and offences nor the memorie of benefits which neuer was any nor the cōsideracion of faith promisses which in controuersie of matters of estate importeth nothing with the frenchmen wil haue any force to induce him to follow an accord which lifteth vp his enemy into heauen throweth his owne person his kingdom into manifest subiection where it may be obiected that for feare of these things the better to assure your maiesty you demaūd two of his childrē of whom one to be theldest whose loue wil cōtein him more thē the price of Burgongny I aūswer that the loue of those childrē wil rather cause the cōtrary specially whē the memory of thē shal moue in the cogitaciōs of his mind cōsideration that to obserue thaccord would be the beginning to make them your slaues it is doubtful that such a pawne will not be sufficient if he should be altogether desperat to recouer it in other sort for that as it is a thing that much importeth to put his Realme in daunger which being once lost is hard to be recouered So neuerthelesse he may haue many hopes to redeeme his children either with the fauor of tyme or by the benefit of accord or by thopportunitie of some other occasion and yet in respect of their base age thexspectacion wil not be greeuous to him Besides standing in tearmes to draw into vnitie against you almost all the Princes of Christendom who doubteth not but he will confederat with them who seeth not that he will seeke to moderat that accord by the waye of warre and armes And who knoweth not that in that case the gayne and profit which we shall reape by this victorie will bringe vppon vs a most stronge and daungerous warre stirred vp by the desperat hatred of the French king by the burning ielousie of the king of England and by the general necessitie of all the Potentats in Italy Against whom how shall we be able to defende our selues vnles God continue daily to worke the same miracles for vs which he hath so often done till this tyme or vnles fortune for our sakes chaunge her nature and reduce her inconstancie and lightnes to an example of constancie and firmenes contrary to all experience past how many monethes haue we concluded in our councells to doe all that we could to let thItalians for vniting with the house of Fraunce And now we throwe our selues rashly into a deliberacion which takes away all difficulties that till this hower haue kept them in suspence A matter which multiplieth our daungers encreaseth the forces of our enemies since it is not to be doubted that that league wil be more strong and mighty which shal haue for a head the French king standing in his freedome and in his kingdome then that which should be contracted with the house of Fraunce and the king remeine your prisoner There is no other thing which till this day hath deteyned the Pope from entring confederacion against you then the feare he had that you would alwayes separate the French from the residue in offering to them the libertie of their king but lesse will be their feare of such a matter when you shall haue the children who import not muche and dismisse the father vppon whose person resteth the ballancing of all things So that by this meane the medicine which we haue sought to applye to preuent our daunger will become without all comparison the chiefe poyson and instrument of our perill And in place to breake this vnion we shall be the meane to enforce it and make it more firme and puissant But me thinkes I see some ready to aske my aduise and whether I wil councell your Maiestie to drawe no profitte of so greate a victorie and to suffer you to dwell alwayes vppon these doubtes and perplexities to whome I aunswer and confirme eftsoones the similitude I haue spoken many tymes that it is a matter too hurtfull to receyue so much meate at one tyme as the stomacke can not beare And that it is necessary eyther by returning into amitie with Italy which demaundes nothing of vs but to be assured to gette of the Frenche king both Burgonguye and asmuch els as we can or els to make a composicion with him by the which Italy may remeyne at our discression but so easie touching his interests as he may haue cause to obserue the condicions of it In thelection of the one of these two wayes it apperteyneth to your maiestie in pollicie forecast to preferre that which in deed is moste stable and iust affore that which at the
giue occasion to thenemies to make head at Sienna or in any other place hauing a speciall desire to make his entrye into the kingdome of Naples before he should encounter any impediment And assone as he was departed from Bolognia Iohn Sassatello rendred to the Pope the rocke of Ymola of which he had made himselfe lorde in the time of his imprisonment And drawing neare afterwards to Rimini Sigismond Malatesta sonne to Pandolffo contracted with him to giue vp that Citie to the Pope vpon condition that he should be bound to suffer his mother to enioy her dowry to giue to his sister who was not maryed sixe thousande duckets and to assigne for his father and for him two thousand duckets of reuenue That Sigismond should depard immediatly out of Rimini and his father to remayne there vntill the Pope had sent the ratification And that in the meane while the rocke should abide in the handes of Guido Rangon his cousin who being in the pay of the French king followed Monsr Lavvtrech to the warre But the Pope deferring to accomplishe these promises Sigismond repossessed and occupied agayne the rocke though not without a great complaynt of the Pope agaynst Guido Rangon as though he had secretly suffred him and not without suspicion that Lavvtrech and the Venetians had consented seeming they had desired to kepe him in continuall difficulties The suspicion of the Venetians grewe vpon the cause of Rauenna which the Pope assone as he was deliuered out of the Castell hauing sent to sommon and demaunde it of the Senate by the Archbishop of Siponto he was aunswered with words generall referring the matter to the arbitration of Iasper Contarin Embassadour elect resident with him for notwithstanding they had giuen assurance before that they reteyned it for the sea Apostolike yet they had no desire to restore it Wherein they were moued aswell by interests publike as priuate for the commoditie of that Citie to augment their iurisdiction in Romagnia fertill of it selfe in grayne and for the plentie of the countreys adioyning of great oportunitie to draw to Venice euery yere good quantities of corne Besides many of the citie of Venice had in that territorie great and goodly possessions And touching Monsr Lavvtrech the Pope doubted no lesse of him for that besides many instances which had bin made to him before Lavvtrech notwithstanding he had sent to him after he was come from Bolognia Monsr Vavvdemont capteine generall of the Launceknightes together with Monsr Longeuille whome the king sente to solicite him earnestlye to declare agaynst thEmperour could not obteine so muche of him the Pope not refusing expresly but vnder delayes and excuses And in that cunning he had offred to the french king to giue his consent but vnder this condition that the Venetians should render to him Rauenna A condition which he knew could not take effect both for that it behoued not the Venetians to be induced to it by the kings perswasions neither was it agreable to the time that the king should make them his enemies to satisfie the Pope Moreouer he gaue no inclination to thinstance which Lavvtrech made to him to ratifie the accorde made with the Duke of Ferrara alleaging that it was a matter farre vnworthye of him to approue in his life time conditions made in his name whylest he was dead and yet he alleaged that he woulde not refuse to contracte with him By reason whereof the duke of Ferrara taking that occasion made difficultie notwithstanding the king and the Venetians had receyued him into their protection to sende to Monsr Lavvtrech the hundred men at armes and the money which he had promised Wherin he stoode vpon this obseruation that doubting the issue of affayres he would not be so much for the French king as not to reserue place and meane to appease in all euentes the minde of themprour to whom he had excused himselfe by his necessitie Besides he enterteined cōtinually at Ferrara George Fronspergh and Andrevv de Burgo Neuerthelesse the armie for all this ceassed not to aduaunce which vnder the leading of Monsr de Lavvtrech aryued the tenth of February vpon the ryuer of Tronto which seperateth the estate ecclesiastike from the kingdome of Naples But in Fraunce after aduertisement was brought that themprour had reteined the kings Embassadour by his example the king caused themprours Agentes to be restrayned within the Castell of Paris and all Marchantes subiects to him to be stayed throughout all the regions of Fraunce The king of Englande did the like by themprours Embassadour resident with him whom he eftsones redeliuered after he was made to vnderstande that no restraynt was made vpon his And as the warre was nowe published in Fraunce in Englande and in Spayne so the French king stoode vppon this request that the first action might begin ioyntly in Flaunders in which resolution he sent certayne bands of souldiours to make incursions into that contrey Neuertheles the Flemings for all those prouocations made no emotion nor rising vnlesse to defende them selues for that the Lady Margaret of Austria laboring to auoyde all occasions to enter warre with the French king would not suffer her people to issue out of their boundes and confines But it was a matter grieuous to the king of Englande to haue warre with the people of Flaunders for that notwithstanding there were to be confined to him assone as they should be conquered certaine townes promised before by themprour for assurance of the mony he had lent him yet he helde it also a matter no lesse preiudiciall aswell for his particular reuenues as for the generall interest and benefite of his realme to breake the trade and entercourse of his Marchantes with those prouinces Neuerthelesse according to thobligations of the contract as he could not apparantly refuse it so yet he temporised deferred it asmuch as he could taking thaduauntage of the capitulacions by the which it was lawfull for him to linger fortie daies after sommonce made to th ende to giue time to the marchants to retire themselues This excuse of his and inclinacion being both well knowen approued by the french king he solicited him that in place to make warre in Flaunders he would with an armie by sea inuade the sea coastes of Spayne where he assured him he had right good intelligence By which alteracion of councells it hapned at last that as the king sending to the french king a bishop to perswade him to giue ouer thenterprise of beyonde the mountes and to encrease and make stronge the warre of Italy so by his perswasions and his authoritie there was an order established that for the space of eight monethes next ensuing there should be done no vexacions nor harmes by the french and english vppon the contreys of Flaunders nor any of the estates or subiects of themprour confyning vpon those prouinces Wherein for the more easie induction of the french king to condiscend to this order the king of England was bound
succession of thirteene Popes a Pope of blood and nation a Romaine and of language and education of one familiaritie with themselues it standeth in the testimonie and relation of those who are to write of the accidents hapning in Italy since his election So is to be verified the sentence of the prouerbe that The office setteth out the dignitie of the person that manageth it The ende of the tvventeeth and last Booke Intention of the authour The estate wherein Italie was anno 1490. The good estate of Italy afore the troubles Laurence de medicis Ferdinand King of Aragon A league for 20 yeares betwen the king of Naples Duke of Myllan and the Venetians Laurence de medicis dyeth 1492. Pope InnoceÌ„t the viij dieth Creation of Pope Alexander 6. Corrupcion of Cardinalls in thelection of the Pope Pope Alexander the sixt stayâ—â—d with man â—â—â—es Peter de medicis heire to Laurence Lod. Sforce iâ— ielous oâ—â—â— the amities betwene â— de medicis the Aragons Lodo. Sforce insinuateth enuy into the Pope against the Aragons and Medicis Thimpudency of the Pope to iustifie his children Confederacion betwene the Pope the Venetians the Duke of Myllan The title of the house of Aniow to the kingdom of Naples 1264. The name of Iohane a name vnhappy for the kingdom of Naples The state of the Realme of Fraunce vnder Charles the viij Lodo. Sforce seeketh to draw the pope to his purpose Thembassador of Myllan perswades the french king to the voyage of Naples Confederacion betwene the kinge of Fraunce and Lodo. Sforce The thoughts of Ferdinand King of Naples The suttleties of Lod. Sforce Preparacions in Fraunce for the warres of Italy The Duchie of Brittain inuested in the crowne of Fraunce Mariage of Blanche Mary Sforce with themprour Maximylian Death of Ferdinand king of Aragon Confederacion betwene the Pope and Alphonso k â–ª of Naples The french k. sendeth Embassadors to the Pope Florentins and Venice â—4â—â— The Florentyns aunswere the french Embassadors The french king angry with the Florentyns aunswere The french king prayeth amitie of the Venetians The aunswer of the Venetians The king of Naples sendeth out his forces The beginning of the warre The king of Naples sendeth out an armie to take the citie of Genes Lowys Duke of Orleans entreth Genes and preserues it The Duke of Calabria marcheth towards Calabria The 〈…〉 The Veretians 〈…〉 rs Coniectures against the suttelties of Lodowyk Sforce Foreshowes of the calamities of Italy The 〈…〉 king 〈…〉 full to g 〈…〉 with th 〈…〉 pri 〈…〉 Naples Cardinal S. P. ad 〈…〉 la giues a new life to th 〈…〉 pedicion The french king in Ast The french king discribed Lodo. Sforce goeth to visit the french king in Ast The number of the 〈…〉 h kings armie How when great shot came first into Italy The ColoÌ„noys for the french king The french king visites Iohn Galeas duke of Myllan The death of Iohn Galeas The manifest aspiring of Lo dowrk Sforce to the duke doÌ„ Lodo. Sforce Duke of Mylâ—an by vsurpacion The french king in mind to returne into Fraunce Laurence and Iohn de medicis with the french king The way that the french armie tooke to Naples M. Montpensier leader of the vauÌ„tgard P. de medicis comes to the french king Peter de med 〈…〉 accordeâ— with the fâ—â—ch king The â—lâ—renâ—â—ns discontented with P. de medicis A â—umulâ— in Florence P. de medicis fleeth out of Florence The Pysanâ— offer to reuolt Cardinal S. P. ad vincla per swades the Pysans not to reuolt The french king draweâ— toward Florence The french king entreth Florence A resolut part of a Coi 〈…〉 er Capitulacion betwene the french king and the â—â—â—â—rentynes The french king at Siena The Pope is ielous of his 〈…〉 The french king entreth Rome 1494. Perswasions of some Cardinalls to the french king to depose the Pope Capitulacions betwene the Pope and the french king Cardinall Valence the Popes sonne The french king kisseth the Popes feete The king parteth from Rome and draweth towards Naples The kingdom of Naples beginneth to conspire Iohn Iacques Triuulce goeth to the french king The yong king Ferdinand speakes in great sorow to the multitude The french king entreth Naples Beginning of the warres of Pysa 〈…〉 and 〈…〉 The pretended â—aâ—â— of the Duke of Myllanâ—â— Pysa The complaintes of the Pysans afore the french king ThEmbassador of Florëce confuteth those complaintes P. Anth. Soderin reasoneth touching a forme of gouernment for Florence Against this opinion reasoneth Guido Anth. Vespucci Iero. Sauonarola esteemed for a prophet in Florence The french king makes offers to Dom Federyk Dom Federyk aunswereth the king The french king sendes an armie to inuade Yschia The death of Ge. Ottâ—a Tinke and kept in refuge by the Pope Lodo. Sforce beginneth too late to feare the greatnes of the french A confederat league against the french king The french king vseth negligence in ordering the thinges of Naples The french king taketh councell of his Lordes a hat to dâ—e against the league of Consederatâ— Gil. Burbon Dâ—s Montpensier the kinges Lieftenant in Naples The realme of Naples beginneth to reclayme the name of thAragons The french king crowned king of Naples Virginio Vrsin and the Count Petillane being the kings prisoners show reasons to be redeliuered Their reasons are disproued by Monsr de Ligny The Venetians and 〈…〉 prepare the french 〈…〉 Fraunce 〈…〉 An attempt vpon the owne of Nouare Ier. Sauonarola a freas preacher in Florence The king aspireth to the surprising of Genes The armie of the confederats The battell of Taro. The french kinges atteÌ„pt vpon Genes spedd euill Ferdinand to reconquer his kingdom of Naples The citie of Naples riseth to let in Ferdinand Marquis 〈…〉 Pis 〈…〉 Monsr M 〈…〉 from N 〈…〉 Alphonso king of 〈…〉 th The seege of Nouaro The Pope commaundes the french king to goe out of Italy Capitulacion betwene the french king and the Florentyns Peace betwene the french king and the Confederats Monsr Trymouille◠〈…〉 The Prince of Orange speaketh The french poâ—ks their beginning Lodowyk sutle in dissembling Shiftes of Lod. Sforce to breake the peace The Venetians in mind to 〈…〉 the Pysans Peter de medicis at the instigation of the Confederate determineth to returne to Florence A 〈…〉 mi 〈…〉 d 〈…〉 enterprise 〈…〉 insurrections Virgini Vrsin with the french king 〈…〉 by 〈…〉 The Venetians in minde to take vpon them the defence of Pysa The Senat of Venice debateth vpon the action of Pysa The Duke of Veniâ—e reasoneth in fauâ—r of the Pâ—sans and preuaileth Pysa in the protection of Venice Lodowyk vauntes him selfe to be the sonne of fortune Couenants be to â—ne Ferdinand king of Naples and the Venetians The hencâ— nauie 〈…〉 at Caâ—e â—a The Marquis of Mantua for the Venetians in the kingdom of Naples The french king makes a pâ—sting pugrimage to T 〈…〉 rs and S. 〈…〉 The french king determineth to send Triuulce into
Italy as his LieftenaÌ„t Camâ—lla Vitelli slayne The french began to decline in Naples Mercenary 〈…〉 the mâ—st part vnfaithfull The declinacion of the french in the kingdom of Naples Consaluo surpriseth the french The french send to capitulat with Ferdinand Montpensier dyeth Virginio Vrsin prisoner The Prince of Bisignian compowndeth for himselfe and others Monsr d'Aubigny consents to depart the kingdom of Naples Ferdinand dyeth Federyk made king of Naples Lodowyk will aswell serue his turne of the king of Romaines for his ambicion as he had doÌ„e of the french king in his necessitie Lodowyk perswades Caesar to goe to Pysa Peter Capponi The Pysans begin to disclayme the Duke of Myllan Caesar sendes Embassadors to Florence The Florentyns haue small hope to be succored by the french king The Florentyns send auÌ„swer to thEmprour Caesar is come to Pysa Caesar marcheth to Lyuorna Caesar leauieth his campe from Lyuorna Caesar excuseth his suddeine departure Caesar stealeth in haste into Iermany The computacion of the Venetian armie within Pysa Tarente and Caiette are rendred to Federyk new king of Naples The french king determineth to set vpon Genes 1497. The Duke of Candia generall of the Popes armie The encownter of Soriana Capitulacions betwene the Pope and the Vrsins Consaluo entreth Rome The french prepare new enterprises against Italy The Duke of Myllan practiseth against the Venetians touching Pysa Disorders in â—lorenâ—â— for the gouernment P. de medicis determineth once againe to returne to Florenes P. de medicis ayded by the of Siena P. de medicis fayleth of his enterprise The Cardinal of Valence killeth his brother the Duke of Candia being both the Popes sonnes The Pope abhominable in the lust of his daughter The faction and intelligence which Peter de medicis had in Florence is discouered The Pope inuesteth Vede 〈…〉 the kingdom of Naples New practises betvene the kinges of Fraunce and Spayne Phillip Duke of 〈…〉 The castell of Genes rendred 〈…〉 Duke of 〈…〉 The Duke of Myllan prosecutes his practise against the Venetians The death of king Charles the eyght Loâ—â—ys Duke of Orleans 〈…〉 the croâ—ne The death of Sauonarâ—â—a Lowys 1â— The title of the french king to the Duchie of Myllan 〈…〉 12. 〈…〉 of Myllan â—â— The Venetians send Embassadors to the french king The Pope apt tâ— dispense with al things for the greatnes of his sonne Pawle Vitelli Capteine generall of the Florentyn army Quarrell betwene the famulies of Colonne and Vrsin Vicopisan reÌ„dred Embassadours of the Florentyns at Venâ—â—â— The 〈…〉 yns send Embassadours to Venâ—â—e to treate of the affaires of Pisa The Duke of Veniâ—e aunswereth the Florentine Embassadâ—â—â— 1578. Truce betwen the Siennoys Florentyns Librafatta taken by Pawle Vitelli. The VenetiaÌ„s careful to succour the Pysans Alviano taketh Bybienna Meanes of accord The doings of the freâ—h king during the warre of Pisa The cardinall of Valâ—â—â— the Popes sonne reâ—â—iâ—â—s this profession The Cardinall of Valence Duke of Valentynois The French king maketh peace vvith his neighbourâ— The french king requireth Pisa in trust The Venetians take couÌ„cell whether they should ioyne with the french king The oration of Anthonie Grymany The â—â—â—â—ell of 〈…〉 〈…〉 of the league betvveene the french lâ—ng and the state of Venice The Duke of Myllan made astonished with the league solâ—â—â—teth an accord betwene the Venetians and the Florentyns The Pissns not keeping 〈…〉 rd are beseeged by the Florâ—tins Lodowyk strengthneth himselfe against the king The french king discendeth into Italy The frenchmen take diuers peeces in the Duchie of Myllan Lodowyk mustereth all thinhabitants of Myllan and laboureth 〈…〉 the people The Count Caiazze leaueth the Duke of Myllan Lodovvyk abandoneth Myllan The towne of Myllan yelâ—â—th to the frenchmen The french king 〈…〉 to Myllan The taking of Cascina Pisa is beseeged Pawle leauieth the siege The Florentynâ—â—â—â— P. 〈…〉 to death The french king being at Myllan compoundeth with the most parte of the Potentates of Italy The state of Romagnia in the tyme of the Duke Valentynas Duke Valentynâ—is takes Ymola by the ayde of the french men The discending of the Tâ—â—ke Duke Valentynois takeâ—â— Furly The french king returneth into Fraunce hauing first â—â—â— order in the Duchie of Myllan Disorders in the french gouernment in Myllan The french abandon Myllan The Duke of Myllan made prisoner by the treason of the Swissers Cardinall Askanius leaueth Myllan abandoned Cardinall Askanius betraied and taken Cardinall Askanius deliuered ouer to the frenchmen Monsr Beaumont a chiefe leader of the french armies M. Beaumont sendeth to demaund Pisa in the kinges name The french men affraid to assals Pisa The Pisans take Librafatta Sainct Gregorâ— against ambicion The â—râ—nâ—h King 〈…〉 th ayde to the Pope D. Valentynois beseegeth Faenza D. Valentynois leauieth his Camp. D Valentinois disdaineth to be repulsed The Pope createth â—â—â— Cardinals at one tyme. Truce betweene the French king and king of Romains 1501 The kings of Spaine and Fraunce deuide betweene them the realme of Naples Faenâ—ayelded to the Duke Capitula betweene the D. Valent â–ª and the Florent The french king commauds D. Valentynoys to depart from the landes of the Floretyns The computacion of the french army The Pope giueth thinuestiture of the kingdome of Naples to the French and Spanyard indifferently Prospero Coâ—onnâ— aduiseth ◠〈…〉 ad 〈…〉 the battell Great cruelties of the French. Insatiable lust of D. Valentinois The sorows of King Federyk redoubled 〈…〉 a sonne Federyk in minde to commit him selfe to the 〈…〉 and 〈…〉 y of the french 〈…〉 Theldest sonne of king Feder sent into Spaine Accord betweene the french king and the Florentyns The frenche and the Spanyardes do disagree vppon the deuiding of Naples The beginning of warres in Naples vnder K. Lowys the twelfth Aretze rebelleth against the Flor in fauour of Pâ— â–ª de Medicis The Florentâ—ns haue recourse to the french king Duke Valentinois takes the Duchie of Vrbyn â–ª Disorder in Florence touching the gouernment Peter Soderin chosen chiefe maiestrat during his lyfe The french king in Ast. Duke Valentynois with the french king Consaluo retireth to Barletto Duke Valentinâ—is in grace with the freÌ„â—s king againe The Duke of Vrbyn recouereth his estate Confederation against Valentynois Duke Valentynois demauÌ„deth succours of the french King. Capitulation betweene the Vrsins and D. Vaâ—â—â—â— Pawle Vrsin strangled Anthony de Leua Monsr de la Paâ—â—ssa made Pr. A combat of xiij sâ—â—nâ—â—men against xiij Italians Dâ—â—â—ending of the 〈…〉 into the Puchie of 〈…〉 Phillip Archduke of Austrich in Fraunce P 〈…〉 be 〈…〉 the â— of 〈…〉 The ouerthrow of the Duke of Atry 〈…〉 D 〈…〉 and 〈…〉 The ouerthrow and death of MoÌ„sr de Nemours Consaluo in Naples The Castles of Naples taken by the Spanishe The 〈…〉 Castle of Naples assalted The Florentyn â—n the countreâ— of Pisa A prouerbe 〈…〉 Popes dissembling The Fr. king prepares mightely against the K. of Spaine Pope Alex. the. 6. dead Duke Valentynois for the French king
speede euill 110. Ferdinand to reconquer his kingdom of Naples Ibid. French pockes their beginning 128. Factions breede insurrections 135. French nauy ariue at Caietta 147. French king maketh a posting pilgrimage to Towers and Saint Dennys 149. French king determineth to send Tryuulce into Italy as his Lieuetenant 150. The french begin to decline in Naples 154. The french send to capitulat with Ferdinand 157. Ferdinand dyeth 158. Federyk made k. of Naples 159. Florentyns haue small hope to be succored by the fr. king 165. Florentyns send aūswer to thEmprour 165. Frenche kinge maketh peace with his neighbours 204. French king requireth Pisa in trust 205 French king discendeth into Italy 224. French men take diuers peeces in the Duchie of Millan Ibid. Florentyns put Pawle Vitelly to death 233. French king being at Myllan compoūdeth with the most part of the Potentats of Italy 234. French kinge returneth into Fraunce hauing first set order in the Duchie of Millan 237. French men abandon Myllan 239. French men affraid to assalt Pisa 247. French k. sendeth aide to the Pope 249 Faenza yelded to the Duke 253. French king commaundeth the D. Valentynois to depart from the landes of the Florentyns 256. Federik in mind to cōmit him self to the honor clemency of the french king 261 French and Spanyards do disagree vppon the deuiding of Naples 266. Florentyns haue recourse to the french king 269. French king in Ast 273. Fortune hath a free will to come goe when she listeth c. 287. Florentyns in the contry of Pysa 303. Frenche kinge prepareth mightely against the king of Spayne 306. Frauncis Piccolominy made Pope 312 Faenza taken by the Venetians 318. Florentyns broken by the Pysans 347. Florentins debate whether they should beseege Pisa 348. Florentyns army before Pisa 350. First defeating of the Genowaies 372. French kinge entreth as a Conqueror into Genes 373. French king prepareth against the Venetians 414. French army returneth to the Duchie of Myllan 532. French king taketh Bolognia into his protection 533. French king demaundeth succours of the Florentyns 561. Frēchmē defeated by the Swizzers 646 French king marieth the Ladye Mary sister to the king of England 676. Frauncis the first cōmeth to the crown of Fraunce 685. Frenche king assumeth vppon him the title of Duke of Myllan 685. French army 691. French king returneth to Fraunce 713 Fano beseeged 733. Francisco Maria sendeth to defie law de Medicis 736. French k. aspireth to be Emprour 762. Fontaraby taken by the french 780. Frauncis Guicciardin generall of the army 789. Fault of Monsr de Lawtrech 805. French men before Parma 814. French men before Myllan 827. Frenchmē breake vp before Myllā 864 French king before Pauya 884. French k. sendeth the D. of Albanie into Naples 887. French king will not followe the councell of his Captaines 897. Frēch k. marieth themprours sister 963 French king complaineth vpon thEmprour 968. French men beseege Naples 1102. Feight at sea betwene thImperials and the french 1105. Ferdinand elected k. of Romanes 1171 French king and the king of England ill disposed to thEmprour 1173. French king inciteth the Turke against thEmprour Ibid. G Good estate of Italy before the troubles 2. Greate men doe seldome holde it any breache of iustice to be reuenged of him that doth the first iniurie 20. Gilbert Burbon Duke of Montpensier the kings Lieuetenant in Naples 91. Great cruelties of the french men 260. The great Capteine confirmed in the Duchie of S. Angeo 363. Genowaies send to solicit for pardon 372. Gentlemen of Venice goe to the succour of Padoa 444. Greate is the force of a multitude and people beginning to vary and chaunge so much the more c. 596. Genes at the deuocion of the Frenche king 642. Genes taken by thImperialls 833. Genes returneth to the obedience of the fr. king 1077. Genes taken by Andre Dore. 1125. H Howe and when great shot came first into Italy 45. Horrible act of a Cardinall 352. Hope rather prolongeth then satisfieth c. 490 Humilitie of two Cardinalls 650. I Intencion of the Author 1. Impudency of the Pope to iustifie his children 10. Iohn Iacques Tryuulce goeth to the french king 67. Ieronimo Sauonarola esteemed for a Propher in Florence 82. Ieronimo Sauonarola a Freare Preacher in Florence 97. In warres there is no further assurance of the souldier mercenary then he findeth sewertie of his pay c. 155. Intelligence factiō which Pe. de Medicis had in Florence is discouered 180. In matters of enterprise wise men will debate all things at large c. 205. In matters of daunger discression and councel are remedies no lesse assured then courage and discression c. 〈…〉 215. Insatiable lust of Duke Valētynois 260. In all humane actions there is nothing which with lesse perill may not temporise and exspect then rebellion c. 268. In matters of warre it is a daungerous errour to transgresse direction c. 279. Imaginations of the french king 356. In matters of enterprise nothinge is more hurtfull then delayes and nothing more hindreth c. 454. In tymes of perill wise men feare all thinges and doe hold it necessary for their sewertie to hold a suspicion c. 553. Ielousie against Ioh. Ia. Tryuulce 760. Imperialls take the castell of Saint Angeo 898. Imperialls draw neare to Pauya 900. Imperialls determine to accorde with the Pope 908. In worldly things there is no assurance till the end be knowen all mortall men their actions are put vnder an estate of incertainty and errours 990. Inhabitants of Millan ill handled by the Spanyards 996. Inhabitantes of Myllan implore the compassion of the Duke of Burbon 998. K King of Naples sendeth out his force 35. King of Naples sendeth out an army to take the citie of Genoway 36. Kingdom of Naples beginneth to conspire 64. Kings of Fraunce and Spayne deuide betwene them the kingdome of Naples 252. King Philip faileth out of Flaunders into Spayne 354. King Philip cast by casualtie of sea vppon the coast of England 355. Kinge Philip promiseth to redeliuer to the king of England the Duke of Suffolke 355. Kings of Aragon Fraunce haue enteruiew together 381. King of Aragon taketh the Realme of Nauarre 625. King of England sendeth to the french king not to passe into Italy 692. King of England for thEmprour 840. Katherine de Medicis 993. King of Hungarie ouerthrowen in battell by Solyman 1017. Katherine de Medicis 1042. Katherine de Medicis 1177. Katherine de Medicis maried to the second sonne of Fraunce 1181. L Lawrence de Medicis praysed for his vertues and gouernment 2 League for twenty yeares betwene the king of Naples Duke of Myllan and Venetians 3. law de Medicis dyeth 4. Lodowyke Sforce is ielous ouer the amities betwene Pe. de Medicis and thArragons 5. Lod. Sforce insinuateth enuye into the Pope against the Aragons and Medicis 8. Lod. Sforce seeketh to drawe the Pope to his purposes 14. Lewys Duke
for that they were not payed 830. So mightie is necessitie that in cases of extremitie it makes tollerable all those thinges which in all other condicions are full of difficulties 839. Such is the infirmitie of treason that it hath no further assurance then the partie hath confidence 862. Such are the domages of an vniuersall negligence that euen amidde perills that be manifest and apparant they take away the studie and care of thinges that most concerne safety and defense 882. Sorowes feares in Fraunce for thimprisonment of the king 924. Solyman Ottoman in Hungarie 1005. Sacke of Pauia 1079. Second enteruiew of the Pope Emprour at Bolognia 1176. T The title of the house of Aniow to the kingdom of Naples 12. The name of Iohane a name vnhappie to the kingdom of Naples 12. The estate of the realme of Fraunce vnder king Charles the eight 13. The thoughtes of Ferdinand king of Naples 21. The way which the french army tooke to Naples 50. Tumult in Florence 55. The young king Ferdinand speaketh in great sorow to the multitude 68. Two particular causes of quarrell betwene Florence and Genes 73. The pretended title of the Duke of Millan to Pisa 73. Tarenta Caietta are rendred to Federike new king of Naples 169. The french king determineth to set vpon Genes 169. The french prepare new enterprises against Italie 173. Title of the frenche king to the Duchie of Millan 188. Truce betwene the Florentins Syennoys 198. There is nothing endureth so small a time as the memorie of benefits receiued and the more great they be c. 204. The towne of Millan yeeldeth to the frenchmen 229. The frenche king commeth to Millan 229. The taking of Cassina 230. The estate of Romagnia in the time of Duke Valentynois 235. The incerteinty of fortune transferreth to one that which she taketh from an other not regarding the equitie of causes c. 230. Those authorities are vniust whose meanes to come to them are vnlawefull c. 245. Truce betwene the french king king of Romaines 251. To men afflicted with sorowe it is one consolacion to know thuttermost of their mishaps and when c. 261. That man erreth lesse who promiseth to him selfe a chaunge of thaffaires of this worlde then he that perswadeth that they are alwaies firme and stable c. 298. Truce betwene the kings of Spayne Fraunce 320. There is no possibilitie to auoyde that which the euerlasting councell of God hath determined nor any reason to pull on the destinie of thinges till times be accomplished 333. Truce betwene the kings of Spayne Fraunce 334. Testament of Queene Elizabeth of Spayne 341. The seate of dominion verie casuall where it diuolueth by election 365. Truce betwene Maximilian the Venetians 402. Thassembly of Cambray 407. The armies affront one an other in the field 420. Tyrewaine beseeged by the Englishe 662. Tournay taken by thEnglish 650. Treaty of peace betwene England and Fraunce 675. Treatie betwene the frenche king and Swizzers broken 693. Titles of thempire to the Duchie of Millan 782. The Taking of Millan by the league 810. Tenne thowsand Swizzers discend into the Duchie of Millan for the fr. king 825. Thencounter of Bicocquo 831. Treaty of Madrill touching the deliuery of the french king 961. Truce betwene the Pope and themprour 1020. Tumult in Florence 1055. Thimperial army issueth out of Rome 1095. The Turke returneth with shame to Constantinople 1175. V. VV. Venetians Newters 39. Victorie when it is not assured with moderacion and discression is oftentimes defiled with some accident vnlooked for 84. Virginio Vrsin Count Petillano being the kings prisoners showe reasons to be redeliuered and their reasons are disproued by Monsr de Ligny 93. Venetians and Lod. Sforce prepare to stoppe the frenche kinges returning into Fraunce 95. Venetians in minde to reskewe the Pisans 131. Virginio Vrsin in pay with the frenche king 137. Venetians in minde to take vpon them the defense of Pisa 141. Thestate of Venice debateth vpon the action of Pisa 141. Virginio Vrsin prisoner 157. Venetians sende Embassadors to the french king 190. Vicopisan rendred 196. Venetians carefull to succour the Pisans 200. Venetians take councell whether they should ioyne with the french king or not 206. Where things are deuided the suretie is intricate and where be many competitors to one thing c. 258. Vitellozzo and the Vrsins made prisoners by treason 282. Vittellozzo Li. de Fermo strangled 282. The Vrsins against Valentinois 312. Valentinois distressed by the Vrsins 314. Venetians answere the new Pope 317. What happened to the frenchmen as they woulde haue passed Garillon 321. When extremities perils be at hand it hapneth oftentimes that confidence is turned into feare and when c. 322. Vaine feares in many cases are farre more hurtfull then hastie confidence or credulitie c. 322. Valentinois prisoner by Consaluo 334. Venetians looke to themselues 414. The Venetians armie 418. Venetians recouer Padoa 433. Venetians armie at Vincensa 453. Venetians armie vpon the countrey of Ferrara 454. Venetians absolued 463. The Vincentins yeelde to discression 474. Venetians recouer most parte of their townes 486. Verona beseeged by the Venetiās 486. The warning of a mischiefe brings with it his remedie the harme that is looked for before hand c. 489. Warres denounced against themperour by the kings of England Fraunce 1089. Y Yt hath bene alwaies true that wisemen haue not at all times a discression iudgement perfect 7. Yt hapneth not alwayes that in taking away thoccasions theffects do ceasse 11. Yt is daungerous to vse a medecin stronger then the nature of the disease or complexion of the pacient will beare 11. Yt is familiar with Princes to holde for suspected the greatnesse of their neighbours 18. Yt is hard to assure any thing that dependeth vpon the wil of an other c. 199. Yt hath bene a custom with the Princes of the worlde to enterteine one an other with vaine hopes c. 299. Yt is seene often in the course and practise of worldly affaires that the falling of one man is the rising of an other 852. The end of the Table
your amitie and mercy So neuerthelesse your compassion hath principally respected the equitie of the complaynts of such as implored it esteming it not agreable to the lavv of vertue and account of your conscience to make your profite vpon the diuisions of your neighbours though there haue not vvanted reasons and titles to induce your desire I forbeare to make declaration to your Maiestie of the life and learning of the first Author of this booke A matter testified vvith sufficient credit and reputation in the high negociations and employments vvhich he managed long time vnder great Princes Popes common vveales And I am bolde contrary to the custome of some vvriters to leaue to particulate in my Epistle any part of the argument vvhich vvith so great grauitie he hath digested at large in so great a volume Onely the man for his integritie and roundnes vvas such one as vvhose vertues vvere farre from all suspicion of parcialitie fauour hatred loue revvard or any other propertie of humaine affection vvhich might haue force to corrupt or turne from the truth the minde of a vvriter And for the generall matter of his vvorke it doth not onely conteine the vvarres and diuerse accidentes hapned in Italy and other partes for almost fortie yeres but also he doth so distinctly set dovvne the causes the counsells and the fortunes of euery principall partie introduced into those actions that by his studie and iudgement is traced made easie to the reader the vvay to all those svvete and plentifull frutes vvhich vvith paynfulnes are sought for in Histories of this nature And for mine ovvne part vvhere in all my dedications heretofore not my vvill vvhich vvas alvvayes vvarranted by the gracious demonstrations of your Maiestie But my maner of life instituted vpon priuate customes and exercises hath holden me from approching the authoritie of this place affore vvhich nothing ought to be presented vvhich hath not a full perfection of spirite and studie yet novv taking my reason of the vvorthines of the vvorke and obseruing the examples and inducements of others in like oblatioÌ„s I am bold vnder feare humilitie to prostrate these my last payns afore that diuine moderation of mind vvhich alvvays hath holden for acceptable all things respecting learning or vertuous labours Humbly beseeching your right excellent Maiestie that vvhere the vvorke is novv to appeare in the open vievv of the vvorld and stande before the vncertaine iudgements of so many sundry straunge humors of men you vvill vouchsafe to let it passe vnder the happie name of your Maiestie and vnder your gracious authoritie to giue it defence and fauor agaynst the emulation of such as eyther through malice or ignorance may rise vp to interprete me and my labours sinisterly The Lorde blesse your Maiestie vvith a long and peaceable life and confirme in you to the comfort of your people that course of vvell tempered gouernment by the benefite vvhereof they haue so long time liued vnder the felicitie of your name At my lodging neare the Tovver of London vij Ianuarij 1578. Your Maiesties humble and true subiect GEFFRAY FENTON THE GENERALL CONTENTES OF euery booke through the whole Historie LOdovvike Sforce vncle and tutor to Iohn Galeas Duke of Millan fearing least Ferdinand vvould make vvarre vpon him breaketh of from the Le 〈…〉 that had bene renevved betvveene the sayde Ferdinand Iohn Galeas aâ—â— thâ— Common vveale of Florence agaynst the Venetians he procureth the French king Charles the eight to passe into Italy to conquer the kingdome of Naples Pope Alexander the sixth allieth himselfe vvith the king of Naples The French king hauing ordred the affayres of his kingdome discendeth into Italy vvhere he taketh many tovvnes Diuerse emotions happen in the kingdome of Naples The Pope is in great perplexitie and trauell Pisa rebelleth agaynst the Florentins The Fr. king entreth into Florence and Rome and from thence passeth to Naples Fol. 1. The Pisans continue their rebellion agaynst the Florentins The French king taketh the Castles of Naples The Pope Venetians and other Princes make league agaynst the king vvho returning into Fraunce is fought vvithall neare the riuer Taro Ferdinand vvinneth agayne Naples Nouaro is besieged by the Confederates The fr. king maketh peace vvith the duke of Millan and returneth into Fraunce Fol. 72. Lodovvike Sforce keepeth not the treatie of peace The Venetians take the tovvne of Pisa into their protection The fr. king determineth to returne into Italy The king of Romains besiegeth Liuorna The Pope makes vvarre vpon the Vrsins The fr. king dyeth at Amboyse Freare Ieronimo Sauonarola is hanged at Florence Fol. 129. Lovvis Duke of Orleance succeedeth to the Crovvne of Fraunce He determineth to recouer his Duchie of Millan Pisa and Florence make vvarre Lodovvike Sforce flieth from Millan The Florentins giue battrie to Pisa and agree vvith the French king Pope Alexander aspireth for his sonne to the iurisdiction of Romania Lodovvike Sforce recouereth Millan but beeing betrayed by the Svvizzers he is taken and ledde into Fraunce Fol. 187. The vvarre of Pisa continueth The Duke Valentynois pursueth his enterprise vppon Romania The kings of Spayne and Fraunce inuade ioyntly the kingdome of Naples They occupie it and deuide it betvveene them and aftervvardes make vvarre one vppon an other The Duke Valentynois putteth to death the Vrsins The Svvizzers discend into the Duchie of Millan The Spaniards remayne victors ouer the French at Corignolo and take Naples Fol. 244. The French king maketh his preparation to passe into Italy Pope Alexander the sixt is poysoned His successor Pope Pius the third dyeth vvithin xxvi dayes Iulius the seconde is created Pope The duke Valentynois is apprehended and made prisoner The French men are ouerthrovven at Garillan The Florentins fayle to take the Citie of Pisa Peace is established betvvene the French king and the king of Spaniards Fol. 298. Many treaties are made Pope Iulio the seconde taketh the gouernment of Bolognia The Genovvayes rebell agaynst the French king The king of Aragon meeteth vvith the French king and communicateth vvith him The Dyet of Constance The king of Romains demaundeth passage of the Venetians to go take the Crovvne at Rome He inuadeth their lands and aftervvards maketh truce vvith them Fol. 353. Most of the Princes of Christendome dravv into league at Cambray agaynst the Venetians vvho beeing ouerthrovven by the French king render the tovvnes of the Church and make submission to the king of Romains Pisa returneth to the obedience of Florence The Venetians recouer the tovvne of Padoa vvhich is soone after besieged by Caesar Aftervvards they make vvarre vpon the duke of Ferrara The Pope giueth them absolution of the Church censures Fol. 405. Pope Iulio the seconde turneth agaynst the French The frenche king and king of Romains enter league agaynst the Venetians vvho besiege Verona The Pope taketh Mirandola and maketh vvarre vpon the duke of Ferrara The famulie of Bentiuoley returnes to Bolognia A Councell is published at Pisa
agaynst the Pope Fol. 463. After the taking of Bolognia the French armie returneth to the Duchie of Millan The Councell that vvas to be holden at Pisa agaynst the Pope is transferred to Millan vvhere many stirres happen The Popes armie besiegeth Bolognia The French men take Bressia The battell is giuen at Rauenna The Pope publisheth the Councell at Rome Aftervvardes the affayres of the French begin to decline Fol. 531. The Duke of Ferrara is in great trouble The Medicis returne to Florence The king of Romanes makes alliance vvith the Pope Maxymylian Sforce is put in the possession of the Duchie of Myllan The French king maketh his preparacion to recouer Myllan Pope Iulio dyeth Leo the tenth is created Pope The French men are ouerthrovven neare to Nouaro and the Venetians neare to Vincensa Fol. 602. The king of England makes vvarre vppon the Fr. king The Venetians recouer Fryull The Pope as Arbitrator pronovvnceth peace betvveene them and the king of Romaines king Lovvys the xij dyeth Frauncis the first commeth to the crovvne and discendeth into Italy to reconquer Myllan Fol. 660. The D. of Vrbyn makes an enterprise to recouer his estate out of the handes of Pope Leo The Fr. king makes a league vvith the Pope The conspiracie of Cardinall Petruccio against the Pope is discouered Charles king of Spayne is chosen Emprour Martyn Luther vvriteth against the Pope The Pope putteth to death Iohn Pavvle Baillon Fol. 729. Pope Leo is the cause that the peace continueth not in Italy He ioyneth in league vvith th Emprour against the French king The French king loseth the Duchie of Myllan Pope Leo dyeth Adrian the sixt is created Pope Frauncis Sforce reentreth vppon the Duchie of Myllan Vvarre is made in Tuskane by Ranso de Cero Fol. 777. Pope Adrian comes to Rome The Venetians make league vvith th Emprour The french men beseege Myllan and are constrayned to diuert from it Cardinall Medicis is created Pope King Frauncis discendeth into Italy he taketh Myllan and beseegeth Pauya Themprour sendeth out an army to succour Pauya vvhere a battell is fought and the French king taken prisoner Fol. 838. The Pope is accorded vvith th Emprour Many practises are made for the kings deliuerie Ierom Moron conspireth against the Emprour The fr. king is deliuered out of prison returneth into Fraunce Fol. 9004. The Pope the french king Venetians and Duke of Myllan dravve into league against th Emprour The Duke of Burbon comes co Myllan The army of the league breakes vp from before Myllan The castell of Myllan is rendred to th Imperialls Many enterprises are dressed against the Pope The confederats sende their armies by sea to Genes Rome is surprised by the Colonnois The Pope makes peace vvith th Imperialls vvhich hurteth the deuises of Lombardye The D. of Ferrara is confederat vvith the Emprour Fol. 967. The Duke of Burbon yssueth of Myllan The Viceroy and the Colonnois make vvarre vpon the Pope in the states of the Church The Marquis of Salussa entreth Bolognia The Pope maketh vvarre in the kingdom of Naples The Duke of Burbon leadeth his armie to Rome taketh the tovvne and sacketh it and is slayne in the action The Pope being abandoned of all hope accordeth vvith the Imperialls Amutinie in Florence The king of England against th Emprour The confederats doe many enterprises Fol. 1034. Lavvtrech beseegeth Naples In the meane vvhile Anth. de Leua taketh Pauya and beseegeth Loda Andre Dore leaueth the pay of the French Lavvtrech dyeth The french breake vp from before Naples Monsr Saint Pol reconquereth Pauya Andre Dore taketh Genovvay The Genovvaies take Sauona and put themselues in libertie Saint Pol is taken by Anth. de Leua Th Emprour falleth to accord vvith the Pope Peace is made at Cambray betvvene the Emprour and French king The Emprour passeth into Italy vvhere the vvarre goeth against the Florentyns and peace is solicited vvith all others Fol. 1103. The Emprour taketh th Imperiall crovvne at Bolognia and from thence passeth into Germany The famulies of Medicis by the ayde of th Emprours army returne to Florence Ferdinand is chosen king of Romaines The Pope vvill not barken to a counsell The French king stirreth vp the Turke against th Emprour hath conference vvith the Pope at Marseilles Fol. 1163. The ende of the contents of the bookes THE ARGVMENT OF THE FIRST BOOKE LODOWYK SFORCE vncle and tutor to Iohn Galeas Duke of Myllan fearing least Ferdinand King of Naples would make warre vpon him breaketh of from the league that had bene renewed betwene the sayd Ferdinand Iohn Galeas and the common weale of Florence against the Venetians he procureth the French King Charles the viij to passe into Italy to conquer the kingdom of Naples Pope Alexander the vj. allieth himselfe with the King of Naples The French King hauing ordered th' affayres of the kingdom descendeth into Italy where he taketh many townes Diuerse emotion happen in the kingdom of Naples The Pope is in great perplexitie and trauell Pisa rebelleth against the Florentines The French King entreth into Florence and Rome and from thence passeth to Naples THE FIRST BOOKE OF THE historie and discoursse of Guicciardin HAVING in hand to write the affaires fortunes of Italie I iudged it cōuenient to drawe into discoursse those particularities that most nearest resemble our time and memorie yea euen since the selfe princes of that country calling in the armies of Fraunce gaue the first beginning to so great innouations A matter for the varietie greatnes and nature of suche thinges verie notable and well worthie of memorie and for the heauie accidents hatefull bluddie and horrible for that Italie for many yeres was trauelled with all those sortes of calamities with the which principalities countries and mortall men are wont to bee afflicted aswell by the iuste wroth and hand of God as through the impietie and wickednes of other nations The knowledge of these things so great and diuerse may minister many wholsome instructions aswell to all men generally as to euery one in particular considering that by the trial consent demonstration of so many examples all princes people and patrimonies may see as a sea driuen with diuerse windes to what inconstancie humane things are ordeined how harmefull are the ill measured counsells of princes many times preiudiciall to them selues but alwayes hurtefull to their people and subiects specially when they are vainelie caried awaye either with their singular errours or priuate couetousnes without hauing any impression or remembrance of the ordinary chaunges of fortune whereby turning to the domage and displeasure of others the power which is giuen them for the safetie protection pollicie of the whole they make them selues either by want of discression or too much ambition authours of innouations and new troubles But the better to make knowen the state and condition of Italie at that time together with the occasions of so many afflictions happening it is to be considered that
Levvys at an other tyme a sonnes sonne of the same name both stirred vp by the Popes being then in variance with the same kinges to make many inuasions vppon the kingdom of Naples but with great misfortune and preiudice Touching Charles Durazzo Ladislao his sonne succeeded him who dying without issue in the yeare 1414. the crowne diuolued to his sister Iohane the second A name much accursed for the kingdom of Naples and no lesse vnhappy to both the one and other of the women resembling one an other in dissolute gouernment and wanton customes of life for this Iohane putting the pollecie and direction of the Realme into the handes of those persons with whom she communicated vnchastly her body was immediatly brought into such straites and difficulties that being tormented with Levvys the third with the aide of Pope Martyn the v. she was at last constrayned for her last refuge to make her sonne by adopcion Alphonso king of Aragon Sicyle But entring soone after into contencion with him she brake that adopcion vnder colour of ingratitude made a new adopcion calling to her succours the selfe Levvys who persecuting her with warre compelled her by the necessities of warre to make the first adopcion In so much as hauing with force chassed Alphonso wholly out of the kingdom she enioyed it in peace all the residue of her life And dying without yssue she instituted for her heire as the brute went Rene Duke of Aniovv and Earle of Prouence brother to Levvys her sonne adoptyf who perhaps died the same yeare But the succession of Rene displeasing much the Barons of the realme besides a brute running that the testament was forged by them of Naples Alphonso was reuoked by a part of the Barons people And from thence kindled the fire of the warres betwene Alphonso Rene which by many yeres brought many afflictions to that noble realme yet the accidēts actions of the warre ▪ were more by the proper forces of the realme then by the strength of the parties In this sort the wills of men being different and contrary were kindled the factions not altogither in that time quenched betwene the Aragons and them of Aniovv their titles and coulers of rightes chaunging with the time for that the Popes following more their customs of couetousnes or the propertie of times then iustice or equitie cōsented diuersly to the inuestitures of them But touching the warres betwene Alphonso Rene the victory remained to Alphonso a Prince for his valer more renowmed for his power more mighty for his fortune better fauored who dying soone after without lawful heires without making any mēcion of Iohn his brother successor to the realme of Sicile Aragon bequeathed by testament the kingdom of Naples to Ferdinand his bastard sonne as a iust reward testimonie of his proper getting cōquest therfore he iudged it could not appertein to the crowne of Aragon This bastard notwithstanding he was immediatly after the death of his father inuaded by Iohn the sonne of Rene that by the supportacion of the principal barōs of the realme yet with his fortune vertue he mainteined not only good defēce but also so chassed his aduersaries that neuer after during the life of Rene suruiuing many yeares his sonne he neither had to debate with those of Aniovv nor yet stoode in feare of their inuacions In the end Rene died hauing no yssue male he established as heire ouer his whole estates Charles the sōne of his brother who dying soone after without childrē left by his wil his inheritāce to the frēch king Levvys the xj to whō did not only returne as to his Lord souereigne the Duchie of Aniovv which suffreth no capacity of succession in the women for that it is a mēber of the crowne but also he put him selfe in the possession of Prouence notwithstanding the Duke of Lorraine descending of one of the daughters of Rene iustified the inheritance of his estates to appertein vnto him And the sayd Levvys by iust vertue prerogatiue of the same testamēt had good power to pretend that the rightes which those of Aniovv had to the kingdom of Naples should be appropriated to him All which inheritāces being passed cōtinued after his death to the person of Charles the viij his sōne Ferdinand king of Naples began to haue a mighty enemy besides the oportunitie generally offring to who soeuer desired to annoy him For at that time this was the state of the realme of Fraunce it was very populous in multitudes of men for wealth riches euery particular region most fertill plētiful for glory in armes most florishing renowmed a pollicy wel directed discipline administred an authority dreadful in opinion hope most mighty lastly their generall condiciōs faculties so wel furnished as phaps it was not more happy in these mortal felicities since the daies of Charlemain It was newly amplified in euery one of the 3. parts wherein all Gavvle stoode deuided by the aūcients for xl yeares before vnder Charles the vij a Prince for his victories obteined with great daūgers called happy Normādie the Duchie of Guyen holden by the english were reduced to the obediēce of the frēch crowne And in the last daies of Levvys the xj the earldō of Prouence the dukdom of Burgondy almost all Picardy togither with the Duchie of Britaine were by a newe mariage inuested in the power of Charles the viij There was no wāt of inclinaciō in this king to aspire to conquer by warre and armes the kingdom of Naples as iustly apperteyning to him which continuing from his infancie by a certeine naturall instinct was enterteyned and nourished by such as were about him and for the conformetie of humors very agreeable with him they raised his thoughts into vaine regions and made him glorious aboue the triumphes of Caesar and Alexander they told him that with his heroicall minde vertues and disposition did concurre a present occasion to make him surmount the renowme of his predecessors for that in the conquest of Naples was a ready way for him to bring vnder his subiection thempire of the Turkes These things being knowne to many brought many hopes to Lodovvyk Sforce to perswade easily the thing he desired who also reapposed much in the frēdship familiaritie which the name of Sforce had in the french court ▪ for both in him in his brother Galeas afore him was continued by many demonstracions good offices the amitie begon by Francis Sforce their father who xxx yeares before hauing receiued in fee of Levvys the xj whose mind abhorred alwaies the things of Italy the city of Sauōe with the right which he pretēded to haue to Genes possessed aforetime by his father neuer failed him in his daūgers neither with coūcel succors nor affectiō But Lodovvik to solicite in Fraunce with more credit and authoritie and iudging him selfe vnable alone both for
enemy to their name greatnes for that amongest estates kingdoms the remēbrance of iniuries past kepes mens mindes from reconcilement And there is no reason to beleue that the Florentyns wil depart from the natural deuocion which they haue borne to the crowne of Fraunce seing it is but iust to owe faith seruice affection to those who gaue them their first creacion dignitie and greatnes But be it that following the common ingratitude of mortall men they would obiect them selues against you what are they against so great a power compounded vpon so warlike a nation which many tymes against the wils of all Italy hath passed the Alpes with a wonderful glory happines haue brought home many victories triūphes And in what time hath the realme of Fraunce bene euer more happy more glorious or more mighty then at this hower neither had this crowne at any tyme heretofore so cōueniēt ready meanes to establish a firme peace with all his neighbours All which oportunities if they had so generally mette togither in the daies of your father he would perhaps haue bene more ready to this selfe same expedicion And touching them of Aragon your enemies the difficulties be no lesse augmented against them then to you the oportunities be fauoring because in the same realme both the faction of Aniovv is yet mighty no lesse thintelligences of many Princes gentlemen chassed out vniustly within these few yeares besides the iniuries done at all times by Ferdinand to the Barons people yea euen to them of the party of Aragon haue bene of so bitter tast and toleracion togither with his disloyaltie so great his couetousnes so insatiable and thexamples of crueltie in him and his eldest sonne Alphonso so notorious and horrible that it is certeine that all the realme pushed forward with a iust hate against them will rise into willing commocion at the brute of your cōming so great authoritie hath as yet the remembrance of the liberalitie sinceritie humanitie and iustice which the french kinges haue vsed the onely deliberacion to make the enterprise is sufficient to make you victorious for your men at armes shall no sooner passe ouer the mounteynes nor the armie at sea no sooner be prepared in the hauen of Genes then Ferdinand and his sonne stricken with the conscience of their wickednes will take more councell to flie then to fight so shall you with great happines recouer for the posteritie of your blood a kingdom which albeit can hold no comparison with the large realme of Fraunce yet besides his riches amplitude fertility it wel merits accompt reckoning for the helpes infinite cōmodities which by it may be increased to this your imperial crowne matters which I would particulat were it not that the noble mindes of the french reach to greater end that the high excellent thoughts of so valiant and glorious a king regard not so much profits priuat or particular as they behold the vniuersal greatnes of the whole cōmon weale of christendom wherin touching this what oportunitie more greater what more ample occasions what seate of contrey more proper or cōuenient to manage warre against the enemies of our religion The sea that deuides the kingdom of Naples Grece conteines not in some part aboue lxx miles in largenes A prouince so oppressed torne in peeces with the tyrannies of the Turks that they desire nothing with more general gladnes then to see the bāners of Christians and men of warre marching for their deliuerie There is nothing more easie then to runne euen into thintralls of that nation and to batter Constantinople the soueraigne residencie of that Empire This enterprise for the maiestie nature of it doth most worthely become your person greatnes with whose high and aspiring thoughts it seemes to haue a certeine liuely affinitie And for the reason and necessitie of it it can not so iustly apperteine to any as to you bearing the surname of Most Christian a title wherin your predecessors haue flourished with no smal examples of triumph and glory they yssuing in armed maner out of this realme some times to deliuer the Church of God from thoppression of tyrannes some times to inuade the infidels recouer the holy sepulcher haue raised euen to the third heauen their names maiestie of the french kinges with these councells with these meanes with these actions with these ends became great emperour of Rome that mighty triumphant Charles of whom as you beare the name so nowe the time offereth you occasion to communicate with his glory titles But it is a time vainly spent to stand long vpon the recapitulacion of these reasons as though it were not more conuenient more agreing with the order of nature to consider how to keepe then how to get for considering the oportunitie of so many and great occasions calling you it could not but intangle your greatnes with apparant infamie dishonor to suffer any longer Ferdinand to vsurp vpon you such a kingdom which for almost ij hundreth yeares hath had continuall possession in the kings of your blood And seeing by cleare iustice all iudiciall course of lawes it apperteynes vnto you who dowtes how iustly it agreeth with your dignitie to recouer it but specially how much it concernes your piety to deliuer from the cruel tyrannie of those Catelyns those people which beare deuocion to your name doe craue by right to beare you the dutie office of subiects Thus most high glorious king is the enterprise proued iust easie necessary withall no lesse glorious holy as well for itself in particular as for that it openeth the way to other enterprises worthy of a right christian king of Fraunce whereunto not only the reasons of mē but euē the self voice of God doth call you with great manifest occasiōs assuring you afore the beginning of a most great happines fortune since no greater worldly happines can happen to no Prince thē to see his deliberacions councels bringing glory greatnes to be accōpanied with such circūstances consequēces that they concerne not only the benefit vniuersal sauetie but much more do consider thexaltation of the whole cōmunitie of christēdom This proposicion had no willing passage into the eares or hartes of the great Lordes of Fraunce but specially of such who for their nobilitie and opinion of wisedom held greatest authority They iudged that such a warre wherof he hath opened the way and entrey could not but conteyne many difficulties daungers both for the conduct of armies into a countrey straunge farre remoued from the realme of Fraunce also against enemies bearing reputaciō of valour pollicie discipline for for wisedō forecast staied discresiō Ferdinād bare a high recōmēdacion for valour conduct direction in warre his sonne Alphonso was no lesse renowmed Besides they made this coniecture that Ferdinand hauing raigned
past into Italy And albert they affirmed that he might be well assured that in all accidents and fortunes that citie should not faile to minister to him all those conuenient effects of office obseruāce deuocion which of long time they had borne to the crown of Fraunce yet they were constrayned according to the french importunities to promise all those thinges otherwaies they were threatned to suffer priuacion of that great mart and traffike of marchandize which the Florentyne nation had in that realme it was knowen after that these compulsions were inforced by Lodovvyk at that time the principall disposer of all the french practises with thItalians Peter de medicis labored much to perswade Ferdinand that those demaunds imported so litle the substance of the warre that it would be more for his profit if the common weale he continued amitie with the french king hauing by that meane good way and oportunitie to make some composicion then in refusing those small demaundes to declare them selues his enemies and so suffer no possibilitie to doe good to him he alleadged with all the generall complaynts and hatreds which he should heape vpon him selfe if the traffike of Florence were restrayned in Fraunce or that thentercourse there so necessary to thupholding of the citie should suspende and perhaps come in time to lose his libertie and practise he told him it was conuenient in good faith and meaning the principall ground of consederacions that euery confederate should suffer patiently some incommoditie to th ende the other ronne not into more greater harmes But Ferdinand who considered how much of his reputacion and sewertie would diminish if the Florentyns were deuided from him was not satisfied with these reasons but complayned greeuously that the faith and constancie of Peter beganne so soone not to aunswer his owne promise thexpectacion he had conceiued of him by reason whereof Peter resolutly disposed aboue all thinges to continue in amitie with them of Aragon vsed many meanes to suspend and deferre the aunswer importunatly demaunded by the french referring them in the ende to vnderstand the full wills and intencions of the common weale by new Embassadors About the ende of this yeare the alliance made betwene the Pope and Ferdinand beganne to wauer and shake either for that the Pope in obiecting newe difficulties aspyred to obteyne of him greater thinges then he had or else that he perswaded him selfe to induce him by this meane to bring agayne to his obedience the Cardinall S. P. advincula whom offering first for his securitie the faith of the colleadge of Cardinalls of Ferdinand and of the Venetians he desired much to see returned to Rome he held his absence much suspected for thimportance of the rocke of Ostia holding in his handes about Rome Roncillon and Grotaferare by the fauors opinion and authoritie which he had in the court But chiefly he was ielous ouer him for that naturally he was desirous of innouacion and obstinate to hazarde rather all daunger then to be cut of from one poynt of his councells and purposes Ferdinand excused him selfe much that he had no power to apply the Cardinall thereunto whose suspicion was so great that all sewertie seemed to him lesse then the perill he complained to the Pope of his hard fortune that on him alwayes was layd thimputacion of thinges which in truth proceeded from others he was sory that the Pope had beleued that by his mocion and by his money Virginio had bought the castells being in deede bought without his priuitie or medling ▪ In deed he had disposed Virginio to the composicion for that effect had furnished him with the money which was giuen in repayment recompense of the castells The Pope receiued not these excuses but with hard and bitter wordes complayned of Ferdinand so gaue shew that there could be layed no firme ground of their reconciliacion With such a disposicion of mindes and confusion of thinges so apparantly drawing to new troubles began the yeare 1494. I enterpret the yeare according to the vse of Rome A yeare very vnhappy for Italy and in deede the first of the vnfortunate and miserable yeares for that in it was made open the way to infinite and horrible calamities whereof we may well say a great part of the worlde by many accidents hath tasted euer since In the beginning of this yeare King Charles refusing to heare speake of any agreement with Ferdinand enioyned his Embassadors as messengers of a king enemie to depart with speede out of the realme of Fraunce And almost in the same concurrance of time the sayd Ferdinand dyed suddeinly of an appoplexy being more trauelled with cares perplexities of mind then loaden with yeares or weakned with olde age he was a Prince of singular wisedom and industrie with the which accompanied with happy fortune he kept him selfe in the kingdom newly obteyned by his father against many difficulties appearing euen in the beginning of his reigne and brought to it much more amplitude and greatnes then was done vnder any other king perhaps long before A good king if he had continued to reigne in the same maner he began But either with the variation of times or chaunge of maners because he knew not with most Princes now a dayes how to resist the furie of dominion and rule or perhaps according to the iudgement of euery one his nature and inclinacion beginning nowe to disclose which he had couered afore with great conning he was esteemed a man of litle faith and of such violent and cruell moodes that euen by his owne followers he was iudged worthy of the name of inhumanitie The opinion was that the death of Ferdinand hapned very inconuenient for the common affayres for that where he would haue proued all remedies to hinder the descending of the french men it was not now to be dowted but it would be more hard to make Lodovvyk assure him selfe of the haughtie immoderate nature of Alphonso then it was to dispose him to renew amitie with Ferdinand in whom was for the most part expressed a ready inclinacion the better to auoyd all quarrels with the state of Myllan to yeld and condescend to his will And amongest other things it is manifest that when Isabell Alphonsoes daughter was brought to Iohn Galeas her husband Lodovvyk at the first sight suffred him self to slide into so great affection towards her that he desired her of Alphonso for his wife and to that ende according to the vniuersall opinion of Italy he did so much by magick and enchauntments that Iohn Galeas for many monethes was made vnable to the actiō of mariage Ferdinand was not intractable to this mariage but Alphonso so refused and resisted it that Lodovvyk making no hope of it tooke an other wife by whom hauing children he turned all his studies and thoughtes to transferre to them the Duchie of Myllan some suppose and write that Ferdinand being determined for the auoyding of the present warre
to suffer all indignities and incommodities had an intencion as soone as the calmnes of the tyme woulde suffer to goe by sea to Genes and from thence by lande to Myllan to satisfie Lodovvyk in all his desires and to bring againe to Naples his Neece hoping that not onely with effectes but also with this publike confession by the which he acknowledged to holde all his estate and well doing vppon him he should remoue his mind from the warre or at least somewhat moderate his conspiring intencions the rather for that it was seene to all men of obseruacion with what wonderfull ambicion and desire he aspired to be noted the onely arbitrator and oracle of all Italy Alphonso immediatly after the death of his father dispatcheth foure Embassadors to the Pope who albeit shewed manifest signes that he was returned to the first inclinacion of amitie with the french and had at the same tyme by bull subsigned by the colleadge of Cardinalles promised at the french Kinges request the estate of Cardinall to the Byshoppe of S. Malo and reteyned in common with the Duke of Myllan Prosper Colonne whome the Kinge afore had taken to his pay togither with other Capteynes and leaders of men of warre yet he made no greate difficultie to accorde in regarde of the profitable condicions offered by Alphonso who desired much to be assured of him and to bynd him to his protection and defence They made these open conuencions that there should be betwene them a confederacion for the defence of their estates with equal leuyes of men by both That the Pope shoulde conferre vnto Alphonso the inuestiture of the kingdom with diminucion of tribute obteyned by Ferdinand of other Popes for his life onely that the Pope should send a legatt to crowne him That he should create Cardinall Lodovvyk sonne of Henry bastard brother to Alphonso who afterwardes was called Cardinall of Aragon That king Alphonso should pay immediatly to the Pope thirtie thowsand duckatts That he should indue the Duke of Candia with estates within the realme of xij thowsand duckatts reuenue yearly togither with the first of the seauen principall offices that should be voyd That he should interteyne him so long as the Pope liued in his pay with three hundreth men at armes with the which he should be bounde to serue the one and the other equally and indifferently That he should giue to Dom Geffray who for the pawne of his fathers fayth was nowe to goe to his father in lawe the estate of Pronotorye and one of the seuen offices ouer and besides the promises of the first contracte That he shoulde bestowe the reuenue of benefices in the Realme vppon Caesar Borgia the Popes sonne who a litle before was created Cardinall by his father wherein to auoyde impediments of being a bastard to whom it hath not bene accustomed to graunt such dignities he made proofe by subborned testimonies that he was the sonne lawefull of an other Besides all this Virginio Vrsin who by the Kinges sending for came to this capitulacion promised that the King shoulde ayde the Pope to recouer the rocke of Ostia if the Cardinall S. P. ad vincula refused to come to Rome This promise King Alphonso affirmed without his consent or priuitie and well saw that in so daungerous seasons it would bring no litle preiudice to him to be depriued of the Cardinall whose authoritie was not small ouer the towne of Genes which he determined to surprise by the setting on of the Cardinall And because amidd so great troubles and emotions there might perhaps be treaties of councells or other matters preiudiciall to the sea apostolike he did what he could to vnite him with the Pope who not satisfied with any condicion if the Cardinall returned not to Rome and the Cardinall being most obstinate to hazard his life vnder the faith of those Catylins as he termed them the diligence of Alphonso was in vayne and his desire of no effect for after the Cardinall with many dissembled and flourishing shewes had giuen almost assured hope to accept the condicions he stale away by night from Ostia in a brigantyne well appoynted and at a time when was least reason to dowt any such euasion leauing the rocke armed with sufficient garrison And reapposing certeine dayes at Sauone and spending some litle time at Auignion of which citie he was Legatt he went lastly to Lyons where king Charles was come a litle before to prepare with better oportunitie and reputacion the prouisions of the warre which he published he would execute in person he was receiued of the king with great ioy and honor and immediatly ioyned him selfe to those that studied to trouble Italy In this meane while Alphonso more by feare then proper inclinacion forgott not to continue with Lodovvyk Sforce that which had bene begonne by his father offering him the same satisfactions But Lodovvyk to whom nothing was more familiar then to dissemble deuised to enterteyne him with diuerse hopes but with demonstracions that he was constrained to proceede in such exact order and consideracion least the warre determined against others tooke not his beginning against him he left not for all this to solicite and vrge the preparacions in Fraunce wherein to expresse the deuocion of his minde with better effect and to resolue all particularities occurrant in that expedicion and lastly least the execution of all thinges determined shoulde suffer suspence or haue slowe action he sent thether coulering it with a brute of the Kinges pleasure Galeaz of S. Seuerin husband to one of his bastard daughters and in whom he reapposed great confidence and fauors According to the councells of Lodovvyk king Charles sendes to the Pope foure Embassadors with charge that in passing by Florence they shoulde make instance for the declaracion of that common weale The Embassadors were Eberard Daubigny a Scottish Capteine of nation the generall of Fraunce the President of the parliament of Prouence the same Peron la Bache that had bene with them the yeare before They according to their instructions set downe chiefly at Myllan recounted in both the one and other places the rightes which the french king as successor to the house of Aniovv and for want of yssue in Charles the first pretended to the realme of Naples togither with his royall determinacion to passe that yeare into Italy in person not to intrude into any thing that belonged to an other but to reobteyne that which iustly was his owne And to giue his voyage a more pawsible passage in the mindes of men they sayd his mind and meaninges were not so much fixed vpon the conquest of Naples as that afterwards he would turne his forces against the Turkes for the seruice of Iesu Christ glory of his name They declared to the Florentynes how much their king assured him selfe of that citie hauing bene reedified by Charlemain and fauored alwaies of the kinges his predecessors and lately of king Levvys his father
french which did so much the more grow rising in the harts of men by how much they heard that tharmy had begon to passe thAppenyn mountes but specially they fell all into dread and feare by the crueltie showed at the taking of Finizana for these causes euery one did publikly detest the rashnes of P. de medicis who without necessitie beleuing more in his owne weening the councels of certeine rash ministers men arrogant in times of peace and vnprofitable and cowardes in times of warre then following the directions of those Citisens that were friends to his father and had alwayes instructed him with no lesse graue councells had so indiscreetely prouoked the armes of so mightie a king assisted with the Duke of Myllan seeing withall he was ignorant in th affayres of warre leauing the citie and other places of their obedience not fortefied but ill furnished with souldiours and municions necessary to make defense against so great a force Besides that there had as yet appeared none of those Aragons for whom they had exposed themselues to so great daunger So that their cōtrey abandoned of euery one remained in the deepe hatred of so mighty a king and was ready to fall as a manifest pray to him who with so great instance had sought not to fall into occasion and necessitie to hurt it This disposicion which was almost in all those of the towne was further kindled by many noble Citisens much displeased with the present gouernment that one onely familie had risen so much in presuming as to appropriat to him selfe the rule of the whole common weale in so much as one increasing the feares of an other and all laboring in one common dreade and ministring stomacke and courage to such as desired new thinges they had so stirred the braynes spirites of the people that there was generall feare of some tumult in the towne whereunto the multitude was the rather prouoked by the pride immoderat behauiors of Peter who in many thinges forsaking the ciuil customs and modestie of his auncestors had bene followed from his infancie with a perpetuall hatred and ill wil by the generalitie of the Citisens his father seemed to haue a great speculacion in his vices and vile condicions for that he would often say to his secret friendes that thindiscression and arrogancie of his sonne would one day be the cause of the ruine of his house It is a good propertie of wisedom in fathers to find out the disposicions of their children but it is a principall effect of their iudgementes to cutte of with discipline all course of humors that feede and minister to their naturall corrupcions which is an office no lesse iust in parents then it belongeth to the art of the Phisicion first to seeke out the humor that offendes and then to apply the remedie proper to cure and not to leaue the body to a setled infection Peter being now amased with the peril which with rashnes he contemned afore and seeing he fayled of the succors and aydes which were promised by the Pope Alphonso who as well for the losse of Ostia seege of the port Neptune as for feare of the french armie by sea had euen their handes and heades full determined with a councell suddeine and particular to goe search of thennemie that safetie which he hoped no more to finde in his friendes following therein thexample of his father who in the yeare 1479. being brought to desperat tearmes of daunger by a warre which Pope Sixtus and Ferdinand king of Naples managed against the Florentyns went to seeke Ferdinand in the towne of Naples from whom he brought to Florence publike peace and priuat sewertie But it is a thing very daungerous for men to gouerne them selues by examples if there be not a concurrance of the selfe reasons not onely in generall but euen in all particularities and if thinges be not ruled with the same wisedom And if lastly ouer and besides all other foundacions the selfe same fortune haue not her part Being parted from Florence in this deliberacion not farre of his way he had aduertisement that the horsemen of Pavvle Vrsin and 3. hundreth footemen sent by the Florentyns to enter Serezana were broken by certein companies of the french which were come skowring euen on this side the riuer of Magre the most of them either slaine or made prisoners This made him tary for the kinges safe conduct at S. Peters whether went for his conduct and sewertie the Bishop of S. Mallo with certeine Lordes of the Court in whose companie he ariued at the campe the same day that the king with the residue of his strength ioyned him selfe to the vauntgard which incamping before Serazanella battred that rocke but not with such successe as there was hope to cary it After he was presented to the king who enterteyned him with good countenance but more in apparance then in affection he appaised immediatly all his displeasures in consenting to his whole demaundes which were great and immoderat namely that the forteresses and castells of S. Peter Serezana and Serezanella which were as it were the keyes of the dominions of Florence on that side and the fortresses of Pysa and the port of Lyuorne members principall of their estate should be all putte into the handes of the king who for his part should bind him selfe by promise and by his proper signiture to redeliuer them as soone as he had conquered the kingdom of Naples That Peter should do so much that the Florentyns should lende to the king two hundreth thowsand duckats and that then he would receiue them into his alliance and protection Touching the ratificacion of which promises made with simple wordes it was sayd there should be letters dispatched to Florence by the which the king ment to passe but the consignacion of the castells and fortresses was not deferred for Peter ioyning meaning to his wordes caused to be deliuered without tarying to the king those peeces Serezana S. Peter and Serezanella and not many dayes after according to the agreement the like was done of the peeces of Pysa and port of Lyuorne The french men wondred that Peter with so great facilitie accorded to thinges of so great importance for that there was no dowt but the king would haue bene contented with farre meaner condicions I will not let passe in this place without reapport that which was suttelly aunswered to P. de medicis by Lodovvyk Sforce arriuing the day following at the campe As Peter in going to meete him to doe him honour excused him selfe that he had miscaried for that Lodovvyk was some what gone out of the way he aunswered very properly That the one of them two went out of the way but perhaps sayth he it light vpon your selfe as reproching vnto him that he was falne into so great difficulties daungers for not giuing faith to his councells But the euents of thinges falling out afterwardes did well declare that they
both had gone out of the right way but it was with a greater infamie and calamitie to him who raysed into greater degree made profession with his wisedom to be the guide of all others This resolucion and accord of P. de medicis did not onely assure the king of the things of Tuskane but it tooke out of his way all blockes and obstacles in Romagnia where the Aragons beganne now much to declyne for as it is a thing very hard to him that skarcely defendes him selfe from daungers imminent to prouide in one season for the perills of an other So whilest Ferdinand remeyned in sewertie within the strong fort of Faenza thennemie returned to the contrey of Ymola where after they had with a part of th armie assailed the borow of Bubane but in vaine because by his litle circuite a small strength sufficed to defend it and for his base situacion the contrey ronne ouer with waters They tooke by force the towne of Mordane notwithstanding it was very strong and plentifully furnished with souldiers to defend it But such was the furie of thartillerie and such the desperat hardines of the french in thassalt many being drowned as they passed ouer the waterie ditches that there was no abilitie of resistance by those that were within against whom the victors accompanied their fortune with such bluddy crueltie without regard to age or sex that they filled all Romania with generall feares and astonishments By reason of this accident Kathern Sforce despairing of succors accorded with the frenchmē to avoid the perill present and promised to their armie all commodities of the estates subiect to her sonne the same being the cause that Ferdinand now dowting of the wills of them of Faenza yea held it so much the more daungerous to remeyne in the middest of Ymola and Furly by how much he was wel aduertised of the going of P. de medicis to Serazana retyred neare to the walls of Cesena showing so great a feare that because he would not passe neare to Furly he led his armie by the hills a way more long and combersom neare to Castrocare a borow of the Florentyns And within few dayes after hearing of the conuencion which Peter had made with the french for which cause the bandes of the Florentyns forsooke him he tooke the way to Rome Like as also Dom Federyk being parted from the port of Lyuorne retyred with his armie towards the kingdom of Naples where begonne to be necessary for Alphonso those armies which he had sent abroad with so great hopes to inuade the estates of others for his affayres were ful of many aduersities on his side seeing that the seege of the port of Neptune not succeeding he had ledd backe his armie to Terracina And the armie by sea for the french whereof were leaders the Prince of Salerne and M. de Serenon were discouered aboue Ostia but yet giuing it out that they would not offend the states of the Church they put no men on lande nor showed any token of displeasure to the Pope notwithstanding their king many dayes before had refused to heare Frauncis Piccolhomini Cardinall of Siena Legat sent by the Pope to his maiestie But to returne to P. de medicis after the Florentyns were aduertised of the conuentions he had made so greatly to the diminucion of their territories with so slaunderous and dangerous a wound and gall to the common weale there was no litle displeasure and discontentement through out all the citie besides their great losses their hartes were moued against him for that with a newe forme and order of dealing and contrary to thexamples of his predecessors he had alyened without the councell of his citie and solemne decree of the Magistrates so great a parte of the state of Florence in so much that to the bitter complaintes made against him were ioyned the murmures and secret grudgings of the people incensing one an other to rise and recouer their libertie without that any of those that in their hartes bare fauors to the doings of Peter durst either with force or perswacion set them selues against so great an inclinacion Albeit the Florentyns hauing no strength to defend Pysa and Lyuorne had also no hope to turne the kinges will from hauing them yet because they would separate the councells of the common weale from the councels of Peter or at least that that should not be attributed to one in particular which apperteyned to them all in publike they addressed to him many Embassadors of those families which were ill contented with the Medicis But Peter knowing that that was a beginning of a mutacion of estate to th ende to prouide for his affayres afore greater disorders hapned applyed his deliberacions to the time tooke leaue of the king vnder couler to giue perfection to that he had promised At this tyme also the king parted from Serazana to goe to Pysa and Lodovvyk Sforce returned to Myllan hauing obteyned for money that thinuestiture of Genes graunted by the king a few yeres before to Iohn Galeas for him and his yssue should be transferred to him and his posteritie he went away very much discontented for that the king woulde not leaue in his keeping as he sayd he had promised S. Peter and Serazane which places seruing him as a ladder to rayse him to the citie of Pysa he demaunded as vniustly taken from the Genovvays a fewey ere 's before by the Florentyns But when Peter was returned to Florence he found the citie estraunged from him and the minds of his chiefe friendes in suspence for that against their councell and against thoportunitie of the time he had vndiscreetly gouerned all thinges The communaltie also was drawne into such an vprore mutinie that as the next day after his returne he would haue entred into the pallace wherein rested the authoritie and great magistracie of the common weale it was forbidden him by certeine Magistrats which kept the gate armed of whom the chiefest was Iacques de Nerly a yong man of equal nobilitie and riches This being spred abroad thorow the citie the people ronne with swift tumult to armes being the more moued to this vproare for that Pavvle Vrsin whom Peter had sent for was at hand with his band of armed men The aspect and consideracion of these daungers caused Peter eftsoones returned to his house and hauing lost both courage and councell and whilest the state declared him rebell to flee in great hast out of Florence following him Iohn Cardinal of the Church of Rome and Iulyan his brethren vppon whom in like sort were imposed the paynes ordeyned against Rebells he went directly to Bolognia where Iohn Bentyuole desiring in an other that constancie and resolucion of courage which he could not showe since in his owne aduersities reproued him bitterly at the beginning for that not onely to his owne preiudice but also to the ill example of all that oppressed the libertie of their contreyes
of Tuskane next to Florence was gouerned by a peculiar pollecie proper particular to it selfe but so as it knew rather the name of libertie then theffects for that being diuided into many factions or members of Citisens which they cal orders it obeyde that part which according to the accidents of tymes and fauors of forreyne Potentates was more stronge then the others At that tyme helde most rule and authoritie the order of Mont None After the king had taried a very fewe dayes at Siena he planted a garrison there for that hauing bene alwaies at the deuocion of thempire he held it suspected tooke his way to Rome rising euery day more insolent then other for his successe and fortunes which were alwayes greater then euer were his hopes And being also fauored with the ayre and wether more then the natural temperature of that season had wont to show he determined to put diligence to his fortune and vse those prosperities not as terrible to his enemies manifest and professed but euen to those that were conioyned with him or at least had not prouoked him in any thing therefore the Senat of Venice and the Duke of Myllan no lesse astonished with these successes then dowtfull that the kinges thoughtes would not be at rest by the conquest of Naples specially seing him possest of the fortresses of the Florentyns and to leaue a garrison at Stena began for a remedie of their common daunger to common to make a new confederacion whereunto they had with more speede and ease giuen perfection if there had bene made that resistance to the king at Rome that was hoped for the intencion of the Duke of Calabria with whom were ioyned in one strength the bandes of the Pope and Virginio Vrsin with the residue of thAragons armie being to incampe at Vicerba to giue impediment to the king for passing further To this he was drawne besides many occasions by thopportunitie of the place inuironed with townes of the Church and neare the states of the Vrsins But all the circumference and contreyes about Rome drawing into tumult by thincursions which the Colonnoys made beyond the riuer of Tyber and for thimpediments of the vittells by meane of Ostia which should come to Rome by sea he durst not abide there he dowted with all of thintencion of the Pope for that since he vnderstoode that P. de medicis was turned he had begonne to open his eares to the demaundes of the french for the which and the reasons of them Cardinall Askanius went to him after in pledge of his sewertie the Cardinall of Valence was come to Marina a towne of the Colonnoys And albeit Askanius was gone without resolucion certeine for that Alexander distrusted much thintencion of the king and of the other side was in great feare of his forces which bredd no small torment and conflict in his hart yet after the king was parted from Florence they returned eftsoones to common of thaccord wherein for the more diligent accomplishment of thinges the Pople dispatched to the king the Bishops of Concorde and Terny and M. Gratian his confessor with commission that they should compownd aswell for the affayres of Alphonso as for his owne But the king was of a contrary meaning hauing setled his resolucion to accord onely and particularly with the Pope And for that cause he sent to him the L. de la Trimouille and the President of Ganuy being there also for the same occasion the Cardinal Askanius and Prosper Collonne who were no sooner come to Rome then the Pope for what cause I know not chaunging aduise bestowed the Duke of Calabria within Rome with all his armie he caused to be arested Askanius and Prosper restrayning them within the tower of Adrian of olde called the castell of Crescence and now named the castell S. Ange he demaunded of them restitucion of Ostia In this tumulte also the frenche Embassadors were made prisoners by the Aragons But the Pope caused them with a present speede to be redeliuered and within a few dayes after restored to libertie Askanius and Prosper constrayning them notwithstanding to depart suddenly out of Rome After this he sent to the french king lying then at Nepi Cardinall Federyk of S. Seuerin beginning to treate onely of his proper affayres and yet in great dowt and declyning of mind for that some times he determined to stand to the defence of Rome and therefore gaue sufferance to Ferdinand the capteines to looke to fortefie it in the partes most weake and earste againe he iudged greate hardnes and impossibilitie to defend it for thimpediments of vittells restrayned by those of Ostia In which respectes waighing also with the infinit numbers of straungers being of mindes and of wills different the diuersitie of factions euen amongest the Romaines he began to thinke to goe from Rome requiring in the colleage that euery Cardinal would promise by a writing subsigned to follow him And euen standing amased with the daungers and difficulties imminent vpon euery one of his deliberacions he turned his mind to accorde But whilest his minde wauered in these ambiguities the french men forbare not to ouerronne the whole contrey on this side Tyber making them selues Lordes of one towne after an other no place offering resistance to their incursiōs No not one peece or fort which gaue not place to their importunāt furie according to thexample of the others no not such as had good occasion to oppose them selues against them as Virginio Vrsin drawne by so many bondes of faith office and honor to the house of Aragon Capteine generall of th armie of Alphonso grand Constable of the realme of Naples and very neare parent to Alphonso for that Iohn Iordan his sonne had maried a bastard daughter to the late king Ferdinand But he turning all these thinges into forgetfulnes as vnthankfull for the states and fauors he had receiued in the kingdom of Naples as vnmindfull that the calamities of the Aragons were first kindled for his occasions and nourished chiefly in his particular interestes consented that his person continuing still in the pay of the king of Naples his children should compownd with the french and be bound to giue them passage and libertie of vittells and othet friendships through all the estates which he held of the dominions of the Churche leauing the french men not a litle amased with his example and forme of dealing being not acquainted with these sutle and vnaccustomed distinctions of the souldiers of Italy he suffered withall that Campagnane and certeine other places were put in deputacion into the handes of the Cardinall of Gurcy who promised to restore them so soone as the armie was out of the territories of Rome This forme of agreement was vsed also by the Count de Petillane with all the residue of the familie of the Vrsins immediatly vpon these accordes king Charles went from Nepi to Bracciane a chiefe towne of Virginio and sent to Ostia Lovvys
the L. of Ligny and Yues L. of Alegre with fiue hundred launces two thowsand Svvyzzers to th ende that passing Tyber and ioyning with the Collonnoys they might make a strength to enter Rome and that so much the better by how much the Collonnoys by the meane of their factions and partakers within Rome had a resolute hope to make their entrey in what sort so euer it were notwithstanding by the season of the tyme being rough and stormie the difficulties were much increased By this tyme Ciuitaueche Cornette and in the ende almost all the territorie of Rome were brought to the deuocion of the frēch when a man might haue seene all the Court amased all the Cardinalls dowtfull and all the communaltie of the citie full of feares emocion demaunding vehemently peace in so much that the Pope driuen to daungerous tearmes seeing the foundacions which he had layd for his defence shaken on all sides was not reteyned with any other thing then with the remembrance that he was one of the first that stirred the french king to thenterprise of Naples And had since without occasion giuen obstinatly resisted him with authoritie with councells and with force the same making him iustly dowt that the faith which he should receiue of the king should be like to that the king had receiued of him To these feares he felte an other torment nothing inferior vnderstanding the Cardinall S. P. ad vincla was very gracious in the kinges sight with many other Cardinalls his ennemies bearing no litle authoritie and rule in the kinges doings By the perswasions of whom and for the regard of the title of right Christian which the kinges of Fraunce beare and for the auncient name which that nacion hath to be very religious and lastly for that in ill men the conscience giltie and infected suspecteth not onely the worst but also their mindes caried in shadowes they expect and dread great thinges of those that are knowne to them but by name onely he feared least the king would turne his witts according to a vayne brute to reforme the gouernment of the Church the same being a right trembling thought coniecture to him when he remēbred with what infamie he was come to the Popedom performing his ministracion with maners of life meanes not differing from so fowle and vile a beginning But he was cleared immediatly of these suspicions by the diligence and promises of the king full of efficacie and desire to aduaunce aboue all things his going to the realme of Naples And for that cause letting nothing passe that might take out of his way the blockes and impediments of the Pope sent to him eftsoones as Embassadors the Seneschall of Beucaire the Mareshall of Gie the sayd President of Gannay they labored to perswade the Pope that the kinges intencion was not to medle with any thing that apperteined to thauthoritie of Popes and that his demaundes stretched not but to thinges reasonable and necessary for the sewertie of his passage They required him instantly to agree with good will to the kinges entrey into Rome assuring him that it was a holy and peculiar desire in his maiestie Not that it was not in his power to make his entrey by armes but because he would not be constrayned to forbeare to vse those actions of reuerence which had bene alwayes done by his elders to the Popes of Rome They assured him that assoone as his maiesties person were possessed of the presence of the Pope within Rome all those quarells that had bene raysed betwene them would be conuerted into reconcilement vnitie and coniunction It seemed to the Pope a hard compulsion to despoyle him selfe afore all thinges of the ayde of his friendes and committing his estate and life into the power of an ennemie to receiue him within the walles of Rome afore he had compownded or assured his affayres Notwithstanding making election of the daunger that was of least qualitie he consented to all their demaūds and caused to depart out of Rome the Duke of Calabria for whom albeit he obteyned of the french king a safe conduit for his safe passage through all the dominions of the Church yet the Duke accompting it a diminucion of his reputacion and courage refused it and issued out of Rome by the gate S. Sebastian the last day of the yeare 1494. at the same hower that at the gate de S. Maria de Popolo entred with the armie of Fraunce the french king armed with his launce vppon his thigh as he entred Florence At the same tyme the Pope full of incredible feares and perplexities was withdrawne to the castell S. Ange and not accompanied with other Cardinalls then Baptista Vrsin and Oliuer Caraffe a Neapolitan But now began the Cardinalls ad vincla Askanius Collonne and Sauelle with many others to solicite the king with vehement instance that taking from the sea a Pope ful of vices and abominable to all the world he would create and set vp an other they told him it would be no lesse vertuous in him to deliuer the church of God from the tyrannie of a wicked Pope then it was great glorie to Pepin Charlemain his predecessors to take the Popes of holy life out of the persecucions of those that did vniustly oppresse them that the action was no lesse necessary for his securitie then greatly concurring for his glorie for there was no expectacion of faith or trust in the promises of the Pope being a man naturally full of fraude insatiable in ambicion shameles in all his doings and according to the testimonie of experience extremely hating the french with whom the reconciliacion that now he made was more by necessitie and feare then of inclinacion or good will partly by these perswacions and partly for that the Pope in the condicions that were debated refused to let the king haue the castell of S. Ange for the sewertie of those thinges he promised him thartilleries were drawne twise from the pallaice of S. Marke where the king was lodged to be planted before the castell But the king bearing no inclinacion to offend the Pope and the presentes and promises of Alexander working much with some of those that gouerned most the kings councells they fell to accord in this sort That the Pope should giue to the king to hold for his sewertie till he had conquered the kingdom of Naples the Cytadells of Ciuitauechia Terrachine and Spolete and yet this last was not put into his hands That the Pope should keepe no remembrance of any offence or iniurie of the Cardinalls or any Barons subiectes to the church that had followed the kinges partie That the Pope should inuest him in the kingdom of Naples That he should giue to the king Gemyn Ottoman brother to Baiazet who after the death of their father had bene persecuted by the sayd Baiazet according to the barbarous customes of the Ottomans seeking to establish their succession in the Empire with the bludd
of their brethren their nearest kinne and competytors In which perill for safetie of his life he was fledd to Rodes from whence he was brought into Fraunce lastly past ouer into the power and custodie of Pope Innocent By which occasion Baiazet seruing his turne of the couetousnes of the Vicaires of Christ as instrumentes to holde in peace the Empire ennemie to the Christian faith payed euery yeare vnder the name of allowance towardes his norriture and keeping forty thowsand duckats to the Popes to th ende they should be lesse ready to deliuer him into the handes of other Princes to serue their turnes against him The king was so much the more desirous to haue him by how much he supposed to turne him to many vses oportunities for thaduauncing of his pretended enterprise against the Turkes being greatly caried into glorie by the vayne flatteries of many of his fauorits which he ment to beginne as soone as he had accomplished the conquest of thAragons And because the last xl thowsand duckats sent by the Turke were taken at Sinigalle by the Prefect of Rome he required that the Pope would remitte both the punishment and restitucion To these capitulacions were added that the Cardinall of Valence should follow the king three monthes as Legat apostolike but in meaning it was to stande as ostage for the promises of his father The accord thus made and past the Pope returned to the Vatican where is his pallaice pontificall And after with pompes and ceremonies accustomed at the receiuing of great kinges he receiued the king in the Church of S. Peter and there according to the maner hauing kissed his feete kneeling was afterwards receiued to kisse his cheeke An other day he assisted in presence the Popes masse where he had his place the first after the first Bishop Cardinal and according to the auncient custom gaue water to the Pope celebrating masse which offices humilities ceremonies the Pope to continue the memorie to all posterities caused to be curiously drawn in a table purtraied honge vp in a gallerie of the castell S. Ange In this action the Pope to gratifie the king created published Cardinalls the Bishop of S Mallo the Bishop of Maus of the nation of Luxumburg forgetting nothing that might expresse how sincerely and vnfaynedly he was reconciled The king remeyning in Rome about a month forgat not to send bandes trowps of souldiers euen vppon the confins of the kingdom of Naples where was already such generall commotion that Aquila and almost all Abruzza displayed enseignes afore he parted from Rome as also Fabricius Collonne occupied the quarters of Albe Taille cosse The whole residue of the kingdom was almost in no more peasible estate for that as soone as Ferdinand was parted from Rome the frutes of the hatredes which the people had long borne to Alphonso began to appeare helping much the remembrance of many rigors which his father Ferdinand had vsed against them vpon these they raysed ready occasions to complayne vehemently of the iniquities of the gouernments passed togither with the cruelties and pride of Alphonso expressing in these humors apparant desire that the french might come and that in such sort as the contemplacion of the auncient relykes and monuments of such as held with the house of Aniovv albeit they were ioyned to the memorie of so many Barons as had bene chassed and emprisoned at sundry tymes by Ferdinand thinges of themselues of great consideracion and of no litle power to worke a chaunge did litle in this tyme in regarde of the other occasions so vehemently were the hartes of all the kingdom inflamed against Alphonso who for his part as soone as he vnderstood that his sonne was gon out of Rome entred into such present feares astonishmēts that turning all memorie or regard to the great renowme and glorie which with so long experience he had got in many warres in Italy into a present despaire not to be able to resist this fatall storme determined to abandon the kingdom and leaue to Ferdinand the name and authoritie royall In this deuise perhaps he had hope that taking away with him selfe the generall hatred and leauing to the people for their king a yong Prince of great expectacion not yet hauing offended any of them but gracious and plawsible to the vniuersall multitude he should make lesse in his subiectes their desire to haue the french which councell if it had bene sooner taken would happily haue wrought to better purpose but being differred till things were not onely in motion and shaking but euen beginning to fall it was not able to stay so great a ruine It was sayd also if it be lawfull not to despise such thinges altogither that the spirite of Ferdinand appeared three tymes in sundry nightes to Iames chiefe Surgeon of the Court charging him first with soft and mild words and after with many threatnings to warne Alphonso from him not to hope to be able to resist the french king because it was a resolucion in destinie that his race trauelled with infinit aduentures and fortunes and depriued at last of so large a kingdom shoulde now ende and determine he sayd their enormities began now to appeare in iustice and the many tyrannies by them committed were the causes but aboue all others that which by his perswasion he had done in the church of S. Leonard in Caiaia neare Naples comming from Pozzolo for that he expressed them no more particularly men supposed that Alphonso had in that place perswaded Ferdinand to put to death secretly many Barons whom he held prisoners long time before But of what nature so euer was thoccasion it is most certeine that Alphonso vexed with his proper conscience liued day and night in a discontented spirite for that in his sleepes the shadowes and Ghostes of those dead Lordes were liuely afore him and on the dayes he beheld the people prepard greatly to insurrections for reuenge of his rigorous dealinges In which perplexitie of mind applying his councells to his fortunes he communicated onely his intencion with the Queene his mother in law keeping it from his brother or his sonne and departed from Naples accompanied with fowre light gallies loaden with implements rich and precious he was so afflicted with dread confusion that at the earnest instance of his mother he would not stay two or three daies a time to ende the whole yeare of his reigne And at his departing expressing such tymerous disposicion of mind as if he had bene enuironed with the french mē he sayled to a towne in Sicile called Mazare which Ferdinand the king of Spayne had giuen him the yeare before but his feares left not to followe him no more then his fortunes showing at euery brute or small noyse no lesse perplexitie and terror then if the heauens and elements had conspired against him As the french king departed out of Rome he receiued aduertisement of the fleing of
Alphonso And assoone as he was arriued at Vellitre the Cardinall of Valence fledd secretly from him with the which albeit the Pope showed him selfe much discontented offering to giue the king such assurance as it pleased him yet wise men beleued that it was not without his practise and commaundement as one that sought to haue in his power to obserue or not obserue the conuencions he had made with his maiestie an action agreeing with his ambicion which most gouerned him but farre from the office of his profession which he least esteemed making nothing vnlawfull for that he challenged to him self to haue power to dispense with all things from Vellitre the vauntgarde marcheth to Montfortyn a towne of the Church seated in la Campagnia and subiect to Iacques a gentleman Romayne who had at first followed the pay of the french king But since the hate he bare to the Collōnoys preuailing more with him then his proper honor he was become mercenarie to Alphonso The place being well shaken with the great artillerie was taken notwithstanding his strong situacion within few howres by the french who executed by the sworde all that were found within it except his three sonnes and certeine others that retyred into the castell but made prisoners assoone as they saw thartillerie planted from thence th armie marched to Mont S. Iohn a towne of the Marquiss of Piscaire seated in the sayd Campagnia vpon the confins of the kingdom this towne besides it was strong by nature and industrie of men yet it was well furnished with souldiors to defende it hauing in it three hundred footemen straungers and fiue hundred of thinhabitants well appoynted for all daungers In so much as it was not thought pregnable but by a hard and long seege But after the french men had somewhat searched the walls with their cannons they gaue in the presence of the king then come from Veruue so hoat and violent assault that vanquishing all difficulties they tooke it by force the same day And following their naturall furie as also to warne others by this example not to be so obstinate to resist they made lamentable slaughters wherein sparing no sort of barbarous crueltie they followed the desolacion of the place with setting fire on houses A maner of making warre not vsed in Italy in many ages before and therefore filled the whole realme with more generall feares and terrors for in Italy in all victories obteyned in what order so euer the most extreme and last action wherein the Victor would stretch out his crueltie was to disarme spoyle the souldiors and so let them goe vanquished and for townes taken by force to put them to sacke and pillage and thinhabitants to raunsom pardoning alwayes the life of men not slayne in the heate and furie of the fight This was all the resistance the payne and impedimentes which the french king had to conquere so large so rich and so populous a kingdom for the defence wherof there was not showed in any sort any vertue any courage any councel any force any faith nor any desire of honor for after the Duke of Calabria after his going out of Rome retyred to the borders of the kingdom and from thence called to Naples by the flying of his father had taken vpon him thautoritie and title of king but more with solemnities then with pompe and ioyes accustomed and that he had assembled his armie contayning fiftie squadorons of horsemen and six thowsand footemen of choysse and ledd by the best reputed Capteynes in Italy he incamped him selfe at S. Germayn to stoppe thennemie for passing further being drawne thither by thoportunitie of the place inuyroned on the one side with high and rough mountaynes and of the other with a contrey full of mareshes and waters and had in the front the riuer of Garillan which the Auncients called Liri albeit it was not so deepe in that place but at sometymes it was passible at a forde by reason whereof and that the passage is very narrow and straite they say with good reason that S. Germayn is one of the keyes of the kingdom of Naples he sent also bandes and trowpes to the next mounteynes to keepe the way of Cancella But all was in vayne and in these doinges he did no other thing then keepe his minde in languishing like as the Surgeon torments his patient by applying varietie of medicines to a wound that resistes all cures and remedies for his armie already stricken with a generall terror with the onely name of the french men declared apparant tokens of pusillanimitie and faintnes And the Capteynes and leaders partly tendring the safetie of them selues and their owne estates distrusting already of the defense of the kingdom and partly desiring innouacions and new thinges began to wauer no lesse in faith then in courage Lastly all the kingdom being in insurrection it was not without feare that at their backes should happen some perillous disorder Therefore councell giuing place to cowardnes and frayle feares ouerruling resolucion and constancie of minde vnderstanding after the taking of Mount S. Iohn that the Mareshal de Gie was at hand with three hundred launces and two thowsand footemen they discamped with shame from S. Germain and retyred to Capua with such confusion and feare that they lefte by the way viij great peeces of artillerie without garde giuing thennemie a meane to helpe forwarde their destruction with their owne weapons This citie the newe king reapposing much in the amitie of the towne towards the house of Aragon and in the strong seate of the place he hoped to defend and to keepe also Naples and Caietta not making distribucion of his forces to other places The french men went after but dispersed and out of order marching more after the manner of trauellers then like men of warre and without all regard either to keepe vnder their enseignes or to be ruled by the direction of their Capteynes they tooke libertie to goe where so euer they thought to find pillage And so neare was the encounter of these two armies that one part of them most often lodged the nightes in places where the Aragons were dislodged in the mornings Neither in Capua was any greater demonstracion of vertue or fortune for that after Ferdinand had there bestowed his armie much diminished in numbers since the retraict from S. Germain he was sent for by letters from the Queene expressing that since the losse of S. Germain there were such murmures and mutinies within Naples as without his presence there was manifest daunger of a generall tumult for which cause he went thither with a smal company by his presence to giue impediment to the perill present promising to returne eftsoones to Capua the day following Iohn Iacques Triuulce to whome he had left the garde of the citie had secretly sent to the french king for a Heralde to come vnder sewertie to speake with him which being graunted Triuulce with certeine gentlemen of Capua went to
nor faction of men sparing to ronne to behold him as if he had bene their patrone and first founder of the citie yea there was a plentifull and willing presence of those who either in them selues or in their auncestors had bene raysed to honors and estates by the house of Aragon with this affluence and concurse of people after he had visited the great Church he was ledd because new castell was yet to thennemies to be lodged in the castell Capua the auncient resort and residence of the kinges of Fraunce hauing with a wonderfull course of felicitie farre aboue the example of Iulius Caesar rather vanquished then seene his enemie and that with so ready fortune and facilitie that during the whole expedicion he neuer had neede to display one pauilion or tent much lesse to breake a launce And touching helpes and prouisions he had so great plenty and superfluitie that his armie at sea prepared with so great expenses being caried by violence of wether into the yle of Corse was so long in approching the shoares of the kingdom that the king had accomplished his conquest afore there was necessitie of their seruice Thus by ciuill discordes which so long hath blinded the Princes of Italy to the great dishonor and skorne of the men of warre of that nation and common daunger and ignominie of euery region of the same was transferred one of the most goodly and mighty partes of Italy and of the Empire of Italy to an Empire and gouernment of a nation beyond the mountes for albeit olde Ferdinand was borne in Spaine yet for that from his youth he had his trayning in Italy either king or the sonne of a king and holding no other principallitie in any region else where togither that his sonnes and sonnes sonnes were bredd vppe in Naples I may with good right appropper them to the contrey and call them Italyans The ende of the first booke THE ARGVMENT OF THE SECOND BOOKE THE Pysans continue their rebellion against the Florentyns The french king takes the castells of Naples The Pope the Venettans and other Princes make league against the king who returning into Fraunce is fought withall neare the riuer Taro Ferdmand wynnes agayne Naples Nouarre is beseeged by the confederats The king makes peace with the Duke of Myllan and returnes into Fraunce THE SECOND BOOKE OF THE historie and discoursse of Guicciardin IN the booke before haue bene sett downe the foundacions of the french warres in Italy both out of what founteyne they spronge and with what course and mocions they had their proceedings euen to an action of conquest farre aboue the memorie and examples of all tymes and ages before But as in all powers and causes naturall this is a propertie infallible to haue their reuolucion by the same swift and violent returne where with they did rise to their exaltacion and fulnes So the french king rising with his felicitie into humors of securitie saw the declinacion of his fortune and great triumphes in the like measure and proporcion of tyme by the which he aspired to them And suffering togither the priuacion of the kingdom with the honor of his new cōquest he shewed him selfe more happy to get glorie then able to keepe it Then whilest thinges went in this course at Rome and the kingdom of Naples there kindled in an other parte of Italy sparkes of a litle fier wherein was nourished a smothering heate ordeyned to burst out to a great burning to the hurt of many but specially to the ruyne of him who by too great a desire of dominion and rule first kindled it and set it on slames for albeit the king was bownd by the contract of Florence that Pysa remeining in his handes till he had conquered the realme of Naples the iurisdiction reuenues should be administred by the Florentyns yet at his departure he had sett no order for thexecucion of his word and promise In so much that the Pysans presuming much of the Capteynes and souldiers left by the king for the gard of the citie did determine no more to returne to the obedience of Florence And therefore expulsing some of their officers and others that solicited there for the citie they made the residue prisonners with confiskacion of all their goods and confirmed wholly their rebellion both by demonstracions and actions In this reuolte to be the better able to continue it they dispatched not onely Embassadors to the king to pray him of defence and protection to their doings but also for their stay and strength more assured they recommended their cause vnder many argumentes of compassion to the cities of Syena and Lucques who being auncient ennemies to the name of Florence could heare of nothing more to their liking and gladnes then of the reuolt of the Pysans to whom in common they sent forthwith a proporcion of money and Syenna a part furnished them with an ayde of horsemen In like sort the Pysans sent Embassadors to Venice to sownde the wills of that Senat of whom albeit they were graciously receiued yet they brought away nothing but hopes dowtfull and incerteyne But they reapposed their chiefest confidence and soundacion in the Duke of Myllan for that as he was the first breeder of their rebellion so they hoped he would not fayle to support them with succors countenance and councell The Duke albeit he made other showes and demonstracions to the Florentyns yet he solicited secretly the confirmacion of this reuolt and breathing courage into them with many offers perswacions promises he communicated presently with the Genovvays to furnish the Pysans with armor and municions and to sende to them a commissioner with three hundred footemen There hath bene auncient quarell betwene the Florentyns and Genovvays rising at first by the conquest of Pysa and continued by many degrees of displeasures both for buying the port of Lyuorne of their Duke Tomasin Fregosa which they possessed and also the taking away of Pietra Santa and Serazena The memorie of these ioyned to thoccasion offered was sufficient to arme them with a wonderfull readines to doe all thinges that might annoy the Florentyns occupying euen already many of their places in the contrey of Lunigiane and were become Lords of the borders of Pietra Santa vnder cooller of a letter obteined from the french king for the restitucion of certein goods confisked The Florentyns complayning of these actions at Myllan were aunswered by the Duke that according to the contract and capitulacions which he had with them of Genes he could not well doe any thing to the restraint and impediment of them And laboring to content them with wordes and diuersitie of hopes he forbare not with a studie more secret and sutle to practise and execute the contrary as one that nourished an ambicious expectacion to draw Pysa to his obedience if the Florentyns did not eftsoones recouer it a thing much desired by him no lesse for the qualitie of the citie then
camps were able to resist them which thinges with many others of other nature he would assure that he did not foretell by discourse humane or knowledge of the Scriptures but simply did foresee them by reuelacion diuine In these wonders warnings he would sometimes touch the mutacion of the state of Florence At that time he detested publikely the forme of gouernment agreed vpon in the parliament affirming that it was the will and pleasure of God that they did erect a pollicy mearely popular in sort that there should not be power in a few citisens to alter nether the sewertie nor the libertie of the residue inso much that for the reuerēce of one so great a name ioined to the desire of many such as were of thother opinion should not be able to resist so great an inclinacion Therfore this matter being many times propounded and debated it was lastly determined that there should be made a councel of all the citisens wherein should haue no accesse so it was spredd in many places in Italy the dreggs of the people but onely such as by the auncient lawes of the citie might participate in the gouernment In this councell should not be hādled nor they should not dispose of other things then of the election of all the Magistrates for the city for the demeane of the confirmacion of prouisions of money together with all the lawes ordeyned before by the Magistrates and other councells more priuat and straite And to th ende that thoccasions of ciuill discordes shoulde be taken away and the spiritts of euery one the more assured it was prohibited by decree publike according to thexample of thaueniens not to remember the errors and transgressions committed in the tymes past in th affayres of estate vpon which foundacions might perhapps haue bene constituted a gouernment well regulated and established if at the same time they had introduced all the ordenances which then came into the consideracion of wise men But such thinges being not able to be deliberated without the consent of many who for the memorie of thinges past were full of suspicions it was iudged and determined that for the present the grand councell shoulde be established as a ground and foundacion of the newe libertie referring to accomplish that which wanted vntill a better oportunitie of time and vntill by the meane of experience the publike vtilitie should be knowne of such as had no capacitie to knowe it by reason and iudgement This was the course condicion of th affayres of Tuskane But in this meane while the french king after he had with a ready fortune conquered the citie of Naples to giue a full perfection to his victorie he had principally to looke to remoue two impediments The one how he might get new castel and the castell of the egge which are two fortresses of Naples holding good yet for Ferdinand but for the towne of S. Vincent builded for the garde of the hauen he had it without much resistance his other consideracion was how he might reduce the whole kingdom to his obedience In which two thinges fortune still followed him with a full sayle of her fauors for new castel the habitacion of the kinges builded vpon the banke or shoares of the sea by the couetousnes and cowardise of fiue hundred launceknightes holding garrison there was rendred with condicion that they might departe in safetie with all the goods and moueables they were able to cary In this castell was founde great quantities of vittells whereof the king without consideracion to that might happen made prodigall liberalities to certeyne of his owne people And touching the castell called the egge built within the sea vpon a rocke afore tymes parcell of the firme lande but now deuided from it by the operacion of Lucullus was ioyned with a narrow bridge to the next brinkes or shoares of Naples they within the rocke seeing them selues battered without ceasing with a perpetuall furie of thartillerie which might well shake the walls but nothing moue the naturall rocke agreed to yeld vp the place if within viij dayes they were not succored The Barons also and gouernors of communalties would goe many dayes iorneyes to meete the french capteines and companies of souldiers sent into sundry partes of the realme whose example in yelding and the humanitie and inclinacion of the french in receiuing them bredd such a generall minde of reuolt in cities fortes and peeces particular that almost all the places of strength were rendred by those that kept them either with no resistance at all or at least without perill or difficultie yea the rocke of Caietta notwithstanding it was made stronge with men vittells municion and other thinges necessary for defence yet after a few light assaults it yelded to the discression of the victors This selicitie of the king followed with so full streame that within ▪ very few dayes and with a wonderfull facilitie all the kingdom was brought into his obedience except the yle of Yschia the castells of Brondusia and Galipoly in Povvylla and in Calabria the rocke of Regge scituate in the poynt of Italy right ouer against Sicile the citie holding for the king and except also Turpia and Mantia who in the beginning displayed the banners of Fraunce but refusing to liue vnder the subiection of others then the king who had already disposed them to certeyne of his fauorits they chaunged councell and returned to their first Lorde The like was done within a litle tyme after by the citie of Brondusa to the which the french king hauing sent no men but vsing negligence where was necessitie of care and councell did skarcely heare their Magistrates sent to him to Naples to capitulat by which occasion ioyning with thoportunitie offered those that kept the castells in the name of Ferdinand had good meane by perswasions to draw agayne the citie to the deuocion of the Aragons by which example also the citie of Otrante lately declared for the french no creature sent thether to receiue them continued not long in their affection All the Lordes and Barons of the realme except Alphonso Daualo Marquiss of Pisouire who left within new castell by Ferdinand was gone to him when he perceiued the inclinacion of the launceknightes to yeld and except two others who for that the french king had giuen away their estates were fled into Sicile came to doe homage to the new king who desiring to assure wholly so great a conquest by the way of concorde called afore him vnder safe conduit afore he had wonne the rocke of the egge Dom Federyk who aswell for that he had remeyned many yeares in the court of Fraunce in the tyme of the kinges father as also for that he touched his maiestie in parentage was much fauored of all the Lordes of Fraunce The king told him he would indue Ferdinand leauing all that was his in the realme of Naples with estates and large reuenues in Fraunce And touching him to recompense
him liberally with all that he possessed there But Federyk well knowing that his nephew was determined to accept no condicion except he might haue Calabria aunswered with a countenance of humilitie and reuerence and wordes graue and wise That seeing God fortune and the good wills of men haue concurred in his present felicities to giue him the kingdom of Naples Ferdinand was not determined to make resistance against so fatall a disposicion but rather esteeming it no shame to giue place to a king so happy and mighty he would no lesse then others remeyne in his obedience and deuocion so that his maiestie would contribute to him some parte of the kingdome touching Calabria by a secret meaning to th ende that dwelling therein not as king but in the condicion of one of his Barons he might honor the clemencie and magnanimitie of the french king in whose seruice he hoped to haue once occasion to showe that vertue which his malicious fortune would not suffer him to expresse in the action of his owne safetie That nothing could turne more to the glorie of king Charles then that councell bearing resemblance and affinitie with the councells of those kinges whom antiquitie doth so much recommend vnto vs who by such operacions had raysed their names to immortalitie and established amongest peoples and nations diuine honors That it was a councell no lesse for his sewertie then for his glorie for that Ferdinand brought to his deuocion the realme would be so assured to him that he should not hereafter feare the chaunge of fortune who had this common propertie that as often as victories were not assured with moderacion and discression she would defile by some accident vnlooked for the vertue and reputacion of the glory gotten But the king dowting that if he communicated any parte of the kingdome with his competitor he shoulde open a waye to manifest perill for the residue Dom Federyk parted from him without any thing doing Ferdinand vnderstanding of the rendring of the castells sayled into Sicile with xiiij light gallyes slenderly appoynted wherein he passed from Naples This he did to be ready vpon all occasions leauing the gard of the rocke of Yschia to Ianick Daualo brother to Alphonso both men of great vallour and of singular faith towards their Lord But the french king to take from thennemie that receptacle very conuenient to trouble the realme sent thether his armie by sea which arriued at length in the port of Naples and finding the towne abandoned they forbare to assaile the rocke wherein for his inuincible strength by scituacion they discerned many impossibilities to preuayle And therefore to giue a greater helpe to their vertue the king determined to assemble all the vessells of Prouence and of Genes to take Yschia and assure the sea which Ferdinand vexed some tymes But their councel and diligence were not equall to their fortune seeing according to thinfirmitie of all their doings all thinges had a slow proceeding and were guided in most great negligence and confusion for the french king turning the prosperitie of his affayres to serue his vanities his companies in like sort by so great felicitie became more insolent then of custom and let goe at aduenture th affayres of importance not receyuing into their thoughts any other impression then of feasting and pleasures And such as were great in the councells and fauors of the king cared not but for their owne particular and to draw of the victory all the profit they could without respecting the dignitie or vtilitie of their Prince About this tyme dyed at Naples Gemyn Otto to the great displeasure of the king who layed vp in him many foundacions and oportunities for the warre he determined to make against the Empire of the Turkes It was beleued his death was brued in a cup of poyson which the Pope had giuen him to worke his ende in a certein tyme or that hauing deliuered him against his wil and so depriued of the xl thowsand duckats which his brother payed him yearely he tooke for consolacion that he that had taken him away should receiue by him no commoditie or profit or at least for entry he bare to the glory of the french king or lastly for feare that thinges succeeding happily with him against the Infidells he would not afterwards turne his thoughtes to reforme the abuses of the Church which being wholly alyened from the auncient deuocion customs pietie made euery day of lesse authoritie the religion of Christ euery one withall hauing an assured expectacion that they would further decline before the ende of his raigne which being gotten by wicked meanes was happly neuer in the memorie of men administred with worse orders And there were that beleued for the corrupt nature of the Pope made credible in him all wickednes that Baiazet after he vnderstoode that the french king prepared to passe into Italy practised with him by the meane of George Bucciardin corrupted with money to oppresse the life of Gemyn And yet the king nourishing still his inclinacion to the warres of the Turkes more vppon a greene humor of youth and volubilitie of minde then by maturitie of councell ceased not for his death to send into Greece tharbishop of Duraz of the nation of Albania who put the king in hopes by the meanes of certeine factions of the banished and other vayne intelligences to stirre vp some commocion in that prouince But new accidents constrained him to turne his spirits to new thoughtes It hath bene set downe before how the desire to vsurpe the Duchie of Myllan ioyned to a feare that Lodovvyk Sforce had of the Aragons and Peter de medicis induced him to procure the french king to passe into Italy by whose comming after he had obteined his ambicious pretence and that the Aragons were brought into those necessities that there was no abilitie remeyning to defend their propper safetie A second feare both more great and reasonable then the first beganne to occupie his thoughtes his eyes and all his senses that was the seruitude and thraldom houering ouer him ouer him and all thItalians if the kingdom of Naples were ioyned to the power of the crowne of Fraunce desiring for that cause as hath bene noted that by the Florentyns should be obiected many difficulties and impediments against the resolucion of his enterprise But when he saw his maiestie was easily ioyned with that common weale with the same facilitie had ouercome all thimpediments of the Pope and lastly without resistance had preuayled ouer the realme of Naples the daunger semed euery day so much the greater to him by how much the course of the french victories aduaunced more and more with facilitie fortune and felicitie A like feare also began to stirre in the mindes of the Senat of Venice who in all their councells hetherunto had cōstantly perseuered in newtralitie gouerning their abstinence with so great discression no lesse in action then in demōstracion that there
then for his proper vertue he assigned other Capteines in many partes of the realme on whom he had bestowed estates and reuenues of these the chief was M. D'aubygny whom he had made great Constable of the realme for Calabria In Caiette the Seneshall of Beaucaire whom he had raysed to thoffice of highe Chamberlaine And in Abruzze Gracian a valiant Capteine and of great reputacion promising them all in one generall faith and worde of a Prince to sende them speedy reskew of money and men But in the meane while to enterteyne the warre he left them no other prouicion thē the assignacion of those moneyes which should be dayly gathered of the reuenues of the realme which beganne already to wauer and shake for that the name of thAragons beganne to reuiue in many places For at the same tyme that the king would departe from Naples Ferdinand accompanied with the spanish armie that came by sea into the yle of Sicile was discended into Calabria to whom slocked with a swift readines many trowpes of the contreymen the citie of Regge rendring it selfe to him whose castell had bene alwayes kept in his name At the same tyme was discouered about the shoares of Pouylla the Venetian armie by sea ouer whom was Capteine Anthony Grymany a man in that common weale of great authoritie But neither for these nor many other signes of chaūges towardes the king did not forbeare no not once suspende or linger his deliberacion to goe his way for besides that happly they were driuen by necessitie the desire was incredible in the king and all his court to returne into Fraunce as though fortune that was sufficient to make them get so great a victorie had bene still so able to preserue it for them he did not remember that the getting of a victorie is referred to fortune but the losse of a kingdom is imputed to the king who standes then in most necessitie of councell and discression when fortune makes him beleue he is in most securitie it is familiar with fortune to doe more harme in one day then she doth good in many yeares vsing for her delite to rayse vp vayne men for her glory and suffer them eftsoones to fall with the waight of their propper vanitie and want of gouernment In this tyme also held good for Ferdinand the yles of Yschia and of Lipara which albeit were neare to Sicile yet they are members of the kingdom of Naples he held Reggi which he had newly recouered and euen in Calabria he commaunded Villenenfue with the castell and places about Brondusa where Federyk was retyred also Galipoli la Mantia and Turpia Before the king parted from Naples many thinges were innegociacion betwene him and the Pope not without great hope of concorde In which actions was sent from the Pope to the king and after returned to Rome the Cardinall S. Denys and for the french king M. Franci The king desired greatly thinuestiture of Naples and that the Pope if he would not ioyne with him at the least that he would not be for his enemies that he would receiue him into Rome as a friende To which demaundes albeit at the beginning the Pope bare some inclinaciō yet distrusting much in him selfe of the king and esteeming that to separate him selfe from the confederats and consent to thinuestiture would be supposed a meane sufficient to make a faithfull reconciliacion with him he obiected many difficulties to thother demaundes and to that of thinuestiture albeit the king would condiscende to take it vnder this condicion not to be preiudiciall to the rightes of an other he aunswered that he wished the lawes might be looked into afore to see to whom the right apperteyned And of the other side seeking to giue impediment by force to the kinges entrye into Rome he sent to the state of Venice and to the Duke of Myllan to refurnishe him with succors and strength of souldiers who immediatly sent him a thowsand light horsemen and two thowsand footemen with promise of an ayde of a thowsande men at armes with which bandes ioyned to his owne forces he hoped to be able to make resistance But the Venetians and Duke of Myllan considering afterwards that it was a thinge too daungerous to sende their strength and companies so farre from their owne estates seeing that neither the whole armie agreed vpon was yet in order and parte of their puoples occupied in thenterprise of Ast and ioyning withall to these dowtes thinfidelitie of the Pope remembred in a late experience when king Charles past that way he called Ferdinand into Rome with his armie suddeinly with a coūcell chaunged made him yssue forth againe They began to perswade him to withdrawe to some place of sewertie rather then to aduenture his person to so great a daunger in striuing to defende Rome These thinges increased the 〈…〉 nges hopes to come to composicion with the Pope The french king departed from Naples the xx day of May But for that he had not taken in the beginning with the ceremonies accustomed the titles enseignes regall of the kingdom A fewe dayes afore his departure he receiued solemnlie in the cathedrall Church with great pompe and celebracions the royall ornaments the honors othes and homages accustomed to be done to new kinges At this coronacion the oracion was pronounced in the name of the people of Naples by Iohn Iouian Pontan to whose prayses very cleare and shining for thexcellencie of his doctrine his life and ciuilitie of maners this action brought no smal stayne and a slaunder for that as he had bene of long a principal Secretorie to the kinges of Aragon of very priuate and familiar authoritie and the teacher and maister of Alphonso So whether it were to obserue iustly the partes proper to orators or to show his affection to the french he tooke too great a libertie to speake in the disprayses and derogacion of the kinges by whom he had bene so much aduaunced So hard it is sometymes for a man to keepe in him selfe that moderacion and those rules which he following with so great doctrine had taught to others writing of morall vertues by his wit and knowledge had made him selfe wonderfull to the world in all kindes of philosophie and learning The king ledd with him viij hundreth french launces two hundred gentlemen for his garde a hundreth launces vnder the Lord Triuulce three thowsand Svvyzzers footemen a thowsand frenchmen and a thowsand Gascoyns hauing ordeyned that in Tuskane Camylla Vitelli and his brother should ioyne with him with two hundreth and fiftie men at armes that the armie by sea should draw towards Lyuorne Virginio Vrsin and the Count Petillane followed the king without other garde or sewertie then their faith not to goe away without leaue Their cause for that they reasoned that they were not iustly made prisoners had bene disputed in the kinges councell afore whome they alleaged that at the tyme they yelded them selues
haue risen no small insurrections for that the losse of Nouare and the present face and consideracion of troubles towardes kindled in the Myllanoys a wonderfull inclinacion to reuolt and chaunge wherein Lodovvyk no lesse tymerous in aduersitie then insolent in prosperitie was seene with teares vnprofitable to acknowledge his cowardise for the most part is ioyned in one self subiect insolencie and tymerousnes they also that were with Galeas in whome onely consisted his defence remeyning behinde showed them selues in no place to his reskew but because the condicions and disorders of the ennemie are not alwayes knowne to the other Capteynes it hapneth often in warres that many goodly occasions are lost there being also no apparance that so suddeine a mutacion could succeede against so great a Prince seeing withall it is a principall pollicie in Princes in seasons daungerous and conspiring to make their strength at home free from feare ielowsie or suspicion The Duke of Orleans to assure the conquest of Nouare determined to haue the castell which the fift day accorded to yelde if within xxiiij howers they were not succored during which tyme Galeas de S. Seuerin had leasure to conuey his companies to Vigeneue and the Duke who the better to reconcile the minds of the people had by proclamacion called in many exactions imposed afore vpon the communaltie good respit to encrease and refurnish his armie All which notwithstanding the Duke of Orleans hauing ranged his bandes where the walls of Vigeneue offered battell to his enemies on whom fell so generall astonishment that they were vppon the poynt to abandon the towne and passe the riuer of Thesin by a bridge they had made vppon boates and other matter necessary to their succors in the passage Thennemie refusing to fight the Duke of Orleans retyred to Trecas from this time the affayres of Lodovvyk began to sayle with a better gale many supplyes of horsemen and footemen arriuing in his armie for the Venetians being content that the charge to meete the french king should be in effect to them alone consented that Lodovvyk should call backe parte of those bandes he had sent vppon the costes of Parmesan and with all they refurnished him with foure hundreth stradiots Insomuch as the meane to passe further was taken from the Duke of Orleans who making a roade with fiue hundreth horsemen euen to Vigeneue and the horsemen of thennemie encountring with them a great losse light vpon the D. of Orleans This encounter gaue courage to Galeas S. Seuerin both superior in forces and nothing inferior in fortune to present battell to the Duke at Trecas At length all the armie being assembled wherin besides thItalian souldiers was arriued a thowsand horsemen a thowsand footemen of Alemains incamped within a myle of Nouaro whether the D. of Orleans was retyred with all his regiments The newes of the reuolt of Nauaro procured the king being then at Syena to make way And therefore he auoyded all occasions that might make his departure slow or hinder his resolucion wherein being well aduertised that the Florentyns warned by the perills past and newly falne into suspicion for that Peter demedicis followed him albeit they had determined to receiue him into Florence with honors due to his greatnes yet for their more sewertie they filled their towne with men of armes and pyked bandes he drew to Pysa by the landes of the Florentyns leauing the citie on the right hand In the towne of Poggibonse met him Ieronimo Sauonarola who according to his custome vsing the name and authoritie of God to his purpose showed him vnder vehement inuectiues and gesture that he ought to restore to the Florentyns their townes ioyning to his perswasions threatnings absolute and terrible that if he obserued not that he had sworne with so great solemnitie and that vppon the holy Gospells yea almost afore the eyes and presence of God a punishment would follow equall to his infidelitie and periurie The king made him sundry aunsweres according to his inconstancie hauing as litle conscience to keepe his faith as he had regard to giue it sometymes he promised the frear to make restitucion assoone as he was come to Pysa and immediatly wresting his promise and othe he sayd he had sworne to the Pysans to protect their libertie afore he made any oth at Florence and yet he gaue hopes alwayes to their Embassadors for the restitucion of their peeces assoone as he was come to Pysa where being arriued the matter was eftsoones proponed in the kinges councell for that the preparacions vnitie and strength of the confederats about the borders of Parma increasing dayly they began to looke into the difficulties to passe thorow Lumbardye for which cause many desired the moneyes and other succors offered by the Florentyns But to these councells were contrary euen those Capteynes and gentlemen who had resisted them at Sienna They alleaged that albeit there hapned by the opposicion of the ennemie any disorder or difficultie to passe thorow Lumbardye yet it were better to haue in their power the citie of Pysa whether they might retyre then to leaue it in the handes of the Florentynes who hauing once reobteined the places they demaunded would be of no better faith then had bene the other Italyans They added that in comparison of commodities it was very conuenient for the sewertie of the kingdom of Naples to holde the port of Lyuorne for that the plot layd to alter the state of Genes succeeding well to the king wherof the hope could not be dowtefull he should be souereigne Lord almost of all the seas euen to the hauen of Naples sewer these reasons were able to doe much in the minde of the king as yet litle capable to chuse the best councell but of farre greater power were the peticions and teares of the Pysans who in great concurse of men women and children sometymes prostrate at the kinges feete and eftsoones recommending to euery one yea euen the least of his court and the souldiers with lamentable cryinges and complaintes bewayled their miseries and calamities to come the insatiable hatred of the Florentyns and the last desolacion of their contrey which should not haue cause to lament for any other thing then for that his maiestie had put them in libertie and promised to protect them in it In assurance whereof they beleuing the word of a right Christian king of Fraunce to be a word firme and resolute they had taken boldnes so much the more to prouoke the hatred of the Florentyns with these complaintes and exclamacions accompanied with the present aspect and view of their miseries they discended with such compassion into the hartes euen of the most simple men at armes the archers of the armie and many of the Svvyzzers that they went in great numbers and tumult to the king whom Salzart one of the Pensioners speaking in the name of them all they besought with instance vehement and humble that for the honor of his
as the brute went chiefly by her councel the capteines after many reasonings concluded with one consent that for the more common sewertie of them all the bandes of the Venetians should be ioyned to th armie of the Duke of Mugnes leauing sufficient gard in all the other places about Nouaro seruing to the seege That Volgaro should be abandoned for that being within three myles of Verceile it was necessary if the french men came with strength to get it either to loase it with infamie or to succor it with the whole armie That in Camarian three myles from Mugnes where the campe was the garrison should be refurnished lastly that the whole campe being fortefied with trenches and rampiers and supplyed with sufficient artilleries the Capteines and assistants should daily enter into other councells according to the behauiors of thennemie They forgatt not in this consult to giue order to spoyle and cut downe all the trees euen to the walls of Nouaro to giue incommodities to men and forage for horses wherof there were great quantities in Nouaro These resolucions established and a generall mooster made of the whole armie Lodovvyk returned to Myllan to make with more readines such prouisions as daily should growe necessary for the seruice wherein to giue fauors to the forces temporal with the authoritie armes spirituall the Venetians he wrought so much with the Pope that he sent one of his officers at the mace to the king cōmaunding him within tenne dayes to depart Italy with all his armie and within an other short tearme to send all his people out of the realme of Naples otherwayes that vnder the spirituall paynes wherwith the church is wont to threaten he should appeare before him personally at Rome This remedie the auncient Popes haue vsed in tymes before for according to tradicions written Adrian first of that name constrayned with no other armes then these Desiderius king of Lumbards going with a stronge armie to trouble the citie of Rome to retyre from Terny where he was arriued to Pauia But the reuerence and feare which for the holines of their life was nourished in the hartes of men being now sayled it was a thing hard to hope that of manners and examples so contrary would come like effectes The same enabling the french king skorning at his commaundement to aunswer the Messenger that the Pope refusing at his returne from Naples to tary him in Rome whether he went deuowtely to kisse his feete he could not but maruell by what reason he coulde require him now to go thether Notwithstanding he sayd that to obey him he would looke to open his way and prayed him least he tooke those paynes in vayne to attend him there till he came In this tyme at Thuryn the king contracted with thEmbassadors of Florence new capitulacions not without the great contradiction of such as afore tymes had made resistance who now had so much the more occasion to impugne it by howmuch the Florentyns after they had recouered the other borowes and stronge places of the hills of Pysa their campe being afore Pont de Sac and the souldiers that were within rendring it with condicion to haue their life saued they did contrary to their faith and promise giuen put to the sworde almost all the Gascon footemen which were found with the Pysans and vsed many cruelties against the bodies dead This accident albeit hapned against the wills of the Florentyn Commissioners who with great difficultie saued a great part of them but altogether by the stirring vp of certeine souldiers who being prisoners to the frenche were very rigourously dealt withall yet in the court of the king all being taken by their aduersaries as a signe manifest of mindes malicious to the name of all the frenchmen many impediments were obiected to the solicitacion and practise of thaccord which notwithstanding had his passage full conclusion hauing more power then all other respectes not the memorie of promises and othes solemnly made but the vrgent necessitie and want of money and other commodities to succor the affayres of the kingdom of Naples This was thaccord That without any delay all the townes castells which were in the kinges possession should be restored to the Florentyns vpon condicion that the state of Florence shoulde be bownd to deliuer within two yeares next comming at the pleasure of his Maiestie receiuing sufficient recompense for them Pietrasanta and Serazana to the Genovvays in case their estate should fall to the iurisdiction and obedience of the king That vnder this hope the Florentyns should make present paymēt of the thirty thowsand duckats remeyning of the capitulaciō made at Florence receiuing a pawne of iewels for their sewertie and restitucion if for any occasion their places were not rendred That after the redeliuerie of their places they should lende to the king vpon bondes of the generalls of the realme of Fraunce so are called the foure officers royall which receiue the reuenues of the crowne three score and tenne thowsand duckats and to send parte of them in his Maiesties name to the bandes which were in the realme of Naples and an other part to be ministred to the Collonnoys in case they were not reconciled and reaccorded with Ferdinand whereof his maiestie albeit he had some apparance was not yet in such certeinty as to beleue it That if they had no warres in Tuskane they should send to Naples to thaide of the french armie there two hundreth and fifty men at armes And in case their warres were but for the quarrel of Montpulcian yet they should be boūd to send them thether to accompanie the bandes of Vitelli not to interteyne them in that seruice longer then the month of October That they should remit and pardon the Pysans for all their offences committed giuing them a forme certeine for the restitucion of their goods which had bene taken from them together with conuenient and liberall meanes to exercise their traffikes and marchandise That for the sewertie and obseruacion of these thinges they should deliuer as ostages at the election of the king six of the principall Citisens of Florence and they to remeine a certeine tyme in his Court This accord concluded and the thirty thowsand duckats which were immediately sent to make a leuie of Svvyzzers giuen vnder gage of the kinges iewells the commissions and commaundements of the king were immediately dispatched to the Capteines of the places to make present redeliuerie to the Florentyns without any difficultie or standing But within Nouaro albeit the vertue of the souldiers was great most great for the memory of the rebellion the obstinacie of the townesmen to defend the towne yet thinges diuolued daily to more hard and difficult tearmes the store of vittells so fast diminishing that they began euen now to be pinched with the want of necessaries and according to the nature of extremities their hopes to be releued were no lesse desperat then their desires great
was made for eyght dayes with sufferaunce to the sayde Duke and the Marquis of Saluzze to goe with a small companie to Verceyll but vnder promise faith to returne to Nouaro with the same companie if the peace proceeded not And for the sewertie of the Dukes person for that he was to passe thorow the campe of thennemie the Marquis of Mantua went into a tower neare to Bolgare in the keeping of the Count de Foix The souldiers that were to remeyne in Nouaro would not haue suffered him to depart if he had not giuen them his faith that within three dayes he would returne or else by his meane they should haue libertie to goe out the Mareshall of Gie being therefor his conduit leauing also one of his nephewes for ostage for that not onely the vittells were consumed which ordinarily serued for the sustenance of man but also the vncleane and filthy skrappes from which they could not absteyne in so great an extremitie Immediatly after the Duke was come to the kinges presence the truce was eftsoones proroaged for a certeine few dayes with condicion that all his companies shoulde goe out of Nouaro that the towne should be left in the power of the people and they to make an othe not to giue it to either partie without common consent And that thirty footemen who should be vittelled daily by the campe of the Italians should remeine in the castell for the Duke of Orleans Thus all the souldiers yssued out of Nouaro whom the Marquis of Mantua and Galeas de S. Seuerin protected and conducted till they were in place of sewertie But so much were they weakened and consumed with hunger that they were no sooner arriued at Verceyll then many of them died and the residue remeyned altogether vnprofitable for the seruice of that warre About this tyme the Baylyf of Dyon arriued at the campe with the residue of the Svvyzzers of whom albeit his commission was to leauye but tenne thowsand yet he could not chuse but at the reapport of the kinges money there discēded by trowpes a farre greater number rising in the whole to an armie of twenty thowsand The one halfe was admitted to ioyne to the campe neare Verceill and the residue remeyned tenne miles of because in pollicie it was not thought sure that so great a proporcion of men of one nation should be at one tyme in one campe if their comming had bene somewhat sooner the practises of peace had bene easily broken seeing without them there were in the campe eyght thowsand french footemen two thowsand of those Svvyzzers which had bene at Naples and eyghtteene hundreth launces But thinges being now so farre aduaunced and Nouaro already abandoned the enteruiewes did not discontinue although the Duke of Orleans vsed all his labor to the contrary hauing many of the greatest of the Court of his opinion Therefore the Deputies were euery day at the campe of thItalians to solicit with the Duke of Myllan who was newly returned thether to th end to debate him selfe in a matter of so great consequence doing all thinges notwithstanding in the presence of the confederat Embassadors At length the Deputies returned to the king bringing the last conclusion of all thinges that they could for the accord First that betwene the french king and the Duke of Myllan there should be a peace and friendship perpetuall the Duke nothing derogating notwithstanding his other confederacions That the king shoulde consent that the towne of Nouaro shoulde be rendred to the Duke by the people together with the castell left to his Maiestie by the gard of xxx footemen That the towne of Spetia and all other places occupied by either parte should be rendred That it shoulde be lawfull to the king to arme at Genes his freehold and chiefe so many vessells as he would seruing his turne of all the commodities of that citie so that it were not in fauor of thennemies to the state of the same That for assurance of this article the Genovvays should giue him certeine ostages That the Duke of Myllan should cause to be rendred to the king the vessells lost at Rapale and the twelue gallies restrayned at Genes and to arme for him presently at his proper charges two grosse carrakes of Genes which with foure others of his own he determined to send to the succors of Naples That the Duke should also deliuer to the king the yeare after three others in the same manner That the Duke should giue free and friendly passage to the companies that the king should send by land to the same succors vnder this couenant that there should not passe by his estate more then two hundreth launces at a tyme That if the kinge returned eftsoones to the same enterprise the Duke should followe him with certeine bandes of men That the Venetians should haue power to enter this contract within two monethes And if they did enter then to retyre their armie by sea from the kingdom of Naples and to be bownd to giue no succors to Ferdinand But if they did not obserue this the king should leuye warre against them the Duke should be bownde to ayde him reaping to his vse all that should be conquered of the Venetian estates That the Duke should pay fiftie thowsand duckats in the next march to the Duke of Orleans for the charges of the warre of Nouaro And acquite the king of lxxx thowsand duckats percell of the money he had lent his Maiestie when he marched first into Italy the residue to be rendred by his Maiesty at a longer tearme That Iohn Iackes Triuulce should be absolued of the confiske and condemnacion wherein he had bene conuicted by the Duke and enioy restitucion of all his goods That the bastard of Burbon taken in the iorney of Furnoue and the Lord of Myolans taken at Rapale together with all other prisoners shoulde be redeliuered That the Duke shoulde withdraw from Pysa Fracasse whom he had sent thether a litle before together with all his bandes and the companies of the Genovvays That he should giue no impediment to the Florentyns to recouer that which apperteyned to their iurisdiction That within one month he should put by way of confidence the castell of Genes into the handes of the Duke of Ferrara who called to that ende by both the parties was now come to the campe of thItalians and that the sayd Duke of Ferrara shoulde keepe it two yeares at their common charges and to be bownde by othe to redeliuer it within the sayd tyme to the handes of the french king in case the Duke of Myllan shoulde not holde his promises who immediatly vpon the conclusion of the peace should giue ostages to the king for assurance to assigne the castell at the tyme agreed vpon These condicions brought to the king by his Deputies that had debated them were propownded in his publike and priuat councell wherein being founde no lesse variacion of mindes thē contrariety of reasons euery one
lac confyning vpon the territorie of Cortonne with commoditie of vittells for th armie yet they consented to neuer one of the demaundes notwithstanding the Cardinall Askanius made in the name of the Duke of Myllan great instance and the Pope commaunding no lesse by writts vehement and full of threats All this was for that since the taking of Corciana the Florentyns lending them money and giuing yearly pension to Guido and Radolpho chiefe of the Baillons and lastly hauing taken into their pay Iohn Pavvle sonne to Radolpho they were of their side conioyned with them Besides these they were estraunged from thamitie of the Pope for that they feared he stoode fauorable and inclined to the cause of their aduersaries or at least by thoccasion of their diuisions they suspected that he aspired to put absolutely that citie vnder the obedience of the Church In this time Pavvle Vrsin who with three score men at armes of the olde companie of Virginio had remeyned many dayes at Montpulcian and afterwards was gon to the borow of Pieua interteyned by the direction of Peter de medicis A practise in the citie of Cortone with intencion to execute it at such time as the bandes of Virginio should approch whose numbers nor vertue aunswered not the first plots But during that respitt of time the practise being discouered which was builded vppon the foundacion and meane of one of the exiles of base condicion one part of their generall groundes deuises began to fayle and withall many great impediments to appeare for the Florentyns in whom was alwayes nourished a carefull pollicie to prouide for daungers leauing in the contrey of Pysa three hundreth men at armes two thowsand footemen had sent to encampe neare Cortone two hundred men at armes 2. thowsand footemen vnder the leading of the Count Riuucce de Marciane whom they had made Mercenarye in their pay And to thend the bandes of the Syennoys should haue no oportunitie to ioyne with Virginio accordinge to the practise betweene them they sent to Poggi imperiall vpon the borders of the contrey of Sienna vnder the gouernment of Guidobalde of Montfeltre Duke of Vrbyn whom they had interteyned into their pay a litle before three hundreth men at armes and fiueteene hundreth footemen besides many banished from Sienna with whom they adioyned to keepe the citie in greater feare But after Virginio had giuen many assaultes to Gualda where Charles his bastard sonne receiued a wound with a small shot and hauing embrased the moneyes sent secretely to him as was supposed by the Fulignians he raysed his campe without mention or respect to thinterests of the Perusins and marched to the tabernacles and so to Panicale in the contrey of Perousa making newe instance that they would be declared against the Florentyns A thing which they did not only deny to him but also for the discontentment they had of his actions at Gualda they cōpelled him almost with threatnings to depart out of their territories In so much that Peter and he going first with foure hundreth horse to Orsaia a towne neare to Cortone hoping that in that citie which to auoyde the harmes of the souldiers had refused to receiue the men at armes of the Florentyns they should find some tumult After they saw all thinges in quiet and stabilitie they passed ouer Chianes with three hundreth men at armes and three thowsand footemen but the most part in confusion ill order because they had bene driuen backe hauing but a very smal proporcion of money They retyred vpon the contrey of Sienna neare to Montpulcian betwene Chianciana Torrite and Asinalongue where they remeyned many dayes without other action then certeine incursions and pillages hauing the bandes of the Florentyns which passed Chianes at the bridge of Valiance in camped directly opposite vpon the hill Sansouyn and other places thereabouts Neither of the side of Bolognia as they hoped was any insurrection for that Bentyuole not determining for the interests and regardes of an other to enter warre with a common weale mighty and his neighbour refused the quarrell and the defense notwithstanding the perswacions of the confederats to whom he made many excuses and vsed no lesse delayes neither was he curious to consent that many demonstracions should be made by Iulian de medicis who being come from Bolognia laboured to stirre vp the frendes which they were accustomed to haue in the Mounteynes of that contrey Amongest the consederats there was not one consent of will and inclinacion for that it was very acceptable to the Duke of Myllan that the Florentyns should be vexed with those trauells thereby to be lesse able for the matters of Pysa but it nothing pleased him that P. de medicis so greatly iniuried by him should returne to Florence notwithstanding to declare that hereafter he would wholly depend vpon his authoritie he had sent to Myllan in solemne order his brother the Cardinall And touching the Venetians they liked not to haue the burden of that warre imposed vppon them and much lesse to embrase alone the quarrell Besides the Duke and they were buysie to leauye prouisions to expulse the french out of the kingdom of Naples In which respectes fayling in Peter and Virginio not onely the hopes which they exspected but also the moneyes greatly diminishing to enterteyne their bandes of footemen and horsemen the necessities of their estates and consideracion of their proper safeties caused them to withdraw to Bagno Rapulano in the contrey of Chiusa a citie subiect to the Siennoys where not many dayes after Virginio being drawne by his destinie arriued Camylla Vitelli and M. de Gemel sent by the french king to interteyne him into his pay and leade him into the kingdom of Naples where the king desired to serue his purpose of him hearing of the defection of the Colonnoys This offer albeit many of his frendes impugned it aduising him rather to follow the seruice of the confederats who made great solicitacion to him or else to become for thArragons was embrased and accepted by him either for that he hoped by that meane to be more able to recouer the landes and contrey of Alba and Taille couss or else remembring eftsoones how thinges hapned in the losse of the kingdom and seeing the authority of the Collonnoys his auncient aduersaries was so great with Ferdinand that there was no confidence of reconciliacion and much lesse to be readdressed into his former greatnes or lastly for that he was moued as him selfe did assure with a discontentment which he had of the Princes consederat fayling to accomplish those promises which they made to him to minister fauors to Peter de medicis Virginio then entred pay with the french king receiuing cōtract aswel for him as for others of the house of the Vrsins for six hundreth men at armes notwithstanding vnder this obligacion such be the frutes of those that once haue made their faith suspected to sende his sonne Charles into
during that time not one of the beseeged to whom should be ministred day by day by thArragons necessary vittells should depart out of Attella That it shoulde be suffered to Montpensier to aduertise his kinge of thaccorde That if he were not reskewed in the sayd tearme of thirty dayes he should leaue Attella and all that he had in his power in the kingdom of Naples together with all thartilleries that were there That the souldiers should be in safetie for their persons and iewells and with them it should be lawfull to euery one to goe into Fraunce either by land or sea And to the Vrsins and other Italian Capteines to returne with their bandes whether they would out of the kingdom That to the Barons and others which had followed the faction of the french In case they would returne to Ferdinand within xv dayes all punishments should be remitted restitucion of all the goods they possessed when the warre began The tearme of this abstinence expired Monsr Montpensier with all the french and many Svvyzzers together with the Vrsins were conduted to sea castell of Stabbie where they began to dispute if Montpensier as Lieftenant generall vnder his king and by that meanes aboue all others were bownde as Ferdinand sayd to make to be rendred all that was possessed in the kingdome of Naples in the name of the french king for that Monsr Montpensier pretended that he was bownd to no more then was in his owne power to render and that his authoritie stretched not to commaunde other Capteines and castellkeepers which were in Calabria Abruzze Caietta many other townes peeces which the king had giuen them in charge and not to him The argument being trauersed by many reasons on both sides for certeine daies they were at last conduited to Baia Ferdinand making semblance that he woulde lette them goe And there vnder cooller that the vessells wherein they should be imbarked were not yet ready they were so long reteyned that being dispersed betwene Baya and Pozzola they fell into such diseases by the ill ayre and many other incommodities that both Monsr Montpensier dyed and of the residue of his company which were more then fiue thowsand bodies there skarce returned into Fraunce safe and sownd fiue hundreth Virginio and Pavvle Vrsin at the request of the Pope who was now determined to take from that famulie their estates were sent prisoners to the egge castell and their companies conduited by Iohn Iordan sonne to Virginio and Bartlemevv d'Aluiano were by the appoyntment of the Pope stripped in Abruzze by the Duke of Vrbyn Iohn Iordan also and Aluiano leauing their people in the way returning to Naples by the commaundement of Ferdinand were made prisoners but Aluiano either by his industrie or by the secret sufferance of Ferdinand who loued him much had meane to escape After Ferdinand had taken Attella he made diuision of his armie into many parts for the more easie recouering of the residue of the kingdome he sent before Caietta Federyk of Aragon Prosper Colonne And to Abruzze where the towne of Aquila was already reuolted to his deuocion he dispatched Fabrice Colonne And him self taking by force the rocke of S. Seuerin and cutte of the heades of the castell keeper and his sonne the more to terrifie others went to incampe before Salerna where the Prince of Bisignian had parley with him and compownded for him selfe for the Prince of Salerne for the Count of Capaccie for certeine other Barons with condicion that they shoulde remeyne possessed of their estates but that Ferdinand for his sewertie shoulde keepe in his handes the fortresses for a certeine time After which accorde they went to Naples In Abruzze was not made any great resistance for that Graciano who was there with viij hundreth horsemen hauing no more meane of defense and lesse exspectacion of succors in a fortune so declining retyred to Caietta Into Calabria of which the greatest quantitie held yet for the french returned Consaluo against whom albeit Monsr d'Aubigny made some resistance yet being in the ende driuen to take Groppoly after he had lost Manfredonie and Consensa which had bene sacked before by the french And lastly seeing all hopes became desperat and no apparaunce of succors from Fraunce he consented to deliuer vp all Calabria vppon sufferance to returne by land into Fraunce It is certeine that many of these reuoltes and chaunges hapned by the negligence indiscression of the french for albeit Manfredonia for the scituacion of the place was stronge for the fauors of the people there free from suspicion and for the fertilitie of the contrey full of plentifull meanes and prouision of vittells And that the king had left for the gard of it Gabriell Montfalcon esteemed a Capteine valiant yet after it had endured a very short and easie seege they were constrayned to render it for famine Like as also in misfortunes examples doe much other peeces of good abilitie to defende them selues became recreant and yelded either for feare which is propper to cowardes or for impacience of thincommodities which such must suffer as are beseeged Some castellkeepers finding their rockes well prouided for sold the vittells at their first entrey and so assoone as thennemie appeared made their willing necessities and wants a slaunderous detection of their infidelitie cowardise By these disorders ioyned to the negligence of the king the french lost in the kingdom of Naples that reputacion which the vertue of that man had won vnto them who holding many yeares after the victorie of Ferdinand the castell of the egge which Iohn of Aniovv had left in his charge could neuer be brought to render it but by compulsion of vittells altogether consumed Thus no more remeyning for the recouery of the whole realme then Tarenta and Caietta with other peeces holden by Charles de Sanguyn and Mont Saint Ange kept by Dom Iulyan de Lorraine who with great merit and praise made his vertue knowne in all the places thereabouts it hapned that Ferdinand raised into great glory and no lesse hopes to be equall in greatnes with his predecessors went to Somme A towneseated at the foote of the hill Vesune to see the Queene his wife where he became very sicke either for his trauells past or by new excessiue disorders And feeling by his disposicion no hope of recouery he caused him selfe to be caried to Naples where he dyed not many dayes after somewhat before the ende of the yeare after the death of his father king Alphonso he left behind him not onely in his kingdom but also thorow all Italy a singular opinion of his vallour not so much for his victories obteyned which in times and condicions so deuided merited much as by the life and readines of his spirit wherein he was founde resolute in both fortunes with many other royall vertues wherein he became a worthy example to many he dyed withoutyssue and therefore his Vncle Dom
Federyk succeeded him being the fift king seene to succeede in that kingdom in three yeares time Assoone as Federyk was aduertised of the death of his Nephew he leauied his seege from before Caietta and went to Naples where was the olde Queene his mother in law who put into his handes new castell albeit many were of opinion that she would reteyne it for her brother Ferdinand king of the Spanish In this accident were most singular towards Federyk not onely the wills of the peoples but also thinclinacions of the Princes of Salerne and of Bisignan together with the faith of the Count Capaccie all which were the first that pronownced his name within Naples going to meete him saluted him as king at his discending from the ship They were farre better content with him then with the last king no lesse for the mildenes and moderacion of his mind which they honored with great reuerence and humilitie then for the sewertie of their owne estates hauing no small suspicion that Ferdinand assoone as he had addressed his affayres had intencions to call to aunswere all those that in any sort had bene fauorers of the french But these alteracions and disorders hapning with so great dishonor and domage to the french faction had no power to giue a new life to the king much lesse hasten his prouisions who stāding intangled with the delites pleasures of the court made yt foure monethes afore he returned to Lyons And albeit in this amarous negligence he often times recommended to such as he had left there the solicitacion and dispatch of all prouisions aswel for sea as land and the Duke of Orleans was prepared to depart yet by the auncient connings of the Cardinall of S. Mallovv the men at armes which were slenderly payed marched as slowly towards Italy And the nauie by sea which was to be assembled at Marseilles aduaunced so slackly that the confederats had leasure enough to sende first to Ville franche a large hauen neare to Nice and afterwards euen to the roades of Marceilles an armie by sea leauied at their common charges at Genes to giue impediments to the vessells of Fraunce that were to goe to the realme of Naples And to these great and generall delayes proceeding principally from the Cardinall of S. Mallovv wise men dowted that there was ioyned some other cause more secret interteyned in the kinges mind with a singular art and diligence of such as with many reasons labored to turne him from the enterprises of Italy for that they thought that for his proper regard and interest he ought to beielous ouer the greatnes of the Duke of Orleans on whom if the victorie succeeded the Duchie of Myllan shoulde fall Besides they occupied with him this discourse of perswasions that it was farre from pollicie and his propper sewertie to goe out of Fraunce afore he had made some contract with the kinge of Spaine who expressing a desire to be reconciled had sent Embassadors to his Maiestie to induce a truce and insinuat an agreement Many councelled him to tary till the Queene was brought to bed for that it agreed not with his wisedom was contrary to the loue he ought to beare to his peoples to obiect his person to so many perills afore he had a sonne heire to receiue so great a succession A reason which made the deliuerie of the Queene more painefull and her frute more wretched vnfortunat seeing that not many dayes after the masculyn yssue which God had giuen him dyed So that partely by particular negligence in the king but more by the errours vices of his simple councell and partly by the difficulties which others suggested the prouisions waued so long in delayes that the ruine of his people and whole losse of the kingdom made lamentable vnto them the operacions of their owne indiscression yea the like had hapned to his frendes and confederats in Italy if of them selues they had not constantly defended their proper estates It hath bene set downe before how for feare of the french prouicions and more for the contentment of Lodovvyk Sforce then any thing agreeable to the Venetians there was a plot layd to make passe into Italy Maxymilian Caesar with whom whilest that feare indured it was agreed that the Venetians should giue him for three whole monethes twenty thowsande duckats for euery moneth to th ende he should bring with him a certeine proporcion of horsemen and footemen vpon the which passing of accord Lodovvyk accompanied with thEmbassadors of the confederats went to Manza a place on thother side the Mountes vpon the confyns of Almayne to communicat with his Maiestie where after they had vsed great conference Lodovvyk came backe againe the same day to Bormy A towne of the Duchie of Myllan on this side the Mountes whether came Maxymilian the day following vnder cooller of going on hunting And after in that enteruiewe of two dayes they had set downe the time and maner of his marching into Italy Maxymilian returned into Iermany to solicit thexecucion of thinges that were contracted But the brute of the prouisions of Fraunce inferior to all exspectacion growing now so cold that for that regard it semed not necessary that the king of Romaines should marche yet Lodovvyk determining to serue his ambicion of that which afore he had procured for his proper sewertie continued still to solicit him to descend into Italy wherein to remoue all impediments that might hinder his desire albeit the Venetians would not be concurrant in the promise of thirty thowsand duckats which he demaunded ouer and aboue the lx thowsand that were accorded to him yet he forbare not to binde him selfe alone to that demaund Inso much that in the ende Maxymilian marched and passed into Italy a litle afore the death of Ferdinand of the which when he was aduertised being neare to Myllan he entred into thoughts and deuises so to handle thinges as by his meane the kingdom of Naples might come to Iohn the only sonne of the king of Spaine and his sonne in law But that being farre from the purpose of Lodovvyk and his secrete ambicion he tolde him that in that action he should discontent and trouble all Italy and be the cause to dissolue the vnitie of the confederats and consequently to make easie the enterprises of the king of Fraunce occupying such other conning perswacions that his suttelties so vanquished all the intencions of Caesar as he did not onely giue ouer and denownce his first cogitacion but also fauored and ratified by letters the succession of Federyk he descended into Italy with a very small company of men but the brute ronne that there marched after euen to the proporcion and quantitie which he had promised And being come to Vigeneua where he soiorned Lodovvyk and the Cardinall of Santa Croce sent vnto him as Legat by the Pope together with the Embassadors of the confederats assembled with him in councell to resolue what were
cause Charles went to Soriana to reassemble the olde souldiers frendes and followers of the Vrsins and Vitellozzo in Citta de Castello made the like leauy of the souldiers and footemen of the contrey adioyning with great diligence his whole strength to Charles at Soriano hauing in his regiment two hundreth men at armes and xviij hundreth footemen of his owne with proporcion of great artillerie vppon wheeles after the manner of Fraunce By reason whereof the Capteines ecclesiastick foreseeing that if they marched forward it could not but be daungerous to be inclosed in the middest of a circle betwene the new succors and the olde ennemies within Bracciana and withall holding dishonorable to the renowme of merit and vallour to leaue them in pray al the contrey thereaboutes wherein he had sackt and made hauocke of diuerse borowes they leauied their campe from before Bracciana and retyring all their great artilleries within Anguillare they marched directly to that quarter where thennemies were And encowntring them betwene Soriana and Bassan they fought together with great furie for certeine howers But in the ende the successe of warres depending chiefly vpon the innocencie of the quarrell albeit at the entry into the encownter thecclesiasticks tooke prisoner Franciot Vrsin yet their whole campe was put to flight with the losse of their baggage and artilleries They lost what in the slaughter and by taking prisoners more then fiue hundred men Amongest which prisoners were the Duke of Vrbyn Iohn Peter of Gonsague Count of Nugolare with many other bodies of marke the Duke of Candia lightly hurt in the face and with him the Popes Legat and Fabrice Colonne found safetie by fleeing into Roncillon Aboue all the residue Vitellozze caried the honor and merit of this victorie for that the bandes of footemen of Citta Castello who had bene afore trayned and managed by him and his brethren with the orders and disciplines of the french were that day greatly ayded by his industrie hauing armed them with pykes longer by an arme length then those which were customably vsed they had so much aduauntage when they came to the shock with the footemen of thēnemies that wounding them with the oddes of length in their pykes they put them easily to the chase so much the more to their greater honor by how much in the contrary battell there were eight hundred footemen of thAlmaines of which nation the infanterie of Italy haue had a continuall feare euer since the discending of king Charles After this victory the victors begon to ronne without resistance ouer all the contrey on this side Tyber And afterward hauing passed part of their companies ouer the riuer beneath the hill Rotonde they still inuaded those wayes where they supposed was any retrait for thennemie In regard of which daungers the Pope applying his witts to the necessities of his affayres studying to make a new leauy of men of warre called to his succors from the kingdom of Naples Consaluo and Prosper Colonne And yet not many dayes after what by the diligence of thEmbassadors of Venice to doe pleasure to thVrsins and the solicitacion of the king of Spayne fearing least these beginnings would draw some ill consequence or innouacion to the league A peace was made with a most ready inclinacion aswell of the Pope who naturally hated exspences as of the Vrsins who being no lesse poore in money then naked in frendes knew that their necessitie in the ende would compell them to yeld to the power of the Pope The articles of the Pope were these That it shoulde be suffered to the Vrsins to continue in the paye of the french till the ende of the tyme for the which they were hyered by the king with expresse mention that they shoulde not be bownde to take armes against the Church That all the places which they had lost in this warre should be restored paying to the Pope fifty thowsand duckats of the which thirty thowsand to be payd assoone as Iohn Iordan and Pavvle Vrsin shoulde be set at libertie for Virginio not many dayes before dyed within the castell of the egge either of an ague which was naturall or by poyson which was violent and therefore much suspected and the other twenty thowsand duckats within eight monethes for assurance of which payment Anguillare and Ceruetre should be committed of trust into the keeping of the Cardinalls Askanius and S. Seuerin That all the prisoners taken in the iorney at Soriana shoulde be redeliuered except the Duke of Vrbyn for whose libertie albeit thEmbassadors of the confederats made great trauell yet the Pope would solicite nothing for that he knew the Vrsins had ho meane to rayse the money they were to pay to him but by the raunsom of the Duke for whome a litle after was agreement made for xl thowsand duckats but with this adiection that he should not be deliuered afore Pavvle Vitelli who remeyned prisoner to the Marquis of Mantua at the rendring of Atella had obteyned his libertie without paying any raunsom The Pope hauing thus to his litle honor dispatched his hands of the warre against the Vrsins made distribucion of money to the companies which Consaluo brought with him whom ioyning to him his owne bandes he sent to take Ostia as yet holden in the name of the Cardinall of S. P. ad vincla wherein his successe communicating with his common fortune was no lesse easie then speedy for that assoone as he had braked his artilleries the castell keeper rendred all to discression After which victory Consaluo made his entry into Rome almost in maner triumphant with a hundreth men at armes two hundreth light horsemen fifteene hundred footemen all souldiers of the spanish leading before him as prisoner the castell keeper whome a litle after he set at libertie There came to meete him many Prelats of the Popes howshold with Cardinalls followed with much people and almost all the Court ronning with great desire to see a Capteine whose name bare so great fame and merit in Italy By those Prelats he was led to the presence of the Pope sitting in the consistory who receiuing him with great honor gaue him in testimony of his vallour the rose which Popes are wont to bestow euery yeare After this Consaluo returned to reioyne eftsoones with king Federyk who had inuaded the estate of the Prefect of Rome and resumed all those places which taken from the Marquis of Piscaire in the conquest of the kingdom were bestowed vpon him by the french king And hauing taken Sore and Arci but not the castells he lay incamped before the rocke Guillaume for that he had had by accord the estate of the Count d'Olyuer before he sold his Duchie of Sora to the Prefect of Rome But as there is no earthly blisse so perfect which hath not his aleye with some bitternes or bale nor no prosperitie so well assured which draweth not with it his proper aduersities So notwithstanding these felicities heaped vpon Federyk
auoyde tumultes the statutes in like cases might be dispensed withall some of those that helde the chiefe offices were with great importunities and almost by force and with threatninges constrayned to consent that notwithstanding thappeale interposed execucion was done the same night To which extreame iustice appeared more affectioned then the others the followers of Sauonarole not without his proper infamie forbearing to disswade euen his auditors the violacion of a law published a few yeares before by him selfe as a statute conuenient and necessary for the preseruacion of the common libertie In this yeare Federyk king of Naples hauing obteyned of the Pope thinuestiture of the kingdom and making his coronacion perfect with all solemnities recouered by accord Mont Saint Ange which had bene valiantly defended by Dom Iulian de Lorraine whom the french king left there he reconquered also Ciuita with other peeces holden by Charles de Sanguyn And assoone as the truce was ended he chassed out of the realme the Prefect of Rome conuerting his forces to execute the like action vpon the Prince of Salerne who being at last beseeged in the rocke of Dyana abandoned of all succors had permission to goe his way in safetie with his goods leauing that part of his estate which he had not yet lost in the handes of the Prince of Bisignian with condicion to passe it ouer to Federyk assoone as he vnderstoode that he was conduted in safetie to Sinigale About the ende of this yeare the dyet which had bene transferred from Montpellier to Narbonne being afore interrupted by the immoderat demaunds of the king and Queene of Spayne the french king the sayd king of Spayne returned eftsoones to new practises wherein were founde the same difficulties that before for that as the french king had determined not to consent to any accord wherein Italy shoulde be comprehended so it was against the pollicie of the Spanyard to leaue him a libertie free a way open to subdue the iurisdiction of it And yet it was farre from the desires of the Spanish to interteyne warres with him on thother side the Mountes because it was a warre full of troubles and exspenses and no hope of honor or profit At last the truce was concluded betwene them to indure without limitacion till it were reuoked and two monethes after There was no Potentat of Italy comprehended in it to whom the king of Spayne gaue signification of the trusse and the articles and capitulacions of the same alleaging that in him was no lesse power to resolue the contract without the knowledge of the other confederats then the duke of Myllan made it lawfull without their consent or priuitie to conclude the peace of Verceill And albeit according to the forme and couenants of the league he had begon the warre in Fraunce and continued it many moneths without receiuing one porcion of the money promised by the confederats wherein he had iust occasion not to make care of them that had consented to his disappoynting yet he had by many meanes and tymes aduertised them that if they would make payment of the hundreth and fifty thowsand duckats which they ought to him for the exspenses of the warre he had made he was contented to accept that payment in reckoning of all other actions and enterprises hereafter hauing determined to enter Fraunce with a stronge armie Whereunto as the confederats would show no wil or inclinacion and much lesse keepe faith or be carefull ouer the common safetie So he in that regard and seeing withall that the league made for the libertie of Italy was turned into an vsurpacion and oppression of the regions of the same for that the Venetians not contented with so many portes falne to their share in the kingdom of Naples had made thē selues Lordes ouer Pysa without any right he could not but hold it indifferent reasonable and iust seeing by others the affayres common were disordered to prouide for his owne particular with a truce bearinge notwithstandinge suche a forme and manner that it may rather be called an admonicion then a will to seperat from the league for that it was alwayes in his power to dissolue or reuoke it which he would doe when he shoulde discerne an other intencion with other prouisions in the Potentats of Italy for the stay of the common benefit About this tyme dyed Iohn Prince of Spayne onely sonne to the Kinge and Queene to whome the accident brought no small sorowes and heauines for that besides disappoynting of the succession his death gaue no litle impediments to the sweete delites pleasures which they reckoned to reape in their new tranquillitie and rest To this was also ioyned the death of Phillip Duke of Sauoye leauing for a posteritie one sonne of litle age and therefore of no iudgement touching his exspectacion or towardnes This late Duke after he had wauered long tyme in suspense and newtralitie beholding all their actions without mocion or inclinacion particular seemed at last to fauor the faction of the confederats who had promised to pay him euery yeare twenty thowsand duckats And yet euery one of them had so great dout of his faith that they could assure nothing of his promises and trueth if the frenche king should discend to make any stronge enterprise With this yeare ended the two yeares touching the deputacion of the castell of Genes which the Duke of Ferrara receiuing it in trust did eftsoones render to Lodovvyk his sonne in law he first demaunded of the french king that according to the capitulacions of Verceill he would see him satisfied of the halfe of thexspenses employed in the garde and keeping of it whereof the king consented to make paymēt so that the Duke would put into his handes the castell as he sayd he was bownd for the inobseruacion of the Duke of Myllan To this the Duke of Ferrara aunswered that that was not verefied and that to put the Duke of Myllan in contumacie it were necessary to haue interpellacion The kinge offered to committe the money into a third mans hand to th ende that afore payment were made there might be construction in iustice reason and lawe whether he ought not to render to him the castell But the instance made to the contrary by the Venetians and his sonne in lawe caried farre more force in the fancie of the Duke of Ferrara wherein he was not onely moued by the prayers and solicitacions of Lodovvyk who not many dayes before had indued the Cardinall Hippolite his sonne with tharchbishoprike of Myllan but also he had regard to the daungers that threatned him if he shoulde prouoke the malice of so mighty ennemies specially at a tyme wherin was continuall diminucion of the hope that the french men would discend So that applying his actions to thinclinacion of the tyme he first called home from the Court of Fraunce his sonne Ferrand and then surrendred the castell to Lodovvyk who satisfied all charges for keeping it
together with the porcion which apperteyned to the king to pay By reason wherof the Venetians to expresse how much they congratulated his doings toke his sayd sonne into their pay with a hundred men at armes This restitucion made with no iustice albeit was of great importance against the kinges reputacion in Italy yet he dissembled the wronge and made no such apparance of disliking as was conuenient to the grauitie of the dishonor And that which more is the Duke of Ferrara excusing the action by an Embassador sent to his Maiestie that by reason of the neighbourhood of the Venetians and Duke of Myllan both prepared to pronownce warre against him he was constrayned to obey necessitie yet the king gaue as negligent eare as if the nature of the matter had bene light and trifling Wherein this might be one reason of the kinges negligence that besides he proceeded almost at auenture in all his actions yet he was ouerwearied with a continuall care and trauell of minde ioyned to his auncient deuocion to repasse into Italy hauing now greater occasions then euer for that he had made truce with the king of Spayne renewed thalliance with the Svvyzzers and many late causes of disagreement hapned amongest the confederats But as for the most part matters of enterprise do nourish their proper impediments and to Princes their desires doe seldom succeede when their negligence is more common then their resolucions certeine so the kinges disposicion was ouerruled with newe meanes subborned by suche as were in moste principall grace about him Wherof some set afore him his pleasures others encouraged him to embrase thenterprise but with so mighty preparacions both by sea and lande and with so great prouisions of money as could not be refurnished but with a long space and interposicion of tyme others made the action slowe impossible by many difficulties and obiections And the Cardinal of S. Mallovv forgat not his accustomed delayes in thexpedicion of money In so much that not onely the tyme to marche into Italy was more incerteine then euer but also many things were suffered to suspend and miscary which were almost brought to their perfection for the Florentyns continually incensing the king to marche had contracted with him to take armes on their sides assoone as the warre should begin by him and for that effect they did agree that Monsr d'Aubigny with an hundred and fifty french launces the hundred to be payed by the king and the fifty to be mercenary by them shoulde passe by sea into Tuskane to be generall of their armie And the Marquis of Mantua who when he returned victorious from the kingdom of Naples had bene dishonorably disappoynted of the pay of the Venetians for suspicion that he solicited to be mercenary to the french king did now with great diligence and in good earnest negociat with him to that ende The new Duke of Sauoye was confirmed in his good amitie and alliance Bentyuole promised to follow his authoritie assoone as he were come into Italy And the Pope dowting whether he should ioyne with him as he was continually labored determined at the least not to be against him But all exspectacions began nowe to dissolue and mens mocions and mindes to grow colde for the detraction and negligence which the king vsed for that neither his men of warre as was promised passed into Italy to reassemble at Ast neither was Monsr d'Aubigny dispatched and much lesse money sent to pay the Vrsins the Vitellis his souldiers A thing of no litle importance for the warre he ment to make By reason whereof the Vitellis inclining to enter pay with the Venetians the Florentyns who feared they shoulde not haue sufficient respit to giue aduertisement to the king kept them interteyned for one yeare in common for the seruice of the king them selues The king commended much these actions in them but he made no ratificacion nor prouision of payment for his part onely he sent Gemell to them to intreate them to lend him for the furniture of his enterprise an hundred fifty thowsand duckats Lastly the king as he did at other tymes measuring the wils of others by his owne left all thinges to confusion and departed almost vppon the suddeine from Lyon to goe to Tovvars and then to Amboyse with his accustomed promises to returne immediatly to Lyon. For which respects hope fayling in all those that followed his faction in Italy Baptistyn Fregose was the first that reconciled him selfe with the Duke of Myllan who taking courage by these good euentes and successes discouered euery day more and more the ill disposicion he bare towards the Venetians for the regard of Pysa soliciting with continuall importunities the Pope and the king of Spayne eftsoones to call into question but with more efficacie A parliament for the restoring of the same citie And the better to aduaunce the practise the Florentyns receiuing councell and direction from him dispatched an Embassador to Rome but with a commission quallified to proceede so aduisedly that the Pope the residue might perceiue that if Pysa were rendred to them they would ioyne in vnitie with the others for the defense of Italy against the french But in case the restitucion of the citie succeeded not to keepe all things from the knowledge of the french to whom they were carefull to giue any occasion to hold them dowtfull or suspected This conference continued many dayes at Rome wherein was omitted nothing by the Pope thEmbassadors Spanish the Duke of Myllan and the king of Naples that might reasonably induce the Venetian Embassador to hold it necessary for the common sewertie of Italy that by the redeliuery of that citie the Florentyns might participat in the generall league against the french They told him that the Senat of Venice ought to consent thereunto together with others to th ende that the rootes of all emotions and troubles being supplanted there should remeyne to no estate or degree in Italy any occasion to call eftsoones forreine armes ouer the Mountes They told him also that if in that regarde the vnitie of Italy suffered impediment there woulde perhaps be giuen matter occasion to others to take new councells by the which to the common preiudice might happen some alteracion of importance But to this was quite contrary the deliberacion of the Senat of Venice who couering their couetousnes with many coolers and no lesse perceiuing from whome proceeded principally so great an instance made aunswer by the same Embassador complayning not a litle that such a mocion proceeded not of a respectiue care to the â—niuersall benefit but of an ill tempered affection which some of the confederats bare to them for that sayth he the Florentyns hauing with the french men a secret affinitie and coniunction of minde and being perswaded that by their returning into Italy the most part of Tuskane woulde diuolue to their rule and iurisdiction it was without dowt that to reestablish them in
Pysa would not suffice to draw them from so ambicious inclinacion But of the contrary the restitucion was a thing daungerous for that by how much they should be mighty and stronge by so much would they be hurtfull to the sewertie and quiet of Italy he sayd that in this restitucion it went of the honor and faith of euery one but principally of their common weale seeing the confederats hauing promised the Pysans with one consent to protect their libertie afterwards euery one in particular putting an vnwilling hand to furnish thexpenses of the cōmon busines imposed the whole burden vpon them alone who for that cause had refused no charges cares nor trauells it coulde not but turne to their speciall dishonor to leaue them abandoned when they were in most necessitie of staye and comfort and to withdraw their faith and promise which though others esteemed litle yet with them it had alwayes caried this reputacion not to suffer stayne or violacion in any sorte he alleaged it was a thinge moste greeuous to the Senat of Venice that without respect reasonable others sought to lay vppon them by imputacion that which had bene begon with one common and generall consent and continued for the benefit of euery one and that with so great an ingratitude they were punished for their good workes That thintollerable exspenses which they had defrayed in this enterprise and many others ioyned to so many perills and trauells susteyned since the creacion of the league deserued not such recompense retribucion their actions bearing that nature and quallitie both for exspenses pollicie and care that they may say with reason and iustice that Italy hath bene preserued by their meane for that neither the battell of Taro was fought with other armes then theirs nor the kingdom of Naples recouered with other forces then of their common weale That no other armie constrayned Nouare to render and chased the french king to returne beyond the Mountes That no other strength then theirs was opposed against him in Pyemont as often as he assayed to returne And that it coulde not be denyed that those actions proceeded not principally of the desire they had to protect the safetie of Italy seing as their estates were alwayes furthest remoued from perills so for their occasion there were no disorders hapned which they ought to readdresse or amēd for they called not the frenche kinge into Italy nor accompanied him when he was come ouer the Mountes much lesse for sparing their proper treasures haue they suffered to fall into perill the affayres common and vniuersall No rather necessitie and occasion haue so required that the Senat of Venice did giue remedy to the disorders happened by the faultes of others to the common harmes of the whole All which operacions albeit they were not knowē or though they were so soone committed to forgetfulnes yet they would not for all that forbearing the ill excusable example of others defile neither the faith nor dignitie of their common weale the rather for that to the preseruacion of the libertie of the Pysans was ioyned the sewertie and well doing of all Italy Whilest thinges passed in these practises amongest the confederats with a manifest and generall disagreement there hapned a newe accident which engendred effects diuerse and much different from the thoughtes of men The night before the eyght day of April king Charles dyed at Amboyse of a catter he which the Phisicions cal apoplexie the same rising in him with such abundance as he beheld a match plaied at tennysse that in fewe howers he ended at the same place his life duringe the which he had with greater importunitie then vertue troubled the whole worlde with great apparance of daunger to kindle eftsoones newe fiers of innouation and troubles for that it was beleued of many that being pushed forwardes with a vehement desire to returne into Italy he had in the ende either of his proper knowledge or by the emulacion of such as bare enuy to the Cardinall of S. Mallovv remoued al the difficulties that had withholden thaction In so much that albeit in Italy according to his variations sometymes he increased and sometymes he diminished the opinion that men had that he would marche yet he kept them in continuall suspicion and made his intencions to trouble their coniectures and councells And for that cause the Pope puffed with ambicion to rayse his sonnes had begon already to solicit with him touching some secret innouacion the Duke of Myllan hauing done the like as was bruted to th ende he would not liue in continuall feare King Charles dying without yssue the realme of Fraunce descended to Lovvys Duke of Orleans as nearer in blud then any other of the masculyne lyne to whome remeyning then at Bloys came to doe reuerence the kinges garde and all the generall trayne of the Court together with the nobilitie of the kingdome by whome he was saluted as king with titles and inuocacions royall notwithstanding some did secretly murmure that according to thauncient statutes of the lande he was vnworthy to aspire to the crowne against the which he had taken armes in the warres of Brittaine The day after the death of king Charles a day obserued in many places by a celebracion and solemnitie of palmes tooke ende the authoritie life and doctrine of Sauonarola who hauing bene long tyme before accused by the Pope that he preached slaunderously against the manners of the Clergy and Court of Rome that he nourished sects and discordes in Florence that his doctrine was not fully catholyke and for those reasons called to Rome by many writs refused to appeare there alleaging many excuses and therefore after much a doe he was at last the yeare before separated by the Pope with censures from the fellowship of the Church of which sentence hauing absteyned from preaching for certeine monethes he had easily obteyned absolucion if he had longer continued for that the Pope who held slender reckoning of Sauonarola had proceeded against him more by the incensing and perswacion of his aduersaries then any other occasion But he iudging that it was for his silence that his reputacion came so to be diminished or at least that it brake the purpose for the which he stirred for he was principally aduaunced for his vehemēcie in preaching he fell eftsoones to despise the Popes commaundements and returned publikely to his olde office wherein affirming that the censures published against him were vniust of no force he opened his mouth eftsoones to blaspheme the Pope and the whole court of Rome with great vehemencie of this arose no small emotion for that his aduersaries whose authoritie increased dayly in greatnes with the people detested such inobedience rebuking the action for that by his innouacion and rashenes the Popes minde was drawne in vncerteinties and alteracion in a tyme specially wherein the restitucion of Pysa being negociated by him and the other confederats it was necessary to
beginning of his raigne with forrein warres hauing first to looke with great study into the state of his owne gouernment at home which commonly to kinges newly inuested bringes many causes of new councells alteracions But the spirits of such as discoursed with iudgement vpon the trayne and euent of things nourished alwayes a secret suspicion that thafflictions that then were but defferred would with tyme redouble and rise growing to greater daungers and more generall harmes specially so great an Empire being falne vpon a king rype in age full of experience ruled in his councells resolut in action moderat in exspenses and in all things without comparison holding more of him selfe then did his predecessor and to whom withal did apperteyne as in the right of the crowne of Fraunce not onely the inheritance of the realme of Naples But also he menteyned that the Duchie of Myllan was his freehold by the succession of the Lady Valentina his grandmother who was maried by Iohn Galeas Visconte his father afore that of viccare of thEmpire he had obteyned the title of the Duke of Myllan to Lovvys Duke of Orleans brother to kinge Charles the sixt At which mariage there was added to the state of the dowrye which was the citie contrey of Ast with great summes of money an expresse condicion that as often and when so euer as the lyne masculyne of the sayde Galeas shoulde fayle the Lady Valentina should succeede to the Duchie of Myllan or she being dead her next heires and discendents which couenant albeit stronge enough of it selfe was confirmed if the frenche tradicions be true by the authoritie of the Pope th imperiall seate beinge voyd at that tyme for the Popes of Rome pretend that the administracion of thEmpire vacant belongeth to them by which meanes the blud male of Iohn Galeas determining afterwards by the death of Phillipp Maria Visconte Charles Duke of Orleans sonne to the Lady Valentina began to pretēd to the succession of the sayd dukedom But as thambicion of Princes is ready to helpe on their titles with euery apparant coler so there aspired at the same time to the sayd dukedom not only thEmprour Federyk alleaging that it was reuerted to the Empire for that the lyne nominated in thinuestiture made to Iohn Galeas by Vincislaus king of Romaines was extinct and dissolued But also Alphonso king of Aragon and Naples who was instituted heire by the Testament of Duke Phillipp And amongest the residue Frauncis Sforce with a fortune force and felicitie more fauorable then the others quarrelled the same title who to giue a better shadowe to the armies which he leuyed in that cause alleaged that his wife Blanche the onely daughter but a bastard of Phillipp had peculiar interest in that succession So that Charles Duke of Orleans who being taken prisoner at the battell of Agincourt in the warres betwene thenglish and french and remeyning restrayned in England xxv yeares was able to doe nothing by reason of his pouertie and hard fortunes to iustifie his title and much lesse could he obteyne ayde of king Lovvys the xj notwithstanding he was his nearest kinsman the reason was that the same king in the beginning of his raigne was much molested and manifestly inuaded in diuerse partes of his kingdom by the great Lordes and Barons of the same shadowing their conspiracies with a showe of publike profit But because the king saw that their intencions drew with them priuat regardes and particular interests he kept them alwayes in bridle and esteemed his estate and sewertie to consist in the embasing of the great ones of his realme but chiefly his nearest competitors And for that reason Lovvys Duke of Orleans sonne to Charles albeit he was his sonne in law could draw no fauors or succors from him the same driuing him after the death of his sayd father in law together with his impaciēce that the Lady Anne Duchesse of Burbon the kinges sister was preferred afore him to the gouernment of Charles the eyght then in minoritie to trouble Fraunce with a very slender successe and after retyred into Britain with a worse fortune for ioyning with those that were against thintencion of Charles to obteyne Brittain by marying with Anne heire of the state by the death of Frauncis her father leauing no yssue male yea aspiring secretly to the same mariage he was taken in an encownter betwene the french and the Brittons neare S. Aulbyn in that contrey from thence led prisoner into Fraunce where he remeyned two yeares In so much as fayling then of meanes and finding no succors in king Charles after he was out of prison he ioyned no further action to that enterprise but when the king left him within Ast he made him selfe Lord of Nouaro with a very litle profit But being now become king of Fraunce he held nothing of greater affection then to reconquer the Duchie of Myllan as a succession iustely apperteyning to him This desire planted in him from his youth was eftsones wonderfully increased and aduaunced by the successe he had at Nouaro and withall for that he greatly hated Lodovvyk Sforce by reason of the insolent demonstracions and behauiors which he vsed to him when he had the kings deputacion in Ast Therfore not long after the death of king Charles by resolucion set downe in his elect councel he intitled him self not only king of Fraunce and for the regard of the realme of Naples king of Ierusalem both the Cycillyes but also soueraigne Duke of Myllan And because he would make knowen to the world what was his inclinacion to the things of Italy he wrote letters full of amitie and congratulacion touching his ascending to the crowne to the Pope the Venetians and the Florentyns and withall dispatched mē of speciall credence to giue hopes of new enterprises but chiefly of his determinacion to conquer the Duchie of Myllan wherin the tyme running nourished for him many fauors and oportunities for that the death of his predecessor had innouated in the mindes of the Italians many new humors inclinacions much differing from the cogitacions purposes they had afore for the Pope whose ambicious thoughts could not be satisfied if Italy stoode in tranquillitie wished that thinges might grow to hurly burly seeking his peculiar aduauncement in the common diuision of principallities and states A desire not vnlikely to deriue from such a mind to whom all thinges were hatefull that held of equitie conscience or religion and nothing vnsauery that smelled of troubles innouacion and chaunge And the Venetians being now deliuered of the feare they had of king Charles for the wronges iniuries they had done him expressed manifestly that they had no distrust in the new king which disposicion increased dayly more and more for that Lodovvyk Sforce notwithstanding he knew that he had to doe with an ennemy more mighty and lesse plyable feding him selfe with this hope the same also beguiling Federyk of Aragon that the
refused them with open deniall for that drawing dayly more more into other deuises and thoughtes he made his resolucion to restrayne him selfe onely to the french king by whose meanes he hoped to obteyne no small nor common recompenses yea it is oftentymes the property of men to make easie with will and hope that which in reason and wisedom they know to be hard he ascended in weening to the crowne and kingdom of Naples It was almost a thing fatal that the refusing of the alliance which the king of Aragon made to the Pope shoulde breede in him the beginning of newe thinges and chaunges for long before he had wholly determined to ioyne him selfe with the french kinge he had made great instance to king Federyk to giue to the Cardinall of Valence who was resolued to forsake the habit and profession of the Church vpon the first occasion his daughter in mariage with the principallitie of Tarente in dowry wherein he perswaded him self that if his sonne whose wit was sutle and his hart hawty and raysed were once become Lord of so large and generall a member of the kingdom of Naples that then there would be litle difficultie hauing the cooler of a daughter descending of the king to take occassions what by force and strength and what by thauthoritie and rightes of the Church to dispoyle his father in lawe of the kingdom both weake in men of warre and poore in money and from whome also were estraunged the affections of most of his Barons This matter was hoatly furthered and fauored by the Duke of Myllan who debated with kinge Federyk by his Embassador the Marquis Stampe sent specially to Rome and Naples how daungerous it would be for him if the Pope made frustrat of this desire went suddeinly to ioyne with the french king And withall he preferred to the kinges remembrance how much it would sauor of pusillanimitie and indiscression specially the matter concerning wholly his safetie to put in consideracion indignitie onely and not to haue so much rule ouer him selfe as to preferre the protection of his estate afore his proper will But Federyk fearing that in this sutteltie of Lodovvyk was layd the foundacion of his ruyne refused the plot with continuall obstinacie confessing that the alyenacion or estraunging of the Pope was a degree to put his kingdom in daunger but he stoode assured that to giue his daughter with the principallitie of Tarente to the Cardinall of Valence were to put his life in daunger and therefore in two perills he had rather abide the hazarde of that which he might runne into with most honor and honestie which proceeded not of any fault or error of him selfe By this meane the Pope turning wholly his minde to ioyne with the french and desiring that the Venetians woulde doe the like whome he was loth to offend absteyned altogether to minister any fauors or succors to the Florentyns who receiuing courage by the ready succors of the Duke of Myllan and for the recommendacion of the vallour of Pavvle Vitelly their newe capteine forgat nothing that might aduaunce the enterprise notwithstanding they esteemed it of very hard action for that besides the numbers experience and resolut courage of the Citisens and contreymen of Pysa there was within Pysa a strength of the Venetians of foure hundred men at armes eyght hundred estradyots more then two thowsand footemen They were also as occasion required ready to refurnish them with stronger succors for that euen such as at the beginning had no will to consent to accept the protection of the Pysans were nowe no lesse ready then the reste to support their quarrell for the regarde of common honor The contracte made in common by Lodovvyk and the Florentyns gaue such an increase to the armie that it seemed now to cary proporcion sufficient not onely to recouer all the places within the contrey of Pysa but also to make a wonderfull industrie that the neighbours should forbeare to giue ayde and fauor to the Pysans or at least eschewing thexample of the Venetians not molest any more the Florentyns in other places Lodovvyk hauing afore he determined to protest him selfe openly interteyned in common with the Venetians Iohn Bentyuole with two hundred men at armes labored him so much that he bownd him with the state of Bolognia to him selfe only wherin the better to confirme Bentyuole the Florentyns tooke into their pay Alexander his sonne And to make a more generall resistance against the Venetians making inuasion on the side of Romagnia who for such a purpose had taken into their protection the Lord of Faenza the Florentyns wonne also to their appoyntments deuocion together with fifty men at armes Octauyan de Riare Lorde of Ymola Furly who was gouerned according to the direction will of Katherne Sforce his mother She followed without any regard the faction of Lodovvyk and the Florentyns many occasions mouing her but principally for that she was maried to Iohn de medicis whome the Duke of Myllan nothing liking of the gouernment popular labored to make great at Florence and also his brother Lodovvyk had no small credit with the people of Lucques whom he solicited with all his authoritie and meanes not to comfort any more the Pysans with those properties of succors and fauors which they had accustomed to minister to them which request albeit they did not obserue so fully as he required yet they withdrew and absteyned from many helpes for his regard There remeyned onely they of Genes and Sienna auncient ennemies to the Florentyns hauing equall occasions of controuersie against that state the one for the interest of Montpulcian and the other by reason of the contrey of Lunigiana Touching the Siennoys it was a thing much to be feared least being made blinde with hate enuy they fel not into their auncient error in giuing to euery one commoditie to trouble and molest the Florentyns by the oportunitie of their landes and estates such sufferance sometymes not being without their proper domage And for the Genovvays albeit by reason of auncient iniuries it greeued them not a litle that the Venetians should be Maisters ouer Pysa yet in that citie there is litle care of the cōmon weale they gaue sufferance to the Pysans and vessells of the Venetians to exercise a traffike in their riuers and streames in regard of a priuate gayne which some particulars got by it by the which the Pysans receiued many great commodities For these respects and also by the councell of Lodovvyk still soliciting the Florentyns sent Embassadors to Genes and Sienna to solicit the rather by his meanes an accord and finall resolucion of all their quarrells But as touching the Genovvays the practise and negociacion was frustrat and brought forth no effect for that they demaunded to be acquited frankly of Serezana without giuing other recompense then a simple promise to bereaue the Pysans of all oportunities and commodities of their contreyes
least we ioyne with the french A feare which long tyme is not hable to conteyne him for who knoweth not that the king made frustrat of the hope which he hath that we wil ioyne with him will eyther attempt some other enterprise beyōd the mountes or at least ouercome with the perswacions offers of Lodovvyk by the meanes of his corruptions fauours he hath in the french court wil fall to some accord with him So that in the consideratiō and comparison of thinges necessitie to mainteyne our auncient dignitie and glory constraines vs to knit with the french king but much more are we compelled by the aspecte of the great and imminent daungers which can not bee auoyded by other meanes wherein it seemes that fortune followeth vs with a speciall fauour seeing she bringes to passe that wee are sought to by so great a king whom it is a iust office in vs to seeke and beseech with humilitie besides that hee offreth vs so great and honourable recompenses of the victorie as by those helpes and meanes this Senat may fashion great hopes and employe their conceyptes in the plott and compassing of great thinges specially the victorie being to bee gayned with so great facilitie and Lodovvyk so farre too weake to resist two powers so mightie and well vnited it is a vaine feare in my opinion to doubt that the neighbourhed of the french king when he shall haue conquered the Duchie of Millan wil be eyther suspicious or daungerous to vs for that in iudgement and forecast it may bee seene that many thinges which seeme nowe contrarie will then bee chaunged into fauours and good disposicion towardes vs seeing that suche an increase and amplitude of greatnes to the french Crowne will breede suspicion in the mindes of all the principallities of Italy and stir vp the king of Romains with the regions of Iermany to be discontented that a french king should occupie so noble a member of thempire In so much as euen those whom we feare to ioyne in vnitie with Lodovvyk to vexe vs would then desire for their proper interestes to preserue vs and bee conioyned with vs And my Lordes being great throughout the world the reputaciō of our dominions iurisdictions no lesse great the renowme of our riches and most great the opinion confirmed with so many honorable examples of our vnion and constancy to preserue our estate what meane what courage what oportunitie hath the french king to execute any invasion vpon vs vnles he haue coniunctiō with more or at the least with the king of Romains the vnitie agreement of whō seemes for many reasons so harde that it is too vayne to occupy our myndes either with the hope or feare of it Besides the peace which now he hopes to establishe with the princes his neyghbours beyond the mountes will not bee perpetuall seeing ielousie iniuries and feare of his greatnes will alwayes keepe wakyng all those that holde him in hatred or beare enuy to his glorie Lastly lookyng into the properties of the french natures we neede not doubt that they are not more ready to get and conquer then discreete to preserue and keepe yea it is annexed to their destiny to fall easely into the hatred of their subiectes by their pride and insolencies vppon which reasons I make this conclusion that after they haue got Myllan they will haue more neede to study howe to preserue it then any oportunitie at all to occupie their thoughtes with new enterprises for that a iurisdiction newly gotten fayling in order and wise gouerment doth rather weaken then make more mightie him that hath got it wherein we can not haue an example more freshe and notable then the victory of the late King Charles against whom were conuerted into extreame hatred the incredible desires and gladnes with the which hee was receyued into the kingdome of Naples So that the perils which may fall vppon vs at any tyme after the victorie of the French King are neyther so certeyne nor of such nature as for the auoyding of them wee neede to remayne in a daunger present and of great consequence And to reiect for feare of daungers to come and vncerteyne so large and conuenient a parte of the Duchie of Myllan could not but merit imputacion of pusillanimitie and faintnes of courage A thing reprochfull euen in men priuat but muche more infamous to a common weale more mightie in glorie riches and reputacion then euer was any except the Romaine state in any parte of the worlde There happen seldome so fauourable and fyt occasions which being transitorie fleeting it is an office in wisdom magnanimitie to embrase them when they be offred A wit to curious standing to long in considering of things to come is often hurtfull and reprouable for that the thinges of the world are subiect to so many and sundry accidentes that rarely doeth that come to passe which the wisdom of man seemes to haue foreseene imagined would happen and he that leaueth the benefit present for feare of the daūger to come if the peril be not certeine and neare at hande findes himselfe to haue lost oftentymes to his slaunder and displeasures occasions full of profit and glorie and all for standing in feare of daungers which afterwardes turne to nothing it is no great matter to suffer a mischiefe when wee are sure of the remedie and in this case if there bee anye mischiefe other then suche as wee may discerne before which is neuer so greeuous as when it chaunceth vppon the sodayne yet I haue borne alwayes this iudgement that that aduersitie is honourable whiche brynges with it prosperitie glory and reputation for these reasons my Lordes I wishe vs to accept the confederation against the Duke of Myllan for that it putts vs in suertie for the present protectes vs against all daungers to come breedes our credit with all other Potentates and offreth vs the possession of those great thinges which an other tyme we would be glad to get with intollerable expenses and trauels aswell for their proper importance as for that they be lynes to leade vs to high and honorable actions drawing with them a marueilous augmentation of the glory and empire of this florishing common weale This councell and four me of reasoning made no small impression in the myndes of the others who hard his reasons with iudgement fauoured his opiniō recommending much the lyuely valour of his spirit accompanied with a resolute loue to his countrey Against him stood vp and reasoned Melchior Treuisan singular for his wisdom and excellent in all graces and giftes of the mynde This hath bene alwayes touching offences and wronges a wise obseruation in countreys and common weales well gouerned to make true conference betweene the nature and estate of the iniuries and the oportunities to reuenge not that those wise men beheld altogether the propertie and manner of the wronges for that belonges to passion but withall they vsed
name of the Venetians and ielous of some greater deceipt assoone as they vnderstood the reapport of the sentence discharged their soldiours from the garde of the fortresses the gates And not suffring them any more to lodge in the citie they stoode many dayes in great variacion and doubt whether they should accept the condicions of the sentence or not On thoneside feare being the instrument of compulcion ouerruled their wills standing now abandoned of all comfort and councell And on the other side the generall hate they bare to the Florentyns made their passions redouble and kept them resolute But muche more did reteyne their inclination to constancy their desperate exspectacion to obteyne pardon for their heauy infinit transgressiōs whose qualitie they held so much the more great and intollerable by how much they had put the state of Florence to infinit expenses and harmes many times had brought into tearmes daungerous euen their proper libertie In these doubtes diuersities of myndes the Duke of Myllan councelled thē to giue place offring that he would worke so much with the Florentyns that the cōdiciōs of the sentēce should bee more in their fauors to their aduaūtages yet they to make trial if he remeined stil possessed with his aūcient couetousnes determining in this case to giue thēselues wholly to him they sent to him Embassadours But at last such are the destinies of minds drawne deuided after many thoughts variaciōs they determined rather to make trial of al extremeties thē to return vnder the yoke of the Florentyns wherunto as the Pisans had secret incitaciō to by the Genovvays Lucquoys Pādolffe Petrucci So also it was not doubted of the Florentyns but that the Duke of Myllan the truth being otherwayes had encoraged thē to that obstinat resoluciō so litle exspectacion is there of sinceritie and faithful actions in that man whom the world hath taken into opinion to be double and suttle Thus the Florentyns being out of hope to recōcile Pisa by accorde thought they had a great occasiō to vāquish force the citie And therfore causing Pavvle vitelli to returne eftsones into that coūtrey they leuied with ready diligence the prouisiōs demaunded by him But whilest that strength was assembled in preparing to action the daūgers of Lodovvyk Sforce encreased wonderfully for that his interposicion into thaccord had in no sort appaised the minds of the Venetians who for hate to the mā hope of their profit were wholly in desier to cōspire his ruine To these distresses of Lodovvyk was ioyned this further aduersitie that Maxymylian was nothing so ready to make warre on the french king as he was importunat in cōtinual demaūdes of mony of Lodovvyk yea cōtrary to his many promises he prolōged the trusse for the whole moneth of August next taking frō him at one time the hope that he had that his succors would stand him in more stead then had don his councell to diuert the warre Maxymylian also being vnited with the league of Svveaden began warre vppon the Svvyssers declared rebels of the Empire for many controuersies betwene them which warre cōtinuing on both sides in great fury with sundry accidents and fortunes on both partes Lodovvyk began to assure himselfe that in no necessitie he could hope for succours from Maxymylian vntill that warre against the Svvyssers tooke ende eyther by victorie or composicion And yet Maxymylian promising him that he would neuer accord with the french king or with the Svvyssers without comprehēding him in it Lodovvyk was stil cōstrained to refurnish thexpēses of that warre to enterteine Themperors prodigalities with new supplies of money This occasion was not vnknowen to the new king of Fraunce who cōsidering how much it imported him to haue the Pope the Venetians for him esteemed litle the persuasions of many of his councell that in regard he was newly ascended to the Crowne and his treasures very ill furnished hee might put of the warre till the yeare folowing But the king framing his hopes according to the importunities of his desire imagined a possibilitie to obteine the victory in fewe monethes And therefore casting in his coniecture that in suche a shortnes of tyme the seruice coulde not suffer great necessities of money entered into open preparacion for the warre alwayes furnishing the Svvyssers affore hande with some proporcion of money to th ende to keepe Maximilian in busines for which cause the Duke of Myllan discerning such manifest tokens of the warre laboured with a wonderfull diligence and care not to bee alone in so great daungers wherein hauing an absolute distrust in all possibilities and meanes of accord or reconciliacion with the Venetians fynding in the king of Spaine an inclinacion suspicious notwithstanding his many solicitacions a carelesse remembrance of his perils he turned his eyes to the contemplacion of other helpes and founding in one instant the willes almost of all other Potentates he sent Galeas Viscomte to Maxymylian and the Svvyssers to negociat an agreement betwene them And as aduersitie is mightie to make men search thoperacion of all councels So Lodovvyk knowing that according to the Popes desire the mariage of Charlotta with his sonne Caesar Vorgia could not well succeed for that the young Lady eyther mooued with the loue and authoritie of her house and parents or els gouerned by the persuasions of the french king in whom notwithstanding were expressed many faire apparances to the contrary refused with great constancy resolucion of mynd to make him her husband if with all he put not an end to the affaires of Federyk her father who offred to the french king yearely tribute with very large condicions Lodovvyk labouring vppon these occasions had hope to alyen and estrange him from the fauours he bare to thenterprises of Fraunce soliciting him with many importunities to draw him into cōsederaciō with him wherin he promised thassociacion of king Federyk and the Florentyns with many faire offers that aswell he as the confederates would contribute with him in a common succour against the Viccaires of the church indue him besides with a great quantitie of money to purchase some honorable estate for his sonne These offers as the Pope at the first mocion seemed to heare them with a dissembled eare so in the ende he was content to giue them leaue to vanishe and become mearely vaine for hoping to receiue by the societie and fauours of the french king benefittes and farre greater liberalities then those which hee looked to obteyne if Italy were not filled full of the forreine armies of Fraunce he consented that his sonne excluded alreadie from the maryage of Charlotte should take one of the doughters of the Lorde Albrett who for his affinitie with the bloud royall and for the greatnes of his estates and liuinges was one of the greatest in all the kingdome of Fraunce But Lodovvyk to whom appeared dayly more tokens and testimonies of the euill inclinacion
entred the Rocke feare raised a tumult and confusion and the Dukes souldiors comming fast vppon them almost all her companies were cut in peeces and the Victors entring with the same furie into the Rocke tooke it and made slaughter of all such as were there for defēce except certeine of the chiefest which were retired with the Ladie into a Towre who were made prisoners she also communicating in their fortune whom the Duke hauing more regarde to her vallour then to her kinde sent prisoner to Rome where she was kept in the Castle of S. Ange being notwithstanding deliuered a litle after at the request of Yue D'alegre After the Duke had obteined Ymola and Furly he marched to th execution of other townes but new accidents hapning vnlooked for hindred his expedicion for after the french king had established the thinges he had gotten with orders conuenient and hauing prolonged the truse with the king of Romains comprehending therein the Duchie of Myllan and all that he helde in Italy vntil the moneth of May next ensuing he returned into Fraunce leading with him the litle sonne of Iohn Galeas giuen to him indiscreetly by the mother he dedicated him to a monasticallyfe and left Iohn Iacques Tryvulce gouerner generall of the Duchie of Myllan in whom he reapposed much aswell for his vallour and merits as for the great enuy he bare to Lodovvyk Sforce But the faith of men chaunging with the alteration of kingdoms the peoples of that state kept not fidelitie with the king partly for that the customes behauiors of the french were intollerable to many partly for that they had not found in the king that liberalitie in deposing all their tributes which vnwisely they persuaded themselues to obteine And lastly it imported much and was very greeuous to all the Gebelyn faction which was mightie in the towne of Myllan and confines that Tryvulce chiefe of the Guelffes should bee preferred to the gouernment This euil disposicion was wonderfully augmented by him selfe who bearing a nature factious and a spirit hautie and buisie fauoured vnder thauthoritie of Maiestrate much more then was conuenient those that were of his partie Besides he that is falling shall finde many stumbling blockes he estraunged much from him the myndes of the communaltie for that in the open market place he slue with his own hande certeine Butchers who following the rashnes of the other populars refusing to paye tributes from the which they were not exempted resisted with force the ministers deputed to gather the reuenues for which tyrannous and bloudie reasons most parte of the nobilitie communaltie naturally desirous of newe things wished the returne of Lodovvyk and euen began to call vppon his name with words and voices plaine and to be vnderstanded But after many thoughtes and cares trauelling commonly myndes afflicted and redobled with a lamentable remembrance of his happines paste Lodovvyk with his brother Askanius presented himselfe to Maxymylian of whom they were receiued with an humanitie expressing both compassion and comfort for that he did not only persuade them to be resolute in their fortune but also showed many tokens to be much discontented with their calamities he nourished them with continuall promises to discende in their ayde in person and with a strong armie to ioyne with them for the recouerie of their estates hauing thereunto good oportunitie for that he was then at accorde with the Svvyssers But those hopes both for the variation of his nature and for that his intencions ill grounded were as easely confounded appeared euery day to be more vaine and that so much the rather by how much being continually pressed with his accustomed necessities he made them weary with his importunate demaundes for money In so much as Lodovvyk and Askanius making no foundation of his succours lesse certeintie in his hopes promises determined to make thenterprise of themselues being continually solicited by many gentlemen of Myllan did leauy for their better strength eight thousand Svvyssers and fyue hundred Burgonion men at armes of which strong preparation Tryvulce gathered many feares and doubtes and therefore the better to encounter so great a daunger he sent immediatly to the Senat of Venice to cause their companies to march along the Ryuer of Adda signifying withall to Yues D'alegre that it were necessary to leaue for a tyme the seruice of the Duke Valentynois and returne with speede to Myllan with the frenchmen at armes and the Svvyssers And as daungers hastie and sodeine can suffer no delayes of remedie and where the fyre beginneth first to kindle there let water bee speedely applied to preuent his further violence So such was the pollicie of Tryvulce that to resist the first furie of the enemies he sent one parte of his souldiours to Coma the ielousie he had of the people of Myllan not suffring him to turne thether all his forces But the care and quicknes of Sforce and his brother preuayled aboue all diligence in others for that not tarying for the whole armie they had leauied but leauing order to marche after them with speede according to the necessitie of their perill they passed the mounteines and with a diligence aboue all exspectacion being embarked in those vessels which were in the lake of Coma they approched neare that towne which they tooke without resistance the frenche being retyred for the knowledge they had of the ill disposicion of thin habitantes The bruite of the losse of Coma fame flyeth with swifter winges in cases of reuolt and chaunge then in any other matter being come to Myllan so altered the mindes of the people and almost all the chiefest of the faction Gebelyn that they began to drawe into manifest tumult and rise into such insolent disposition that Tryvulce seeing no other remedie to the kinges affaires retired sodeinly into the Castle and the night following sledde to Nouarre together with the men at armes which were retired into the Parke ioyning to the Castle the people in their retrait following them by heapes vntill the Ryuer of Thesin And leauing within Nouarre foure hundred Launces he with the residue of his strength went to Mortaro thinking and the other Capteines also that they should more easely recouer the Duchie of Myllan with the new succours that were to come out of Fraunce then be hable to defende it being thus deuided Such is the incerteintie of fortune that she transferreth to one that which she takes from an other not regarding the equitie of causes nor the merits of persons but making her fancie the measure of her actions she takes delite to showe variacion of power vppon the Princes of the earth for assoone as the french men were gone from Myllan the Cardinall Askanius made his entrey first then Lodovvyk who recouering it in as short tyme and litle difficultie as he lost it except the Castle was also made glad at his returne with a more franke and generall show of affection and ioy of
enemies These difficulties pressed so much the Duke of Valentynois that he leauied his Camp the tenth day and dispersing his regiments to winter in places thereaboutes he bare his fortune with manifest impacience specially for that besides his french forces he had an army florishing with Capteines and souldiours Italians wherein were Iohn Pavvle and Iulio Vrsins Vitellozze and Iohn Pavvle Baillon with many men of choice And hauing promised to him selfe in his ambicious conceites that neither the seas nor the mounteines had power to resist him he could not endure without perturbacion of minde that the reputacion of his first exploites should be darkned by a people that had loÌ„g liued in peace and at that tyme had no other commaunder then a litle childe wherin he gaue such libertie to his Passion that he sware and that with many sighes and vehement protestacions that assoone as the season of the yeare would giue leaue to his desire he would returne to the seege and recontinue thenterprise with a resolucion of a man determined either to carie the victorie or to dye in the action In which time his father the Pope to th ende their might be societie in their doings hauing regard to one ende created the same yeare to his great infamie twelue Cardinalles not of such as deserued best but of those that offred most And to omit no meanes to heape treasors and money he sent out and sowed thorow all Italy and straunge prouinces the Iubyle which being celebrated at Rome with great concursse of people was seÌ„t with no lesse deuocioÌ„ beyoÌ„d the Mountes giuing power that who could not come to Rome to obteine it should communicate in the grace and benediction for certeine summes of money the which together with all other treasors he could drawe in what sort so euer aswell of the spirituall fruites as treasors temporall of the Church he sent to the Duke of Valentynois who staying at Furly made strong preparacion to recontinue the seege of Fâ—enza against whose intencions the Fauentyns prouided by fortifications and other remedies conuenient to resist an enemie so apparantly professed These thinges were done in the yeare 1500. But matters of farre greater importance were ordeined by the french king for the yeare folowing and to haue the more libertie to execute them he had sought by continuall solicitacion to haue vnitie with the king of Romains wherby obteining thinuestiture of the Duchie of Myllan he might haue suffrance to assaile the realme of Naples To which endes he vsed the meane and inclinacion of Tharchduke his sonne who declared a readie disposition to peace for that his peoples fearing thentercourse of marchandise wold ceasse brooked vnwillingly all persuasions to leauy warre against the french But the thing that most supported this inclinacion was that the french king hauing no issue Male offred to giue in mariage his doughter Madam Clavvde to Charles sonne of the Archduke and to indue her with the Duchie of Myllan for a dowrie when they had habilitie to consummate the mariage for neither of them had not yet three yeares of age By these offers and his intercession for that many difficulties hapning in the practise and negociacion of the peace absolute could not so soone be resolued the french king obteyned in the yeare folowing of Maxymylian a truce for many monethes but not without the price of certeine proporcions of money This truce was voyd of all mencion of the King of Naples notwithstaÌ„ding that Maxymylian in consideracion of fortie thousand Duckats with bonde to minister to him monethly fiftiene thousande Duckats his necessities so requiring he had promised to make no accord without comprehending him in it and to vexe the Duchie of Myllan with inuasions and warre when neede were to turne away the powers of the french king Thus the king dwelling assured that the Allemains would not stirre and hoping in short tyme to make the peace perfect and absolute and to obteine thinuestiture of the Duchie of Myllan by meane of the same Archduke turned all his thoughtes to thenterprise of Naples against the which fearing least the king of Spaine would make some obiection and that both the Pope and Venetians ielous ouer his greatnes would ioyne with him he renued eftsoones the practises that had ben begun in the time of king Charles for deuiding of the same realm whervnto in deede Ferdinand king of Spaine pretended to haue right For albeit Alphonso king of Aragon had conquered it with rightes and titles separate from the Crowne of Aragon and therfore had disposed it to the person of Ferdinand his bastard sonne as his owne yet Iohn his brother which succeeded him in the kingdome of Aragon and Ferdinand the sonne of Iohn had alwayes secretly quarelled that title as lawfully apperteining to the Crowne of Aragon for that Alphonso had conquered it with the armes and treasors of the same realme Which quarell Ferdinand had couered with a suttletie and pacience of a Spanyarde forgetting nothing not only of the dutie of a parent towardes Ferdinand king of Naples and the others but also more assuring and augmenting them with bondes of newe affinitie for that he gaue to Ferdinand for wyfe Iane his sister and consented afterwardes that Iane the doughter of her should be maried to young Ferdinand wherein yet he could not worke in such cloudes but the vaile of his couetousnes was long tyme before made open to the kinges of Naples In so much as the french king and Ferdinand concurring in one inclination the one to remoue all impediments and difficulties the other to obteyne parte of that he had loÌ„g desired seeing there was no oportunitie to obtein the whole they made an agreement to inuade at one tyme the kingdome of Naples and to deuide it betweene them in this sort That the french king should haue the Citie of Naples with all the lande of Lauoro and the prouince of Abruzzo And to Ferdinands part should fall the prouinces of Povvylla and Calabria That either one should conquere his owne parte by him selfe the other not being bounde to helpe him but only not to empeach or hinder him But specially it was agreed that this contract should bee holden very secret vntil the armie which the french king should send to execute that enterprise were arryued at Rome At what tyme Thembassadors of them both alleading this contract to be made for the benefite of Christendome and to inuade thinfidelles should require the Pope with a ioynt voice to graunt thinuestiture according to the deuision that had bene made betweene them receiuing Ferdinand into faith and homage vnder the title of Duke of Povvylla and Calabria and the frenche king no more king of Cicilia but king of Ierusalem and Naples Which title of king of Ierusalem being once come to Themprour Federyk the seconde who was king of Naples by his wyfe which was doughter of Iohn king of Ierusalem but in name not in effect was alwayes kept by
or pleasures he returned to Pisa not so muche as speaking with him esteeming himself much disgraced iniured And yet he made other semblance to the Vitelly Vrsins rather to entertein them in deuocioÌ„ theÌ„ that his thoughts were simple or his intencions not dissembled But much more to augment the mutinies disagreements of the Florentyns by the which he hoped either to range them to better coÌ„dicioÌ„s or to be hable to occupie some place of importaÌ„ce in their iurisdictioÌ„ But finding by many tokens apparant that the french king brooked not his entrey in that sort into their countrey when he came to Campy six miles from Florence he accorded with them in this sort That betweene the commoÌ„ weale of Florence him there should be a coÌ„federacion indifferent for the defence of their estates with prohibicion to ayde rebelles either of the one or other part and chiefly that the Duke should not succor the Pisans That the Florentyns shold pardoÌ„ to who so euer all faltes coÌ„mitted by his coÌ„ming shold not oppose theÌ„selues against him for the defeÌ„ce of the lord of Plombyn who was vnder their protectioÌ„ That they shold entertein him for three yeares with three huÌ„dred meÌ„ at armes paye of six thirtie thousaÌ„d duckats for euery yeare he to send that ayde to them as ofteÌ„ as they shold haue need either for their own defence or to offend an other After this accord was ratified he went to Signa marching by easie iournes remeining certeine dayes in euery reapposing place did great harmes in the countrey by fire and robberies no otherwayes theÌ„ if he had ben an enemy professed He demauÌ„ded besides according to the custom in the paies of men at armes the fourth part of the money due for one yeare that they shold prepare for him artilleries for thenterprise of Plombyn The one of which demaundes the Florentyns denyed him flatly as being not bound vnto it the other they deferred for that they had not takeÌ„ councel to obserue that which he went about to make them promise by force By thaduertisements of their Embassador with the french king they hoped to be deliuered from those oppressioÌ„s by his authority a hope which they fouÌ„d not altogether vain for that it nothing displeased the king that the Duke should threaten them but not assaile them Aswel for that the chauÌ„ge of the preseÌ„t gouernmeÌ„t wold haue ben to his discoÌ„teÌ„tment as also albeit he could haue wished an other form of gouernmeÌ„t yet it wold haue greatly displeased him if it had ben introduced with other forces or other authoritie theÌ„ his In which regard assoone as he vnderstood that the Duke was entred vppon the dominions of the Florentyns he ministred to him a sharpe direction to depart with speed commaunded M. D'aubigny who was in Lombardy with th armie that in case of the Dukes disobedience he should oppose against him the compulcion and force of the whole armie This direction of the king brought the Duke into alteracioÌ„ of intencion and purpose and not tarying so much as for a quarters paye nor any furniture of artillerie he tooke his way towardes Plombyn and gaue order that the Pisans who by meane of Vitellozzo whom hee had sent thether for artillerie were incamped before a borough of the Florentyns shoulde withdrawe and leauy theyr seege Being entred into the territories of Plombyn he tooke Sugeretta Scarlina and the Iles of Elba and Piauosa and furnishing euery peece with sufficient garrison aswel for the defeÌ„ce of the places alreadie occupied as to enterteine coÌ„tinual vexacion vppoÌ„ them of Plombyn he returned to Rome with the residue of his regimentes to followe the kings armie that marched to thenterprise of Naples Whereof one parte led by M. D'aubigny was entred into Tuskane by the way of Castrocaro the other followed by the countrey Lunigiana The whole armie assembled in one strength conteined a thousand Launces four thousand Svvyssers six thousand footmeÌ„ of nation freÌ„ch and Gascoynes to whom was ioyned according to their maner a great quaÌ„titie of artilleries About the same time also the armie by sea departed out of Prouence for the same expedicion vnder the leading of the Lord of Ranastyn gouernor of Genes wherin were three Caracks of Genes sixtiene other shippes together with many other smal vessels fraught with bands of footmeÌ„ Against these mouings preparacioÌ„s of warre king Federyk ignorant that the Spanish armies vnder shadow of friendshyp were prepared against him solicited Consaluo abiding in Sicilia with the regiments of Spanyardes and making semblance to succour him to come to Caietta after he had put into his handes certeyne places of Calabria which he demaunded to th ende to make more easie the conquest he intended but vnder coollour that it was for the suertie of his people King Federyk made his reckoning that Consaluo being ioyned to th armie his strength in particular would conteyne seuen hundred men at armes six hundred light horsmen and six thousand footmen compounded vppon bodies partly interteined already by him and partly of such as the Collonnois leauyed at Marina A force which he supposed sufficient to resist the french men without being constrained to inclose him self in towns notwithstanding he norished no great hope in the ayde from the Prince of the Turkes of whom he had required succors with no smal instance showing him that he had more reason to feare peril by the victorie of the preseÌ„t king then of the late king his predecessor And to make a cleare way to an actioÌ„ of so great importance it is a chiefe suertie to Princes to cut of treasons in the beginning he apprehended put in prison the Prince of Bisignan and the Count of Melotte accused affore him to haue had secret intelligence with the Count Caiezze who was in the french armie With these hopes hauing also sent Ferdinand his eldest sonne being very young to Tarenta more for his suertie if thinges succeeded ill then to defende the Citie he incamped with his armie at S. Germem Where attending the succours of Consaluo and â—he bandes which the Collonnoys leauyed he hoped to accomplishe a more happie action in the defence of the entrey into the kingdom theÌ„ Ferdinand his Nephew had don against the enterprise of king Charles In this estate disposicion of affaires all the regioÌ„s of Italy were replenished with incredible doubtes perplexeties euery one iudging that this enterprise would be a beginning of most great calamities For that as the preparacions of the french king seemed not so mightie as to be hable to surmount the ioynt forces of king Federyk and Consaluo so wisemen occupied this opinion that the spirittes of so mightie kings beginning once to waxe angry both the one other partie would coÌ„tinue the warre with far greater forces which wold stir vp easely thorow al Italy both great dauÌ„gerous mocioÌ„s for the diuers inclinations of the other
Potentates But assone as the french army was arryued at Rome the world sawe easely into the vanitie of those discourses For that Thembassadors of Fraūce Spaine entring together into the cōsistorie made publicatiō affore the Pope Cardinals of the league made betweene their kings intēding chiefly as they said to an expediciō to be made against thennemies to Christiā religiō And demaūding thinuestiture of the kingdom according to the tenor of the cōuenciō made it was agreed vnto by the Pope with the same speed it was required thinking it but reasonable to performe that which he made no difficultie to graunt In so much as no man doubting now what would be the end of this warre the feares of men were conuerted into admiracion euery one wondring at the doings of the french king who by suffring the moietie of the realme to fall rather into the handes of the king of Spaine did as it were leade by the hande into Italy where before he only was the Arbitrator of all things an other king to whō such as might be discōtented with him might haue recourse was also straitly allied to the king of Romains by many bonds of affinitie Then to endure that king Federyk might remeine Lord of the whole acknowledging to holde it of him and yeld him tribute for it as by sundrie meanes he had sought to obteine it But the vniuersall concepcions of men were no lesse deuided touching thintegretie faith of Ferdinand who by an ambicious lust to occupie one part of the kingdome had conspired agaynst a king of his bloud and to drawe him the more easely to his ruine he had alwayes enterteined him with false promises to succor him Wherein he had not only defaced the reputacion of the title of King Catholyk which he and Queene Elizabeth his wife had obteined certeine yeares before of the Pope But also had stained that renowme and glorie which helde their names raised vp to the heauens for driuing the Moares out of the realme of Granado no lesse for the zeale they bare to religion then for regard of their proper interest To these imputacions or rather reproches imposed vppon both the one and other king there was answered no other thing for the french king but that his power was sufficient to remedie all those disorders in conuenient season not remembring that where thinges are deuided the suertie is intricate where there be competitors to one thing they no lesse equall instrength then all one in ambicion their distrustes are nourished and no part free from suspicion but all things intangled with confusion For Ferdinand it was saide that albeit king Federyk had giuen him iust occasion to be moued against him as knowing that he had long tyme before practised secretly with the french king to his preiudice yet that had not stirred him But the consideracion of the kings pretence determining in what sort so euer it were to performe an enterprise vppon the realme of Naples brought him to this necessitie either to defend it or abandō it In taking vppon him the defence he should kindle so great a fire that it could not but sende daungerous sparkes ouer all the common weale of Christendome chiefly the Turkes armies being so strong and mightie against the Venetians both by sea lande And if he shold abandon it he knewe his realme of Sicilia stoode in manifest peril and besides it was a thing that wrought too much to his detriment that the french king should occupie the realme of Naples which of right belonged to him might eftsoones reuert to him by new rightes if the lyne of Federyk should faile And therfore amyd so many difficulties he had chosen the way of deuiding with hope that by the ill gouernment of the french their moytie might also discend to him in tyme And that in this case as the regarde of publike vtilitie councelled him which he had alwayes more highly esteemed then his proper profit So he might eyther keepe it in himselfe or restore it to Federyk or rather leaue it to his issue and children holding his name almost in horror for that he knew that affore the french king did any action vppon the Duchie of Myllan he had practised with the Turkes These were the reasons generall alleaged on the behalfe of both the kinges supporting their actions more by strained coulers then equitie of title and applying to thaduersitie of the king of Naples their vniust ambicion they made litle care to keepe their particular moyties that had no conscience to euict the iust owner out of the whole The league of these two kinges brought such astonishment to Federyk that notwithstanding Consaluo seeming to reiect that which was published at Rome promised him with one constancie to come to his succours Yet he chaunged his first councelles and retyred from S. Germain towardes Capua where he exspected the effect of his direction for the bandes leauied by the Collonnoys Who leauing Garrison within Amyliā abādoned all the residue which they held in the territorie of Rome for that the Pope by the consent of the french king had taken armes to occupie their estates In which difficulties Consaluo being well aduertised that the french army was passed Rome discouered at last his commissions and sending to Naples sixe Gallies to bring away the two olde Queenes the one sister and the other neece to his king Prosper Colonne aduised king Federyk to reteyne the Gallies and drawing all his power into one strength to make resistance to thennemies in the fielde For that in making a tryall of fortune there would be some hope of victorie the issues of battelles being farre more in certeyne then all other humayne actions Otherwayes he saw nothing but manifest perill two so mighty kings ioyning against him he nothing strengthned from the forreyne and lesse assured amyd the treasons of his owne people He tolde him that in a daunger so present celeritie was more necessarie then councell and agaynst enemyes so neare approching his greatest suertie stoode in thexpedicion of the battell hauing no other meane to make head against two so mightie kings inuading him in diuers partes of his kingdom But Federyk whose mynde was wholly ouerruled with feares and doubtes founde litle hope in this councell and therefore determined to looke to the garde of his townes remembring that lesse in any other humaine action then in the successe of battell the innocencie of the cause getteth the vpper hande Therefore Sainct Germyn with other peeces neare about it being alreadie drawne into rebelliō yea euen before M. D'aubigny marched from Rome He determined to make the first defence in the towne of Capua wherin he bestowed Fabricio Collonne with three hundred men at armes certeine lyght horsmen and three thousand footmen and ioyned with him Rinucce de Marciano whom he had newly taken into his paye He left Prosper Colonne for the garde of Naples and himselfe with the residue of his companyes
them and contract an accorde vnder conditions more tollerable the generall partes whereof were these That the king receiuing them into his protection should be bound for three yeares folowing to defend them with armes at his proper exspences against who so euer would directly or indirectly molest them touching the state and dominions which at that tyme they possessed That the Florentyns should paie to him within the saide three yeares six score thousande Duckattes euery yeare a third parte That all other capitulations made betweene them with all bondes and promises depending on the same should be made dissolued and voyd That it should be lawful to the Florentyns to proceede with armes against the Pisans and all others that occupie their landes In regard of which confederation the Florentyns recomforted and taking a newe hart determined to giue the spoile to the cornes and graines of the countrey of Pisa to th ende that by tyme and famine they might reduce the towne of Pisa to theyr obedience seeing they had so vnluckely trauelled to force them by seege This coūcell was propounded in the first yeare of theyr rebellion by a certeine well experienced Citizen alleaging that by those meanes more certeine but further of they should afflict and consume the Pisans with litle exspences and lesse daunger He tolde them that in regarde of the present conditions of Italy muche troubled and molested if they would make store of their treasors they might make them serue their turnes in many occasions But if with the wast of their money they woulde range them by force and compulsion they should finde thenterprise both doubtful and daungerous for that the suertie of that Citie was great by the scituation and strength of the walles and full of inhabitantes well resolute to defende it Besides also as often as there should bee perill to lose it it woulde bee reskued by all those that to the enuy of our well doing haue ioyned a setled disposition to see it preserued In so muche as the exspences being greater then the hopes wee shoulde alwayes nourishe our proper daungers and cut out occasions to stirre vp new trauels All violent attemptes being set foorth without councell at the beginning seeme mightie but in continuance they are founde insufficient since in the fielde armor and weapons are to small purpose if at home a sounde councell set not downe a good direction The councell of this graue Citizen being reiected in the beginning for hurtfull after the course of many yeares was founde profitable but in a tyme wherein they had wasted huge exspences and treasors and attempted the victorie with many intollerable daungers After they had ouerrunne their corne hoping that thauthoritie of the kinges protection would defende all men from rising in the succours of the Pisans they planted their seege before Vicopisan for that not many dayes before the Pisans had taken it from them by treason of certeyne soldiours that were within And the Capteine of the Castle not abiding for the succors which should haue arryued within few houres did render it to them with great cowardise They made no doubt to carie it by the penurie of prouision and vittelles which they knew could not suffice for fiftiene dayes and they had good confidence to let that none should enter for that by the benefite of their Bastillions which they had builded separate vppon the mounteynes they commaunded all the passages And in the same season being aduertised that Fracasse but pore and without paie was going with a fewe horsemen to enter Pisa in the name and with letters of Maximilian they gaue direction that hee shoulde bee charged on the way where his fortune being no lesse enuious then his condition was poore he was made prisoner seeking his safetie in a Church within the iurisdiction of the Duke of Farrara These accidentes fell in Tuskan no man as yet perceiuyng what would happen by them contrary to thexspectation of euery one But farre more great and daungerous mocions and of the which were to discend in tyme to come effectes of right great importance beganne to be disclosed in the kingdome of Naples by the discordes which hapned the yeare passed betweene the Frenche and Spanishe Capteines They tooke their beginning for that in the diuision made betweene both the kings the countrey of Lauoro and Abruzzo being adiudged to the one and to the other Povvilla and Calabria the cōfines limits of the prouinces were not well expressed in the diuision In so much as either one began to pretende that that parte which is called Capitinato did distinctly and particularly apperteine to him To this controuersie gaue a great occasion the alteration and chaunge made by Alphonso of Aragon King of Naples first of that name touching the auncient denomination and diuision of the prouinces He looking to make easie the exactions of the reuenues diuided all the kingdome into these sixe principall prouinces Lauoro Principato Basilicato Calabria Povvylla and Abruzzo Of these Povvylla was distinguished into these three members Ottranto Bary and Capitinato which Capitinato adioyning to Abruzzo and diuided from the residue of Povvylla by the Ryuer Lofanto aunciently called avvfido the frenchmen taking rather thaduauntage of thauncient diuision then ruled by the late denomination pretended that eyther Capitinato was not comprehended vnder any one of the foure prouinces deuided or els that it was rather parte of Abruzzo then of Povvylla In this contention the importance of the countrey ledde them not so muche as the consideration of these two infirmities the one for that not possessing Capitinato they had no parte in the reuenue which was drawne of the tribute of cattell a reuenue of greatest profite in all the realme of Naples The other for that Abruzzo and Lauoro being naked of graines and corne which came to Capitinato those prouinces in tymes of sterrillitie might bee easely reduced into great extremeties as often as the Spanishe woulde make restrainte that none shoulde bee fetched out of Povvylla and Sicilia But it was alleaged on the contrary that Capitinato coulde not apperteyne to the frenche for that Abruzzo which is ended in the high places stretcheth not so farre as the plaines And for that also in cases of difference of the names and limits of prouinces the vsage present is alwayes cōsidered Notwithstandyng these controuersies suspendyng they were content for the yeare present to deuyde equally the reuenue of the cattell But the yeare following fallyng from that obseruation eyther partie tooke as muche as hee could gette whereunto were added afterwardes newe quarrelles nourished tyll that tyme as the bruit went more by the willes of the Capteynes then of the consent of theyr Lordes and Kinges For the Spanyardes pretended that Principato and Basilicato were included in Calabria which is deuided into two partes Calabria Cytra and Calabria Vltra that is the one higher and the other lower And also that the valley of Beneuent which the french helde was parte of Povvilla
Valentynois too mightie And withall the Citie of Sienna together with the lyfe and whole estate of Pandolfe being vnder his protection and no member of the Church but an appurtenance of the Empire he thought he might with good equitie and reason oppose him selfe against the conquest A consideration necessary to the vertue of the french king hauing by the mouth and word of a Prince assured the protection of the Citie But farre more agreeable to the pollicie of his affaires which could not without perill suffer such an aspiring ambition in the Pope and his sonne He began to see that the mynde which he ment should clymbe no higher then his shoulders had intentions to aspire aboue the Crowne of his head and therefore he helde it a lesse transgression of honour and promise to restraine his supportation from one whom his authoritie and countenance only had aduaunced then to leaue to perill such as reapposed altogether in his faith honor and reputation of his promises The Pope and his sonne had hope that the remouing of Pandolfe would cause some confusion in the gouernment of that Citie and that by that meane tyme would breede occasion to giue some cooller to their enterprise But Pandolfe seeing more into their suttleties then hable to turne away his owne calamities departed so out of Sienna as he left the same garde and the same authoritie to his friendes and dependantes in so muche as it seemed that nothing was chaunged of the gouernment and lesse exspectation of their enterprise by his expulsion Valentynois according to the direction of the Pope tooke his way to Rome to make destructiō of the Vrsins who with the Sauellyes had wonne the bridge Lamentano and runne ouer the whole countrey But they staied from further action by tharriuall of the Duke Valentynois who expressed his first power and malice vppon the estates of Iohn Iordan without any regarde that he was not declared against him that he had the order of S. Michael that he was in the protection of the french king and at that tyme in the kingdome of Naples in his seruice Which oppression vniust and vnreasonable the Pope seeking to abuse the king with his iustifications alleaged that he was not moued by any desire to dispoile him of his estates but only for that he could not accompt him his assured neighbour so neare the great quarels and offences continuing betweene him and the famuly of the Vrsins and that therefore in recompense and consideration of his harmes he was content to giue him the principallitie of Squillace with other landes of the same vallue and reuenue But the french king not taking these reasons for paiment reteined a special memorie of that inuasion not for that the regarde to his protection preuailed more with him then of custome but because his affaires in the kingdom of Naples not drawing the same fortune and successe they had wont to doe he began to holde for suspected the pride and insolencie of the Pope and his sonne ioyning to this coniecture the remembrance of their oppressions in the yeare past both how they had assailed Tuskane and afterwardes assaied to inuade Sienna notwithstanding he had promised to protect it Wherein considering that by howe much they had alreadie obteined of him and for tyme to come should obteine By so much more was their ambicion growne greate and hereafter their pride would bee redoubled hee sent to commaund Valentynois with a sharpe message to forbeare to molest the state of Iohn Iordan who was come to Bracchiano by wayes vnknowne and not without his perill Besides this he considering how necessary it were to be assured that there shold ryse no commotion in Tuskane specially for that he vnderstood that in Sienna there was some beginning of ciuill discordes He ioyned him selfe to the councell of the Florentyns to solicit that Pandolfe Petrucci who was retyred to Pisa might returne eftsoones to Sienna That betweene the Florentyns Siennois and Bolonies might be contracted an vnitie for their common defence rendring Mont Pulcian to the Florentyns to take away all occasion of dissention And lastly that euery one of them according to his power should make prouision of men at armes for their common defence the better to cut of from the Pope and his sonne all meanes to stretch further their iurisdiction into Tuskane In this meane while the Duke Valentynois with one parte of his armie tooke Viconaro wherein were six hundred men for Iohn Iordan But hauing receiued commaundement from the french king he left to the great displeasing of the Pope and him thenterprise of Bracciano and went to incamp affore Ceri where with Iohn Vrsin Lorde of the place were Raufe his sonne with Iulio and Frauncis of the same famuly And to ioyne to the actions of the sonne the authoritie of the father the Pope proceeded at the same tyme by way iudicial against all the house of Vrsins except Iohn Iordan and the Count Petillano against whom the Venetians would not endure any such vniust violence Cery is a towne very auncient and no lesse notable for the strong scituation for that it is seated vppon a litle Rocke hewed out of one stone only whether the auncient Romaines in their perils against the frenchmen sent all their virgins vestalles and the most secret celebrate Images of their goddes with many other thinges sacred and religious as into a place of speciall suertie And for the same reason in the tymes folowing it was free from violation in the rage of the Barbarians at such tyme as by the declination of the Romain Empire they hauockt all Italy with wonderfull furies By meane whereof aswell by his naturall strength as for that it was manned with companies resolute the enterprise seemed harde to Valentynois who to aduaunce his vertue aboue their strength and power forgat no diligence nor industrie to win it vsing besides the ordinary engines of warre certeine instrumentes of wood to surmount the height of the walles But whilest hee was buisie in that action Frauncis Nardy sent to Sienna by the french king published his maiesties intention that Pandolfe should eftsoones returne hauing receiued his promise before to continue in his deuotion and for his suertie to send his eldest sonne into Fraunce To paie to him that which was due of the residue of the fortie thousande Duckats which had bene accorded and to restore Mont Pulcian to the Florentyns A resolucion plausible to them of Sienna who because there should be no impediment to the comming of Pandolfe ioyned to the reputation of the kinges name the open fauours of the Florentyns and the disposicion of those in the towne that were his friendes who drawing into armes and strength the night before hee should come held suppressed or at least kept in a compelled quietnes all such as supported the contrary opinion This hapned to the great displeasure of the Pope whose affaires in other places runne in a happie course for that Palombaro with other
french king which he had long solicited whilest he was in Spaine But they sent him accompanied with two Embassadors with whom he was to communicat in all actioÌ„s without whose couÌ„cel he would not treat or coÌ„clude any thing It is incredible with what magnificence honour he was receiued by the kings assignment through all the realme of Fraunce not only that the king desired to make him fauorable in the practise of the peace but also to deserue to make a perpetuall friende of that young Prince who was to become myghtie and great being the nexte successour to Thempire Romain and immediate inheritour to the kingdomes of Spaine with all their dependances All suche as had grace or authoritie about him were honoured with the same liberties and receyued presentes of great price and riches To these demonstrations was aunswerable the magnanimitie and royall behauiour of Phillip For that as the Frenche Kyng besides his worde and fayth giuen for his sure passing through Fraunce had sent into Flaunders many of the nobles of his realme for the safetie of Phillip So Phillip assoone as hee was entred Fraunce to declare that hee reapposed wholly in the kings faith gaue order that the Ostages should be redeliuered These so great tokens and apparances of amitie were not vnaccompanied as muche as was in them with lesse effectes For assembling at Bloys after they had spent certeine dayes in discourse and disputation of thinges they concluded a peace in this sort That the kingdom of Naples should be possessed according to the first diuision But that there should bee left in deputation to Phillip the prouinces for the which they first fell to difference and armes That from the present Charles his sonne and Madame Clavvda the Kinges daughter betweene whom shoulde bee a confirmation of that mariage which had bene affore solicited should bee intituled kings of Naples and Dukes of Povvilla and Calabria That that parte which apperteined to the King of Spaine shoulde bee from thenceforward gouerned by Tharchduke and the particion discending to the french king to be ordred by the proper deputies of his maiestie But that the one and other parte shoulde bee holden vnder the name of the two children to whom at the tyme of consummation of mariage the King shoulde giue his parte for the dowrie of his daughter This peace was solemnly published in the great Church of Bloys and ratified by othes of the King and of Phillip as procurer of the Kyng and Queene of Spaine his parentes in lawe A peace truely of ryght great consequence if it had brought an effect equall to thintention For not onlye armes surceassed betweene so myghtie Kynges but also peace woulde haue followed betweene the Kyng of Romains and the Frenche Kyng Which woulde not only haue bredde newe enterprises against the Venetians but also the Pope being suspected to them both and in ill opinion with the vniuersall sortes of men woulde not haue bene without his feares of councelles and other actions which myght haue brought diminution to his authoritie and greatnes But the King and Tharchduke sending with expedition to publish the peace in the realme of Naples with direction to the Capteynes and commaunders of men to forbeare to molest one an other attending the ratification of the Spanishe king and in the meane while their possession of thinges to continue â–ª The ruler for the French offred to obey to his king But the Spanyard either for the hope he had of the victorie or for that he would not bee contented with the only authoritie of Phillip answered that he could not discontinue the warre vnles he had receiued expresse commaundement from his king For the continuation whereof he was so much the more encouraged by how much the French king gouerned by his hopes both in the practise coÌ„clusion of peace esteeming for certein that which was yet vncerteine had not only dallied in all other prouisions of warre but also had foreslowed the leauying of those regiments that is three thousand footmen three huÌ„dred launces which should haue bene embarked at Genes to be led to that enterprise vnder Monsr de Persy And of the contrary were aryued at Barletto the two thousand Almain footemen which being leauied with the fauour of the king of Romains embarqued at Trieste were passed in suertie by the golphe of Venice not without the great complaint of the French king In which respect the Duke of Nemours not â—able to assure a surceassing of armes and lesse likely to refurnish his power being made weake by the oppressions he had receiued before Yet because he would occupie his whole strength if either occasion or necessitie compelled him to fight with his enemies he sent for all the French bandes that had bene dispersed into diuers places together with all the aides of the Barons of the realme except those Lordes and regiments which made warre vnder Monsr D'aubigny in Calabria But in assembling them he founde a fortuen contrarie to his exspectation For the Duke of Atry and Loys D'ars one of those French Capteines which had their companies bestowed vppon the landes of Ottranto determining to marche together to ioyne with the Viceroy for that they were aduertised that Peter of Nauarre with many Spanish footmen was in place apt to distresse them if they went separate deuided It hapned that Levvys D'ars taking his oportunitie of passe suerly departed without being carefull of the daunger of the Duke Atry who left alone marched also with his companies hauing espiall that Peter de Nauarre was gone to Matero to ioyne with Consaluo But the councels of men were not sufficient to resist fortune for that the men of Rutyliano a towne in the countrey of Bary who in the same dayes were reuolted against the Frenchemen callyng vppon the succours of Peter de Nauarre who in theyr regarde altered his way from Matero towardes Rutyliano and encountred the Duke of Atry to whom the sodeines of his peril brought him into many doubtfull cogitations what to doe But as necessitie of daunger makes men resolute so in the ende seeing no suertie in his retraite hee gaue his whole disposition to the battell And as when men are driuen to fight their constructions and iudgementes doe often varie sometimes beguiling them selues with an ouerwening in their owne strength and sometimes beleeuing lesse of their enemie then his estate and power requires So the Duke reapposing much in the seruice of his horsmen though his footemen were inferiour in numbers to the Spanish whom he vainely supposed to bee ouer wearied by the trauell they had made that night vndertooke the battell wherein euerie one expressing his vallour on both sides his people at last were broken his Vncle beyng slaine him selfe taken prisoner And as it seldoÌ„ hapneth that one fortune goeth without an other nor no aduersitie vnaccompanied with an other calamitie so foure French Gallies vnder the gouerning of Preian knight of the Rhodes appeared in the
haueÌ„ of OtraÌ„to vnder liceÌ„ce of the Venetian maiestrate promising to defend them from thinuasions of the Spanish Nauie which vnder the Capteine Villemarino wasted in creekes therabouts But after Preian was entred a litle further in the haueÌ„ his forces litle his fortune farre inferior to his enemies he began to feare to be enuironed And therefore to preuent that his domage and harmes should not turne to the profite of his enemies after he had deliuered the galiots and suncke his Gallies he sought his safetie by lande with his people leauing his honour in suspition by the greatnes of his daunger The French King gaue commaundement to his Capteines to stand only vppon their gardes and not to seeke their enemies assuring them that with speede they should either receiue the confirmation of the peace or a competent proporcion of succours But the armies being so mightie and so neare one an other it was very harde to bridle the furie of the Frenchmen or to bring them to this pacience to drawe the warre longer It seemed rather that desteny began to aduaunce would no more deferre the whole and absolute decyding of those affaires whose beginning hapned in Calabria For after the Spanyardes were ioyned in one strength at Semynaro Monsr D'aubigny hauing assembled all his companies and the power of the Barons that held the French faction bestowed his footmen within the towne of Gioia three miles from Seminaro and sent his horsmen to Losarno three miles from Gioia And fortefying him selfe with foure peeces of artillerie vppon the shoare of the ryuer being the situation of Gioia he stoode readie prepared to oppose against his enemies if they made enterprise to passe the riuer But the intencions of the Spanish were other theÌ„ he supposed for the daie they determined to passe they caused their Vauntgard to march directly to the riuer where Manuell de Benauide who had the leading of them being vppon the shoare beganne to parley with Monsr D'aubigny who had ledde all his armie to the banke contrarie or opposite At the same instant the rearegarde of the Spanish being folowed with the battell tooke an other way to passe the riuer a mile and an halfe aboue Gioia Which being discerned of Monsr D'aubigny he went in great hast without artillerie to affront them affore they had all passed But they were more happie in celeritie then Monsr D'aubigny for that affore his comming they were all passed ouer and raunged albeit without artillerie in firme and set battell And with that aduauntage marched foorth against the french men who by reason of their hast either keeping no order at all or at least by their small numbers not able to resist so great a strength were there broken before the Vauntgard of the Spanish could passe the riuer In which conflict Ambrâ—court was made prisoner with certeine other french Capteines and the Duke of Somne with many Barons of the kingdom And albeit Monsr D'aubigny tooke the rocke of Angitole for his safetie yet hauing no meane to issue out his perill compelled him to yelde him selfe prisoner being ouerthrowne and taken euen in the selfe same places where not many yeares before he had with great glorie triumphed ouer King Ferdinand and Consaluo so inconstant are the prosperities of fortune and the doings of men so subiect to alteration and chaunge In this conflict perhaps nothing was more hurtfull to Monsr D'aubigny of a franke and noble spirit and one of the most resolute Capteines that the French King ledde into Italy then that his own too forward and violent inclination caried him too farre into the hope of the victorie A matter which likewise was hurtfull to the Viceroy in Povvilla ioyning the reapport of thaccident hapned in Calabria For Consaluo not hearing of the victorie of his people and not able by thimportunitie of hunger and plague to remeine longer in Barletto marched out of it and leauing a very weake Garrison he tooke his waie to Ciriguole a towne ten miles from thence almost in a triangle betweene Canosa where the Viceroy was and Barletto The Viceroy when daungers appeare wise men fall into councell debated with his Capteines whether were better to follow or â—lee thoccasion of the battell Wherein many of his Capteines reasoned that in regarde the Spanyardes were increased in numbers and his bandes falne into great weakenes and disorders it was against pollicie to commit any thing to hazarde But to retyre into Melfe or some other strong towne wel prouided of thinges necessary and there to exspect either a new succour out of Fraunce or els the confirmation of the peace A manner to temporise which he was also bound to vse by commaundement which he had newly receiued from the King A contrarie opinioÌ„ was holden by other Capteines to whom it seemed a thing daungerous to tarie till the armie alreadie victorious ouer Calabria should ioyne with Consaluo or at least should execute any enterprise of importance finding no man to resist him They brought in thexample of Monsr Montpensier chusing rather to retyre into townes then to fight That the memories of times past admonished them howe farre they might hope for the long vncerteine succours of Fraunce That their Camp was nothing inferior either in force or vertue to th armie of thenemie and that the disorders that had hapned by negligence ought not to be compared to thexperience which wold be showed in plaine field with weapons and vallours of men and not with sleightes or sutleties That it was a more sure and honourable way to make at the least with hope an equall experience and triall of fortune then eschuing the battell and consuming them selues by degrees of temporising to giue their enemies the victorie without bloud and without daunger That touching the late message of the king it was to bee construed rather as an aduertisement then in nature of a commaundement in which degree if Monsr D'aubigny had taken it he had done well But now the state of the warre being chaunged by such a disorder it was necessarie likewyse that their deliberations should alter This last opinion preuailed and therefore hauing aduertisement by their espials that the Spanish bandes either all or parte were issued out of Barletto Monsr de Nemours in like sort tooke his way towardes Ciriguole a way verie inconuenient both for the one and other armie for that the countrey was barreine of fresh waters the sommer and hoate season being of greater rage for drought then was wont to be in the beginning of May The disposition of the time brought many afflictions both to the one and other armie for that the very day of remouing many soldiours died of drought by the waies And the discommodities of the waies by the which they passed gaue no lesse impediment to their marching the French not knowing whether the whole or parte of the Spanishe armie were in the field for that both Fabricius Colonne with his light horsmen tooke away
King and the King of Spanyardes THE SYXT BOOKE OF THE historie and discourse of Guicciardin THAT man erreth lesse who promiseth to him self a chaūge of thaffaires of this world then he that persuadeth that they are alwaies firme and stable And albeit the man wise and resolute is seldom displeased with things which ought to bee borne for that what so euer might happen to an other hee neuer complaineth if it chaunce to him Yet so is the state of man intangled with infirmities there hapneth no mutation which in some sort shaketh not the resolution and constancie of the minde An example verified in the person of the french king Who assoone as he harde the newes of so great a losse and in a time wherein he had more exspectation of peace then of warre Entred into no litle alteration concurring in that aduersitie not only the depriuation of a kingdom so mightie and florishing with the desolation and ruine of his armies compounded of his chiefest nobilities and men of race and vertue But also he considered the perill wherein stood all the residue of that which he helde in Italy which as he had alreadie made the rewardes of his glorie and victories so he reserued to adioyne them as perpetuall monuments to the reputation of his Empire and greatnes But the humor which most fedde this passion proceeded chiefly of impacience against his fortune esteeming his dishonour so much the greater by howe much he was vanquished by the king of Spanyardes whose power he iudged to bee farre inferiour to his an errour familiar with Princes to esteeme lesse of their enemie then he is and more of their owne forces then they are in deede And as in these cases the despite of the iniurie doth much to enforce a desire of reuenge so the king debating deepely the estate and nature of the wrong which was to be beguiled vnder hope promise of peace determined to runne vnto the remedie which commonly those men vse that holde them selues iniuried That is with all his forces and meanes to assaie to recouer the honour and kingdom he hath lost and with armes to restore the reputation that had bene stolne from him by deceite holding it no iniustice to bee reuenged of him that did the first wrong But affore he entred into the action of any enterprise hee complained greeuously to Tharchduke not yet departed from Bloys recommending to him the infamie of infidelitie and howe much it imported him to redresse thabuse if he had any vertue to preserue his faith and his honour By which instigation the Archduke whose innocencie held him sufficiently acquited solicited greatly his father in lawe to redresse the abuse complaining in vehement tearmes that thinges were so handled to his great slaunder and that in the sight and knowledge of all the worlde It hath bene a custome with the Princes of the world to enterteine one an other with vaine hopes and artificiall practises esteeming more thoccasions which the tyme offreth then the faith and promises which them selues doe make For the kinges of Spaine with many excuses deferred to send the ratification of peace affore the victorie alleaging sometymes that hauing a custome to make their dispatches ioyntly they could neuer bee both together in one place as was necessarie And sometimes that they were so pestred with the multitude of affaires that all oportunities to that expedition were preiudiciall In which excuses may bee manifestly discerned the ill disposicion they had to embrace the peace either for that their sonne in lawe had exceeded their commissions or els for that after he was departed out of Spaine they were entred into a better hope of the issue successe of the warre Or at least for that it seemed straunge to them that he had appropriated to him selfe their parte of the realme hauing no assurance by the minoritie of the children that the mariage of his sonne should take effect And yet as they alwaies expressed inclinations to peace and gaue continuall hopes to ratifie it So by deferring they wonne asmuch tyme as they could to thend to take aduice according to the euent of thinges And obseruing still the same sleight to temporize and interteine after they vnderstood by true aduertisement that their armie remeined victorious albeit they were resolued to holde no reckoning of the peace that was made yet did they deferre to declare their intenciō to Tharchduke to th ende that keeping by that meanes the french king in suspence he might haue the lesse oportunitie to prepare for the reskuing of Caietta the other places which yet remeined At length constrained by the importunities of their sonne in lawe who was determined that otherwaies he would not departe from Bloys they sent thether newe Embassadours by whom was declared after disputation of certeine dayes that it was not thintencion of their kings to ratifie that peace which had bene made in that sort which neither in matter meaning nor circumstance it caried either honour or suertie for them And entring into controuersie with Tharchduke they tolde him that it brought no litle maruell and discontentment to his father in lawe that in the conditions of the peace he had transgressed their will and that albeit in regarde of his honour his commission was free and large yet hee ought to communicate with thinstructions that were giuen him which were limited subiect to rule Tharchduke answered that his instructions were no lesse free and vniuersall then his commission and that at his departure his parentes in lawe assured him that they desired the peace chiefly by his meanes and did sweare vppon the holy Gospel and image of Iesus Christ to obserue what so euer he should determyne And yet for his owne parte hee was contented to trauell in it as in the person of a man regulated and forbearing to vse the amplitude and authoritie of his commission he alwaies communicated with the two personages which they had sent with him These newe Embassadours working all by art propounded newe meanes of accorde disclosing as it were that their kinges had desire to render the realme to king Federyke But those deuises being discerned not only to bee vaine but also full of skorne and deceipt for that they tended to estraunge from the frenche king the spirite of Tharchduke who looked to haue that kingdome for his sonne The king in publike audience answered them that he would in no sort treat or negociat with them if first they ratified not the peace that was made and declared that the disorders hapned by it did much discontent them He tolde them that it seemed to him a matter not only marueilous but also detestable and abhominable that those kings who gloried so muche to haue gotten the title of Catholyques would holde so base reckoning of their proper honour their faith giuen their othe sworne and of the religion they professe bearing no respect to the Archduke a Prince so great so noble so vertuous and their sonne and heire With
this answer commaunding them the same day to departe his Court he turned immediatly all his wittes to the preparations of the warre wherein taking occasion vppon the greatnes of the wrongs that had bene done hee determined to aduaunce farre greater prouisions both by land and sea then had bene done in any tymes affore by any of the kings of Fraunce So importunate is the passion of reuenge in the mindes of mortall men who notwithstanding finde oftentimes more securitie to dissemble iniuries then to reuenge them In so much as he determined to sende two mightie armies to the realme of Naples the one by sea and the other by land And least in the meane while Caietto and the Castles of Naples were lost he prepared to succour them with diligence by sea aswell with new supplies of men of warre as with all other necessarie thinges And to giue impediment that there went no succours out of Spaine which had bene the cause of all the disorders he resolued to inuade the kingdom of Spaine with two armies by lande addressing one to the countrey of Rossillion which adioyneth to the sea Mediterraney and the other to Fontearaby with the other places assisting vppon the Occean sea And also at the same time to assaile with an armie by sea the coastes of Catelognia and Valencia But whilest the French were diligent in preparing for these expedicions Consaluo deuising how he might haue the Castles of Naples planted his artillerie against new Castle at the foote of the hill Saint Martyn From thence on a place somewhat raised he beat the wall of the Citadell whose situation being towards the sayd mounteine was made strong with auncient walles their foundations being almost vnder the earth At the same tyme also Peter of Nauarro cast a myne to ouerthrowe the walles of the Citadell battring also the new Castle walles and the Towre of S. Vincent which Consaluo had wonne a fewe daies before Newcastle had a forme building after an other fashion then it is at this day for that now the Citadell being taken away there beginneth a newe circuit of walles where were the walles of the same and that stretcheth along the place of the Castle vntil the sea This circuit begun by Federyke by him raised euen to the wast being made of verie strong matter of walling wel foūded is very hard to be vndermined for that it is subiect to coūtermynes on all sides and also the water runneth almost vppō the vppermost part of the ground Consaluo had a determinatiō that assoone as he had taken the Citadell and comming neare the valte of the Castle wal he would destroy it with new mines But either by the naturall rashnes or by the ill fortune of the french men a greater occasion was offred to him the aduersities of the French making all thinges happie to their enemies For after Peter of Nauarro had put fyre to the myne which he had perfected the furie of the powder blewe open the wall of the Citadell and at the same instant the Spanish bandes of footemen standing readie arenged in battell exspecting thoperation of the fyerworke made entryes on many sides partly by those places of the wall that were broken and partly vsing the seruice of eskaling ladders they commaunded the wall in sundrie other places not hurt by the myne their fortune making those things easie which by experience reason seemed not without manifest peril On the other side the french issuing out of the Castle of intenciō not to suffer them to remeine within the Citadel charged them but with a successe farre inferior to their vertue for that being immediatly ouerlaied with multitudes of the Spanish as they retyred towardes the Rampier the Spanyards entred pellmell with them and running with the same fortune euen vp to the way that goeth to the gate they so redoubled the feares of the Frēch mē alredy appalled by the dispaire of their own estate that standing in condition vtterly abandoned in lesse then half an houre they rendred the Castle with their goods liues to discressiō the Count of Montoire remeining prisoner with many other Lordes This cōquest was so much the more agreeable to the Spanyards lesse for the purpose of the frēch by how much there arriued from Genes the daie folowing for their succours an armie by sea of six great ships with many smaller vessels fraighted with vittels weapō munitiōs a regiment of two thousand footmen At the discouery of this Nauy the Spanish army at sea riding then in the port of Naples retired into Yschia whether the French Nauie pursued them vnderstāding the new Castle was lost But the Spanish Nauie hauing sunke before them certeine Barkes to th end they were not compelled to fight after they had bestowed certeine bollnes of shot one against an other more for pleasure then preiudice they brake of the one going to Caietta and the other being reassured by the departure of thenemie retyred to the mole of Naples Fortune doing more for their safetie then their owne vertue After the taking of new Castle Consaluo fell to deuise by what meanes he might haue the residue of the realme and therfore without tarying for tharmy that was in Calabria which laie there to conquer the vale of Ariana to take away all impedimēts to passe further he sent Prosper Colonne into Abruzza And leauing Peter of Nauarro affore the Egg Castle he marched with the residue of th armie towardes Caietta in the taking wherof he supposed did consist the summe of the warre for that both the hopes and the dispaires of the French men depended wholly vppon the defence or losse of that Citie strong by the oportunitie of the sea and by the conueniencie and greatnes of his port verie fitte to receiue the armies that should be sent from Genes to Prouance Touching the French men they did not only hold Caietta but also besides the places thereaboutes which were in their power they commaunded in Abruzza Aquilea the rocke of Euandra with many other places Besides the Lord Levvys D'ars hauing reassembled many trowpes of horsmen and footemē being fortesied with the Prince of Melfa within Venousa did great harmes to the countrie thereabout Lastly Ronssano Matalona with many other strong peeces apperteining to the Barons of the faction of Aniovv helde out constantly at the deuocion of the french king their vallour notwithstanding being insufficiēt to resist their aduersities In this meane while Peter of Nauarro made certein cloase or couered Barks with the which approching in more suertie the walles of the Egg Castle he cast a mine on that side which prospects Pizifalcona without the knowledge or priuitie of thē within assone as he had intāgled it with the fire he blew into the aire in great fury one part of the wall together with the bodyes of men that stoode vppon it With the which both for the action terrible and the newnes of the deuise straunge the
the proper hande of Iohn Iordan it was an argumeÌ„t that in those things which were negociated at Maisons he had one self will and intelligeÌ„ce against him with the Vrsins In which thing the king more regarding profit theÌ„ honestie had proceeded diuersly according to the diuersitie of times somtimes expressing fauour to Iohn Iordan as before and sometimes inclining to satisfie the Pope in some degree And for that cause Iohn Iordan refusing to depose Bracciano into the hands of the French Embassador resident at Rome the king required that they should reappose vppoÌ„ him the resolution of the differeÌ„ce vnder coÌ„dition that Iohn Iordan should be coÌ„ueied into FrauÌ„ce within two moneths that things should remeine in that estate vntil he had determined Wherunto as Iohn Iordan consented by necessitie hoping through his owne merits thexspectatioÌ„ he had of his father and him to be fully deliuered from such vexations So also in the Pope appeared no resistaÌ„ce more for feare then otherwise for that the french king required such a matter in a time wheÌ„ Tharchduke coÌ„tracted the peace in the name of the kings of Spain But the condition of things being chaunged by the victorie of the Spanyardes and seeing with all that the french king had neede of him he demaunded all the states of Iohn Iordan offring the recompence that should be declared by the king who for the same occasioÌ„ induced Iohn Iordan to consent therunto to promise to deliuer in his sonne for the assurance of that which should bee determined A matter which the king did greatly against his wil for that he had no intentioÌ„ to deliuer vp those estates to the Pope if at the same instant he ioyned not with him opeÌ„ly in the warre of Naples holding it as reasonable for him as for the Pope to take the aduauÌ„tage of things and to serue his turne of controuersies But they of Petillano where the sonne of Iohn Iordan was refusing to deliuer him to the kinges Embassadour who was gone to Port Hercules to receiue him Iohn Iordan him selfe being then returned went to Thembassadour and to fulfill the promise of his faith offred him his proper person which Thembassadour accepted with litle reputation and with lesse discression bestowed him in a ship but assoone as the king knewe it he caused him to bee set at libertie esteeming it an iniurie dishonorable to doe iustice vppon him for the disobedience of others In this meane while there was vsed a generall diligence to leauie the preparations which the french king ment to emploie both on thisside beyond the mounts For the Lorde D'albert and the Mareshall of Gie were gone into Guien with foure hundred Launces and fiue thousande footemen aswell Svvyzzers as Gascoins to make warre on the part of Fontarabye And to stirre vp the Countie of Rossillion the Mareshall of Rieux was sent into Languedocke with eight hundred Launces and eight thousande footemen parte Svvyzzers and parte French And at the same time the Nauie by sea hoysed sayle to endomage the coastes of Catelogna and the realme of Valence Besides the king had dispatched for Italy with title of Capteine generall ouer his armie the Lorde Trymouille to whom was transferred by vniuersall opinion the whole merit and reputation for matters of warre within the realme of Fraunce and sent with the same expedition the Baily of Dyon to dispatche eight thousande Svvyzzers the men at armes also and the footmen making hast to marche notwithstanding the armie was not so strong as was determined in the beginning Perhaps the king would haue it so not for dishabilitie or for that he would spare but for that he desired that they might make the more expedition into the kingdome of Naples partly because Monsr D'alegro aduertising the king of the state of thaffaires there assured him that the remeynder of the armie was stronger then it was in deede both for that the townes and Barons remeined firme in his deuocion and also he had demaunded succours of all those in Italy which fauoured his faction By which meane and industrie the Florentyns had graunted him the Baily of Caen with the fiftie LauÌ„ces paied of their owne money and an hundred and fiftie other men at armes The Duke of Ferrara also and the Bollonoys with the Marquis of Mantua who for that the king sent to him went to him in person did refurnishe him euery one in perticular with an hundred men at armes and they of Sienna with an other hundred Which bandes ioyned to the eight hundred Launces fiue thousand Gascoins which Trymouille brought into Italy and to the eight thousand Svvyzzers which were exspected reckoning also those that remeined within Caietta made vp the number of a thousand eight hundred Launces French and Italian more then eightiene thousande footemen Besides these preparations for the warre by lande the armie by sea was departed a Nauie strong and glorious In so muche as all men confessed that there was no memorie that any Frenche king had euer made so huge and mightie preparations making distinction of the forces both by sea and by land gathered aswell on thisside as beyond the mountes But it was not thought good for the kings suertie to suffer his armie to passe by Rome if first his maiestie were not well assured of the Pope and Duke Valentynois for that he had iust occasion to doubt of them for many reasons and many demonstrations but specially by the testimonie of certeine letters from Valentynois to Consaluo newly surcepted wherein was debated betweene them that if Consaluo tooke Caietto in which case he should stande well assured of all the matters of the kingdome he should passe further with his armie and Valentynois should take vppon him the iurisdiction of Pisa and so they both to ioyne in one strength to assaile Tuskan In which respect the king his armie being alreadie passed into Lumbardy was very importunate that they should at last declare their vttermost intencion holding it better to know them as they were then to doubt them to bee more or lesse then he should finde them And for their partes albeit they listned to both partes and treated with euerie one yet iudging that the tyme was conuenient to make traffike of the trauelles of an other their desires caried them most to ioyne with the Spanyshe But they were restrained againe with the consideration of this manifest daunger least the frenche armie woulde begyn to inuade their estates in which case they should feele domage and displeasure where they hoped to reape rewardes and greatnes In this estate of doubt and incerteintie of inclination they suffred both partes to leauie apparantly bandes of footemen within Rome diferring as much as they could to declare them selues But being at last in tearmes resolute vâ—ged by the king they offred that the Duke should be ioyned to his armie with fiue hundred men at armes and two thousand footemen the king consenting not only to the occupying of the
was lodged a contention which troubled not onely the people of Rome and the court but also was supposed to bring great preiudice to th affayres of the Frenche for that the Vrsins assoone as they were once dispatched of the quarrell agaynst Valentynois preparing to go to the pay eyther of the Frenche or Spanishe king and iudging that their strength was of no little importaunce to the victorie they were sought to by both partes with ample conditions But bearing a naturall disposition to the parte of the Frenche the Cardinall of Amboyse enterteyned in the kings name Iulio Vrsin who contracted for all those of his familie except Aluiano for whom was reserued place with honorable conditions but his comming reuersed all for albeit in the beginning be was almost agreed with the Cardinall of Amboyse yet couetousnesse ouercomming his inclination and beeing in one moment restrayned with the Spanish Embassadour he entred paye with the king of Spayne with fyue hundred men at armes and prouision of lx thousande duckets yerely assuring him selfe of all those of his familie except Iohn Iordan to which deliberation he was chiefly induced as he frankly confessed by despite that the Cardinall of Amboyse burning more and more in ambition to be Pope fauoured Valentynois hoping by his meane to obteine the most parte of the voyces of the Spanish Cardinals notwithstanding that the Cardinall clearing him selfe of the fault by transferring it to an other gaue out that he was persuaded that the Venetians were authors of it who for the desire they had that the French king should not obteine the realme of Naples had not only consented that he should leaue their paye promising to reserue for him the same place but also to th ende the first paymentes should be more ready they had lent to the Spanish Embassadours fifteene thousand duckets A matter which though it be not in euery part certeine yet it can not be denied that the Venetian Embassador did not manifestly intrude himselfe into that practise Some were of opinion that the conditions large offers of the Spaniards were the cause for that they bound them selues to distribute estates in the kingdome aswel to him as to al those of his familie and to indue his brother with reuenues ecclesiasticall And lastly which he estemed much to ayde him when the warre was finished with two thousande Spanish footmen in thenterprise which he determined agaynst the Florentins in the fauour of Peter de Medicis It was beleued that Iohn Paule Bayllon comen now to Rome with Aluiano and who folowing his example treated at one time with the French and with the Spanish would also accompany him in the same deliberation but the Cardinall d'Amboyse not a little amased that Thursins had left the king a dealing whiche made doubtfull the hopes of the Frenche beeing afore almoste certayne interteyned him immediatly into the kings seruice with an hundred and fiftie men at armes he almost accorded whatsoeuer the other demaunded but al vnder the name of the Florentins for that Iohn Paule would it so to th ende to be more assured of his paies which were to be rebated of the summes they ought to the king by vertue of their conuentions he beeing more curious to prouide for the suretie of his paie then carefull to keepe his fidelitie with the king for the seruice that was required for being returned to Perousa to put his people in order and receiuing xiiij thousand duckets he was coÌ„tented to gouerne himself more according to the successe of the time coÌ„mon euent of things and by his passions perticuler interests theÌ„ according to the reputation faith of souldiours In which respects deferring with many excuses to go to the French armie he would not depart froÌ„ Perousa A matter which the cardinal Amboyse supposed to procede vpoÌ„ this that Iohn Paule imitating the incoÌ„stancy of the captains of Italie of that time had froÌ„ the houre he was interteined made promise to Barthelmevv Aluiano the Spaniards to do so as holding that most resonable indifferent for him to do wherin was most surety for his pay safety A maner of dealing familiar with meÌ„ that be mercenarie but far froÌ„ those that hold deare eyther honor or reputation Assone as the Vrsins were entred into the pay of the Spanishe peace proceded betwene theÌ„ the Colonnois resolued set down at the same instaÌ„t in the lodging of the Spanish embassadour to whoÌ„ to the Venetian agent they referred the resolutioÌ„ of al their differeÌ„ces The agremeÌ„t of those houses brought no litle feare to ValeÌ„tynois for that being determined to leaue Rome preparing to go to Bracciana Iohn Iordan hauing giueÌ„ his fayth to the Cardinall of Amboyse to leade him thither in suretie Iohn Paule the Vrsins were determined to assaile him who hauing no meane to enter into the suburbs by the gate of the castle S. Angeo they issued out of Rome fetching a loÌ„g circuit to come to the gate Torrono they found it shut and burnt it finding nothing to resist the fury of their reuenge prouoked by so iust occasions Assone as they were entred the gate they begon to skirmish with certein horsmen of Valentynois to whose succors albeit many of the french souldiers did run who were not yet departed out of Rome yet what by the increasing of the numbers of his enemies their rage redubling his own people whose strength was much diminished afore making signes to abandon him the necessitie of his peril constrayned him together with the prince of Squillace certayne Spanish Cardinals to seke his safetie within the pallace of Vatican froÌ„ wheÌ„ce he retyred with a fearefull spede into the castle S. Angeo hauing by the Popes consent receiued fayth of the captayne of the castell who was the same that had that charge in the dayes of the dead Pope to suffer him to go out when he would al his people fled whither their feare or fortune would leade them In this garboyle the baylife of Caen was lightly hurt and the Cardinall of Amboyse had no little feare but the matter of quarrell being taken away by this accident the tumults also were immediatly appeaâ—ed within the towne of Rome In so much as they began all in peace to prepare for the election of a newe Pope for that Pius not beguiling the hopes which the Cardinals conceyued of him at the time of his creation the xxvj day after his election passed into a better life After the death of Pius the Cardinalles deferring for certayne dayes to enter the Conclaue for they thought good that Thursins afore should issue out of Rome where they yet remayned to refurnish the numbers which they should leade to the Spanish armie resolued vpon the election out of the Conclaue And the Cardinall S. Petri Ad vincla mighty in frends reputatioÌ„ riches had drawn to him the voices of so many Cardinals that entring the conclaue he was
to make peace with Maxymylian and no lesse disposed to continue the negotiations and practises with the king of Spayne for the solicitation wherof not commoned vpon in the extreame heate of the warre the spanish Embassadors had bene and were at that time at the court but Consaluo whom hereafter we will call for the most parte The great Capteine hauing confirmed with so many glorious victories the surname that before had bene giuen him by a spanish bragge refused to embrace the benefit of so great an occasion either for that being altogether without money and indetted to his armie for many paies he saw it impossible to make his people marche eirher vnder hope of profit that was to be wonne with perill or in promise of their payes which would be long in comming his regiments crying either to be satisfied or to be bestowed in garrison or else he was tyed to proceede according to the will of his king whose direction it was not lawfull for him to transgresse or at the least it seemed not to agree with his security to draw his army out of the kingdom of Naples till first he had purged it of all his enemies for that Lovvys d'Ars one of the French capteines who since the iorney of Cirignoula had put himself within Venousa with such remeinders of Frenchmen as were not to be despised who whilest the armies were vpon the shoares of Garillan had occupied Troya and S. Seuero kept also in deuotion all Povvylla certayne Barons also of the faction of Aniovv which were retyred vpon their estates stoode to their defence embracing openly the parte of the Frenche king There was lastly this impediment that a little after the victorie the great Captayne fell into a daungerous sicknes which staying his personall expedition he sent Aluiano with part of his armie to make warte vpon Lovvys d'ars By which his necessitie not hable for the present to follow his victorie out of the kingdome of Naples the residue of Italie remained rather in suspition then in trauell things hanging more in expectation then in action for the Venetians according to their custome stoode doubtfull expecting what woulde bee the issue of things The Florentins thought they had wonne muche if at a time when they wholly dispayred to be succoured by the Frenche king they were not inuaded by the Great captayne And the Pope referring to another time his ambitious thoughts studied to bring to passe that the duke Valentynois who helde no more in Romania but the castels of Furly of Cesena and of Bertinoire hauing lost Forlimpople by corruption of the keper might accorde to leaue them to him taking the aduauntage of the time and his imprisonment Valentynois condiscended to giue to the Pope the assignement of the castle of Cesena and Dom Petro d'Ouiedo a Spaniarde beeing gone thither to receyue it in the Popes name was hanged by the castlekeper obiecting that it coulde bee no lesse dishonor to him to obey his lorde whylest he was a prisoner then he that presumed to impose that request vpon him deserued to be punished By this occasion the Pope despayring to reioyce in his desire without the deliuerie of Valentynois he accorded with him and of this conuention there was a bull dispatched in the consistorie for greater suretie that he shoulde be set in the rocke of Ostia vnder the absolute power of Bernardin Caruagiall a Spaniard Cardinall of S. Croce and he to let him go when soeuer he had rendred to the Pope the castels of Cesena and Bertinoire and transferred to the Pope the assignation of the rocke of Furly and appoynted in the towne of Rome bankers to aunswere fifteene thousande duckets in recompence of the expences which the Castlekeeper alleaged he had sustayned But the Pope had an other intention for that albeit he woulde not apparauntly defile and breake the fayth he had giuen yet his meaning was to keepe his deliuerie in delay eyther for feare least he beeing at libertie the castlekeeper of Furly would refuse to render the Rocke or els for the memorie of thiniuries he had receyued of his father and him or at least for the hate which euery one reasonably bare him so infallible is the lawe of iustice to take reuenge of wrōgs not obseruing the presence of times wherin they are done but transferring occasions from one season to another calleth then the iniuries into reckoning when the offendor hath least memorie of them Valentynois growing into some suspition that the Pope woulde not holde fayth with him required secretly the great Captayne to giue him safe conduite to come to Naples and withall to sende two Galleys to conuey him from Ostia whiche request being condiscended vnto by Consaluo the Cardinall of S. Croce holding the same suspicion with Valentynois suffred him to depart without the Popes priuitie beeing first aduertised that pledge was put in for the fifteene thousande duckets with the redeliuerie vp of the castles of Cesena and Bertenoire The feare and daunger wherein Valentynois was made him careles to attende the Gallies which the great captaine shoulde sende him and therefore beeing still caried with those impressions he went secretly by lande to Nettuna from thence he sayled in a little barke to Montdragon and so by lande went to Naples where Consaluo receyued him with great tokens of gladnes and showes of honour At Naples he communicated many times in secrete with Consaluo whom he solicited at last to giue him power to passe to Pisa assuring him that if he might but once put foote into that citie it would be muche to the profite and furtheraunce of his king Consaluo dissembling his opinion seemed to fauour the deuise and offering him galleis to garde him in passing he suffred him to leuie in the kingdome suche regiments of footemen as he thought to carie with him he enterteyned him in this hope till he had receyued aunswere from his king conformable to that he had determined to do alwayes consulting with him of th affayres of Tuskane and Aluiano offering at the same time to inuade the Florentins for the desire he had to see the familie of Medicis restored But as there is no possibilitie to auoyde that which the euerlasting counsell of God hath determined nor any reason to pull on the destinie of things till times be accomplished So Valentynois raysed into thoughtes of securitie stoode readie to his ruine when he iudged his estate in most stabilitie euen as a house whose foundation is not sounde falles eftsones to the ground beeing but newly buylded for the gallies beeing now prepared and his bandes of footemen in readynes to marche the day folowing Valentynois after he had deuised long the same night with Consaluo and taking his leaue with demonstration of great affection embrasing one an other at parting was by his commaundement assone as he was out of the chamber reteyned in the castell sending foorthwith into his lodging to ryfle the safeconduit that had bene sent him
of thexpences for three yeres Wherevpon the Genovvaies hauing a deliberation to embrace the offer notwithstanding Iohn Lovvis de Fiesquo with many others were agaynst it made an instance to the French king to suffer them without whose consent they had no power to execute any deliberation They debated with the king howe daungerous it woulde be that the Pisans excluded from this their last and almost only hope should come to offer them selues to the king of Spayne from whence would succeede to his great preiudice that both Genes should be in continuall trauell and danger and almost all Tuskane by compulsion followe the Spanish faction These reasons albeit at the beginning had so much wrought with the king that he was almost at a poynt to gratifie their demaundes yet his counsell considering that if the Genovvaies should beginne to accept warres of them selues and for a desire of imperie to haue confederation with other Potentates it would be the cause that comming afterwards to rayse their thoughts to greater things they would put their state into absolute libertie he forbad them expresly to accept the iurisdiction of Pisa but not that they should forbeare to ayde or succour them notwithstanding the Florentins had made great complaynts perticular respectes bearing more force in these matters then equitie conscience or compassion About this time the peace was earnestly laboured betweene the kings of Spayne and Fraunce who offred dissemblingly to render the realme of Naples to the king Federike or to the duke of Calabria his sonne to whom the French king should resigne and giue vp all his clayme so farrefoorth as the mariage were accomplished betwene the duke and the queene widowe Nece to the same king hauing afore bene wife to yong Ferdinand of Aragon king of Naples And it was without doubt that the French king had a mind so farre estranged from the affaires of the kingdome of Naples that for his owne regarde he had accepted all sorts of peace if it had not bin for these two difficulties that restrayned him the one of lesse moment with him then the other was the shame and reproches that would be thundred vpon him to leaue abandoned the barons who for that they folowed his faction had suffred priuation of their estates and to whom were offred conditions hard intollerable the other working somewhat more strongly with him was the doubt wherin he was least the king of Spayne hauing other intentions offred according to his accustomed suttleties this restitution for some ende that though his maiesties consenting yet the effect should not folow and that in the meane while the archduke were not estranged frō him who desiring to haue the kingdome of Naples for his sonne made instance that there should be cōtinuation of the peace which he had begon before Therfore he answered generally that he desired the peace but that he could not with honor giue vp to an Arragon the rights which he had in the same realme And on the other part he continued the auncient practises with the king of Romaines tharchduke wherin as he was almost certaine of the conclusion effect to th end they should not be cut of nor hindred by the incerteine practises of the king of Spayne he let call before him the Spanish embassadors making his colour for his greater honor that the respects interests of the barōs did chiefly moue him and being set in the chaire royal in the aspect presence of al the court with solēne ceremonies far aboue the vsage of times before he cōplained that their king expressed in words his desire and disposition to the peace hauing his intētions dissembled in which regard also for that it was not a thing worthy the vertue and honor of a king to consume the tyme in vayne practises he tolde them it were their best to depart out of the Realme of Fraunce After whose going away thembassadours of Maximilian and tharchduke came to giue perfection to that which had bene negociated In whiche action because there were plottes layed to greater purposes was assistant the Bishop of Sisteron the Popes ordinarie Nuncio in that Court and the Marquis of Finalo whome the Pope sent expresly in those affayres This peace hauing bene many times afore throughly debated for the profite which appeared very great to all those Princes was finally set downe vnder these conditions That the mariage of Lady Clauda the French kings daughter commoned vpon long time before should now grow to effect with Charles theldest sonne to tharchduke And for more firme confirmation of the same there shoulde be ioyned to the othe and subscription of the Frenche king the ratification of Frauncis Counte of Angulesme who issue male fayling in the king was next heire to the crown together with many of the principals of the kingdome That all thinuestitures of the state of Millan allowed till that day being razed and cancelled for iust and honest occasions Maximilian should transferre thinuestiture thereof to the French king for him selfe and heires males and for want of suche issue it shoulde be in fauour of the mariage conueyed to Madame Clauda and to Charles and if Charles shoulde dye before the consummation of the mariage then it to discende to Lady Clauda and to the seconde sonne of the Archduke if she maried with him That betweene the Pope the king of Romains the Frenche king and Tharchduke should be made a confederation for their common defence and to offende the Venetians from whome they all determined to withdrawe those places whiche they occupied of theirs That the king of Romains should passe in person into Italie agaynst the Venetians and afterwards go to Rome to take the crowne imperiall That the Frenche king assoone as the Charters shoulde be dispatched shoulde pay for thinuestiture threescore thousande florins of Rhein and threescore thousande others within six monthes and euery yeere a payre of spurres of golde vppon the day of the natiuitie of our Lorde That there shoulde be place left for the king of Spayne to enter into this confederation within foure monthes But it was not expressed that in case he did not enter it shoulde bee suffred to the Frenche king to inuade the kingdome of Naples That the Frenche king shoulde giue no more ayde nor succours to the Counte Palatine who stirred vp by him and enterteyned with hope of his succours was in great warre with the king of Romains That the Venetians shoulde be excluded out of this league notwithstanding that both the king had giuen willing eare to their Embassadours and also the Cardinall of Amboise to cleare them from all suspition had nourished them with assured promises and othes that the king would neuer go agaynst that confederation which he had with them These matters were conteyned in letters which were solemnly passed besides the which it was moued that the king Maximilian should speake together at an other time in some place conuenient The king also promised at
that time that he would deliuer out of prison Lodovvyk Sforce and indue him with conuenient meane to liue in the realme of Fraunce The safetie of this man the king of Romaines had shame not to procure for that his conscience put him in remembrance that the promises he had made him and the hopes he had vaynly reapposed in him had bene causes to hasten his ruine In which considerations hauing no power to do what he would at least he expressed inclination to do what he could in so much as when the cardinall of Amboyse went to him at Trent he wrought so much as he should no more be so straightly kept as he had bin making now importunate instance that he might remeine at libertie in the court of Fraunce or in suche quarter of the realme as it pleased the king The king promised also at his request that the exiles of the duchie of Myllan should returne whervpon were many difficulties in the negociation of Trent it was beleeued that he would kepe this capitulation being so greatly to the aduantage of tharchduke and Maximilian notwithstāding his ordinarie variations the Pope being cōprehended and no lesse agreable to the French king not so much for the desire he had at that time to make newe enterprises as for an ambicious respect to obteine thinuestiture of the duchie of Millan and to be assured not to be molested neither by Caesar nor his sonne In these seasons dyed king Federyk beeing wholly depriued of hope to recouer by accorde the kingdome of Naples notwithstanding he was perswaded afore euery one naturally suffreth him selfe to be beguyled by desire that the king of Spayne had a better deuotion to it then the Frenche king he considered not that in that tyme it was a thing vayne to hope for the restitution of so noble a Realme the examples being very rare in times farre more auncient and before wherein men were mose disposed to actes of vertue and nobilitie then they were in the time running he saw not also that it was a thing out of all likelyhood that he which had vsed so many deceites to occupie the moytie of the kingdome would nowe that he hath wonne all depriue him selfe of the fruite glory of his victorie Besides in the common reason discourse of affaires he might haue perceiued that the one made no lesse difficultie then the other onely he had more reason to doubt that he that was already possessed would not restore then he which helde nothing in the kingdome would not consent In the end of this yere Elizabeth queene of Spayne exchanged this life for a better she was a Lady of most honest honorable conditions won in the opinion of her subiects a right worthy name of magnanimity modesty discretion to her did properly apperteine the kingdome of Castillo which is the greater part of Spayne to the which she succeeded after the death of Henry her brother but not without bloud warre for albeit it was beleeued for a long time that Henry by nature was vnhable to procreation and for that reason Beltramise could not be his daughter which was brought foorth by his wife and by him nourished many yeres as a frute of his owne feede And albeit for that occasion Elizabeth daughter of Henry was acknowledged for Princesse of Castill a title nearest to the succession yet many barons of the realme rising after his death in fauor of Beltramise the king of Portugall ministring succors by armes in the right of a friend alie and confederat the factions cōming at last to battel the cause of Elizabeth was approued most iust by the issue of the fielde Ferdinand of Aragon her husband leading tharmy who likewise was discēded of the house of the kings of Castill conioyned to Elizabeth in the third degree of cōsanguinitie and he afterwards succeding by the death of Iohn his father to the realme of Aragon they both tooke vpō them by one ioynt right the title of king queene of Spayne for that the kingdome of Valence being vnited to the crowne of Aragon together with the countrie of Catalogna they were Lords ouer al the prouince of Spayne whiche is conteined betwene the Mounts Pirenei the Occean sea the Middle earthsea And vnder this title for that that region hath bin occupied by many kings of the Mores the title of many kingdomes is cōprehended euery one of thē making a title separat by him selfe except notwithstanding the kingdome of Granado which being at that time possessed by the Mores was afterwards by the vertue of this king queene gloriously subdued to the empire of Castille together with the title kingdome of Portugall the realme of Nauarre much inferior al which had kings particular But the kingdome of Aragon with Cicilia Sardignia and other Ilands apperteining by inheritance to Ferdinand were gouerned by him only without interposing the name or authoritie of the queene contrarie to the policie and course of gouernment in Castille the reason was for that that kingdome belonging by lawe of succession to Elizabeth and standing in a state endowed to Ferdinand things were administred vnder their common name aswell in demonstrations as in effects nothing beeing executed which was not debated ordeined subscribed by them both The title of the king of Spayne was common their Embassadours dispatched in cōmon their armies leauyed in common their wars administred in cōmon and neither of them in particular appropriating more then the other in authoritie and gouernment of the kingdome But by the death of Elizabeth without issue males the succession of Castille by the laws of that kingdome which regarding more the proximitie then the sex exclude not the woman belonged to Iane the daughter of Ferdinand her and wife to tharchduke their eldest daughter which had ben maried to Emanuell king of Portugal together with her litle sonne being dead long time before By reason wherof thadministration of the realme dowager apperteining by the end of the mariage no more to Ferdinand he was eftsones to returne into his litle kingdome of Aragon litle in cōparison of the realme of Castill for the straitnes of the countrey smal◠es of the reuenues and for that also the kings of Aragon not hauing absolute regall authoritie in all things be in many poynts subiect to the constitutions and customes of the same prouinces which limit much the power of their kings But Elizabeth drawing towards hir latest time ordeined by hir testament that Ferdinand so long as he liued should be gouernor of Castillo aswel for that she desired it might be kept in his first greatnes for the amitie that had bene mutual betwene them as also for that she knewe it concerned the profite of hir subiects to be continued vnder the moderate gouernment of Ferdinand and imported no lesse the commoditie of hir sonne in law and daughter who seeing in the ende they should likewise succeede Ferdinand had
reason to esteme it much to their behoof that vntil Philip borne norished in Flaūders where things were gouerned diuersly had attained a riper age taken a greater knowledge of the laws customes nature maners of Spayne al their realmes might be preserued for them vnder one peaceable well ordred gouernment the coūtreis of Castill Aragon being meinteined in the meane while as one selfe body But as in mortall actions the wit of man is insufficient to set downe a firme stabilitie for that all things vnder the highest circuite haue their proper reuolutions so litle helped the wise prouisions of this Queene to stay the alteration of things for that after her death newe accidents hapning in Spayne the state tooke a newe forme of gouernment But touching th affayres of Italie as we meane to expresse hereafter they were better disposed to a newe peace The yere 1505. things continued in the same estate of tranquilitie wherin they had bene norished the yere before which was such that had not the quarell betwene the Florentins and Pisans brought some alteration the actions of armes for that yeere had wholly surceased one part of the potentates beeing desirous of peace and the other that were enclined to warre holden reteyned for many reasons for it suffised the king of Spayne who continued still the same title and as yet traueled with the thoughtes of his dead wife to keepe the kingdome of Naples by meane of the truce that had bene made The Frenche king was entred into a great suspicion for that Caesar following in this as in all other things his wandring nature had not ratified the peace The Pope albeit he was desirous of innouation and newe things yet he neyther durst nor coulde stirre onlesse he were accompanied with the armes of some mightie Prince And the Venetians esteemed it to no small grace if in so great consulte and counsell of things agaynst them and in so yll a disposition of the Pope they stoode quiet and were not molested by others wherein the better to appease the Pope they had offred many monthes before to leaue him Rimini and all that they had possessed in Romania since the death of Pope Alexander to th ende he did consent that they might reteyne Faenza with his territories This offer they made also for feare they had of the Frenche king and for that Caesar at the solicitation of the Pope had sent his Embassadours to Venice to sommon them to make restitution of the landes of the Churche But the Popes aunswere was so resolute that they passed no further he tolde them according to the constancie of his minde and his free nature to expresse his conceytes that he woulde not consent to the reteyning onely of a little towre but dyd hope to recouer before his death bothe Rauenna and Ceruia cities whiche they possessed no lesse iniustly then they did Faenza with whiche aunswere they kepte suspended their further sutes till the beginning of the sommer when their feares beeing become greater they offred by the meane of the Duke of Vrbin a friende indifferent to restore all that they had occupied which was not of thappurtenances of Faenza and Rimini so that the Pope who would not afore admit their Embassadours to tender their obedience would nowe consent to receyue them This demaunde albeit the Pope shewed him selfe somewhat harde to accept supposing he should do wrong to his dignitie as not conuenient to allowe it remembring the great quarrels and threatnings he had made to them yet hauing regarde to the perplexities that were endured by them of Furly Ymola and Cesena who depriued of the greatest parte of their countreis suffred many incommodities And seeing withall no other meane to redresse things with spede for that the affaires betweene Cesar the French king proceeded with so great a longnes of time and delay at last he consented to that which in effects was a gayne without losse since neither by wordes nor writings he was bounde to any thing So that after the townes were restored eight embassadors of the principals of the Senate chosen since he was created Pope were sent to him The greatest companie and most honorable shewe of Embassadors which that commonweale had euer sent to any Pope if he were not a Venetian But after they had tendred their obedience with the ceremonies accustomed they brought not backe to Venice any signe by the which they coulde gather that the Pope was become more easie or tractable so deepe were thimpressions of his misliking agaynst them or els so cunningly coulde he dissemble contrarie to his owne promises and their expectations About this time the French king desiring to put ende to that which had bene debated sent the Cardinall of Amboyse to Haguenau a towne of base Almaine where Cesar Tharchduke attended him hauing newly taken that towne vpon the Counte Palatin There were published sworne solemnly the conuentions that had bene made the Cardinall paying the moytie of the money promised for thinuesture with promise that Caesar should receyue thother moytie assoone as he should passe into Italie notwithstanding both at the present he gaue to vnderstand and a little after he declared that he could not passe that yere for thimpedimentes which were in Germanie the same making the suspition of warre so much the lesse the French king being determined to enter into no new attempt without him Only the warre almost continuall betweene the Florentins and Pisans remeined kindled in Italie the which proceeding by easie degrees and not pursued but when occasions offred to the one or the other partie who otherwise had no one setled enterprise it hapned that Luke Sauelle issued out of Cassina in which lande the Florentins made their retraite of warre and with him certeyne captaynes and constables of the Florentins with foure hundred horse and many bandes of footmen their intention was to reuittell Librafatta and by the same meane to leauie certayne heards of cattell of the Pisans feding on the other side the ryuer of Sercle vpon the grounds of the Lucquoys not so muche for the benefite and pillage of the pray as for the desire they had to drawe the Pisans to the feight hauing a confidence to ouerthrowe them for that they were the stronger in the fielde And when they had conueyed vittels into Librafatta possessed the pray they pretended they returned with leisure by the same way to th ende to intise the Pisans with that oportunitie to come and charge them Tarlatin chiefe commaunder ouer their men of warre issued out of Pisa assone as he vnderstoode thenemie droue away their cattell And bicause the chiefe poynt of the reskue rested in expedition he tooke no moe with him then fifteene men at armes fortie light horsemen and threescore footemen leauing order that a greater strength should follow him so necessarie is speede in enterprises that oftentimes they are wonne and lost with a lesse measure distance of time then is required to
others consenting to this conspiracie The reason was that they had a hope that assayling it there would easily rise some mutation seing there was a slender strength of the men at armes of Fraunce many of the nobilitie were abroade the peoples much enclined to the name of Sforce and the French king on whom was falne a great maladie languishing in so dangerous extremitie that for many houres there was a generall dispaire of his health and though he should somewhat reuiue yet his disease had made him so yll disposed that there was no hope of lyfe and lesse expectation of action And such as looked into things with a deper counsell doubted least Askanius with whom at that time the Venetian Embassadour had familiar conuersation at Rome interteined a secret intelligence not onely with the great Capteine but also with the Venetians who had bene of late more ready and more bold to offende the French then in times past for that the French king who newly was entred into suspition and distrust of the king of Romaines his sonne seeing after the death of the Queene of Spayne what would be the greatnes of the Archduke forsooke apparantly their amitie and ayded agaynst Tharchduke the Duke of Gueldres his sharpe enemie and inclined to practise particular intelligence with the king of Spayne But as the thoughtes of men are deceitfull and their hopes full of infirmitie and frayltie so whylest these things were in solicitation the French king whose recouerie was holden desperate went dayly growing into health and Cardinall Askanius dyed sodenly at Rome of the plague By whose death albeit the dangers to the estate of Millan were cut of yet the plottes layed to molest the Florentins were not altogether remoued and therefore P. Petruccio Iohn Paule Baillon and Bartlemevv Aluiano assembled together in the borowe of Pregai vpon the confins of the Perusins and Siennois not with hope to be strong ynough to restore the Medicis into Florence but with this intention that Aluiano entring into Pisa with the wills of the Pisans should inuade for the suretie of that Citie the frontier of the Florentins with deuise to passe further as occasion would present These preparations smothered hithervnto beginning nowe to burst out into light the Florentins feared muche of the disposition of the great Capteine both for that they knewe that the time for the which Aluiano was interteined in the Spanish pay remeined yet till the next Nouember and also for that they could not beleeue that P. Petruccio would enter into newe enterprises without his consent seeing the said Petruccio neuer satisfying the French king of the summes of money which he promised and hauing often times abused him in other properties depended altogether of the king of Spayne Besides the suspition of the Florentins was augmented in this that fearing the Lorde of Plombin which vas vnder the protection of the Spanishe king to be assayled by the Genovvaies Consaluo had sent to Plombin for his suretie a thousand footemen vnder the charge of Nuguo de Campo and to the riuer of Plombin three ships two galleis with certeine other vessels which forces brought into a place so neare the Florentins gaue them great occasion to feare that they were not come to ioyne with Aluiano as he himselfe assured that they were promised But the truth was that the king of Spayne after the truce made with the French king gaue direction for diminution of thexpences that aswell the regiment of Aluiano as the bands of others which had bene limited should be reduced to a hundred launces Wherevpon he taking occasion to be greeued did not onely refuse to binde him selfe eftsones with newe othe but also meinteined that he was acquited of the first both for that he was not satisfied of his paies passed and also the great Capteine would not holde his promise to giue him after the conquest of Naples two thousande footemen to serue his turne agaynst the Florentins in fauor of the Medicis Lastly the minde of Aluiano was trauelling naturally desirous of new things and altogether impacient of thanquilitie and rest The Florentins for their defence agaynst so violent stormes had recourse to the French king who was bounde by the capitulations of protection to defende them with foure hundred launces they sent to him to refurnish them with two hundred but he beeing more caried with couetousnes of money then with regarde to the prayers of his friends or compassion of his auncient confederates aunswered that he would giue them no succours if first they made him not satisfied of the thirtie thousande duckets which were due to him by thobligation of protection And albeit the Florentins made many humble requests and suites that he would yet temporise and expect a litle alleaging how muche they were aggreeued with intollerable expences necessarie for their defence yet being more caried with couetousnes then with reason or indifferencie he perseuered obstinately in his deliberation in so muche as he whom they most suspected and had most offended ministred more to their helpe and safetie then he of whom they seemed to be best assured to whom they had done greatest pleasures finding least safetie where they reapposed moste confidence and greatest perill where they iustly expected their protection for the great Capteine desiring that the tranquilitie of Italie should not be troubled eyther because he would not should be broken the practises of peace begonne of newe betweene the two kings or for that he nourished some deuise to appropriate to him selfe the kingdome of Naples vsing thoccasion of the death of the Queene and the sedes of future discord betwene the father in lawe the sonne he vsed all diligence to induce Aluiano to reenter into the pay and commaunded him as a vassall souldiour of his king to make no further proceeding beeing nowe gone to Petillano to obey the Popes commaundement to dissolue his companies or rather to go out of the Churche dominions vpon payne of depriuation of thestates which he had in the kingdome of Naples bearing a value in yerely reuenue of seuen thousande duckets he signified to the Pisans whom a litle before he had secretly receiued into the protection of his king and also to the Lorde of Plombin that they should not receiue him And he caused to be tolde and offred to the Florentins that he was content they should haue the seruice of his footemen that were within Plombin whome he ordeined to be commaunded by M. Anthonio Colonno their capteine he sent also to P. Petruccio that he should in no wise support Aluiano forbidding to followe him Lovvys sonne of the Counte Petillano Frauncis Vrsin and Iohn de Cery who were in his pay But notwithstanding all these inhibitions Aluiano with whō were Iohn Levvys Vitelli Iohn Conrad Vrsin three hundred men at armes and fiue hundred footmen of good resolution passed alwayes further though slowly they of Sienna furnishing him with vittels he came at last by
agaynst those whom any of them should name and they named ioyntly in Italie the Pope and the French king apart named the Florentins That for strengthning of this peace there was ment to be made betweene the two kings a perpetuall confederation for the defence of their estates wherevnto the king should be bounde with a thousande launces and six thousande footemen and Ferdinand with three hundred launces two thousande Iennytairs and six thousande footemen After the peace was made and published wherin the king of Englande promised obseruation for both the parties the Barons of Aniovv who were in Fraunce hauing taken their leaue of the king went almost all with the Queene Iermana into Spayne the king vsing towards them at their departure a very small gratulation of their seruices past Isabell the widowe of Federike hauing her leaue went to Ferrara refusing to put her children into the power of the Catholike king In this towne of Ferrara Alphonso the sonne of Hercules beeing nowe succeeded to the Dukedome there hapned vpon the ende of the yere a straunge and tragicall accident suche one as had some similitude with the barbarous actions of thauncient Thebanes but for farre more lighte occasions if th unbridled furie of loue be lesse then the burning ambition and desire to reigne The Cardinall Hypolito d'Este louing feruently a young mayde his kinswoman who for her parte was no lesse amarous of Don Iulio naturall brother to the Cardinall and confessing her selfe to the Cardinall that that which aboue all other things made so vehement her affection to his brother was the sweete aspect and beautie of his eyes Loue is a Lorde of the worlde and aboue all naturall impressions hath a tyrannicall subiection ouer the creatures whom he possesseth for the Cardinall enuying the communitie of his brother turned his loue into ielous furie and setting espiall ouer Don Iulio when he should go out of the towne on hunting set vpon him in the fielde with a crewe of tormentors prepared to mischiefe whose violent handes the Cardinall in his owne presence suffred to thrust out the eyes of his brother for that they were the companions of his loue An action no lesse infamous to the Cardinall then intollerable to all humanitie and which afterwards trayned with it many occasions of seditious and Ciuil quarrels betweene the brethren Suche was the ende of the yere a thousande fiue hundred and fiue The ende of the sixt booke THE ARGVMENT OF THE SEVENTH BOOKE MAny treaties are made Pope Iulio the seconde takes the gouernment of Bolognia The Genovvaies rebell agaynst the French king The king of Aragon meeteth vvith the French king and communicateth vvith him The dyet is holden at Constance The king of Romaines demaundes passage of the Venetians to go take the Crovvne at Rome he inuadeth their lands and aftervvards maketh truce vvith them THE SEVENTH BOOKE OF THE historie and discourse of Guicciardin THESE were thaccidents of the yere a thousande fiue hundred and fiue whiche albeit left apparant hopes that the tranquilitie of Italie would recontinue the warres for the quarrell of Naples being nowe quenched yet suche is the mutabilitie of worldly affaires there began to appeare in other places seedes of newe innouations and chalenges tending to many ciuill calamities for Philip which nowe tooke vpon him the title of king of Castillo and was no lesse discontented that suche a kingdome was gouerned by his father in lawe inclined to thincitation of many Barons and prepared him selfe to passe into Spayne agaynst his will pretending as the trueth was that the late Queene had no power eyther to dispose or to prescribe lawes or to bequeath the gouernment of the kingdome after her death The king of Romains also taking stomack by the greatnes of his sonne solicited to passe into Italie And lastly the Frenche king albeit the yere before he was muche discontented with the Pope for that he had disposed and inducted the benefices whiche were voyde by the death of Cardinall Askanius and others in the duchie of Millan without his participation And for that also in the creation of other Cardinals he had refused to call the bishop of Achx nephewe to the Cardinall of Amboyse and the bishop of Baieux nephewe to Monsr Trymouille being earnestly solicited by the king who in those regardes had caused to sequester the frutes of the benefices which the Cardinall S. P. ad Vincla others of the Popes amitie possessed in thestate of Millan yet the king on the other side holding both suspected and feared the greatnes of Caesar and his sonne iudged it necessarie not to nourish occasions of reuenge but to reenter into reconcilement with the Pope to whom after he had releaced all the sequestrations he sent in the beginning of this yere the bishop of Sisteron thapostolicall Nuncio to negociate with him many plotts and offers agaynst the Venetians to whom he knewe the Pope could not but continue to beare an yll will with a hatred redoubled for the desire he had to recouer the townes of Romania An humor which the Pope did so muche the more dissemble by how much vntill that day he had proceded in al things so tractable respectiue that euery one tooke occasion to maruell greatly that he who in his estate of Cardinall had bene alway full of immoderate and aspiring thoughtes and who in the time of Popes Sistus Innocent and Alexander had bene many times thinstrument to trouble Italie expressed now that he was become Pope an estate for the most part administred with ambition and troublesome imaginations to be more easie and abated in courage then did well beare th ambicious profession which he had alwayes made to the contrarie not making any showe or demonstration to remember olde iniuries or to seeme to be like to him selfe So dangerous is dissimulation in the persons of great men whose authoritie and place shadowing their dispositions defends all things from blame though they haue nothing vnworthy of reprehension for the intentions of the Pope were farre other wayes then agreed with the propertie of his actions for that hauing a determination to surmount the former opinion that was had of him and to do more then was expected turned all his wittes deuises and labours contrarie to the custome of his auncient magnanimitie to heape vp a wonderfull masse of treasure to th ende that to the will he had to kindle the warre might be ioyned also the meane and power to susteine it And finding in that time that he was furnished with sufficient treasures and money he beganne euen then to discouer his thoughtes aspiring to right great things suffring nothing to stay th execution of that whiche he had pretended with so great studie secrecie and hope Therefore the Bishop of Sisteron being receyued and hard with a gladnes agreable to the nature of his desire was dispatched and sent backe agayne with diligence to solicite betweene them a new reunion and amitie wherein the
better to dispose the minde of the king and the Cardinall d'Amboyse he promised by writte whiche the sayde Nuncio caried with him the dignitie of Cardinall to the Bishoppes of Achx and Bayeux forgetting nothing that he thought might further theffect of those ambitions which he had nourished with so great care and trauell of mynde And yet notwithstanding in so great a heate and vehemencie of forwardnesse he entred oftentimes into many doubtes and difficulties for that eyther for a certayne hate he had conceyued agaynst the Frenche king at suche time as he fledde into Fraunce eschewing thambushes of Pope Alexander or for that it much discontented him to be drawen as it were by compulsion by the power and importunitie of the French king to transferre to the Cardinal of Amboyse the legation of the kingdome of Fraunce or lastly for that he suspected least the said Cardinal whose behauiours tended directly to the Popedome not hauing patience to tarie for his death would not seeke to aspire to his place by wayes sinister and extraordinarie In regarde of which impressions more troublesome for the suttletie of the man then that there was reason he should feare so farre made him oftentimes wander in disposition determining not wholly to ioyne with the Frenche king and yet without his coniunction he knew it was impossible that at that tyme any thing of consequence should succeede with him For which reasons he sent on the other side to Pisa Baltasar Blasquo a Genovvay capteine of his galleis with commission to arme two lighte Galleis which Pope Alexander had caused to builde there but it was thought that it was to this ende to be more ready to deliuer Genes from the gouernment of the Frenche in case the king who yet remayned vexed with the reliques of his disease should happen to dye Thus matters hanging in suche an estate of suspence the first action of this yeare 1506. beganne by thembarking of king Philip to sayle out of Flaunders into Spayne with a great armie by sea And to reduce his going to a more facilitie and safetie for he feared least his father in lawe by the ayde of the Frenche woulde hinder his passage he practised the Spanishe subtelties and agreed with him to leaue vnto him the managing and pollicie of the moste parte of affayres and that they shoulde take in common the title of king of Spayne according to thexample in the Queenes tyme and lastely that the reuenues and tributes shoulde be deuided in an order certayne and indifferent By reason of which accorde his father in lawe notwithstanding he was not assured of thobseruation sent him into Flaunders many shippes to furnishe his voyage with the which hauing embarked his wyfe and Ferdinand his seconde sonne he tooke his course into Spayne with forwarde windes whiche within two dayes turning cleane contrarie after his nauie had runne a daungerous fortune and made a wearie resistaunce agaynst the furie of the sea his shippes were caste vpon sundrie coastes of Englande and Brittaine his owne person with two or three shippes beeing dryuen with manyfest perill vppon Englande into the hauen of Southhampton whereof Henry the seuenth then king of that Nation beeing aduertised sent to him with speede many Barons to doo him honour and desire him to come to his Court then at London A request whiche Philip coulde not denie the king of Englands demaunde beeing no lesse honorable then his owne estate full of necessitie and nakednesse He remayned in the Court of Englande vntill all his Nauie was reassembled and eftsoones rigged making in the meane whyle betweene them newe capitulations wherein albeit Philippe in all other things helde him selfe vsed as a king yet in this one thing he complayned that he was constrayned as a prysoner to consent to redelyuer into king Henries handes the duke of Suffolke whome he helde prisoner within the castell of Namur and whome the king of Englande desyred muche to haue in his power for that he quarreled the tytle of the Crowne pretending the righte of the kingdome to apperteine to him onely the king of Englande assured Philip by the fayth and worde of a king that he woulde not put him to death which he did as iustly perfourme as he had honorably promised keeping him in prison so long as he lyued and afterwardes was beheaded vnder the reigne and cōmaundement of his sonne King Philip sayled afterwardes with a more happie nauigation into Spayne where almost all the Barons flocked to him bringing in their countenaunces apparaunt signes of gratulation and gladnes of his comming and in their mindes assured resolution to aduaunce him In so muche as his father in lawe who was not strong ynough of him selfe to resist him and lesse confidence that in the Frenche promises was any suretie of foundation seeing him selfe almost abandoned of euery one and the articles of the firste accorde disallowed and finding withall a very harde and paynefull accesse to his sonne in lawe was constrayned to agree to new conditions such as were offred to him nothing respecting the former ▪ wherein notwithstanding they proceeded not rigorously for the good nature of Phillip but muche more for the perswasions of those which had shewed themselues great enemies to Ferdinand for that beeing in continuall doubt that by his wisdome and authoritie together with the facilitie of Philips disposition he would not get better fauour in the end winne gouernment with his sonne they solicited as much as they could his departing out of Castillo It was accorded that Ferdinand should giue ouer the gouernment which his wife had left to him by testamēt together with al that he could pretend in that right that he should spedely depart out of Castillo with promise to returne no more That Ferdinand shoulde possesse the kingdome of Naples as his owne notwithstanding there were that alleaged that it apperteined to Philip for that it was conquered with the armes and power of the kingdome of Castillo which was the same reason happly more iust by the which Ferdinand was wont to pretende the sayde realme to apperteine to him as being wonne by the treasures and forces of the state of Aragon The tributes of the yles of India were reserued to him during his life together with the three great mastershippes of S. Iames Alcantara and Calatraua It was also agreed that he should take euery yere xxv thousand duckets of the reuenues of the Realme of Castillo Assone as this contract was resolued and passed to publication Ferdinand whom hereafter we will call eyther the king Catholike or the king of Aragon went foorthwith into Aragon with intention to passe by sea to Naples with all the diligence he might not so muche for the desire he had to see that kingdome and to reestablish it as to remoue the great Capteine agaynst whom since the death of the Queene he had conceyued many suspitions eyther that he aspired to transferre to him selfe the kingdome or at
least that he had inclinations to giue it rather to Philip then to him So ielouse is the condition of imperie and dignitie that agaynst those for the most part is most possibilitie of suspition whose vertue hath best deserued in confidence and fidelitie But by so muche lesse had the king of Aragon occasion to reappose in him by howmuche more he had founde him alwayes intractable to leaue Naples from whence as he had often sommoned him in vayne to returne into Spayne whiche he excused and delayed alleaging many impediments so he feared that if he went not thither in person he should not easily remoue him from the gouernment notwithstanding since the last contract king Philip had charged him to transferre wholly hereafter all his obedience to the king of Aragon In this time the French king beginning to ryse somewhat into health was trauelled with many diuers and contrarie thoughts for both he was discontented with the Venetians disdayning them since the times of the warre of Naples for the desire he had to recouer that whiche was of thauncient appurtenances of the duchie of Millan and for an opinion that through diuerse accidentes their power and greatnes might sometimes hurt him which among other respects had induced him to make confederation with the king of Romaines and Philip his sonne And on the other part the discending of the king of Romains into Italie was nothing agreable to him knowing that he prepared to furnishe his iourney with very strong forces A matter which he feared more then afore for the power which he might put to king Philip successour to suche a greatnes specially beeing in doubt that whilest he was in Englande he did not contract with the king there certayne newe and straite allyaunces And for that also one of the principall occasions for the which he had entred confederation with them was ceassed and cut off by the peace made with the king Catholike by reason of the which he had dissolued left there all his thoughts and impressions touching the kingdome of Naples But whilest he stoode wauering in this varietie and incertentie of minde thembassadours of themperour Maximilian came to signifie to him their maisters deliberation to passe into Italie and to sommon him to giue order for the fiue hundred launces which he had promised to furnishe in his fauour and to performe the residue of his worde touching the restoring of the banished men from the state of Millan and to put him in remembrance lastly to aduaunce payment of the money which should be due to him within fewe monethes To these demaundes albeit the French king had no great will to condisscende yet he made semblant of the contrarie neuerthelesse onely for the regarde of suche as for that time required but wordes expressing howe muche he desired that tharticles of accorde should be executed offering for his parte in due season a readie accomplishment of all thinges he was bounde vnto onely he refused with many excuses to aduaunce the money On the other parte themperour reapposing also as little in the will of the French king as he did in his and desiring vehemently to passe to Rome chiefly to take the crowne imperiall and to choose afterwards his sonne king of Romains studied in the same time by what other meanes he might atchieue theffect of his expectations Therefore both he solicited the Svvyzzers to knit with him who after wany councels and disputes among them selues determined to obserue thalliance which yet remayned two yeres with the French king And also he demaunded passage of the Venetians through their lands who beeing loath for their own particular to graunt him passage with an armie so mightie the offers also of the French king inciting thē to ioyne with him to let his passage tooke courage to aunswere him in tearmes generall and the French king showing himselfe openly estraunged from the confederation made with him and with Phillip gaue in mariage the Lady Clauda his daughter to Frauncis Lorde of Angulesme to whom belonged the succession of the Crowne after his death without issue male he made as though he had bene drawen to that action by the importunities of his subiects hauing aforehande ordeined for that effect that all the courts of Parliament and principall townes of his kingdome should sende Embassadours to beseeche him as in a matter most profitable to the Realme since the hope to haue issue male diminished in him dayly more and more This he signified with speede to king Phillip by expresse Embassadours excusing him selfe that he had no power to resist so great a desire of his whole realme and communitie of his subiects Besides these he had sent bandes of men to the succours of the duke of Gueldres to turne Maximilian from passing into Italie who of him selfe had left and giuen ouer those cogitations for that vnderstanding that Launcelet king of Hungarie was very sicke he drewe neare the confines of that kingdome according to an auncient desire of his father to make him selfe king for the right which he pretended to it for Launcelet otherwise called Ladislao king of Hungaria and of Boeme sonne of Albert which was brother to themperour Federik dying many yeres before without sonnes the peoples of Hungaria who pretended that their king dying without heire masculine the succession of the next in bloud could haue no place had chosen for their king hauing regarde to the merites and vertues of his father Mathyas he who afterwardes to the great reputation and glorie of so little a kingdome vexed oftentimes the mightie empire of the Turkes He to auoyde in the beginning of his reigne warre with Federike agreed with him to take no wife to th end that after his death the kingdome might diuolue to Federike or to his children which albeit he did not obserue yet he died without issue and for all that Federike had not thaccomplishment of his desire for that Thungarians chose of newe for their king Launcelet king of Polonia by occasion whereof newe warres being eftsones raysed agaynst them by Federike and Maximilian they agreed at last the Barons of the kingdome taking a solemne othe that whensoeuer Launcelet should dye without issue they shoulde receiue Maximilian for their king In so much as he then aspiring to this succession after he was aduertised of thinfirmitie of Launcelet he drewe neare to the borders of Hungaria leauing behinde him for that time all his thoughts for Italie But whylest those things were debated betweene the Princes of beyonde the Mountes with so great diuersitie the Pope knowing that without the aydes of the French king he could not molest the Venetians and hauing lesse patience that the yeres of his Pontificacie should so passe away and consume without profite or honour prayed the French king to helpe him to recouer to the obedience of the Church the cities of Bolognia and Perousa which belonging of antiquitie to the Sea Apostolike were nowe tirannised the one by Iohn Paule Baillon
of Millan eight thousand duckets with ten thousand to be distributed in liberalities amongst his regiment and he cōfirmed vnder Bul subsigned the promise he had made before to create Cardinal his brother the bishop of Alby And yet turning all his wittes studies how he might annoy the Venetians to leaue quicker motions in the French king Cardinal Amboise to ayde him he would not at that time publish Cardinalls the bishops of Achx Bayeux according to the solicitatiōs that were made writts which were already subscribed About this tyme the king of Aragon passed by sea into Italie and embarking at Barcelonia there came to him a gentleman from the great Capteine who offred him selfe prepared to receyue the king and giue him all obedience To whome in recompence of his fidelitie and merites the king ratified not onely donation of the duchie of Saint Ange which king Federik had giuen him but also al his other profites which he possessed in the kingdome of Naples amounting to twentie thousand duckets in yerely reuenue together with the office of great Constable of the kingdome and promise to be great maister of Saint Iames both subsigned vnder the kings owne hande The king embarking at Barcelonia with no lesse contentment of the present then better hope hereafter was honorably receiued with his wife in all the ports of Prouence according to the French kings commandements and with the same oblation and reuerence was welcomed into the hauen of Genes where he was expected by the great Capteine who was gone thither to mete him not without thadmiration of many for that not onely the popular sort but euen the Pope him selfe nourished an opinion that aswell for his disobedience past as for the present suspitions whiche the king had in him he would passe into Spayne fearing to stande in the presence of the king The king of Aragon departing from Genes remeined many dayes at Portofino both for that the winde was contrarie and also he helde it not conuenient to be farre from the shore with his light galleis Whilest he soiorned at Portofino he was aduertised that king Phillip his sonne in lawe young in yeeres and well disposed in body had chaunged this life for a better within the towne of Burgos his infirmitie was a feuer raging with violent motions but of very fewe dayes continuance hapning in the very ripenes and full reputation of his age and in a season wherin he was lifted to his greatest felicitie as oftentimes is wonderfully expressed in the variation of fortune neuerthelesse the king in whom it was beleeued that for the desire he had to recontinue in the gouernment of Castille would eftsones turne sayle to Barcelonia kept on his first way and entred the port of Caietta the same day that the Pope marching to Bolognia made his entire into Ymola from whence he was conueyed to Naples and receyued into that Citie which was wont to reioyce in kings of Aragon with no lesse magnificence maiestie and honor of the Nobles then vniuersall desire and expectation of the communaltie for an opinion they had that vnder a king so glorious for the many victories he had obteyned aswell against thinfidels as the Christians and no lesse reuerenced for his high wisdome and temperature of spirite ioyned to the generall teapporte of his singular iustice by the which he had guyded his Realmes in tranquilitie he would also restore and releeue the kingdome of Naples of so many afflictions and oppressions and reduce it into an estate peasible and happie with restitution of the pottes which the Venetians helde there to the great displeasure of the whole kingdome There came to him to Naples from all partes of Italie many Embassadors not onely to congratulate and honor so great a prince but also for many practises occasions euery one beeing persuaded that with his authoritie and wisdome he would readdresse things and giuing a new forme to affayres he would be the eauen ballance and counterpeise for many matters for that both the Pope who helde himselfe yll contented with him for that he had hot honored him with legation and embassadors according to the custome studied to kindle him agaynst the Venetians thinking that for the desire to recouer the portes of Povvylla he had reason to wishe their declination and embasing And the Venetians of the contrarie solicited for many good respects to be recontinued in his amitie And also the Florentins with the other peoples of Tuskane negociated with him diuersly for the regarde of Pisa which this yere was lesse molested then others with the incursions of the Florentins not hindring their haruest either for that they were weerie of the charges or els that thexperience of the yere passed made them esteme it a thing vayne and without fruite knowing that the states of Genes and Lucques had agreed together to support that citie for one yere with a determinate and certaine charge whervnto P. Petrucci had prepared them before offring like portion of contribution on the behalfe of the Siennois notwithstanding on the other side beeing a man dissembled in all his intentions he obteined of the Florentins by disclosing thestate of the negociation and to th end to seperate himselfe from the rest that the truce which yet continued betwene the Florentins and Siennois should haue prolongation for three yeres with an expresse couenant that it should not be lawfull to the Siennois nor to Pandolffe to minister any ayde to the Pisans with whiche excuse forbearing to leauie any expenses for them he refused not to fauour them with all the counsels and actions he could in all other sortes About this yeere there hapned a newe and straunge accident of the tragedie whiche had beene begonne before Ferrara for Ferdinand brother to Duke Alphonso and Iulio whose eyes the Cardinall had violently caused to bee pluckte out but by the readie helpe of Phisitions were restored without losse of hys sight conspired together wyth the saide Iulio the death of the Duke Ferdinand who was nexte in succession after the Duke was moued to thys conspiracie by an aspyring desire to occupie that state the humour of dominion and rule carying him into dispositions of bloud contrary to honor nature humanitie And Iulio embraced the treason with so muche the more affection by howmuche he iudged that Alphonso had not ministred sufficient iustice to the wrong that was done him being withall out of hope to be able otherwise to wreake his reuenge vppon the Cardinall To these counsels they called as a partie the Counte Albertin Boschet a gentleman of Modona with whom albeit they had wonne and corrupted certeine felowes of base cōdition gouerning much the person of Alphonso for that they were his fauorits in matters of sport and delight and had many times sundrie oportunities to kill him yet being withholden by a certaine fatall timerousnes they let passe alwaies thoportunitie In so much as so it hapneth for the moste parte
when th execution of conspiracies is deferred the treason being detected Ferdinand with the other conspirators were imprisoned and Iulio who was fled to his sister at Mantua was by the direction of the Marquis sent prisoner to Alphonso being assured by his promise and fidelitie that he should not be touched with death But a little after the Counte Albertin being condemned iudicially was quartered with the others that were founde guiltie and the two brethren passed ouer to perpetuall prison in the newe castell of Ferrara In this place of the historie it is not inconuenient to touch somewhat of thaudacitie and industrie of duke Valentynois who being subtelly slyded downe by a corde out of the Rocke of Medina de Campo fledde into the kingdome of Nauarre to king Iohn brother to his wife where to th ende thistorie cease to speake any more of him after he had remeined certaine yeres in base condition the French king confisking both the duchie of Valence the pension of twenty thousand franks which he gaue him in supply of reuenue also would not suffer him to go into Fraunce bicause he would do nothing that might discontent the king of Aragon he was at last slayne by the conspiracie of an ambush commaunding ouer the men of warre of the king of Nauarre in the campe at Viano a litle place in the sayde realme Vpon the ende of this yere for that the yere folowing should not begin without matter of new warres the Genovvaies rebelled against the French king hauing no other incitation then of them selues the matter taking his fundation not of any desire to rebel but rather of the ciuil discords which caried men further then their former counsels and deliberations rebellion being of a condition to encrease in occasions as the fire is redoubled in heat by the fresh matter which it embraseth The citie of Genes a citie seated in a place most apt to cōmaund the sea if so great an oportunitie were not hindred by the pestiferous poison of ciuil dissentions is not as many other great townes in Italie subiect to one particular diuision but is deuided into many partyes and factions both for the relikes of the ancient quarrels betwene the Guelffes and Gibelins yet remeining there and also for the sedes of dissention stil growing betwene the gentlemen and populars by the which the whole nation of Italie hath bene much afflicted but specially many cities in Tuskane haue bene brought to extreme ruine for the communaltie not hable to beare the pride of the Nobles bridled much their authoritie power by many rigorous lawes and amōgst others suffring them to cōmunicate with al other offices and honors they excluded them particularly from the dignitie of Dukedome a supreme estate whiche was giuen for life to any other that was chosen notwithstanding by thinconstancie of that citie fewe or none were suffred to continue in that place tyll they dyed the seate of dominion beeing alwayes ielouse but moste casuall where it diuolueth by election which by his proper ambition nourisheth for the most parte a secrete subiection to alteration and fall No lesse great is the diuision betweene the families of the Adorni and Fregosi who from base condition and popular houses being risen to the dignitie of Capellaci so do the Genovvaies call suche as are aspired to any great potentacie contende together for the dignitie of duke which for many yeres hath continued for the most part in one of those two families for the gentlemen of the Guelffs and Gibelins not able to ascende to the place for the impediment of the lawes sought to make it fall to such of the populars as were of their faction And as the Gibelins fauoring the Adornes and the Guelffes the house of Fregosa tyme hath made those two families more noble and mightie then those of whome afore they folowed their name and authoritie So neuerthelesse all those diuisions are so confounded that oftentimes they that be of one part agaynst the partie opposite are in them selues deuided into diuers partes and of the contrarie conioyned in one with those that followe an other faction This yere began to kindle betweene the gentlemen and commons a debate which breeding at the first vpon the insolencies of certayne of the Nobles and working by litle and litle the most part of the mindes of both the one and other side ill disposed it chaunged qualitie ere it were long and of priuate contentions conuerted it selfe into the nature and habite of publike discordes easie ynough to kindle in cities so abounding in riches as did Genes at that time These quarels roase encreasing so farre that the people possessed with surie drewe into tumult and made violent slaughter of one of the families of Oria with certaine other gentlemen wherein offering all things to spoyle and ruine they obteined in that mutinie more by force then free will of the Citie that the day after it might be ordeined in the publike councels wherein were assistant very fewe of the Nobles that of those offices whiche afore were diuided equally betweene the Nobles and commons there might be hereafter distribution made of two partes to the people and one onely reserued to the Nobles to which deliberation Roccaber guyding the citie in the absence of Phillip Rauastin then gouernour for the king consented for feare of greater perils neuerthelesse the populars not beeing quieted for all this but ouercaried with their mutinous humors stirred vp within fewe dayes after a newe tumult and put the noblemens houses to sacke an outrage that compelled most part of the Gentlemen to abandon the citie finding no estate of suretie in their naturall regions These mutations being eftsones signified to the gouernour caused him to returne with speede out of Fraunce to Genes with a strength of an hundred and fiftie horse and seuen hundred footemen But neither with his authoritie his perswasions his presence nor with his forces coulde he reduce things to a better estate so irregulate is a communaltie or multitude once drawen into mutinie and their barbarous furie inuincible agaynst all reason order or good prescription No oftentimes he was compelled to apply him selfe to the will of the people making his authoritie rather to be plausible to the multitude then to punish their mutinies he passed ouer things with sufferance and obeyed the necessitie of the time commaunding to retyre and returne certayne other trowpes that were appoynted to come after him out of Fraunce These beginnings gaue courage to the Commons to become more insolent and as it hapneth often in Cities declined to sedition the gouernment contrarie to the will of many of the best sort of the Commons fell almoste absolutely into the power of the dregges of the people who in their furie created to them selues a newe magistracie or office of eyght men of the populars with a great authoritie And they the rather to keepe the whole incensed by the dignitie of their name were called
other worldes had made their auncestors terrible to all estates and principallities of men by the meane of whose vertue both there was diuolued in general to the nation of Germains a liberal glorie with the dignitie imperiall in part particular many noble personages had aspired to much greatnes and dominion many of the best houses in Italie hauing by long prescription raigned in estates gotten by their valor These things were begon to be debated with so great forwardnes and inclination that it is manyfest no dyot to haue assembled of long time wherein was exspectation of so great euentes the multitudes perswading them selues vniuersally that besides the strength of all the other reasons the Electors with the residue of the Princes expressed a more quicke readines to thenterprise for a hope they had that for the minoritie of the children of king Phillip the Imperiall dignitie which had successiuely continued in Albert Federike and Maximilian all three of the house of Austriche woulde at last be passed into an other familie By these resolutions and agreementes the Frenche king was induced to dissolue his armie immediatly after the action of Genes both to take away thoccasion of so great a suspition and to leaue euery partie satisfied of thintegritie of his intention yea his owne person had eftsones repassed ouer the Mountes had it not bene for a desire he had to speake with the king of Aragon who prepared to returne into Spaine altogether disposed to resume the gouernment of Castille for that Iane his daughter was vnhable to so great an administration not so muche for the imbecillitie of her sex as for that by a superabundance of melancolie growen since the death of her husbande she was become somewhat estranged from her vnderstanding and also for the minoritie of the children common betwene king Phillip and her wherof the eldest had not yet attayned ten yeres Besides he was pushed forwarde by the desires of many whiche called him to that gouernment by a remembraunce that they had bene iustly gouerned and that those kingdomes had florished vnder him by a long continuaunce of peace the diuisions already begon amongs the great Barons together with the manifest signes of troubles to come muche encreasing this desire But his comming was no lesse desired of his daughter who wandring in minde in all other actions was neuerthelesse constant in this that she desired the returne of her father refusing obstinately agaynst the perswasions and importunities of many to subscribe with her owne hande to any expedition without whiche subscription according to the custome of those realmes the affayres occurrant had not their perfection For these reasons the king of Aragon departed from Naples where he remeyned but seuen monthes leauing vnsatisfied the great expectation that was had on him not so muche for the shortnes of tyme whiche ronnes in a voluble motion without respect nor for that it is harde to answere the conceptions of men which for the most part are inconsiderate and not measured with due proportions â–ª as for the many difficulties impediments that opposed against him by reason wherof he did nothing deseruing memorie for thuniuersall benefit of Italie nor any thing worthy of monument for the particuler profit of the kingdome of Naples for suche was his desire to returne eftsones to the gouernment of Castillo the principall piller of his greatnes that he reserued no oportunitie to thinke of the affayres of Italie onely he turned all his studies to deuise to keepe himselfe in amitie with the king of Romains and the French king to th ende the one vnder cooller to be grandfather to the little children of the dead king and the other with thopportunitie of his power giuing corage to who woulde oppose agaynst him shoulde giue no impediments to his returne And the obligation wherein he was bounde by the treatie of peace made with the Frenche king to restore the estates that had bene taken from the Barons of Aniovv and distributed eyther by couenant or by recompence to suche as had followed his faction hindred him to redresse and gratifie the kingdome of Naples for seeking not to estraunge from him the mindes of his good seruauntes he was constrayned to recompence those of Aniovve either with estates of equall reuenue whiche he must buy of others or with readie money wherevnto his Courtes of faculties and treasures woulde not suffice in which respects he was compelled not onely to raise improuementes vppon his reuenues and to refuse according to the custome of newe kings to distribute grace and exemptions and exercise any sorte of liberalitie but also with the incredible complaynt of euery one to taxe his peoples who expected to be discharged of their intollerable burdens the complaintes made by the Barons of both the one and other parte were nothing inferiour for that to such as were possessed besides that they resigned their estates with yll will necessitie made their recompences short and limitted and touching others there was restrayned as muche as was possible the benefite of restitution in all things wherein hapned any difference for that howe muche lesse was restored to those by so muche lesse was the recompence of others The great Capteine departed with him leauing behinde him a good will incredible and a renowne nothing inferiour of whom besides his merites prayses in other times his present liberalities then were most notorious promising and disposing giftes of great vallour for the which he solde a great part of his owne estates caring lesse to make him selfe poore then to fayle in suche an action of honor But the king of Naples departed very yll contented with the Pope for that demaunding thinuestiture of the kingdome the pope refused to giue it him but with those taxations and tributes wherewith it had bene giuen afore times to the former kings he made instance that there might be made to hym the same diminution which had bene made to Ferdinand his cousin and to his sonnes and nephewes demaunding thinuestiture of the whole realme in his owne name as successor of tholde Alfonso in which forme whilest he was at Naples he had receyued othe and homage notwithstanding in the capitulations of peace made with the French king it was disposed that touching the lande of Lauora and Abruzza the name of the Queene should be ioyntly acknowledged It was thought that the refusall which the Pope made of the inuestiture was the cause that Ferdinand woulde not speake with the Pope who remeyning at the same time in the rocke of Ostia it was sayde he taryed there to expect his passage But how soeuer the truth was the king of Aragon tooke his course to Sauona where it was agreed that he should haue enterview and speache with the Frenche king who staying for that cause in Italie was come thither from Millan assone as he vnderstoode he had taken passage from Naples In this enterview and conference the demonstrations on all sides were manifest free and full of
confidence and suche for the libertie thereof as in no memorie had bene sene in any meeting or communication of like princes for that other potentates betwene whom were either priuate enuies or auncient quarrels were wont to meete with such order that the one was not in the power of the other where this suffred neither restraint of cōpanies nor exceptiō of place for when the ships of the king of Aragon were within the hauen of Sauoua the French king being in their seeming discended vpon the wal of the hauen passed by abridge of wood made for the nonce vpō the poope in the galley of the king of Aragon with a very small trayne of Gentlemen and without any gard at all where being receyued with a ioy agreable to the honor that was in him and with a common gladnes of the king and Queene his neece spending some time there in deuises of mirth and curtesie they went out of the galley by the same bridge and made their entrie on foote into the citie hauing muche to doo to passe through the presse of so many multitudes of men and women as were drawen thither from the townes thereaboutes The Queene went accompanied with her husbande on the right hande and her vncle on the left being preciously attyred in stones of pryce and other sumptuous aray The Cardinall of Amboyse and the great Capteine marched after the two kings After them folowed the yong Ladies and gentlemen of the Queenes court all set forth with glorious showes And before and behinde were the courtes of the two kinges appoynted in an incredible pompe of riche and gorgeous ornamentes With these companies the king and Queene of Aragon were conueyed by the French king to the Castell which was appoynted for their lodging hauing his prospect vpon the sea that part or halfe of the towne which apperteyneth to it was appoynted for their trayne And the French king was lodged in the byshops houses right agaynst the Castell A spectacle truely worthy of memorie to see together two of the moste mightiest kings in Christendome not long afore cruel enemies and now not onely reconciled and conioyned by parentage but also setting aparte all signes of hatred and memories of offences paste did euery one commit to the arbitriment of the other his proper life with no lesse assurance and confidence then if they had ben lineall brethren A maner of behauiour which gaue occasion to such as were present to dispute whether of the two kings had shewed the greater confidence Many referred muche to the fidelitie of the Frenche king who was the first that put him selfe in the power of the other hauing no other assuraunce then the bonde of fayth And to the other was transferred a greater occasion of shame for that fayth was kept to him first and it was a suspition more likely that Ferdinand desired to be assured of him the better to establishe him selfe in the kingdome of Naples But the most sorte gaue greater reputation to the confidence of Ferdinand who exceeding thexample of the French king put him selfe in his power not for a moment or fewe howres but for many dayes and long tyme And hauing dispoyled him of so great a kingdome with so many harmes and domages to his peoples and so late a slaunder of his name he had to feare that the Frenche kings hatred was no lesse mortall then his desire of reuenge iuste besides it was also to be doubted in whom was greater the profite of the disloyaltie for to make the French king prisoner Ferdinand could reape no great commoditie by it since the estate of Fraunce is managed vnder suche a policie of lawes and customes that to kepe the king restrained could not muche diminishe the forces and authoritie of the kingdome But there hanged other perils vpon the person of Ferdinand for that if he had bin made prisoner it was not to be doubted that both for the minoritie of his heires that then were very yong and the realme of Naples being to him a newe kingdome and also for that his other states and singulerly the realme of Castillo were through many accidents disordred amongst them selues the French king should not haue receiued of long time any impediment by the power and armes of Spayne In this enterviewe and honorable spectacle of great Princes the consideration of the great Capteine ministred not the least occasions to debate and common vpon vpon him were occupied the thoughtes and eyes of euery one no lesse for the renowne of his naturall valour then for the memorie of his many victories Considerations which so entised the mindes and affections of the French men that notwithstanding they had bene so often vanquished by him were wont to holde his name in common hatred yet his very aspect and presence confirming the opinion and image of his vertue tooke an other habite in the mindes of the Frenche for that they coulde not be satisfied to beholde and honor him making discourse to suche as had not yet bene in the kingdome of Naples sometimes with what incredible celeritie and shifte of warre he inuaded in Calabria the Barons encamped at Laine sometimes with what patience and resolution of mynde he endured so many difficulties and aduersities when in the middest of pestilence and hunger he was besieged in Barletto sometymes with what diligence and efficacie he kept reteyned the mindes of men and amid a penurie and want of money enterteined long tyme his souldiours without pay with what singuler valor he managed the battell at Sirignolo and with what greatnes of courage with what industrie of a souldier and with what vnexperienced stratagemes amid so many difficulties with an armie vnpayed and farre inferior in forces he kept his ground and obteyned the victorie vpon the ryuer of Garillon And lastly howe vigilant he had bene alwayes to embrace oportunities and make his profite vpon the disorders of his enemies But that which drewe men into most wonder admiration of him was the excellent maiestie of his presence the stately representation of his words and gestures full of grauitie affabilitie and mildnes equall to those effects and actions which had always flowed from his right worthy and excellent vertues aboue all the rest the French king who desired that he might suppe at the same table with Ferdinand the Queene and him and by commaundement was placed neare to Ferdinand was as it were rauished with contemplation and deuising with him finding in the action of his countenance and speach a confirmation of those singularities and merites which he had afore expressed in so many worthy examples of his naturall valour and vertue In so muche that in the iudgement of euery one that day was no lesse glorious to the great Capteine then when he entred with his victorious armie into the citie of Naples honored with all those ceremonies of triumph which are wont to be exercised vpon conquerers But as tyme norisheth a lawe of dissolution and forgetfulnes
of things worldly and transitorie so those were the latest triumphant dayes of the great Capteine for that departing no more out of the kingdome of Spayne he had afterwards no meane to exercise his vertue neither in warre nor in things memorable for peace The two kings had conuersation together for the space of two dayes wherein were holden betwene them many discourses both long and secrete and Cardinall de S. Prassida the Popes Legate not admitted to that conference nor honored but generally but by that that might be comprehended by generall coniecture and also by the manyfestation of things afterwards they passed a reciprocall promise the one to the other to enterteine together a ioynt and perpetuall amitie and intelligence and that Ferdinand should labor to reconcile Maximilian and the French king to th ende that being all reunited they might declare and protest quarrell agaynst the Venetians wherin to expresse that they were no lesse carefull for things cōmon then for such as concerned them selues in proper and particuler they published an intention to reforme the estate of the Church and to that ende to call a Councell Neuertheles Ferdinand proceeded not with sinceritie but seeking to nourishe in that hope the Cardinall of Amboyse who thirsted muche to be Pope he lulled him so muche by that abusing meane that with no litle domage to thaffaires of his king he perceyued too late and that by many signes and demonstrations what difference were betwene the words and works of that Prince and what suttleties and euasions were in his counsels They communed together touching the cause of the Pisans wherein the Florentins had enterteined negociation both with the one and other of them during the whole yere for when the Frenche king prepared his armie agaynst the Genovvaies beeing discontented that the Pisans bare fauor to the rebellions of that people and foresecing how muche it would be for the commoditie of his affaires to haue the Florentins to recouer that Citie he gaue them hope that assone as he had repressed the mutinies of Genes he would conuert his armie to the deuotion of their seruice expressing in that promise as also appeared in the generall inclination of the Court that the auncient good will which had bene aforetime borne to the Pisans was for this occasion turned into hate But as euen the counsels of princes haue their variations imperfections so in their promises oftentimes is found litle certentie bearing more regarde to the trayne and euent of tymes then to accomplishe the wordes they speake for the Frenche king hauing performed his enterprise vpon the Genovvaies chaunged his determination with the Florentins both for the same reasons whiche made him dismisse his armie and also for that he would not offende the minde of the king of Aragon who assured him that he would so dispose the Pisans that they should willingly returne to thobedience of the Florentins from whom the Frenche king hoped by that meane to drawe no small quantitie of money To this the king of Aragon disposed him selfe but for many sundry occasions and albeit it had bene more agreable to him that the Florentins should not recouer Pisa yet knowing that it coulde not be long kept without great expences and difficulties and fearing withall least they should obteine it by the Frenche kings working he hoped when he was at Naples to haue bene able to induce the Pisans by his authoritie to returne vnder honest conditions to the obedience of the Florentins who promised so farreforth as the action were accomplished to confederat with him and to giue him within a certaine time an hundred thousande duckets but not finding in the Pisans that conformitie and deuotion whiche he expected to let that the gratification and recompence should not remeine onely to the Frenche king he then protested openly to the Florentin Embassadors that if they should attempt in any sort to reconquer Pisa without his ayde he would manifestly obiect his power agaynst them And the French king to turne him from those thoughtes which he had to manage that enterprise by armes he enterteined cunningly with deuises full of varieties sometimes perswading that he hoped to drawe them in the ende to some composition and sometimes he iustified that the Pisans were vnder his protection A matter no lesse false and contrarie then his deuises were vayne and fabulous for albeit the Pisans had made many solicitations to him with offers to indue him with the absolute iurisdiction of their towne yet enterteyning their requests with hopes keping his intentions dissembled he alwayes forbare to accept them knowing what it was to take vpon him the protection of a warre populer and confused But this matter being more particulerly debated in Sauona they cōcluded that it were good necessarie the Pisans should returne vnder the iurisdiction of the Florentins so farforth as either of thē might tast of the profit the same being the cause that the Florentins fearing to stirre to much the minde of the king of Aragon forbare to giue the spoyle that yere to the haruest of the Pisans an action wherein they had reapposed a great hope for that what by the want of vittels and weaknes of forces in the towne the Florentin souldiours ouerranne the whole coūtrey euen to their gates And the peoples of the maine countrey more mightie in numbers within the towne then the proper Citizens greeuing muche to loase the fruite of their trauell for the whole yere began to abate muche of their accustomed obstinacie Besides their generall cause was no more succored by their neighbours as before for that the Genovvaies ouergreeued with so many calamities had no more the same thoughtes Pandolffe Petrucci made wearie betweene importunitie and suspition founde also the charges intollerable and they of Lucquois albeit they ministred secretly to their wantes yet their habilitie was no more sufficient to beare out so great a burden being for the present no lesse heauie and intollerable then in expectation ielouse and full of perill The two kinges departed from Sauona the fourth day with the same demonstrations of concorde and amitie the one tooke his course by sea to Barcelonia and the other returned by lande into Fraunce leauing the other affaires of Italie in the same degree but with a greater discontentment of the Pope who taking of newe his occasion vpon the stirre made by Annyball Bentyuole had made instance by Cardinal de S. Prassida to the king at Sauona to deliuer vp to him as prisoners Iohn Bentyuolo and Alexander his sonne whom he kept reteyned in the duchie of Millan he alleaged that since they had broken the contract made in Bolognia by thinterposing of Monsr de Chaumont the king was at libertie and no further bounde to keepe his fayth offring withall that if his maiestie would satisfie his desire he would sende the Cardinall cappe to the Bishop of Alby The king aunswered that albeit he coulde discerne in them no sufficient apparance of fault
office of discretion and wisdome as to consider the naturall humors of the Frenche light wandring and oftentimes accustomed to proceede more with furie and rashnes then with counsell or foresight We must consider that the natures and inclinations of great Princes are not like to ours neither so moderate in their affections nor so easie to resist their appetites as men priuate for that by howmuche more they are accustomed to be honored in their kingdomes absolutely obeyed by so muche more are they made not onely imperious and insolent but also raysing their will aboue reason or lawe they can not endure not to obteine that which they holde for iust and that seemes iust to them whiche they desire beeing perswaded that they haue power to make plaine with a word both hilles and mountayns to remoue all impedimentes and to surmount the nature of things yea they holde it a shame to restrayne their inclinations for any difficulties and measuring commonly great things with the same rules wherewith they are wont to proceede in actions more inferior their councels haue lesse communitie with discretion and reason then with will and arrogancie vices whiche aboue all other Princes haue most societie and participation with the French nation the same being confirmed with the late example of the kingdome of Naples where the Frenche king induced by ambicion and indiscretion consented that the moytie of the kingdome shoulde diuolue to the Spaniard not seeing how muche he weakned his power afore absolute and supreme amongst all the Italians to bring into Italie another king equall to him selfe in authoritie and nothing inferior in might But why proceede we by coniectures in things whereof we haue a certeintie we are not ignoraunt of that which the Cardinal of Amboyse treated at Trent with Maximilian himselfe touching the diuision of your estate And we know wel ynough that to the same practise they ioyned also a conclusion in the towne of Bloys and the Cardinall going for the same cause into Germanie brought backe the othe and ratification from Caesar And albeit I confesse these practises brought forth no effects in regarde of certaine difficulties that hapned yet who can assure vs that there will not be founde some meane to range or remoue those difficulties which haue bene impedimentes to their common desire since their principall intention remayneth alwayes one These be the reasons that make me conclude what necessitie we haue to consider with diligence the imminent perils the infinite charges and perpetuall infamies which on all sides do offer to darken and deface the auncient reputation and wisdome of this senate if measuring vnaduisedly the condition of the affayres present we suffer that an other put vs in feare and come to inuade vs with those armes which be offred to vs for our suretie augmentation of estate Let vs consider for the benefite of our countrey what is the difference betwene mouing a warre to an other to exspect till an other inuade vs to dispute how to diuide the estate of an other and to temporise tyll the same perill fall vpon vs and to be accompanied agaynst one onely or to remaine alone agaynst many for if these two kings knit and drawe to conspiracie agaynst vs they are sure to be followed with thassistance of the Pope by reason of the townes in Romagnia to haue many commodities from the king of Aragon by reason of the portes of Naples and to finde many friendshippes through all Italie some seeking to recouer and some to be assured Lastly beeing not ignorant howe mightily the French king hath conspired agaynst vs and for so many yeres communicated with Caesar to our preiudice I thinke that if we arme our selues against him that hath sought to surprise and beguyle vs muche lesse that we shall merite imputation or be touched with the cryme of fayth breakers but of the contrarie the worlde will respect vs as fathers to our countrey prouident wise and iust and vpon his head shall be broken the brand of that perill and daunger which euery one knoweth he kindled to haue consumed vs To the contrarie of this opinion Andrea Gritti a personage of great valour and vertue roase vp and reasoned in this sorte If it were conuenient that in one selfe matter the counsels and opinions of men might be referred to voyces doubtfull I confesse my aduise shoulde haue no other reference the present matter drawing on all sides suche varietie of reasons that the nature and consideration of them leades me into confusion But for that there is necessitie of resolution which can not be made vpon foundations and suggestions incertaine it behoueth vs paysing well the reasons that impugne both the one and other to embrace those which drawe nearest to a likenesse and similitude of trueth and carie moste mightie coniectures which when I distinguish and examine I can not finde that the French king neither for suspition to be preuented of vs nor for desire of townes which earst apperteined to the duchie of Millan will agree to bring the king of Romains into Italie agaynst vs for the daungers and harmes whiche such an enterprise draweth with it are farre more manifest and great then the perils that may happen by our vnitie with Caesar or the profites that he may hope for by that resolution seeing besides the other natures of iniuries and hatreds betwene them there is concurrance of dignitie and estates A matter hable to set diuision betwene the best established freends among mortall men In so muche as the Frenche king calling into Italie the king of Romains may be thought to do no other thing then in place of a common weale peasible and remeyning alwayes in good deuotion and friendshippe with him to desire rather the neighborhood of a king ambicious iniurious and nourishing a thousande occasions to quarrell with him aswell by reason of his authoritie and estate as in regarde of disdaine and reuenge Let no man say because the king of Romains is poore disordered and vnfortunate that the French king feares not his neighborhood seeing that for the memorie of the auncient factions and inclinations of Italie which remayne yet kindled in many places and especially in the duchie of Millan an Emperour of Rome can not haue so litle a nest in Italie which will not spread and multiplie to the great preiudice and daunger of others but chiefly on the person of this man hangeth greatest feares and ielousies being a prince of high stomacke of great conduit and experience in warre and to whom may be ioyned thinterest of the children of Lodovvik Sforce a readie meane to stirre vp the mindes of many He may also hope to drawe to him in any action of warre agaynst the French the powers of the king Catholike though for no other respect yet at least for that both their estates are to discende to one heire The Frenche king is not ignoraunt howe mightie is Germanie nor howe easie it is to vnite eyther the
retyred eftsones to their tentes The day after the charge recontinued thartillerie not ceassing to thunder with terrible furie some of them by their incredible hugenesse and vnmeasurable quantitie of powder that was vsed pearced thorow the rampiers reuersed the houses that ioyned nearest the walles A furie which in short time shaked downe to the grounde many places of the wall the bastillion also buylded vppon the gate of All saintes beeing dismantelled and razed without that the defendantes afflicting the campe with continuall volleys of shotte shewed any signe of feare So resolute is the vertue that feightes for honour and libertie The stradiots that in great valour encamped in the suburbes refusing alwayes to retyre into the towne and the light horsemen making continuall incursions in all places skirmished with their enemies sometimes before and sometimes behinde driuing them euen to their tentes sometimes they distressed suche as were gardes to the forraigers and vittellers and sometimes ouerrunning the whole countrey with pray and pyllage they spoyled all the wayes except that which goeth from Padoa to the mount of Aban And yet there was in the campe a wonderfull abundance of vittelles euery house and place beeing plentifullye furnished for that neyther the feare of the paysantes nor the carefull diligence of the Venetians nor the infinite harmes of the souldiours on both sydes coulde not drayne or drye vppe the incredible plentie of that moste fruitefull and fertill countrey At the same tyme also Luke Maluezzo issued out of Padoa with certayne trowpes of horsemen for the conuey of fortie thousand duckets which were sent thither from Venice and albeit in his returne the enemie charged him vpon the tayle yet his vertue brought in the treasure in safetie without any other losse then one of his men at armes By the nynth day thartillerie had executed so well that it seemed there was no further necessitie to shoote and therefore vsing all benefites that the tyme offred the day following the whole army appeared in order of battell to approch the walles but finding that the same night they within the towne had made swell and ryse the water of the ditche whiche affore was abated and falne Caesar gaue order that euery bande shoulde returne to his place holding it neither honorable nor necessarie to commit his souldiours to a daunger so manifest The next day the water eftsones abated and retired when embrasing thopportunitie they gaue an assault but with slender successe to the bastillion which was made vpon the point of the gate of Godalonga wherin themperor disposed to do what he could to force it caused to be turned thither thartilleries that were planted in the quarter of the Frenche encamping betweene the gates of All Saints Codalonga And with those artilleries hauing done great execution of that place he folowed it with an assalt two daies after with the footmen of thAlmains and Spanish accompanied with certaine men at armes on foote who in the furie of the fight ascended the bastillion and set vp there two ensignes But the fortresse of the diche was suche and the vertue of the defendants nothing inferior and so plentifull thinstrumentes of defence not onely concerning artilleries but also of stones and wildfires that they were constrayned to descend by heapes many remayning dead on the place and some falling into the fortune of imprisonment In so much as th armie that stoode in readines to giue thassalt immediatly vpon thaction of the bastillion retired and disarmed without making any other attempt iudging it no stayne to their honor to abandon thenterprise wherin was no hope of their safetie By this experience Maximilian lost wholly all hope of the victorie in which consideration he determined his labor with his fortune breaking vp his campe after he had bestowed his artilleries in places sure he retyred with his armie to the towne of Limini towards Treuisa This was the seuententh day after he was encamped before Padoa and so with many baytes resting places he came at last to Vincensa from whence after he had taken of that people the othe of fidelitie and almoste dismissed his whole armie he drew toward Verona being not a litle discontented that his deliberations had taken no better succes but more touched with perturbation for that they bare blame and slaunder both in his armie and throughout all Italie for that the execution of things were in deede no lesse infamous then the counsels for both for that he had missed of the taking of Treuisa and also that he had lost Padoa no man doubted that it was not his fault and also that his too late arriuing afore Padoa made the action more hard for that in that negligence the Venetians tooke oportunitie and good aduauntage of time to make prouision of souldiours to refurnishe Padoa with vittels and to rayse wonderfull fortifications to resist th execution that was determined And albeit himselfe could not denie that in that propertie of error consisted not the defence of the citie yet cloaking the vice of his owne varietie and proper disorders he laide the fault from himselfe and complayned of the Pope and French king for that the one had suffred the Embassadours of Venice to go to Rome and the other had bene too slowe to sende succours the same giuing occasion to the world to beleue that they were estranged from him and had likewise encoraged the countreymen of the mountaines of Vincensa to draw to rebellion for the subduing of whom after he had consumed many dayes he founde afterwards in regarde of the same occasion the selfe same difficulties in the playne countreys Also the better to open to him selfe a way to reuittell his armie and to assure his prouisions and withall to deliuer his companies from many incommodities he was constrayned to take all the townes of the countrey Herein the slowe marching of the Frenche had not onely muche hurt him but also if they had come in due season and time the reuolt of Padoa had not hapned He complayned also that aswell for these hinderaunces as for that the French and king of Aragon had dismissed their armie at sea the Venetians had the better oportunitie and meane to refurnishe and refortifie Padoa standing deliuered from all other feares Lastly he complayned that those difficulties were acceptable to the king of Aragon as meanes to induce him to consent more easily that thadministration and gouernment of the kingdome of Castillo should be to him But these complayntes did nothing better his fortunes and much lesse recouered his authoritie lost for that he was negligent to vse so rare occasions for it did nothing discontent the Frenche king that the worlde was possessed wyth suche an opinion of him and in the Pope was lesse care or affection for that beeing of his proper inclination suspicious and distrustfull and weighing withall themperours continual necessities and wants of money with his importunities to demaund it he was vnwilling that his name should encrease
of dyets were vncertaine tedious and full of difficulties the ende of one breeding the beginning of an other he sawe withall that the french king excused him selfe daily of the demaundes and enterprises that were tendred to him some times alleaging the sharpnes of the season sometimes requiring assignacion certain of the exspēces which were to be made eftsones protesting that by the traity of Cambray he was not bownd to ayde him alone but ioyntly with the Pope king of Aragon with whom it was reasonable that the proceedings were mutuall and common as the confederacion and bond were ioynt generall for these reasons he entred into resolucion that there was no remedie more readye for his affaires then to induce the french king to embrase thenterprise to take Padoa Vincensa and Treuisa employing his owne forces and taking sufficient recompense This demaund was wel liked by many of the kings councel who considering that till the Venetians were wholly chassed out of the firme lande the Kinge should dwell in continual exspenses and daungers perswaded his Maiestie vpon those reasons to deliuer him selfe of them at one blow and in one action making but one exspensse The Kinges minde was not altogether estraunged from this councell being caried happly with the same reasons and therefore albeit he inclined to passe in person into Italy with a mighty armie which he called mighty and puissant as often as he had in the same more then a thowsand six hundred launces with his gentlemen pensioners yet harkening to other councels by the cōsideracion of other reasons he stood suspended in mind expressing a confusion more then he was wont for that the Cardinal Amboise A man of great authoritie and stomacke afflicted with a long greeuous maladie forbare to manage his affaires which were wont to be dispatched wholy by his direction The king besides that of his natural disposicion he loued not much matters of exspenses was reteined also by a desire he had to Verona for thaccomplishing wherof it seemed to him a good meane to haue the king of Romains intangled with continual warres for which regard he had newly lent to him eighteene thowsand duckats to pay the launceknightes that lay in garrison in the citie and was bound to make it vp a further summe of fifty thowsand with cōdicion that he should not onely hold the Citadell for his securitie and pawne but also the old castel should be set ouer to him together with the next gate of the towne the better to haue free entrey and yssue And lastly for want of restoring the money within one yeare the towne of Valeggo should remeine to him in perpetuall gouernment with power to fortefie aswell the towne as the Citadell at the charges of Caesar These consideracions drewe the Kinges minde into no small perplexities but muche more was he troubled with feare least the Popes intencions would wholly varie and alter if he should either leade or sende into Italy a newe armie for the Pope no lesse full of suspicion then also ill contented that he should impatronise vpon Verona besides that he still kept a will enterteyned to absolute the Venetians did also all that he could to ioyne him selfe with the Svvyzzers for confirmacion of which disposicion he had sent backe agayne into that contrey the Bishop of Syon with money to distribute amongest them and promisse to indue him selfe with the holy cappe he sought also with all his diligence by what meanes he might estraunge the Kinge of England from the amitie of the frenche Kinge whome albeit his father at the instant of death had aduised for his securitie and benefite to continue in assured league with him and for that respect was yearely payed to him fiftie thowsand duckats yet being caried ouer with hotte humors of youthe and the great habilitie of treasor that his father had left him it seemed he had no lesse in consideracion the councells of those who for the desire of newe thinges ioyned to an auncient hatred which the English doe ordinarily beare to the french nation made perswasions to him for the warre then the wisedome and discreete example of his father who refusing all contencions with the frenche had gouerned his kingdome in great obedience and tranquilletie notwithstanding he had aspyred to a state newe and full of troubles All these consideracions vexing not a litle the minde of the frenche Kinge who the better to deuise for the affayres of Italy was nowe gone to Lyon he feared least his marching into Italy which the Pope detested openly would stirre vp some new innouacions by his meanes besides he sawe that the Kinge of Aragon disswaded him from it but vnder demonstracions of a friende and an indifferent louer of the common tranquillitie In so much as amyd those multitudes of dowtes which trauelled him on all partes he sawe no more certeine nor present councell then with great labor and diligence to studie so to appease the minde of the Pope that at the least he might stande assured that he were not his enemie and against him Wherein it seemed that occasion fauored him greatly for that it was beleeued that by the death of the Cardinall Amboise who was extremely sicke he shoulde be eased of those suspicions from whence it was supposed his ill contentments did principally proceede And for that the King was aduertised by good intelligence that the Cardinall of Auchx Nephewe to the Cardinall Amboise with others that managed his affayres in the Court of Rome had with great rashnes both in deede and wordes labored more to quicken and kindle then to appease and mollefie the Popes minde he woulde no more vse their seruice in those actions but sent to Rome in poste the Lorde Albert Pie Count de Carpy A personage in whome was indifferent the greatnes of his minde and expedicion of his witte he caried very large commissions not onely to offer to the Pope the Kinges forces and authoritie to serue his turne in all accidents and vpon all occasions but also in inclining as much as he could to his wil and nature he was to communicat with him frankely and simply the state of all thinges that were practised together with the requests that Caesar made to him and finally to referre to his arbitracion and wil whether he should passe into Italy or not and whether he should minister to thEmprour speedely or slowly he had also in charge to disswade the absolucion of the Venetians but before he ariued it was resolued and promised by the Pope the Venetians after long dispute and abode of their Embassadors there consenting at last to the condicions whereupon the difficulties stoode not finding any other remedie for their sauetie then to beioyned with him The condicions for the which thabsolucion was to be giuen were opēly published in the cōsistorie the xxiiij of February in presence of the Venetian Embassadors who confirmed them by writing according to thauthentike direction from their common weale These
call a generall councell wherein they hoped would be concurrant the Spanishe regions and the king of Aragon not daring to do any thing agaynst their will. To these was added an other most great fundation that many Cardinals of Italie beyond the Mountes hauing minds ambicious and stirring promised to make open profession to be the authors of the councell The king for the better direction of these things exspected with no small desire the comming of the Bishop of Gurci whom Caesar had determined to to sende to him And in the meane while to laye a beginning to the institution of the councell and to remoue presently from the Pope the obedience of his kingdome he made somonce to all the prelates of Fraunçe to assemble at Orleans in the middest of September Suche were the resolutions and preparations of the French king not altogether approued by the wise men of his councell and his Court who seeing howe vnprofitable it would be to giue leasure to thenemie perswaded him not to deferre the mouing of armes to a newe time whose counsell if it had bene followed the Pope had bene easily brought to suche necessitie and his affayres so confused that he had not bene hable with that fortune and facilitie to stirre vp agaynst him so many Princes as he did after But suche was the destinie of those affayres that the counsell of wisemen were of lesse credit with the king then his owne opinion who seemed to stande confirmed either through couetousnes which ouerruled him or by feare that other princes would be ielouse of his greatnes if he onely made warre against the Pope or perhaps he abhorred such an action as contrary to the surname of Right Christian vnworthy of that profession to defend the Church wherwith his predecessors had bene honored of long time The Pope made his entry into Bolognia vpon the ende of September with resolution to inuade Ferrara aswell by water as by land vsing only his owne forces and the supplies of the Venetians who at his request sent out two fleetes armed against Ferrara they entring into the ryuer of Pavv the one by Fornaci and the other by the port of Primaro began to do many domages to the people of Ferrara as did also at the same instant the Popes companies who ouerranne and pillaged the whole contrey but not comming neare to Ferrara in which citie was a strength of two hundred and fiftie French launces besides the Dukes garrisons fotalbeit the campe ecclesiastike was payed for eight hundred men at armes six hundred light horsemen and six thousand footmen yet besides that they were bodyes vntrayned taken vp at random the numbers were farre lesse the Popes hauing by custome to be very ill serued in warres Besides Monsr de Chaumont hauing sent after the losse of Modena to Regge and Rubiero two hundred and fiftie launces and two thousande footemen Mark Anth. Colonno and Iohn Vitelli were departed from th armie by the Popes commaundement with two hundred men at armes and three hundred footmen to go to Modena For these reasons the Pope made instance that of the Venetian army which now that the forces of Caesar were so diminished at Verona and euery where had without great difficultie recouered almost all Friull he might passe one part of it vppon the countrey of Ferrara where they had newly recouered Polesina de Rouigno left abandoned by the necessitie of th affayres which the duke had about Ferrara The Pope also exspected three hundred launces Spaniards whome the king of Aragon should send to him vnder the leading of Fabricio Colonno whensoeuer he would demaund them according to the bond contract of the inuestiture Assone as they should arriue in his armie he made his purpose to set vpon Ferrara on his side the Venetians to do the like on their part He perswaded himselfe that assone as the people of Ferrara saw the armie approch the walls they would take armes agaynst the Duke notwithstanding his capteins tolde him that the garrison within was both hable to defende the citie and kepe the people conteined what disposition soeuer they had to runne into tumult Neuertheles his desire raging aboue all reason or counsel he forbare not to leauie with an incredible care in many places many bandes of footmen But the Venetians were more slowe in comming forward then eyther the Pope exspected or stoode agreable with the plottes he had layde for that hauing brought by water vpon the marches of Mantua many barkes to make a bridge the duke of Ferrara charging them vpon the sodayne with certayne french bandes did not onely take them from them and defeate their passage but also within certayne Creekes of Polisena tooke many barkes other vessels together with the treasorer of the Venetian armie About this time vpon the disclosing of an intelligence which the Venetians practised within Bressia to make it rebell agaynst the French king the Counte Iohn Maria de Martinengo was committed to iustice and payed the price of the practise with the losse of his head But farre more slowe in marching were the companies of the Spaniards who being arriued vpon the frontiers of the kingdome of Naples refused according to the direction of their king to passe the ryuer of Tronto vnlesse he woulde first deliuer to his Embassadour the Bull of inuestiture whiche had bene promised The Pope on thother side woulde not present the Bull but at suche time as the bandes of souldiours were come to Bolognia doubting least after he had dispossessed him selfe of it the companies that were promised woulde not be sent at all And yet neither for any declaration that his Captaynes coulde make to him neither for the present difficulties did his hope diminishe that he was hable to carrie Ferrara with his owne strength onely But as one whose priuate desire was stronger then all the reasonable perswasions that coulde be made he looked into all thexpeditions of warre with a wonderfull trauell and affection notwithstanding that at the same time he fell into a great maladie whiche gouerning his body contrary to the counsayle of Phisitions he dispised no lesse then the other difficulties promising no lesse to ouercome that then he assured him selfe of the victorie of the warre hauing this firme perswasion that it was the consent and will of God that Italie shoulde be restored to libertie by his meane Suche was the greatnesse of his minde and so muche respected his authoritie that it was daungerous to giue him counsel agaynst his will and lyking and that which in other men might be called fury and rashnes was vnder the terror of his authoritie holden for temperance and wise proceeding He brought to passe likewise that the Marquis of Mantua whom he had called to Bolognia honored him with the title of Gōfalonnier of the church should take pay of the Venetians vnder the name of their capteine generall the Pope participating for an hundred men at armes and xij hundred
by desire to be Cardinall was appoynted in an assembly of all the states of that ylande where he shewed with equall fauor full testimonie what was the iustice of the Popes cause Vppon this both it was determined to send the Prelats to the councell of Latran in the name of the whole Realme And also thimportunities of the Popes Embassador concurring the king commaunded the french kings Embassador to depart out of the Realme he published this reason of his commaundement that it was not cōuenient to enterteine about the person of a king and in a kingdome so deuout to the Churche a man that represented a king so manifestly persecuting the sea Apostolike Now began to be discouered the secret resolucion wherein the king of England with his armie by sea should molest the shoares of Normandy and Britaine should send eyght thowsand footemen into Spaine to make warre vpon the Duchie of Guyenu together with the forces of the king of Aragon A suspicion which not a litle afflicted the french king both for that the memorie of the warres past had made the english name very terrible to those peoples and also he knewe the daunger woulde grow so much the greater by how much the spanish forces were ioyned with them He was fearefull also by the consideracion of his owne weakenes hauing sent into Italy all his companies of men at armes sauing two hundred launces which if he should call backe eyther in part or in all the Duchie of Myllan which he esteemed much should remeyne in manifest perill And if for his resupplie he should encrease the auncient band of eyght hundred launces he could reapose litle confidence and hope for lesse assurance amyd so great daungers in persons newly created and vnexperiēced he added to this the suspicion of thallienacion of Caesar which daily more and more encreased for notwithstanding Andrevv Burgos whom he had sent with so great exspectacion and being returned brought tydings that Caesar was disposed to abide in the confederacion yet he made offers of very harde condicions entermedling many cōplaints for he required of the king to assure him to recouer al that apperteyned to him by the capitulacions of Cambray alleaging that he could no more trust in simple promisses for that he hath alwayes knowen both from the beginning and since that it was a matter very greeuous to the king that he should conquer Padoa And that to consume and hold him in continuall trauels he had willingly wasted two hundred thowsand duckats euery yeare knowing that to him the spēding of l. thowsand was much more That he had refused the last yeare to deliuer to him the person of Tryuulce being a Capteine that had both the will and the experience to put a speedy ende to the warre he required that the kings second Daughter being but two yeares olde might be promised to his Nephew induing her for her dowrye with Burgonnye and that the Daughter might presently be deliuered to his handes Lastly that there should be left referred to him the quarrells of Ferrara of Bolognia and the controuersie of the councell forbidding the french armie to march towards Rome protesting that he was not to endure that the king should any way encrease his estate in Italy These condicions of them selues greeuous and almoste intollerable were yet made more heauy by the experience he had that notwithstāding he should accord to him so many thinges yet he could not be assured that he would not varye eyther according to occasions or according to his custome yea thiniquitie of the condicions offered serued almost as a certeine argument that being already alienated from the french king he sought thoccasion to put it to effect vnder some cooller seeing that aswell in words as in works he disclosed many signes of an ill will for both the Proctors which he had so many tymes promised to sende to the councell of Pysa were not come with Burgos and also the Prelats assembled at Auspurge had at last made aunswer by a publike decree that the councell of Pysa was schismatike and detestable but yet with this moderacion that they were ready to chaunge sentence if they might be resolued in the contrary by reasons more strong and auaileable And yet notwithstanding the king at a tyme when he stoode most neede to assemble his forces was constrayned to menteyne at the request of Caesar two hundred launces and three thowsand footemen in Verona a garde of a thowsand footemen in Leguague Moreouer the feare of the Svvyzzers vexed not a litle the kings mind for albeit he had obteyned to send to their parliaments the Bayliffe of Amyens to whom he had giuen very ample commissions and was nowe resolued by discreete councell if such may be called councells discreete as are taken when thoportunitie of helping is past to spare no liberalities nor offers of money to reduce them to his amitie yet what with the hatred of the Commons which in this respit was made greater and with thimportunate perswasions of the Cardinall of Syon preuailing aboue thauthoritie of those that from parliament to parliament had hindred all resolucions that were to be made against him it was discerned that they inclined to send 6. thowsand footemen to the pay of the confederats who made demaund of them to oppose against the firme squadrons of the launceknightes Besides all this the king found him selfe depriued of all hopes of peace and agreement notwithstanding during the heate of the warre there had bene great labor and solicitacion made by the Cardinall of Nantes and the Cardinall of Strigonia A mightie Prelate of the Realme of Hungria for the Pope had made this last and resolute aunswer that if they would be better heard then before they shoulde so bringe to passe that the diabolicall councel of Pysa might be reuersed see restored to the Church her cities of Bolognia and Ferrara Wherein expressing no lesse violence in effects then furie in wordes he had newly deposed from their dignities many of the french Prelats which were resorted to the councell together with Phillipp Dece one of the most excellent lawyers of that time both for that he had written and disputed in the iustice of their cause and did follow the Cardinalls to be at hand for direction when matters required aduise and interpretacion of law In all these difficulties daungers and aduersities which inuyroned the french king on all sides he had not one firme or certeine footing in any part of Italy The estates of Ferrara and Bolognia serued him as in times past more for vexacions and charges then for any other vse And touching the Florentyns to whom he made a new instance to ioyne with him in a warre against Romagnia he could not draw from them other then general aunswers No he rather held them suspected by reason of the Vicerois Embassador of Naples ordinarily remeining at Florence but much more for that they had sent thEmbassador to the king Catholike did
could suffer no delay of action went out and sette vppon them at the village of Paterna where they were constrayned to retyre within the towne with the losse of more then three hundred men Conquest draweth with it ambicion insolencies and couetousnes And with men of warre triumphing in the victorie all things seeme to hold of equitie that they do in their rage and couetousnes for the Svvyzzers remeyning alone in the Duchie of Myllan and Pyemont deuised how to taxe and rate the whole contrey being now wholly assured of the french men And albeit the french king for the great affection he bare to the Duchie of Myllan was hardly brought to abandon altogether the affayres of Italy yet necessitie compelled him to harken to the councells of such as aduised him to deferre those deuises to an other tyme and dispose his witts for that sommer to defende the Realme of Fraunce The rather for that the king of England according to the contract made with the king Catholike had sent by sea an armye of six thowsand footemen to Fontarabio A towne of the kingdome of Spayne standing vppon the Occean sea the chiefe ende of this iorney was that ioyning to the companies of the sayd king Catholike they might in one mayne force assayle the Duchie of Guihen he beganne also with an other nauie to skower all alonge the coasts of Normandye and Brittaine to the great astonishment of the peoples of those prouinces Moreouer the french king had no hope to drawe agayne Caesar into amitie with him for that he vnderstoode by the Bishop of Marseilles his last Embassador resident in his Court that he bare a minde farre estraunged he aduertised him also that Caesar had not enterteyned him with so many hopes nor for other regarde debated with him vppon so many matters with so fayre apparance then to wynne occasion to oppresse him when he thought least of it or at least to gyue him as it were some violent and deadely blowe as he gloried that he had done at such tyme as he reuoked the launceknightes Thus Italy being for this yeare assured from the armies of the french king whose souldiours notwithstanding helde as yet Bressia Crema Leguague the castell and lanterne of Genes the castell of Myllan the castell of Cremona with certeine other fortresses of that estate There were discerned amongest the confederats many signes of difference and disagreement for the diuersitie of their wills and their endes for as the Venetians desired to recouer Bressia and Crema as due to them by the articles of capitulacion for that they had borne out the daungers troubles of the warre A matter which the Pope desired likewise for them So on the other side Caesar from whose will the king of Aragon at last could not be seperat thought to appropriate them to him selfe and also to depriue the Venetians of all that had bene iudged to them by the league of Cambray Besides Caesar and the king of Aragon practised but very secretly to make to diuolue the Duchie of Myllan to one of their Nephewes A working quite contrary to the Pope and the Svvyzzers who labored apparantly as much as they could that according to the vniuersall resolucion and consent from the beginning Maxymylian sonne to Lodovvyk Sforce might be restored to the place of his father after whose fall he had remeyned alwayes in Germanye The matter that moued the Pope was a feare he had least Italy shoulde fall into a miserable seruitude of the Almaines and Spanyards And that which induced the Svvyzzers was a desire for their owne profit that that estate shoulde not bee brought into the power of so mightie Princes but rather to stande subiected to one that could not menteyne him selfe without their ayde and succours Which election as it depended almost wholly vppon those in whose power was that estate and for the feare of their forces so the Pope the more to confirme them in that wil and in all necessities to haue in his hande the bridle with the which he might moderate thambicion of Caesar and the kinge Catholike did all that he could to winne their amitie And for that cause besides the great account he made publikely of the nation of Svvyzzers raysing to the starres the actions they had done for the sauetie of the sea Apostolike he gaue them yet for their greater honor the banners of the Church with this glorious title to bee the Champions and defenders of the Ecclesiastike libertie Besides these diuersities the Viceroy had readdressed the spanish companies which after the battell were retyred with him into the kingdom of Naples And beginning eftsoones to march and to passe with them into Lombardye the Pope and the Venetians refused to recontinue the payes of forty thowsand duckats by the moneth which had bene discontinued since the ouerthrowe Their reason was that seeing the frenche armie was chassed home they stoode no more subiect to suche bonde for that it was to ceasse by the articles of the confederacion when soeuer the frenche were expulsed out of Italy Whereunto was replyed on the behalfe of the King of Aragon that it could not bee sayde that the Frenche King was dryuen out of Italy so long as Bressia Crema with other many stronge places stoode at his deuocion Moreouer the Kinge of Aragon together with Caesar complayned in that the Pope did appropriat to him selfe the profitts of the victorie that was common to them both And vsurped that which manifestly apperteyned to an other making him selfe Lorde vnder cooller of certeine reasons subborned or at least so olde and withered that their force was gonne vppon Parma and Plaisance cities which the Lordes of Myllan had holden so long tyme as freeholders of thEmpire The diuersitie was also expressed for matters that concerned the Duke of Ferrara for as the Pope on the one side nourished his auncient couetousnes to vsurpe that Dukedom so on the other side the king of Aragon who desired to preserue protect him stoode yet discontented with the iniurie that was offered to haue staied him at Rome contrary to the law of faith safeconduit giuen for these reasons the Pope deferred to vexe Ferrara exspecting perhaps the yssue of affayres of farre greater importance whereof Caesar not thinking good that any resolucion were made without him dispatched into Italy the Bishop of Gurcy whom he had appoynted to that expedicion euer since after the battell of Rauenna there was negociacion of peace betweene the Pope and the French king he appoynted to sende him then for the feare he had least they compownded amongest them selues without respecting him and his affayres but the mutacion of thinges hapning afterwards he still continued his deuise to sende him In like sorte fell into consideracion the affayres of the Florentyns who beeing filled full of suspicion began now to feele the frutes of the newtralitie which vndiscrâ—etely they had vsed finding with all that it was not sufficient to beare themselues vpon the
neuer consented to the conuocacion of Pysa disauowing all such as had vsed his name Assoone as he had thus ratified the councell of Latran he departed from Rome to be present when Maxymylian Sforce being now come by commission of Caesar to Verona should take possession of the Duchie of Myllan the Cardinall of Syon disposed him selfe very hardly to exspect and attend his comming and also the Embassadors of the whole nation of Svvyzzers that were at Myllan for that they would that in the demonstracions and solemnitie of thactions that was to be vsed it might appeare that the Svvyzzers were the men that had chassed the french men out of that state and by their vallour and courage Maxymylian receiued it They would that the veritie and effect of that conquest might be transferred to them by such publike ceremonies as were to be vsed in the enstalling of him whom their vertue onely made Lord of the Duchie But such was the working of the Viceroy that more by practise then by his authoritie he obteyned so much that they taried for the comming of the Bishop of Gurcy who after he had ratified at Florence in the name of Caesar the confederacion made in Prato and receiued certeine summes of money of the Lucquoys whome he tooke into protection came at last to Cremona where Max. Sforce and the Viceroy attended him from thence they went al together to Myllan to make their entrie at the day appoynted into that citie with solemnities and honors accustomed to newe Princes In which action albeit it was long disputed betweene the Cardinall of Syon and the Viceroy which of them should giue him the keyes at the entry of the gate in signe of possession yet in the ende the Viceroy giuing place the Cardinall put into his handes the keyes of the towne in the vniuersall name of the Svvyzzers And that day being one of the last dayes of December he did all thinges both in showe and act that were necessary to make knowen that Maxymylian Sforce receiued the possession of them he was receiued with an incredible gladnes of all the people both for the desire they had to haue a Prince proper and perticular and also they hoped he would resemble his grandfather or his father of whome the memorie of one remeyned very fresh in the mindes of the people of that state and touching the other the despites they had receiued by the gouernment of straungers had turned their hatred into good will The working of tyme with thexperience of the yoke of straungers had made in that people a wonderfull conuersion and nature in those actions works not a litle bringing that people to reioyce at the returne of him whose father they abhorred with a iust and vniuersall hatred But these gratulacions and ioyes were yet vnperfect vntill the castell of Nouarro were recouered A matter not long deferred for that they within yeelded it vp their fortune being farre inferior to their faith The confederacion made at Rome had not altogether broken the hopes of agreement betweene Caesar and the Venetians for that the Pope had vppon the suddeine sent to Venice Iacques Staffilio his Nuncio with whom went accompanied three Embassadors of the Svvyzzers to perswade them to accord And on the other side the Senat the better to enterteine the goodwil of the Pope and not to giue cause to Caesar to inuade them with armes had sent to their Embassadors a newe direction to cleaue to the councell of Latran They had commaunded also the men of warre assoone as the confederacion was made to retyre vpon the territories of Padoa And for that cause the Viceroy not willing to trouble the hopes of the peace had turned his armie towards Myllan But all these thinges serued to no purpose for that the same difficulties did yet continue touching the restitucion of Vincensa and the payments of money which Caesar demaunded That was the cause that the Pope assayled not the Duke of Ferrara whom agreement going betweene Caesar and the Venetians he supposed he should be able to vanquish with the aydes of the Venetians together with the brute that the Spanyards were to come on if neede should be otherwayes he had resolued to deferre that expedicion till the springe tyme for that he accounted it a matter of hard action to take in a season of winter the towne of Ferrara the situacion being strong in respect of the riuer and greatly fortefied besides by the continuall industrie of Alfonso It may happly seeme to some if I intangle my historie with thaccidents of Fraunce in that yeare that I wander or chaunge my course which is not to speake of matters hapning out of the bondes of Italy But because the affayres of that nation haue some affinitie and relacion with the busines of these partes And that to the successe of the one the councells and yssues of the other were oftentymes conioyned I am constrayned not to passe them altogether vnder forgetfulnes and silence About the beginning of Maye an armie of six thowsand English footemen sailed in vessells of England and Spayne to Fontarabye A frontyer towne belonging to the crowne of Spayne vpon the coast of Fraunce and standing vpon the Occean sea The seruice and purpose of this armie according to the couenants made betweene the father in law and sonne in law was together with the forces of Spaine to set vpon the Duchie of Guyen which is a part of the prouince of Aquitaine according to the auncient names and diuisions of the same Against this warre the french king not yet assured on the coast of Picardy prepared a new pencionary band of eight hundred launces which he had erected waged many bands of footemen of the lower parts of Germany not subiected to thEmprour And knowing of what importance for the defence of the Duchie of Guyen was the Realme of Nauarre which was both appropriat and dowrie to Katherin de Foix and possessed ioyntly with Iohn the sonne of Albert who was her husband he called to the Court the father of the sayd Iohn and carefully considered how he might make him his friende and consociat Wherein serued to good purpose the death of Gaston de Foix by the instigacion of whome pretending the same kingdom not to fall vpon the femall and by consequent to apperteine to him as to the next heire male of the house of Foix the french king had pursued the sayd Iohn On the other side the king Catholike who had sette his eyes vppon that Realme required the king of Nauarre to stande Newter betweene the french king and him And to suffer to passe thorow his Realme his souldiours that were to enter Fraunce And for the assurance of these things he would put into his handes certeine places of strength vnder promise to render them assoone as the warre should ende It hath bene a perpetuall desire in the auncient kings of Spaine to impatronise them selues vpon the Realme of Nauarre In which respect the
gaue this as a warning and lesson that that man was neither to be excused nor esteemed worthy of compassion who beeing once beguiled by an other returneth eftsoones to reappose confidence in him An enemie reconciled charitie leades vs to loue him but wisedome willeth vs not to trust him and to a friend once disproued there can be no greater daunger then eftsoones to reenter into confidence with him The Cardinall of S. Seuerin was of an other opinion who as his aduersaries sayd crossing Tryuulce more through enuie then for other occasion for that with his brethren he had alwaies defended the Gebelin faction in Myllan replied in the contrary that nothing could be more profitable to the king and his seruices then in ioyning with Caesar to breake the vnion of thennemies specially the confederacion being made by such meane as they might hope it would last That it was the propertie of Princes in their councells and deliberacions to preferre alwayes profitte affore good will affore hatred and affore other affections And what greater benefit could be done to Caesar then to ayde him presently against the Venetians with hope that his Nephew should come to succeede in the Duchie of Myllan That Caesar being seperat from the others the king Catholike would not obiect against his authoritie as well for thinterests of his Nephew as for other regards Moreouer that as nothing could more amaze the Pope then this confederacion so of the contrary to confederat with the Venetians was full of indignitie since there must be accorded to them Cremona Guiaradada members so conuenient to the Duchie of Myllan that to recouer them the king had stirred vppe all the worlde And yet if the vnion of the others were not broken and deuided the confederacion with the Venetians would not suffice to obteyne the victorie At last this opinion caried the king the rather for thauthoritie of the Queene who desired greatly thaduauncement of her Daughter onely her desire was accompanied with this condicion so farre forth as it might bee obteyned that till the consummacion of the mariage the younge Damesell might remeyne with her And she to bind her faith and promisse to keepe her in the name of Caesar as the spowse assigned for his Nephew to whome she would redeliuer her assoone as her age and yeares made her able to the full office of mariage But the Kinge beeing afterwardes certefied that Caesar woulde not agree vnder this forme of lymitacion but rather that he foysted in those offers for the tyme and by suttletie to detract his diligence and giue him cause to proceede more slowely in his other plottes he brake off from this practise and sent backe againe for Monsr de Asperot brother to Monsr de Lautrech already gone from the Court with his commission to finde the Bishoppe of Gurce On the other side the feare of the vnion betweene the king and the Venetians encreasing dayly the king of Aragon aduised Caesar to render Verona and to transferre the warre into Burgondy by the helpe of the money which he shoulde receiue of the Venetians and with the Spanishe armie Of this aduise was the Bishop of Gurcy who hoping to be hable to moue Caesar by his presence nowe returned into Germanie being followed not onely of Dom Peter de Vree which was come with him but also of Iohn Baptista Spinella Count of Carriato Embassador to the sayde king of Aragon resident with the Venetians And because no newe difficulties should breake of the matters that were nowe in action he induced first the senate to make truce with Caesar for the whole moneth of Marche And those Embassadors gaue them their fayth that Caesar shoulde render Verona if they would promise him within certayne times two hundred and fiftie thousande duckets and for yerely pension fiftie thousande In these alterations of affayres and in these times so deuided and conspiring the Pope fell sicke And happly he was then more full of high conceites and trauelling thoughts then at any time before for notwithstaÌ„ding he had brought his fortune to be equall to his desires obteined the thing he aspired vnto yet his deuises plots did nothing diminish but grewe increasing by the same meane which should haue satisfied them he had determined in the beginning of the spring and first opening of the yere to sende to thenterprise of Ferrara which he so muche desired and his opinion was that that state was hable to make no resistance both for that it was naked of all succours because the Spanish armie was to ioyne with his companies He had secretly bought of Caesar for the price of xxx thousande duckets the Citie of Siena for the behoofe of the Duke of Vrbin to whom except Pesera he woulde neuer giue any thing of thestate ecclesiastike to th ende to reserue to him selfe the whole glorie to haue simply and onely studyed for thexaltation of the Churche he agreed to lende to Caesar fortie thousande duckettes receyuing Modona in gage he threatned them of Lucquoy who in the heate of th affayres of the Duke of Ferrara were become lordes of Garsagnana making instance that they woulde deliuer it to him He was out of conceite with the Cardinall of Medicis for that he thought him to cleaue more to the king Catholike then to him And because he knewe he was not hable to dispose of the Citie of Florence as he thought he studied already newe plottes and newe practises to alter that estate He was yll contented with the Cardinall of Sion from whom he tooke the name of Legate and enioyned him to come to Rome for that in the Duchie of Myllan he had appropriate to him selfe a yerely rent of more then thirtie thousande duckets of the estates and goods of diuers persons The better to assure the Duke of Vrbin of Sienna by intelligences of his neighbours he had of newe taken into his paye Charles Baillon to chafe out of Perousa Iohn Paule who by affinitie was very neare ioyned to the sonnes of â—andolffe Petruccio successors to the greatnes of their father He would of newe create Duke of Genes Octauian Fregosa deposing Ianus from that dignitie an action wherevnto did consent the others of the house of Fregosa because for the degree that his auncestors helde in that state it seemed best to apperteine to him He studied continually either howe he might worke out of Italie the Spanish armie or cut it in peeces by the ayde of the Svvizzers whom aboue all others he exalted and embraced In this deuise he had this intention that the kingdome of Naples beeing occupied by him Italie should remayne free from straungers A speeche that often passed out of his mouth and to that ende he had hindred that the Svvizzers did not confederate with the king Catholike And yet as though it had bene in his power to batter all the world at one time he continued his accustomed rigour agaynst the French king and notwithstanding he had heard a message
desired the vniō of his kingdom with the church the same being also demaūded by al his peoples the queene no lesse concurrant then the residue it was well discerned by the king his coūcell that there could be no hope of alliance with the Pope in matters tēporal if first they fell not to agreement for controuersies spiritual for which cause either trusting in dede or at least dissēbling vnder showes seming to giue faith to his words he sent to him as embassador to negociate in these causes the Bishop of Marseilles at whose cōming the Pope by decree of the councell reinuested the Bishops and Prelates of Fraunce with power to purge thēselues of their contumacie during the whole moneth of Nouember Agaynst these Cleargie men his predecessor had proceeded rigorously by waye of threatning as agaynst persons guyltie of schisme And the same moarning wherein this decree was determined there was read in the councell a writing subscribed by Bernar. Caruiagall and Feder S. Seuerin wherin forbearing to name themselues Cardinals they approued al the acts of the councel of Latran promised to cleaue to the same obey the Pope In this action consequently they confessed themselues to be lawfully depriued of the estate of Cardinals which priuation being done by Pope Iulio had bin in his life time confirmed by the same councell It had bene debated afore in the consistorie to haue them restored but the resolution was afterwards deferred for thimpedimēt of thembassadors of Caesar and the king of Aragon together with the Cardinalls of Sion and Yorke who alleaged that it was a matter vnworthy the maiestie of the sea Apostolike and of very ill example to pardon the authors of so great wickednesse accompanied with manifest abhomination impietie A matter which the laste Pope had constantly mainteined against them euen to the last moment of his life and that for no other cause then for the publike benefite But the Pope raigning inclined to that side that was least rigorous iudging it more easy and worthy to quenche altogether the name of the councell of Pisa rather with clemencie then with seueritie Besides he would not stirre vp the minde of the French king who was a diligent intercessor for them neither was he caryed agaynst them by any particuler hatred for that neither was the iniurie done to him neither before his pontificacie he nor his brethren had bene great friendes to Federike for which reasons of his owne motion he caused to be read before the fathers of the councell the writing of their humiliation and assigned a day for their restoring which was done in this maner Bernar. and Feder entred secretly into Rome by night without eyther habite or ceremonies of Cardinalls and the moarning folowing being to present themselues before the Pope sitting in full consistory with the presence of all the Cardinals except the Svvizzer and the English who refused to assist the action They first passed apparelled as simple priestes with blacke bonnets on their heades through all the publike places of the pallace of Vatican where they had lodged A wonderfull concourse presse of people flocked to see them euery one iudging that a punishment so honorable did serue as a cruell torment for the vnruled pride of Bernardin and no lesse for the vnstayed arrogancie of Federike Assone as they were admitted into the presence of the consistorie they fell downe of their knees and with many signes of great humilitie they demaunded pardon of the Pope and the Cardinalls They approued all thinges that had bene done by Pope Iulio and namely their priuation and thelection of the newe Pope as an act cannonical And they publikely reproued the councel of Pisa to be an assembly schismatike detestable When this confession was subsigned with their hands solemnly enregistred they rose vp stoode on their fete after reuerence done they embrased all the cardinalls who stirred not out of their seates then they were reinuested apparelled in the habite of Cardinalls receiued by the residue to sit in the same order wherin they were wont to sit before their priuation They recouered only by this act the dignitie of Cardinalls and not their benefices and other reuenues which they had possessed for that long time before they had bin distributed to others by the liberty of vacation In this act the Pope satisfied the French king if not so muche as he desired at least in parte of that he exspected But he satisfied him nothing in other matters for that he sought by all the wayes he could to accord Caesar and the Venetians A matter which seemed to him of easie action for the accidents that were hapned for it was beleeued that Caesar stirred vp by thoccasions beyonde the Mountes would be brought to be contented to be discharged of suche a burden to haue the more oportunitie to harkē to the recouering of Burgondy for his nephew And touching the Venetians it was hoped that they would much more desire it aswel for that they stood amased with the ouerthrow of the frenchmen as also that they knew that the french king for the many dangers hanging ouer his realme was not hable for that yere to do any more to thaffaires of Italie Besides they sawe fast vpon them the Spanish armie wherevnto were to be vnited the companies that were within Verona They were made drye of money and treasor yll furnished of souldiors and namely of footemen and which was not least in their consideration they were to resist all alone of themselues without any hope or showe of other succors And yet the Senate answered very constantly that they would not harken to any accorde vnlesse they were repossessed of Vincensa ane Verona Caesar at that time demaunded of the Pope two hundred men at armes against the Venetians A demaund which albeit was grecuous to the Pope both for feare least the french king should be discontented and also he sawe how inconuenient it would be for Caesar him to become suspected to the Venetians for a matter of so small importance yet by the obstinate importunitie of Caesar he sent him vnder Troyllo Sauello Achilles Torello and Mutio Colonno the numbers he required bothe for that by refusing he would not show any token not to perseuer in the confederation contracted with the laste Pope and also he considered he was not holden by any bonde or obligation that he had with the Venetians who besides that their armie did almoste expresse behauiours of hostilitie vpon the landes of Parma Plaisantin at such time as Aluiano laye neare to Cremona yet they had not elected Embassadors to protest their obedience to him according to their custome vntill the Frenche men beeing ouerthrowen were returned beyonde the Mountes This deliberation brought no litle amase to the Venetians not so much for thimportance of such a succour as for feare least by this beginning the Pope woulde passe further taking it for a manifest
without hope the last extremitie of vittells they agreed to leaue the towne the horses and liues of the souldiours saued if they were not reskewed within two dayes And it is not to bee douted that their holding out by the space of fiftie dayes was not a thing that greatlie profited the realme of Fraunce who by the benefite of the long suffering of Torvvaine had respit to temporise and prepare against many other greater afflictions which otherwise so mightie an armie of enemies would haue brought vppon them euen to the shaking of the Crowne of Fraunce A litle before Maximilian Caesar was come in persone into the Englishe armie reuiewinge and layinge out those places wherein in his youth he had with so great glorie ouerthrowne the armie of the French king Lovvys the eleuenth Who whilest he remayned in the campe the affayres of the warre tooke their chiefest direction and gouernment from him The Frenche king was not onely trauelled with thEnglishe armies but also with greater daunger he had his vexacions by the Svvizzers for the commonalties of those regions desiring with an vniuersall minde that the king should disclaime from all titles and rights which he pretended to the Duchie of Millan wherin for that he did nothing their hatred redoubled towardes him they had entred against him many actions of hostilitie and sette on fire many houses of priuate persons of Lucerna whome they suspected to beare fauor to thaffaires of the Crowne of Fraunce And proceeding continuallie against all men noted of like suspicion they had brought all the chiefetaines and principalls of them to sweare to suffer all the pensions to go in common so falling into armes by publike order they entred almost by heapes into Burgondy their numbers being xx thowsand footmen a thowsand horsemen In which action they had certeine proporcions of artillerie from Caesar who either according to his inconstancy or for ielousie he had of them refused to go thither in person notwithstanding he had promised both to the king of England to theÌ„ Being drawne into this strength power of warre they went incamped affore Dyon the chiefe towne of Burgondy wherin was Monsr Trimouille with a thowsand lauÌ„ces six thowsand footmeÌ„ These natures of coÌ„mons popular peoples hauing some dout of their Capteines who began already to communicate with the french tooke vpon them the managing of thartilleries and fell to batter the towne of whose defense Trimouille douting much he had recourse to the last remedies made with theÌ„ a sodain accord without exspecting any commission from the king on whose behalfe he made this contract to renounce all the rights claimes he pretended to the Duchy of Millan to pay them six hundred thowsand crownes within a certeine tearme for thobseruation of which couenant he gaue him foure ostages persons very honorable and of great condicion And for the Svvyzzers they were bownd to no other promise then to returne to their houses A matter which tyed them not to rememe for afterwards friendes to the french king but left them at libertie to returne when they list to thinuasions of his kingdom Assoone as they were possessed of thostages they brake vp and dissolued their army immediatly alleaging for their excuse with the king of England for entring into this couenant without his consent that they receyued not in tyme conuenient the money he had promised them It was thought that this capitulacion was the cause of the sauing of the whole Realme of Fraunce for that the taking of Dyon had put into the hands of the Svvyzzers a free power to ronne vp without resistance eueÌ„ to the wals of Paris And it was not vnlikely that the king of England passing the riuer of Somme would not haue taken the field to ioyne with theÌ„ A matter which the french could not let for that neither the duke of Gueldres being theÌ„ come nor in the armie aboue six thowsand launceknights they were constrayned to keepe them selues inclosed within townes But the king was not a litle discontented with the resolucion complayning not a litle against Monsr Trymouille both for the summe of money he had promised and much more that he had bound him to the resignation of his titles interests as anaction of too great preiudice farre vnworthy his greatnes the glory of the crowne of Fraunce for which cause albeit the dauÌ„ger had bene great if the Svvyzzers in their wrath had eftsoones returned to assaile him yet reapposing much in the approch of the winter and in the difficultie that they could not reassemble so soone being with all resolute to ronne all fortunes rather then to depriue himselfe of his rightes in that Duchie which he loued dearely he determined not to ratifie thaggreement yea rather he beganne to propownd to them newe offers which much lesse that they did harken vnto seeing they did coÌ„stantly reiect them with these bluddy threats that if the ratification came not within a certeine tyme they would cut of the heades of thostages Torvvaine being taken whereunto thArchduke aspyred by pretence of his auncient right and the king of England chalenged it to be his by the iust prerogatiue of conquest and warre Caesar and he fell to this point for thauoiding of discord to cast downe the wals to the ground notwithstanding such violence was forbidden by the capitulacions made with them of Torvvaine immediatly after Caesar went from tharmy giuing this iudgement vpon thexperience trial he had seene that in matters of warre thenglish were more resolute then wel a duised lesse suttle politike then wel disciplined trained From Torvvain the king of England went to incamp before Tornay A towne very stronge and riche and of great deuocion of long tyme to the crowne of Fraunce but so inuironed with the contreyes of thArchduke that it was impossible to the french to reskewe it so long as they were not maisters of the fielde The french king was not a litle glad of this enterprise fearing least the ennemie caried with victorie and wealth would not transferre his forces into the body and partes of his Realme of more importance A feare which put him into no small perplexities for notwithstanding he had now areared a mighty armie wherein besides the fiue hundred launces which he had bestowed in garrison in S. Quâ—ntyn were two thowsand launces eight thowsand light horsemen Albanois ten thowsand lauÌ„ceknights a thowsand Svvyzzers eight thowsand footemen of his owne nation yet it was farre inferior to the power and multitudes of thenglish armie which by the continuall slocking of souldiours was as the reaport went resupplyed to the number of foure skore thowsande fighting men By the consideracion of which inequalitie of forces the french king who had no great hope to be able to defende Boleyne and those partes of the contrey that are beyonde the riuer of Somme which he feared thEnglish would oppresse looked how to defend Abeuille
he determined to abide them no longer for which cause he sent the companies of men at armes by land to Padoa and passed in person by night by the riuer of Adice with the footemen he caried with him by water thartilleries and baggage of tharmy both to auoide the raines and myers which were great and also for feare to be charged by thenemies to whome the waters that were then risen very high gaue great impediments And assoone as he had taken land he retired with his accustomed celerity to Padoa where the men at armes were entred two daies before Afterwardes he distributed his army betwene Padoa and Treuisa And the Viceroy and Prospero Colonno after they had sent their men to lye in garrison at Polisena de Rouigno went vp to Ispruch to consult with Caesar vpon thestate of thaffaires This yeare the countrey of Friull remeined in tranquillitie more then was wont for the taking of Capteine Frangipan the only man that afflicted it more then any other And therfore the Venetians knowing how much it imported them to reteine it had refused to render it in exchaunge of Iohn Pavvle Baillon He for that solicitacion had bene made at Rome to exchaunge him for Caruaiall had got leaue of the Spaniardes to goe to Rome giuing his faith to returne prisoner if the permutacion could not be agreed vppon But for that during the treaty it hapned that Caruaiall dyed Iohn Pavvle affirmed that by the benefit of thaccident he was at libertie and so holding him selfe acquited he would no more returne to him whose prisoner he was About these times and towardes the latter end of the yeare the families of the Adorney Fyesquey entred Genes by night by a secret fauor and working of the Duke of Millan as was supposed And albeit by conspiracie and intelligence they were come as farre as the pallace greene yet their fortune being somwhat inferior to the vallor of their enemies they were chased out againe by Octauian Fregoso who going out against them euen vntill beyonde the barriers accompanied with the footemen of his garde fought valliantly in his owne person and put them to fleight he was not otherwise wounded then in the hand being recompensed besides the honor of the victorie with the persons of Sy. Fyesquo Ier. Adorno and Io. Camilla of Naples as his prisoners Amidde these affaires of warre and seruice it is not vnworthy of memorie to report that this yeare there were seene at Rome two Elephantes a nature of creatures which happily had not bene seene in Italie since the triumphes publike playes of the Romaines Emanuell king of Portugall sent to the Pope a very honorable Embassage and withall presented him with two huge and stately Elephantes which his shippes had brought by sea from India their entring into Rome was celebrated with a very great concoursse of people some wondering at the straunge forme and stature of the beastes some marueiling to what vses their nature inclined them and some coniecturing the respectes and purposes of such a present their ignorance making their wonder farre greater then their reason But about those times the frenche king who had other cares in his minde then pompes and spectacles solicited all sortes of prouisions for the warre And albeit he was determined resolutely to prosecute thenterprise of Myllan yet desiring to be assured of the Popes will he prayed him to declare him selfe in his fauor Wherein to draw him on the rather he confirmed to him the offers he had made to him affore assuring him for ende that if he were disappoynted of his amitie and thexspectacion of it he would eftsoones ioyne him selfe to those condicions of Caesar and the king Catholike which he had already refused In this demaund he debated with him the power of his kingdom the strength of his consederacions the proporcion of succours promised by the Venetians how at that time the forces of Caesar and king Catholike were small in Italy and how both the one and other were very needy of money and hauing no meane to pay their owne souldiours much lesse that they were able to defraie the Svvyzzers who would not descend from their Mounteines without good cereteinty of pay That the popularitie of Myllan hauing proued the hard yoke of others exspected with an vniuersall desire the returne of the french iurisdiction That the victory of Myllan ought not to giue cause to the Pope to arme and band against him both for that the greatnes of the kings of Fraunce in Italy and his owne authoritie had bene in all seasons profitable to the sea Apostolike And also standing alwayes contented with the things that of right apperteyned to them they rose not higher into humors of ambicion nor once lifted vp their mindes to aspyre to the residue of Italy A matter well testified by so many experiences That thintencion of Caesar and the king Catholike was farre other hauing aboue all other thinges thirsted after the whole Empire of Italy and to subiect the regions thereof either by armes by alliances or by pollicies That they haue nourished a perpetuall disposicion of mind to reduce into thraldom no lesse then other states the sea Apostolike the Popes of Rome A desire which all the world knew to be very auncient and resolute in Caesar That therefore he would at one time prouide for the sewertie of the Church defend the common libertie of Italy reestablish the greatnes of the famulie of Medicis and that he should not be curious to employ the present occasion which would not be eftsoones presented neither with the fauor of a better time nor with the oportunitie of better alliance then his On the contrary for Caesar the king Catholike there wanted no perswasions ful of affection efficacie that he would ioyne with them for the defence of Italy Wherein was not forgotten to be alleaged that if they conioyned al together they were able to chasse the french king out of the duchie of Myllan and their power was no lesse sufficient to defend it against him That he was to remember the wronge that he had done to the king the yeare past sending money to the armie of the Svvyzzers at such time as the french campe marched into Italy Lastly that he had to consider that if the french king obteyned the victorie of Myllan he would not be vnmindfull to reuenge all the wronges he had receyued and to assure him selfe of all daungers and suspicions to come But the Pope was much more moued with the authority and offers of the Svvyzzers who continuing in their first obstinacies offered to commaund and defend with six thowsand footemen the passages of the Mount Senis of the Mount Geneure Finalo receiuing onely by the moneth six thowsand florince of Rhein And in case their payes might be aduaunced to forty thowsand florince by the moneth they offered to inuade Burgondy with twenty thowsand footemen These perplexities made the Pope doubtfull in him selfe as feare
of the king of England he did not of new determine to make warre but rather did enterteyne and recontinue the plot that was layed before Therefore because they would not be taken vnprouided they fell to solicit a confederacion with the Pope and with the Svvyzzers But the Pope enterteyning both parties with wordes gracious and studying to nourish them all with diuers hopes deferred stil to make any certaine declaracion And touching the Svvyzzers their former hatreds did not onely still continue but by time were made greater by increase of occasions for that the causes that had taken their beginning of griefes publike bothe for the deniall of augmentacion of their pensions for the calling of launceknightes to the kinges paye and for the disdaynefull and iniurious wordes deliuered against their nation were redoubled and reincreased of priuate sorowes displeasures and ambicious desires The same rising both vppon an enuie which the Commons bare to many perticulars receiuing giftes and pensions of the king also for that those factions that most hotly obiected them selues against such as followed the french amities which commonly were called at that time Gallizzanti being by that meane aduaunced with the fauor of the Commons into reputacion and greatnes feared a diminucion of their authoritie if the common weale were of new reallied with the french In so much that the councell disputacion of affaires passing not in a coursse of publike zeale but with ambicion and dissentions ciuill these bearing more credit then the Gallizanti it was obteyned that they should refuse the vnreasonable offers of the french king In this disposicion of mindes and affayres thEmbassadors of Caesar king of Aragon Duke of Myllan assembled and met affore the Svvyzzers contracted with them in the name of their Princes a confederacion for the defence of Italy reseruing a respit for the Pope to enter vntil the Monday of the lent following In this capitulacion it was agreed that to compell the french king to disclaime all his rights interests in the Duchie of Myllan the Svvyzzers receiuing monethly of the other cōfederats xxx thowsand duckats should inuade either Burgondy or Dauphyne And the king Catholike with a mightie army should make strong warre vpon the realme of Fraunce either vpon the side of Parpignan or Fonterabye By these inuasions the confederats pretended that the french king cōpelled to apply to the defense of his own realme should haue no oportunitie to molest the Duchy of Millan though he had made a resolucion agreable to his will this deliberacion of the king was kept secret vntill the moneth of Iune but at last such was the greatnes and care of the seuerall preparacions that they could no longer dissemble so great and apparant stirres The prouisions of money were great vniuersally reached to all the parts in the realme he leauied many bandes of launceknightes he caused to be drawne towardes Lyon great stoare of artilleries And had lately sent into Guyhen to leauy tenne thowsande footemen from the marches of Nauarro vnder Peter of Nauarro who was newly entred into his pay This was the reason that he ioyned him selfe to the french seruice the king of Aragon was discontented with him and charged him most of all others with the ill successe of the battell of Rauenna he would not pay his ransom that was rated at twentie thowsand duckats which the late king had giuen to the Marquis of Rottelyn to recompense in some parte the hundred thowsand crownes which he had paid in England for his ransom but the new king electing him to his seruice defraied his ransom at his first comming to the crowne tooke him into his pay which yet the sayed Peter of Nauarro would not accept till for the safetie of his honor he had sent to the king of Aragon to excuse himselfe that being abandoned of him he gaue place to necessitie renouncing notwithstanding the estates which he had giuen him in the kingdome of Naples By this time it was manifest to all the worlde that those preparacions tended to make warre vpon the Duchie of Millan that the king determined to goe thether in person So that the kinge beganne in demaundes and speaches discloased to require the Pope to ioyne with him wherein he vsed besides many other instrumentes and perswasions by the meane of Iulian his brother who had newly taken for wife Philiberta sister to Charles Duke of Sauoye and aunt to the king by the mothers side his dowrie being assigned to him vpon the hundred thowsande crownes which the Pope gaue him This gaue the kinge some hope that the Pope respecting the alliance would be readily inclined to embrase his amity the rather for that he hauing before treated with the king Catholike to mary Iuliā with one of his parentes which was of the house of Cardoua it seemed he had preferred that alliance to the other more for his owne regard then for other reason he douted not also that Iulian would not willingly help forward for desire to get by that meane some estate by the which he might furnish thexpenses conuenient to so great a mariage with all the better to establish the perpetuall gouernment which the Pope had newly giuen him of the cities of Modona Reggia Parma and Plaisance which being not supported by the fauor of mightie Princes he had litle hope to be hable to keepe them after the death of his brother But the king began euen now to fall from his hope both for that the Pope had transferred to the king of Aragon for two yeres the moneys and collections called the Croissards of the realme of Spaine whereof it was thought he would draw by way of contribucion aboue a million of duckattes And also for that he heard with great inclinacion Alberto Carpy Ier. Vich Embassadors of Caesar and the king Catholike who did not only keepe almost alwayes about him but also it seemed the Pope did communicate with them all his councells Neuerthelesse the Pope interteined the king in suspence both giuing good wordes and showing sounde intencion to those that negociated for the king but alwayes without any resolucion as one that desired aboue all other thinges that the Duchie of Millan shoulde not bee possessed by forreyne Princes Therefore the king whom it imported to bee better assured of his intencion addressed to him newe Embassadours amongest whome was VVilliam Buda of Paris a man in science of humanitie eyther Greeke or Latin of most absolute and onely erudicion of all the learned men of our time Afterwardes he sent to him in the same legacion Antho. Maria Paluoisino A man verie acceptable to the Pope seeking to omitte no meane wherein might bee any oportunitie to aduaunce his purpose But all was labour loste for that before his comminge euen from the moneth of Iulie he had verie secretlie contracted with the others for the defense of the estate of Myllan Notwithstandinge seekinge to keepe couered that resolucion
castell fifteene hundred Svvizzers and fiue hundred Italians and gaue hope to the Duke that the same bands and regiments would returne speedely to his seruice and giue reskew to the castell with this property of hope Maximilian Sforce accompanied with Iohn Gonzago Ierom Morono with other gentlemen of Millan inclosed him selfe in the castell after he had with great difficultie consented that his brother Frauncis Duke of Bary should go into Germanie The Cardinall of Syon tooke his iorney towardes Gaesar to solicite for succours giuing his faith to returne to the seruice with expedicion Thus was the city of Millan abandoned and giuen vp to the French king neither their vallour nor their fortune being able to minister any further protection amid so many hard aduersities And as it is a course ordinary in humane chaunces that one infelicity neuer comes alone so besides their subiection they suffered this propertie of calamity to pay to the king such quantities of treasor and money as it pleased him to impose vpon them only his person forbare to enter the towne so long as the castell helde good for the enemies holding it a matter vnworthie the maiestie of a king to make his entrie into a towne which was not wholly and absolutly in his power In the place where he had wonne the battell he caused Masses to be song solemnly for three dayes the first was to thanke God for his victorie the seconde to pray for the soules of those that were slaughtered in the battell and in the third he made supplication for peace and in perpetuall memorie of his victorie he built in the same place a chappell of deuocion immediatly vpon the brute of this battell all the townes and castells of the Duchie of Millan followed the fortune of the victory except the castells of Cremona and Millan to the which was appointed Peter of Nauarre who assured that he would carie it in lesse then a moneth A matter that seemed vnreasonable in thopinion of wise men both for that the castell bare good fortificacions and also for the plentifull proportion of all things necessary for defence yea hauing within it a resolute garrison of two thowsand men of warre The Viceroy receiuing aduertisement of the french victorie remeined a very few dayes in the place where he was incamped and that more by necessity then by will hauing no reason nor oportunitie to remoue his armie for want of money But being at last refurnished with some litle proporcion and borowing besides of Lavvrence de Medicis six thowsand duckats he brake vp and withdrewe to Ponto de Nuro with intencion to goe to the Realme of Naples for albeit the Pope vnderstanding what was hapned had in the beginning represented to the world the constancie of his predecessor hauing withal the Embassadors of the confederats to perswade him to make head against fortune and to labor either to hold the Svvyzzers in good disposicion or at least vpon their reuolting to take in their places the launceknightes yet he discerned that it could not be but that the remedies and prouisions would fall out too slow for his perills and that he should be the first that should suffer for that though the respect and reuerence of the Church held the king from molesting the state Ecclesiastyke yet he could not beleeue that it was able to conteyne him from assailing Parma and Plaisanca as members depending of the Duchie of Myllan and much lesse hold him frō molesting the state of Florence A matter wherein al regards did ceasse and for the which he would thinke him selfe as deepely offended as if violence were directly offered to the state of the Church It was not without cause that he feared these inuasions for that the king had already giuen order to cast a bridge ouer the riuer of Pavv neare to Pauia to send to take Parma and Plaisanta and afterwards if the Pope refused his amitie to proceede by the way of Pontresmo to chasse the Medicis from the towne of Florence But amyd these deuises and preparacions The Duke of Sauoye and Bishop of Tricaro the Popes Nuncio by commission of the Pope treated with the king who was not without vehement desires to be accorded with him fearing perhaps new allyances to be made against him bearing a wonderfull reuerence and inclinacion to the sea Apostolike for the terrour that was thorow the whole Realme of Fraunce by reason of the persecutions receiued by Pope Iulio In these respects there was concluded betweene them a present confederacion for the defense of the states of Italy wherein was particularly expressed that the king shoulde take vppon him the protection of the person of the Pope the state of the Church Iulian and Lavvrence de Medicis and the estate of Florence That the king should giue an estate in Fraunce and pension to Iulian and to Lavvrence a pension a companye of fifty launces That he should consent that the Pope might giue passage to the Viceroy thorow the states and iurisdiction of the Church to returne with his armie to the kingdom of Naples That the Pope should be bound to make depart out of Verona the souldiers he had there and withall to countermaund the companies sent to the succours of Caesar against the Venetians That he should giue vp to the french king the cities of Farma and Plaisanca and in recompense thereof the king to agree that from thence forward the Duchie of Myllan should be bound to leauy for his vse the salts of Ceruia A matter of great profit to the church and wherein the Pope had already agreed with the Duke of Myllan in the confederacion he made with him That there should be made an arbytracion and compromisse in the person of the Duke of Sauoye to iudge whether the Florentyns had broken the confederacion made with king Lovvys and if they haue offended that way then he to haue power to impose such penaltie as they haue deserued This the king sayde he demaunded more for satisfying of his honor then for other respect Assoone as this conclusion was made the Bishop of Tricaro went to Rome in post to perswade the Pope to ratifie it And Lavvrence de Medicis to giue occasion to the Viceroy to depart the sooner withdrew to Parma Reggia the companies that were within Plaisanca touching him selfe he went to the king to obteyne his good grace and fauor and to perswade him that in all estates of tymes and chaunces of thinges he would depend vpon him vsing in that office or offer of Court the aduises of his Vncle which were more full of suttletie then of good meaning It was much a doe to induce the Pope to this ratification for that it brought no litle displeasure to him to loase Parma and Plaisanca He coulde willingly haue temporised to see what the Svvizzers woulde first determine who hauing called a Parliament at Surich the principall Canton of the whole nation and most enemie to the French debated to giue
during the whole coursse of his life excepting onely the death of his onely sonne for the accidents of his wiues and his sonne in lawe were the cause that he kept his greatnes vntill his death and the necessitie to depart with Castillo after his wiues death was rather a sport then a blowe of fortune In all other thinges he was right happy for being second sonne to Iohn king of Aragon he came to the crowne by the death of his elder brother he aspyred to the kingdom of Castillo by Issabell his wife he subdued the Competytors of the same kingdome and expulsed them he made a conquest of the Realme of Granado which the ennemies of Christian faith had vsurped almost eight hundred yeares he annexed to his Empire the Realmes of Naples and Nauarre and the principallitie of Orano with many other places of importance vpon the coast of Affriqua he bare alwayes the victorie and vpperhand of his ennemies he almost cloaked his ambicions and couetousnes with an honestzeale to religion and an holy affection to the common weale wherein fortune appeared manifestly conioyned with industrie About a moneth affore his deathe dyed the Great Capteine both absent from the Court and ill contented of the king And yet the king gaue order that in remembrance of his vallour there shoulde bee done to him both in the Court and through the whole partes of the Realme those honors that haue not beene vsed to bee done but at the death of kinges A matter plausiblie accepted and executed by all his subiectes who omitted no forte of reuerence or celebracion to the name of the Great Capteyne making him singuler in liberalitie in councell in discression and for knowledge in warres and martiall science excelling all the Capteines of his time By the death of this king the french king entred into a newe courage to addresse an enterprise against the realme of Naples to the which he was in mind to send forthwith the Duke of Burbon with an armie of eight hundred launces tenne thowsand footemen he seemed to reappose much in thopportunitie of the time for that the kingdome beeing in some tumult vppon the death of the king and ill prepared for defense he perswaded a facilitie of conquest speciallye the Archduke hauing no respitte or tyme to succour it And he doubted nothinge of the Popes fauour bothe for the hopes he had giuen him at the enteruiewe of Bolognia and in regarde of thalliance contracted with him and also in consideracion of his proper interest as though he shoulde bee ielouse of the wonderfull height and greatnes of tharchduke heire present to so many kingdomes by the death of the king Catholike and exspected successor of Caesar he hoped besides that tharchduke would giue him no great impediment knowing howe harmefull might be to him his ill will touching the Realmes of Spayne but specially for the regarde of the kingdome of Aragon wherevnto many of the same famulie had aspired if their power had bene as great as their right for albeit in the life of the late king and Isabell his wife it was interpreted in an open generall Parliament that the ancient constitutions of that kingdome which admit not women to the succession of the Crowne were not preiudiciall agaynst the issue males borne of them when in the lyne masculine was to be founde neither brother vncle nor nephew of the dead king nor any other that was more nearer to him then they that were discended of the womans side or at least in equall degree and that for that reason it was declared that after the death of Ferdinand the succession apperteined to tharchduke Charles wherin was brought for example that after the death of Martin king of Aragon dying without issue males the sentence of the Iudges deputed to that matter through the whole kingdome preferred Ferdinand graundfather to this Ferdinand notwithstanding he came of the womens side affore Count Vrgello and others ioyned to Martin by masculine lyne but in degree and propertie of discending further off then Ferdinand yet the people nourished amongest them selues a secret complaynt and controuersie that in that interpretation and declaration the power of Ferdinand and Isabell had more force then the lawe of iustice and equitie In this did thinterpretation seeme vniust to many that the women beeing excluded suche as discended of them might be admitted and withall that in the sentence giuen to the behoofe of tholde Ferdinand the feare of his armes ruled more then reason These matters beeing layde open to the French king and withall that the peoples of the prouince of Aragon Valence and Earledome of Catelonia all these are comprehended vnder the kingdome of Aragon stoode desirous to enioye a king proper and particular He hoped that tharchduke not to endaunger so great a succession and so many estates would not at laste be straunge or harde to leaue to him that kingdome vnder some reasonable cōposition And for the better preparing of this enterprise because he would insinuate by benefites aswell as preuayle by forces he sought at that time to set at libertie Prospero Colonno vpon whom was imposed a raunsome of xxxv thousande duckettes whereof the king procured him to be pardoned of the one moytie By whiche propertie of fauor the worlde beleeued that Prospero had made secrete promise not to beare armes agaynst him yea happly to ayde him in the warre of Naples albeit with some limitation or reseruing of his honor Albeit the king was occupied with these thoughtes and had now determined to deferre no longer the action of armes and forreine warre yet he was driuen by new accidentes to turne his minde wholly to his owne defence for that Caesar hauing receiued a hundred and twentie thousande duckets according to the former negociation begon with the king of Aragon made preparation to inuade the duchie of Millan after he had once giuen succours to Verona and Bressia for the Venetian armie commaunded by Theoder Triuulco for that the other Triuulco was returned to Millan lying encamped within six myles of Bressia suffred their estradiots to make incursions thorowe the whole contrey And one daye beeing charged by those that were within the towne and either partie ronning to the reskew and succour of their friendes they repulsed them and draue them beaten into Bressta hauing long fought for the victorie in which conflict they slue many and tooke prisoner the gouernors brother of the Citie Not many dayes after Monsr de Lavvtrech generall of the French armie and Theodore Triuulco hauing espiall that a strength of three thousand Launceknightes came to Bressia to conduct the money sent for the paye of the souldiors sent out to hinder their passage at the Castell of Aufo Ianus Fregoso and Iohn Conrado Vrsin with certayne bandes of both the armies they put the launceknights to flight and made slaughter of eight hundred of them the residue carying awaye the money founde safety by flying to Lodrono Afterwardes the Venetians sent a
whose euill affection also appeared in other actions making many exceptions and difficulties to confirme vnto him the tenth of the benefices of the realme of Fraunce which he had promised him at Bolognia And yet so great is the respect and maiestie of a Pope the king so labored to appease him with offers offices that albeit after the departure of Caesar he had determined to molest Mirandula Carpy and Correge as townes imperiall to th ende to make some leauyes of money of them yet he forbare from all action in regarde of the complaynings of the Pope who had receyued affore into his protection the Lordes of those townes Moreouer the Mores of Affrica commaunding the sea inferior with many vessels he offred to sende him for the suretie of those seas his nauie of ships which Peter of Nauarre armed at Marseilles by his consent for thinuasion of the streames and creekes of Barbarie with a strength of six thousande footemen But notwithstanding all these offers obseruances the Pope perseuered in his opinion and as sometimes he would vse deniall sometimes occupie excuses yet he would neuer so muche as consent to that demaunde the king had made to him with great instance to call out of Svvizzerlande the Bishop of Verulo and much lesse would he remoue Mucio Colonno from the territories of Modona where he fained he remained of his owne authoritie vntill by the departure of Prospero from Bolognia and all that practise dissolued into smoke there was no more necessitie of his abiding there Only the breaking vp from thence was a matter of great aduersitie to Mutio for that entring afterwardes by night into the towne of Ferma with the forces of the Colonnois and with certayne bandes of footemen Spanish as he was busie in sacking the Citie he receyued a blowe whereof he dyed within fewe dayes after In this estate of affayres and the Senate of Venice making instance for the recouerie of Verona Monsr Lavvtrech with his armie of sixe thousand Launceknightes whome the Venetians agreed to paye for that enterprise came to the riuer of Adice to th ende to passe to Vsolinguo and so to encampe affore Verona together with the Venetian armie But what by the rumour of the comming of the Svvizzers nowe redoubled and the suspicion recontinued of the being of Prospero Colonno at Modona where also remayned the Cardinall of S. Maria in Portico he retyred to Pesquiero not without the complaintes of the Venetians making distribution of his bandes both on this side beyond the riuer of Mincia And notwithstanding the said suspicions were ceassed and that from a regiment of two thousand footmen both Spanish and Launceknightes were gone to the paye of the Venetians and more did go dayly yet he remayned in that place more then a moneth exspecting as was sayde bothe a newe prouision of money out of Fraunce and a greater proportion of artillerie municions and money from the Venetians But the true cause of his temporising was to obserue what would be the issue of the treatie betwene his king and the king Catholike for the Frenche king knowing howe muche and howe necessarily his amitie did import the king Catholike both to remoue the difficulties of his passage into Spayne and to assure him of thobedience and iurisdiction of his kingdomes he seemed not content with the matters that had bene agreed vpon affore at Paris but deuised both to impose vpon him more harder conditions and by his working to haue peace with Caesar which he could not bring to passe without rendring Verona to the Venetians And touching the Spanishe king whose minoritie hauing not aboue fyfteene yeares was wholly gouerned by Monsr de Cheures he refused not to applye his deliberations to the present time and necessitie of thinges By reason whereof on the parte of the Frenche king were sent to Noyon the Bishoppe of Paris the greate maister of Fraunce and the President of the Parliament of Paris And for the king Catholike were Monsr de Cheures and the great Chauncellor of Caesar In whiche respite or intermission the rigour of armes and hostilitie as is the custome of warfaring of our tyme was continually imployed agaynst the poore paisantes and countrey men Monsr de Lavvtrech lying still to see what woulde come of the negociation for by the benefite of a bridge which he had buylded at the village of Monzarban he beganne to cutte downe the corne of the countrey of Verona and gaue libertie to his light horsemen to make incursions in all places He sent also one parte of his armie to incampe vppon the landes of the Mantuans making hauocke of the commodities of that countrey with so vniuersall and generall domage that to redeeme their harmes together with the retyring of so daungerous an enemie the Marquis of Mantua was contented to contribute to him twelue thousande crownes And the souldiors of Verona executing dayly hostilities vppon the territories of Vincensa and Padoa put to sacke the wretched Citie of Vincensa Afterwardes Monsr de Lavvtrech bearing compassion to the great complayntes of the Venetians passed the ryuer of Adice by a bridge whiche he caused to be sette vp at Vsolingua and afterwardes hauing made a greate praye of the countrey for it was neuer thought that th armie would passe on that side he drewe neare to Verona to besiege it winning Chiusa in the meane whyle by the ayde of the countrey men to make more harde the passage of succours that were to come out of Germanie Neuerthelesse the same daye that he approched to Verona the regimentes of Launceknightes beeing nowe three monethes since they had bene enterteined with the money of the Venetians eyther of their voluntarie will and motion or by the secrete subornation of Caesar protested openly that they woulde not serue at the siege of a towne possessed by Caesar and wherein the Frenche kinge had no principall interest By whiche mutinie drawing with it a suspicion of greater conspiracies Monsr de Lavvtrech repassed Adice and incamped a myle from the walles of Verona to whome the Venetian armie wente to ioyne with him not supposing it sufficient for their suretie to remayne on the other side the ryuer thoughe their armie conteyned a strength of fiue hundred men at armes fiue hundred light horsemen and foure thousande footemen About this tyme the deputies of those two kinges passed capitulations in this sorte in the towne of Noyon That there shoulde be a perpetuall peace betweene the French king and the king of Spayne with the like confederation for the defence of their estates agaynst all the worlde That the French king should giue in mariage to the king Catholike his daughter being then but one yeare of age and he to indue her for dowry with the rightes whiche he pretended to apperteine to him in the kingdome of Naples according to the partition made afforetime betwene their predecessors but vnder this couenaunt that vntyll she bare an age hable to be maried the
lesse hope to be hable to bring forth any good effect and withall for that the souldiours of his armie who were driuen to defende their liues by praye and pillage were now of equall terror to his frends and to his enemies he began not to discerne any good expedicion or ende for his affaires And the bands offootemen who had so long followed him seeing no pay ministred and no more hope remeyning to liue by discression because they had no municion of qualitie to force townes and noting withall that to their calamitie of want of vittells was ioyned an increase of the force reputacion of their enemies by the grace of many Princes disclosed in their fauor they beganne to be weary with the longnes of the warre the rather also for that they could hope for no good issue or successe neither by the oportunity of present battell nor by the benefit of longer time The Pope for his parte felt likewise the same perplexities and afflictions for he was both made naked of wealth and treasor and no habilitie of him selfe to continue the prouisions of his campe and also he stoode more doutfull then euer of the fidelity of other Princes but chiefly of the french king who with greatslownes and negligence did prouide for the reliefe of money which he was bound vnto by the capitulacion And for that Monsr de Foix hauing by the Popes direction remeyned in Romagnia refused to send parte of his launces into Tuskane alleaging that he would not deuide his strength before the armies were passed the Appenin there arose many arguments and perswasions of accord betwene the Legat and Franciscomaria his Capteines In which good inclinacion to peace there interposed betwene them Monsr de Foix and Don Hugo da Moncado and for that effect also the Viceroy of Sicilia was sent by the king Catholike But vntill that day nothing succeded for the hard condicions which Franciscomaria vrged At length the bands of spanishe footemen induced both by the difficulties that appeared and also by the solicitacion instance of Don Hugo who ioyning threates to the authoritie of his place and satisfying them that suche was precisely the will of the king of Spaine they were brought to incline and embrace peace which with a very hard consent of Frantiscomaria and the negociacion of the Bishoppe of Auellino sent thither for the Pope by the Legat was contracted in this sorte concurring also the consent of the bands of Gascoine footemen by the interposing of Monsr de Foix That the Pope should pay to the spanish footmen fiue and forty thowsand duckats for the full satisfying of foure monethes paye and to the Gascoines Germaines ioyned with them three score thowsand duckats That they should all departe within eight dayes out of the state of the Churche the iurisdiction of Florence and the territories of Vrbin That Franciscomaria leauing abandoned all that he possessed in that state might passe in securitie to Mantua That he might cary with him his artilleries his houshold stuffe and namely that famous librarye which with so greate charge and diligence had beene erected of Federik his grandfather by the mothers side A Capteine for leading of an armie of moste renowme of all the Capteines of his time but most famous amongest all other his vertues for his patronage of good learning That the Pope shoulde absolue him of all censures and giue remission to all the subiects of the gouernment of Vrbyn and to all others that had risen against him in this warre But whilest they were reducing the substance of these capitulacions into articles and writing Franciscomaria sought to haue inserted in speciall wordes that the Spanyards were they who promised to deliuer vp to the Pope the state of Vrbyn A matter which they refused for the regard of their honor whereuppon they came to contencion when Franciscomaria suspecting least they would sell him to the Pope went suddeinly to Sestina leading with him part of the light horsemen with the footemen Italyans Gascons Germains and foure peeces of artilleries Assoone as perfection was giuen to the peace the Spanyards receiued their payes they went into the Realme of Naples conteining at their departure a strength of six hundred horsemen and foure thowsand footemen by their example the other bands of footemen departed after they had receiued the reward of their disloyaltie Onely to thItalians nothing was neither giuen nor promised And touching Franciscomaria ouer whose sauetie it seemed Monsr de Foix had a care particular seeing him selfe now abandoned challenged the benefit of the firste peace and went thorowe Romagnia and the country of Bolognia to Mantua being accompanied with Federik de Bossolo an hundred horse and six hundred footemen In this sort did ende the warre of Vrbyn continued eyght monethes with great exspenses and ignominie to the Victors on the Popes part were exspended eyght hundred thowsand duckats the greatest masse whereof was drawne out of the common weale of Florence for the authoritie he bare there at that time And touching the Capteines to whom was referred the administracion of those warres there was heaped against them great imputacion of cowardise of disordered gouernment adioyning to it want of sinceritie or sownd intencion for that in the beginning of the warre when the forces of Lavvrence were mighty and the power of thennemies in great weakenes they neuer could vse any occasion neither by apparant vallour nor by their industrie and much lesse by their prouidence or forecast To which beginnings drawing with them losse of their reputacion negligence in discipline and disobedience of th armie were adioyned in the proceedings and further coursse of the warre want of many prouisions in the campe And at last fortune seeming to take her sport and pleasure vpon their errours did by her working so heape calamities vppon their disorders that the affayres of the warres were reduced to these tearmes that the Pope detecting the snares that were layd against his life and being much shaked in the gouernment of the Church and eftsoones fearing the estate of Florence was constrained with peticions and new obligacions to implore the aydes of all men And yet he could not be deliuered from those calamities but by defraying of his owne treasor vpon the armie of his enemies And such as either were the originall mouers of the warre or els being enterteyned in his paye had vilely reuolted against him after they had vexed him with many extorcions In this yeare and almost in the end of the yeare the king of Spayne went with prosperous nauigacion to take possession of his kingdoms he had obteyned before of the french king betweene whome and him went many demonstracions of amitie both of them couering the secret intention of their minds assurance that he would forbeare for six monethes the first payment of an hundred thousand duckets which he was bound to pay in by the articles of the laste accord contracted betwene them The Venetians also made a
in many partes of the merits seruices he had done to the crowne of Fraunce vpon the kings displeasure which cōmonly worketh many daungerous impressions in the mindes of men he renownced disclaimed al society introduction with the Svvizzers and not many dayes after following the court he fell sicke at Chartres where he gaue vp to the king his innocency and complaintes and made to God the last reckoning of his aged daies he was a man in the iudgement of many cōfirmed by sundrie experiēces of singular vallour in the discipline of warre ran a race alwayes opposed to thinconstancy of fortune who according to her mutability made him feele thoperaciō of both her humors somtimes reioising in her fauor earst again finding her sower of bitter tast By his cōmaūdement were written vpon his tombe these words not disagreable to the condicion course of his life I find the rest vvithin my graue vvhich in my life I could not haue About this time Caesar desiring after his death to establishe the succession of the Romaine Empire in the person of one of his grandchildren treated with the electors to choose one of them king of Romains a dignity which draweth with it an immediat succession to the Empire after thEmperours death without other election or confirmacion And bicause none can aspire to suche election vntill thEmperour elect haue obteyned the Crowne Imperiall he made instance to the Pope that by a newe example he woulde accomplishe his Cronacion in Germanie by the handes and deputacion of certeyne Cardinalls Legats Apostolyke for that action And albeit Caesar had affore wished that that dignitie might be transferred to Ferdinand his grandchilde as a degree to supporte him the elder hauing diuolued to him so greate a puissance of estates and albeit he iudged that for the better continuaunce of his house in fame and honor and to meete with all ill accidentes that runne vpon the eldest it were better that two personages were great then one alone ▪ yet what by the operacion of many his Courtiers and by the perpetuall labor of the Cardinall of Syon and lastly by the suborned importunities of suche as feared and hated the puisance of Fraunce he reiected the first councell and disposed all his meanes to haue the king of Spayne elected to that dignity wherein he was perswaded that it would be farre more profitable for the house of Austrich to assemble and draw into one alone all power and greatnes then in canuasing and deuiding it into many partes to make that family lesse mighty to obteine the issue of their purposes That the fundacions of the greatnes of Charles were suche so mighty that adding the dignity Imperiall there was great hope that he might reduce into one monarchie all Italie and a great parte of Christendom An action not onely apperteyning to the greatnes of his progeny and descendants but also agreable to the tranquilitie of his subiects and for the regard of the infidells most conformable to the benefite of the common weale of Christendom That it belonged to him in office equity to lay for thaugmentacion exaltacion of the dignity Imperiall which had bene so many yeares inuested in his person and his house of Austrich and which till that day both by his weakenes and infirmitie of his predecessors had bene greater in title and name then in substance and effects That there was no hope of the rising of that dignity or to reinuest in it his auncient renowme then by transporting it into the person of Charles and annexing it to his power That seeing the humor of the time presented to him thoccasion wherein also did concurre the order of nature and of fortune it ought to be farre from him to stop or hinder the course of so many helps to aduaunce lift vp the greatnes of his house That it was seene by examples and tradicions of auncient Emperours that Caesar Augustus and many of his successors for want of sonnes or other issue of their line haue searched by meane of adoption for successors very farre remoued from their alliance yea such as touched them nothng in blood and kinred wherin they were caried by a naturall gelousie lineally discending from one to an other that the dignitie which had bene so long resident in their persons should not be separate or decline to diminucion That thexample was familiar of the king Catholike who albeit he loued as his sonne Ferdinand who had bene alwayes trayned vp about him and neuer seeing Charles but found him in his last age very disobedient to his commaundements yet without hauing compassion of the pouertie of him whom he loued as his sonne he neuer imparted with him any one of those estates which he helde nor of such as he might dispose by the right prerogatiue of conquest but left all to him whom he scarcely knew but as a straūger That he would remember how the same king would alwayes vrge him to purchase new estats for Ferdinand but to leaue the dignity Imperiall to Charles that it was seene that for thaugmentacion of the greatnes of his successor he had perhaps with a councel reproued of many happily vniust deuested frō the kingdom of Aragon his proper house consented against the common desire of most men that the name of his house so noble and renowned should fall into obscurity perdicion Against this instance of Caesar the french king opposed him selfe with all industrie and meanes possible taking not a litle displeasure and enuie that to so many kingdoms and great estates holden by the spanish there should be added the dignitie Imperiall which resuming a certaine vigor and strength for so great a puisance might subdue all others vnder his feare and iurisdiction he made secret solicitacion to all thelectors to stoppe theffect of such an ambicion he stoode vpon instance to the Pope not to send with an example new and daungerous the Crowne to Maximilian And he sent Embassadors to the Venetians to induce them to hinder it with the Pope whom he admonished of the perills that might fall vpon them both by the course of suche a greatnes But the Electors for the moste parte were already drawne to the opinion of Caesar and no lesse assured of the summes of money promised thē for that election by the king of Spayne who for that purpose had sent into Germanie two hundred thousande duckets Neither could they in reason nor happly without daunger of slaunder in regarde of thexamples paste denie him suche a demaunde Besides it was not to be beleeued that the Pope notwithstanding it was discontenting to him would refuse to agree that Caesar should receiue in Germany by the ministration of Legates Apostolike the Crowne imperiall in his name seing that to make a voyage to Rome to be crowned albeit it brought a greater authoritie to the sea Apostolike yet in all other regardes it was a matter rather ceremonious then
inuested in Charles nor so muche for his owne greatnes as for that by the oportunitie and neighborhood of the realme of Naples to thestate of the Churche and the adherencie of the Barons of the Gebelins he had a playne and open passage to ronne vp to the gates of Rome But in that discourse he considered not that the same reason whiche he iudged true agaynst Charles was also agaynst himselfe for that thempire being ioyned to his person he was no lesse to be feared of the Pope and all others then Charles for that though the one of them possessed happly more realmes and states yet the other was not to be lesse esteemed hauing his power not dispersed nor seperate in many places but was Prince of a realme entierly assembled and vnited where the obedience and fidelitie of his subiectes was no lesse wonderfull then his treasor and riches infinite Neuerthelesse not knowing in himselfe that which he considered in an other he had recourse to the Pope and implored his fauor vnder the offer and protestation of his person and kingdomes with all other deuotions of a louing sonne The matter of this election pressed muche the Pope to whom it was not a litle grieuous both for the suretie of the sea Apostolike and tranquillitie of Italie that eyther of those two kings should be elected Emperor And as his authoritie with the Electors was not suche as he might hope to drawe them muche to his purpose so he iudged it necessarie to take a wyse course and to vse industrie in a matter that drewe so great consequence He perswaded him selfe that the French king being abused by some of thelectors would haue litle part in thelection and that the corruptions in men salable would not be sufficient to transport thempire from the Germaine nation to the house of Fraunce But he supposed the action would be easie to the king of Spayne both for the conformitie of language and nation and for the practises and solicitations begon with Maximilian and for many other regards yea he thought he might easily leade on his intention if he obiected no impediment A matter which he sawe he could not worke in other sort then to labor the Frenche king to turne vpon the person of one of the selfe electors the same fauors and distributions of money which he aduaunced to procure his owne election But he esteemed it a matter impossible to induce the kings minde to take that course so long as he stoode caryed with the vehement humor of vayne hopes And as he hoped that by howe muche more earnestly he should embarke him selfe into that practise by so muche more easily should he drawe the French king to fauor the election of a third with no lesse affection then he had sought to aduaunce his owne so he doubted not that vnder that dealing he might not winne so muche with the king as to bring him to receyue and heare his authoritie and counsell especially hauing insinuated in him a credence certayne to be his friend and to haue with him the same desire to aduaunce his election Besides he thought that in fauoring at the beginning the affayres of the French king the king of Spayne finding difficultie to obteine his desire and fearing least the French would winne some aduauntage woulde in like sorte dispose him selfe to elect a thirde For which reasons he did not onely signifie to the French king with what affection he wished he were lifted to thempire but he counselled him with many reasons to proceede resolutely in thenterprise promising him vnder large wordes to fauor him with the whole authoritie of the sea Apostolike And as he thought he could not in better sort imprint in the kinges minde the sinceritie of his intention then to vse for that purpose an instrument whom the French king would thinke depended more vpon him then of any other he gaue present direction to his Nuncio in Germanie called Robert Vrsin Archbishop of Reggia and of great confidence with the king that both seuerally and ioyntly with the French Agents there he should make the best labor he could to solicite thelectors But he diminished the libertie of this commission by secrete aduertisement that the Nuncio should proceede eyther more or lesse moderately according as he founde in Germanie the Electors disposed and the affayres aduaunced These actions discretly discoursed by the Pope and no lesse couered with a wonderful simulation stoode in neede aswell for the person of the king as in his Agents in Germanie of a greater wisedome and secretie and in the Popes ministers a more fidelitie and grauitie But whylest these matters tooke their proceedings by practises and by armes the French king gaue direction to Peter of Nauarre to go to the sea with a Nauie of xx gallies and other vessells fraughted with a thousande souldiors his commission was to lye to impeache the piracies and inrodes of the Mores who hauing with their foystes ronne into oure seas without impediment became more harmefull this yeare then at anye time before His commission bare also to inuade the Mores of Affrika if the Pope thought it so good But the principall respect and intention of this expedition was to take away from the Pope who was wholly for him in the chalenge of thempire all occasion not to feare the forces of the king Catholike who more for feare to be troubled in his owne estates then for desire to vex any other leauyed with great preparations an army by sea to sende it out for the garding of the realme of Naples And yet notwithstanding amidde these distrustes and suspicions both the kings continuing in demonstrations and fayre semblances of amitie there was sent from them seuerally and in particular to Montpellier the greate maister of Fraunce the lorde of Cheures in the seuerall persons of whom consisted almoste all the counsells and intentions of their kinges Their negociation tended partly to confirme the mariage of the seconde daughter of Fraunce with the king of Spayne and partly to resolue the affayres of the kingdome of Naples the restitucion of which albeit being promised to thauncient king in thaccorde made at Noyon though much solicited by the French king was tyll that day deferred by the king of Spayne with diuerse cunning excuses But this entercouncell and meeting was dashed by the accident of death happning to the great Maister who was taken away affore they assembled In this time dyed Lavvrence Medicis who had languished in a continuall sicknes euer since his returne from Fraunce where he had consummated his mariage with a wretched prediction by the death of his wife who not many dayes before and after her deliuery of childe was reuoked out of this worlde leauing him behinde to take warning of his mortall ende by her going before to prepare his waye By the death of Lavvrence the Pope standing desirous to keepe conioyned so long as he lyued the power of the Florentins with the estate of the Churche
a power in the person of one onely prince whose youth and other apparances made showe of great effectes of ambicion in him besides that there was promised and prophesied vpon him by many predictions a right great large empire together with many worldly fortunes and felicities And albeit he was not so riche in treasor and money as was the French king yet it was noted in him a matter of right great importance to be hable to furnishe his armies with footemen of Svvizzers Germains and Spaniards people for their vallour of great glorie and reputation through the world A matter wherein he had a singular aduantage of the French king who for that he had not in his kingdome a strength of footmen to oppose agaynst the vertue of these had no meane to make strong warre but by drawing with great expences and intollerable difficulties bandes of footemen out of forreine contreis A necessity which cōstrained him to enterteine with great charge and diligence the nation of Svvizzers and to endure of them many iniuries and yet he neuer stoode fully assured neyther of their constancie nor of their fidelitie Moreouer it was not to be doubted that betwene these two Princes of equall youth and ambicion and hauing indifferent reasons and occasions of ielousie and contencion would not in the ende arise a great and daungerous warre for the French king was not without a burning desire to recouer the kingdome of Naples to the whiche he aspired and pretended iust title and he tooke greatly to hart the restoring of king Iohn to the realme of Nauarre touching the which he nowe discerned that he had bene fed with vaine hopes It troubled the Emperour to pay the hundred thousande duckets promised in the accord of Noyon and he interpreted agaynst the king that in reiecting thaccord made before at Paris and vsing immoderatly thoccasion when he was to passe into Spayne he had almost forced him to make a new accorde Besides the cause of the duke of Gueldres was greene and fresh betwene them A matter of it selfe without any other concurrancie sufficient to stirre them vp to warre armes for that as the French king on the one side had taken him into his protection so on the otherside he was holden by the people of Flaunders a seuere and bitter enemie But aboue all other quarrels the Duchie of Burgondie wrought in the mind of themperour no small emulacion which duchie being possessed by Levvis the eleuenth by reason of the death of Charles duke of Burgondie grandfather by the mothers side to themperours father hath euer since tormented the minds of his successors Lastly there wanted no matter or occasions of strife and warre for the duchie of Millan of which the king raigning had not since the death of Levvis the twelfth neither demaunded nor obteined the inuestiture Besides there was pretended to the rightes which had bene gotten to him by the inuestiture which had bene made to his predecessor many chalenges exceptions aswell touching the inualiditie as the losse of those rights which was matter sufficient to stirre them vp to quarrell Neuerthelesse neither the time ronning nor the oportunitie present which are the guiders of actions consented as then that they should enter into any innouacion for besides that themperour of necessitie was to repasse first into Germanie to receiue at Aix the crown of thempire according to the custome of those that are elected yet they were either of them so puissant mightie in their particular that the difficultie to offend one another kept them restrayned from all inuasion vntill they had perfect informacion of the intencion disposicion of other Princes but specially of the Pope in case the warre were to begin in Italie his intencions inclinacion were so obscured couered with artificial faire semblāces that much lesse that they were knowen to others seing happly at sometimes they held no resolucion in himself notwithstāding he had dispēsed with Charles for thacceptatiō of thelection made in his person contrarie to the tenor of thinuestiture of the realme of Naples wherin being made according to the auncient forme of inuestitures he was expresly forbidden suche a matter But what soeuer he did in that action proceded not so much of good will as for that he had no occasion to refuse it to him without offending him greatly So that the regions of Italie for these reasons stoode in good estate of peace and tranquilitie notwithstāding in the end of the same yere the Pope sought to possesse the citie of Ferrara not with manifest armes but by secret ambush and deuise for albeit it might haue bene beleeued that for the death of his Nephewe Lavvrence de Medicis especially for that there wanted in his house rather men then estates he would haue shaked of all thoughtes ambicion to occupie Ferrara to the which he had alwayes aspired before yet whether he was pushed on by a hatred conceiued agaynst that Duke or by a desire to make himselfe equal or at least to come as neare as he could to the glory of Iulio he had not neither for the death of his brother nor for the losing of his nephew diminished any part of that burning ambiciō by which experience it maye be easily discerned that the ambicion of Priestes taketh of nothing so great norriture as of it selfe But the qualitie of the time and the situacion and fortresse of that Citie whiche Alfonso with great diligence had reduced to good rampiers fortifications would not agree that he should make his enterprise with forces open and discouered seing withal he had prouided an infinit quantity of faire artilleries municions improuing to thuttermost his reuenues limiting al his exspences imposing newe raxacions and tributes and lastely expressing in all things the minde of a marchant more then of a prince it was beleeued he had gathered together a huge masse of money and treasor In so much that if the condicions of the time changed not there remayned to the Pope no other hope to cary it then by the way of secret conspiracie and practise wherof as he had in vayne made experience in times past with Nicho. d'Este and many others And Alfonso for that he knewe not that he followed any more those practises helde himselfe almost assured not of his will but of his conspiracies and ambushes So it seemed to the Pope for the meanes that were offred to him and for that Alfonso by thoppression of a long maladie was reduced to those desperate tearmes that there was almost no hope of his recouerie and withall for that his brother the Cardinall because he would not remayne in the Court of Rome with disgrace was gone into Hungrie that the time consented to execute some plot layde and preferred by some exiles of Ferrara and by their working by Alexander Fregoso Bishop of Vintemille who was then at Bolognia for that aspiring to be Duke as his father the Cardinall had
councells the peace would easily be preserued without violacion And there was not discerned any apparant cause why he should seeke to incense the warre both for that he had with yll speede broken out into armes before and withall considering the greatnesse of those two Princes it stoode him vpon to keepe an indifferent feare of the victorie of eyther of them since it was euidently seene into that whether of them soeuer preuayled in that warre could not be stayed from subduing and subiecting to his obedience all the regions of Italie The Pope possessed in peace and great obedience the large estate of the Churche and of Rome and his whole Court florished wonderfully vnder him in plentifull happines and felicitie He had full authoritie ouer the state of Florence which in those times was a state mightie in people policie and riches He was naturally inclined to ease and pleasures and therefore made it an offence to his libertie and greatnes to heare speake of sutes and affayres His custome was to consume the day in hearing of Musike in seeing stage playes and trifling with skoffers and iesters so that being more effeminate then was eyther conuenient or comely it seemed he should be altogether estraunged from the warre Besides as he was full of gracious liberalities and magnificencie suche as mighte bee tearmed wonderfull though he had discended by long succession from great kings so he had not onely by his incredible prodigalities and distribucions without discression or distinction consumed the treasors gathered by Iulio but also hauing exacted an infinite quantitie of money of thexpedicions of the Court and many newe sortes of offices inuented to rayse gayne he had wasted all so excessiuely that he was still constrayned to studie meanes and deuises to interteine those immoderate exspences which grewe increasing with the vanitie of his disposition He had no deuocion to rayse or make great any of his house or kinred and though he was possessed with a vehement desire to recouer Parma and Plaisanca and no lesse ambicion to reduce to him thestate of Ferrara yet he thought them not causes sufficient to remoue him from his pleasures nor to reuerse the peasible condition of things but in his delightes and securitie he helde it better to temporise and exspect oportunities and occasions But right truely is it spoken that there is no greater enemie to great men then too great prosperitie for that it takes from them all rule of them selues it makes them full of libertie it giues them boldnes to do euill aud it breedes in them a desire and aptnes to trouble their proper weale and benefite by innouacions and newe things Leo being thus lifted to so high estate suffred to be bred in him many considerations sometimes he sawe what infamie it brought to him to loase Parma and Plaisanca gotten by Iulio with so great glorie and to that moode was ioyned his burning desire to aduaunce thaction of Ferrara sometimes he seemed to see that if he dyed without doing some thing of importance the memorie of his pontificacie woulde remayne dishonored sometimes he feared least those two kings they both beeing excluded out of hope to haue him on their side and therefore lesse hable to offende one an other would grow at last to contract betwene them selues some league preiudiciall tending to the ruine of the Church and the residue of Italie sometimes he hoped as I haue heard the Cardinal de Medicis say who knew all his secrets that the frenchmen being chassed out of Genes and Millan he might the more easely expulse Caesar out of the kingdom of Naples and so appropriate to him selfe the glorie of the libertie of Italie to the which his predecessor had manifestly aspired An enterprise which by howe muche lesse he thought he was hable to accomplishe by his proper forces by so much more did he hope by appeasing somwhat the mind of the french king either by thelection of some Cardinall whom he would preferre or by his readines to gratifie him in some other matters to draw him to giue him succors against Caesar as though it were a satisfaction to the king to see that as muche was done to Caesar as to him These were his concepcions such were the discourses of his mind in these variacions did he fashion the image of things But which soeuer of these causes moued him whether one or more or all together he tooke vnto him newe impressions and turned all his thoughtes to the warre and to ioyne him selfe with one of these two Princes to th ende that being allied with the one he might moue warre in Italie against the other And for a declaracion of his readines to the matter as also not to be oppressed in the meane while by either of them whilest he negociated with them both but more straitly and particularly with the french king he sent into Svvizzerland Antho. Puccio Bishop of Pistoyo and afterwards Cardinal to leauie and lead to the seruice of the Church six thowsand Svvizzers An armie which being deliuered to him without difficultie by the Cantons vnder the fauor of the confederacion which since the warre of Vrbin he had renewed with them hauing likewise got libertie of passage through the estate of Millan was conducted vppon the lands and dominions of the Church where he enterteined them many moneths as well in Romagnia as in la Marqua Many were vncerteine to what endes he made so great chargeable a leauie of men and not to employ them seeing there was no stirre or alteracion in Italie And albeit he assured the regions and potentacies of the same that he had armed them for his proper suerty for that he knewe well that the rebells of the Church conspired some violent action against him yet the murmure of the people being not satisfied for that his reasons bare small resemblance with trueth men discoursed seuerally vppon it according to their seuerall fancies some supposed that he called in those forces for feare of the frenche king others beleued that he would employ them against Ferrara and some thought that he would turne them against Caesar to chasse him out of the kingdom of Naples But the practise that was secret betwene him the frēch king was that they should with their ioynt forces inuade the kingdom of Naples vnder this condicion that Caietta and all that stoode betwene the riuer of Garillan and the confines of thecclesiastike state should be for the Church the residue of the realme to reuert to the second sonne of Fraunce who vntill he came to the age of maiority should be gouerned together with the kingdom by a Legat Apostolicall that should lye resident at Naples Moreouer it was an article in the capitulacion that the king should aide him against the subiects and freholders of the sea Apostolike which was a condicion affixed for the better assuring of that which the Church helde already and no lesse tending to the desire which the Pope had to
then of our selues our owne feares will breede our common daungers our fraile suspicions will drawe on our propper calamities and as a destinie we shall be driuen into warre by our immoderat desires to peace which then is most holy and most to be embrased when it puts men out of suspicion when it encreaseth no daunger when it bringes a meane to sit downe in tranquillitie and to cut of great exspenses But when it appeareth in an other habit and forme begetteth effects contrary it abuseth then the name the property and the nature of peace and vnder a corrupt resemblance of peace it taketh iustly the title of a daungerous warre and vnder the show of a holsom medicine it expresseth thoperacion of a mortall poyson So that as in confederating with thEmprour we turne the French king from his enterprise of Italy leade thEmprour as it were by a lyne to occupy at his will the Duchie of Myllan and so to embase vs and our iurisdiction so it followeth that by that action with a right great infamie of our name and hazard of the faith of this common weale we buy the greatnes of a Prince who hath giuen no lesse tokens of his ambicion then proofe of his power and who ioyning with him his brother hath set downe this pretence that all that we possesse in the firme land apperteineth vnto them And on the other side we reiect and exclude out of Italy A king who vnder his equitie and greatnes assureth the libertie of vs all and is induced by a great necessitie and constraint to remeine straitly allied and conioyned with vs These reasons so euident and sensible auoyd all matter of imputacion that I am not pushed on more by affection then by truth nor more caried by any interest particular then with the loue I beare to the common weale The sauetie and preseruacion of which we neede not doubt if God giue so great grace and felicitie to your councells as he hath plentifully imparted amongest you the spirit of wisedom and forecast But against this speech did oppose one George Cornaro a gentleman of equall authority and of no lesse reputacion for grauitie and stayed condicion Rightielous were the office of Magistrates if in matters of councell it were lesse lawfull to confute then to obiect And no lesse doth it offend the estate and credit of their place where it is not thought as greate a fidelitie to aunswer as to propone Since such hath beene alwayes the law and libertie of councell giuing to assure the truth against all sinister insinuacions And albeit I am not ignorant that in nothing is more suspicion then to giue councell in matters of state yet for myne owne parte considering the equitie of this Senate affore whom I speake I doubt not but the reasons I shall giue will suffice to assure myne innocencie against all imputacions Assuredly the matter we haue in hand is great and full of difficulties both for the consideracion of the time nature of many accidents concurring And yet when I looke into thinfidelitie and ambicion of the Princes of this time and howe much they differ from the nature of common weales whose gouernment beeing not subiected to thappetit of one alone but disposed by the consents of many vse to proceede with more moderacion and regard and obserue with great ceremonie contrary to thexamples of Princes not to depart from any thing that beareth apparance of iustice honestie or reason I can not but conclude that it is most hurtfull for vs and our affayres to haue the Duchie of Millan possessed by a Prince more mightie then our selues seeing that necessarily suche a neighborhood will so holde vs suspected and afflicted that thoughe we enioye peace yet we shall alwayes liue in continuall thoughtes of warre notwithstanding all leagues of alliance or confederacion what so euer Of this auncient stories giue vs many examples which for good respectes I passe ouer for the present leauing you onely to the lamentable experience of king Lovvis the xij of whose doings I doubt not remayneth imprinted in the heartes of vs all a bitter remembraunce This Senate brought him into the Duchie of Millan and to that vnhappie resolucion many of vs heare gaue assistance we kepte with him iustly our fayth in all Capitulacions notwithstanding vnder great offers and goodly occasions we were aduised by the Spaniardes and Launceknightes to leaue his alliance as also his infidelitie gaue no small cause to drawe vs therevnto for that he solicited many practises agaynst vs But neyther the memorie of so many benefites receyued nor the merite of our fidelitie so iustely obserued nor the consideration of so many perpetuall offices exhibited could moderate in him his great desire to vex vs In so muche as in that ambicion and for that cause he made a willing reconcilement with his auncient and greatest enemies and lastly contracted agaynst vs that most perillous confederacie of Cambray If it be daungerous for the riche and poore to dwell neare together for that in the wealth of the rich are sowen the seedes of enuie to the poore and by the wantes of the poore are bred humors of couetousnes in the riche man to consume him farre greater harmes must growe by the neighborhood of great kings and princes whose ambicion caryed on the wings of authoritie runneth without limitte and is no more repulsed by the resistance of men then a swift running streame blowen by a violent winde to ouerflow his channell And therefore to escape those daungers that would alwayes hang ouer vs by so yll assured neighborhood of great Princes the necessitie of our affayres driues vs to addresse all our counsells to this ende that neyther the French king nor themperour haue anye footing in the Duchie of Millan but that it remayne to Frauncis Sforce or suche an other of his equalitie who were not borne vp with kingdomes or large dominions Vppon such a choyse dependes our suretie for the present and hereafter if the condicion of tymes do chaunge may depende a great encreasing and exaltacion of our estate We consult nowe whether we should continue amitie with the French king or confederate our selues with themperour By the one of these two deliberacions Frauncis Sforce is excluded absolutely from the Duchie of Millan and an entrie left open to the French king who is a prince farre mightie aboue vs the other tendeth to assure and confirme in the same Duchie Frauncis Sforce whom themperour offreth to comprehend as principall in our confederacion and hath made promise to the king of Englande to protect him So that though he would seeke to depriue him of that estate he should not offende vs onely and the other potentates of Italie to whom he should giue cause to turne eftsones to the Frenche but also in that action he is both to displease the king of Englande whom it behoueth him greatly to respect and also to prouoke agaynst him all thinhabitantes of the Duchie of
the name of one faction hauing suppressed the kinges of the house of Lancaster whiche was the other faction and the partakers with the house of Lancaster seeing there was no more remayning of that house raysed to the kingdome Henrye of Richemont for his proximitie and nearenes with them Who after he had subdued hys aduersaries to th ende he might raigne with more suretie and with more authoritie tooke to wyfe one of the daughters of Edvvarde the laste king but one of the house of Yorke by whiche coniunction of houses all the rightes and claymes of bothe the one and the other houses were absolutelye and lawfully transferred into the person of king Henry the eyghte borne of that maryage These houses for the enseignes and cognizanses that they bare were called commonly the Redde rose and the VVhite rose But touching the mouing of the king of Englande to make warres in Fraunce he was not so muche caryed by hope to winne the Realme of Fraunce by armes for that he was not ignoraunt of the innumerable difficulties that woulde contende agaynst him as he was importunatelye pushed on by the ambicious desire of the Cardinall of Yorke who layde this plotte that the long and tedious trauells and infinite necessities of the warre woulde in the ende bring his king to be the onely arbitrator and appoynter of the peace And knowing that the negociacion of it shoulde depende muche of his authoritie he thought in one time both to make his name great through all the worlde and also to enterteine hymselfe in the good grace and lyking of the French king to whom he showed secretly to beare some good inclinacion And therefore the king of Englande sought not to binde him selfe to those condicions whervnto it was necessarie he should be bound if he had had a forwarde minde to so great a warre Thus Themperour was stirred vp to the warre by that occasion but much more by a hope that through the fauour authoritie and popular opinion whiche the Duke of Burbon caryed in that kingdome the commons of the realme would draw to commotion And therfore notwithstanding he was aduised by many of his firme and assured friends that both for his want of money which brings no small impedimentes to enterprises and for the doubt of his confederates whose fidelitie was vncertayne he would giue ouer to beginne a warre so harde and intricate and consent that the Pope mighte treate vpon the surceasing of armes yet he capitulated with the king of Englande and Duke of Burbon in this sorte That the Duke should enter the Realme of Fraunce with that parte of th armie that was in Italie And assone as he should be ouer the Mountes the king of Englande to paye an hundred thousande duckets for the defraymentes of the first monthe of the warre That it should be in the election of the sayd king eyther to continue this contribucion from monthe to monthe or else to passe into Fraunce with a strong armie to make warre from the firste daye of Iulie vntill the ende of December And in that case the countreys of Flaunders to furnishe him of three thousande horse a thousande footmen and sufficient artilleries and municions That if the victorie fell to them there should be rendred to the Duke of Burbon all those landes which the Frenche king had taken from him That Prouence should be transferred to him to the which he already pretended by the resignacion that was made after the death of Charles the eight by the Duke of Lorreine to Anne Duchesse of Burbon That he shoulde holde it by the title of king of Prouence That first he should make an othe to the king of Englande as to the king of Fraunce and do him homage whiche if he did not perfourme then this capitulacion to bee voyde That the Duke of Burbon shoulde not treate nor practise nothing with the Frenche kinge withoute the consent of them bothe That thEmperour at the same tyme shoulde make warre on that syde towardes Spayne Lastely that thEmbassadours of thEmperour and the king of Englande shoulde procure the Potentates of Italie to bee concurrant with their money in this enterprise to th ende to be for euer assured agaynst the warre of the Frenche A matter whiche neuer sorted to effect for that the Pope did not onely refuse to contribute but blamed expresly thenterprise prophesying that not onely it would haue an yll successe in Fraunce but also it would be the cause to returne the warre agayne vpon Italie and that with a greater puissance and perill then before The Duke of Burbon refused constantlye to acknowledge the king of Englande for kinge of Fraunce And albeit after the confederacion was made he gaue counsayle to marche with the armie towardes Lyon to th ende to drawe neare hys owne landes and Countreys yet it was resolutely determined that he shoulde passe into Prouence both for that Themperour shoulde with more facilitie sende him succours out of Spayne and also to bee more apte to take the seruice and oportunitie of the armie by sea which was in preparing at Genes by the commaundement and with the money of Themperour The Marquis of Pisquairo was declared capteine generall for Themperour in this warre for that he coulde not be brought to obey the Duke of Burbon The plotte and proceedinges of this expedicion were that the Duke of Burbon and with him the Marquis shoulde passe to Nice and yet with forces farre lesse then such as were appoynted for that where to the forces they had already with them which was fiue hundred men at armes eyght hundred light horsemen foure thowsande footemen Spanyardes three thowsande Italyans and fiue thowsande launceknightes there shoulde haue bene ioyned three hundred men at armes of the armie in Italy and fiue thowsande other launceknightes these laste companies fayled to come for want of money And the Viceroy kept reteyned the men at armes for the garde of the contrey hauing no meane to wage newe companies of footemen according to the resolucion sette downe in the firste councells to th ende to make heade agaynst Michaell Angeo Marquis of Salusse who beeing departed from his estate kept vppon the Mounteines with a thowsande footemen There was added to this that thEmprours armye at sea one of their principall hopes beeing guyded by Don Hugo de Mocado A man of muche malice and wickednes of life and a creature of the Duke Valentynois appeared farre inferior to the nauie of the Frenche king which beeing parted from Marseilles was stayed in the port of Villefrancho Neuerthelesse thEmperours armye entred into Prouence where were Monsr de la Palissa Capteyne Fayetto Ranso de Cere and Pederyk Bossolo All Capteynes of the French kinge and were nowe withdrawen into townes for that they were not stronge enoughe to make heade in the fielde One parte of the armye drewe alonge the sea side and tooke the tower that commaundeth the port of Tovvlon where were taken two Canons that were drawen to the armye
Besides the towne of Aix whiche for his authoritie and for that the parlyament is there resident is one of the chiefe townes of Prouence was rendred whose example drewe with it many other townes of the contreye The Duke of Burbon in whome was no lesse emulacion then vallour desiered that from Aix the armye might marche further leauing the sea side Wherein he perswaded that seeking to passe the ryuer of Rhosne there might bee loste no tyme to enter deeper into the bodye and intralls of Fraunce whilest the kinges prouisions were yet but weake and not confirmed for by reason the kinge was consumed of treasor and money the men at armes of Fraunce had suffered muche and were very ill payed and also not expecting that his ennemies would passe out of Lombardye into Fraunce his forces and companyes of men of warre were falne into that disorder that they coulde not bee readdressed with suche speede Besides the kinge hauing no confidence in the vallour of the footemen of his owne kingdome was constrayned before he coulde marche into the fielde to tarye for the comming of certeyne footebandes of the Svvyzzers and launceknightes during which exspectacion as the Duke of Burbon thought he shoulde be able to doe some matter of importance in passing ouer Rhosne so the Marquis of Pisquairo with the other Spanishe Capteines were of an other aduise They desiered that bothe for the oportunitie of the sea and to satisfie thintencion of thEmprour Marseilles might bee conquered A hauen moste conuenient to vexe the Realme of Fraunce with sea armyes and also no lesse apt to passe in sauetye out of Spayne into Italie These Capteynes what by thauthoritye of their multitude and thefficacye of their reasons so preuayled agaynste the will of the Duke of Burbon that they pytched their campe before Marseilles wherein was newely entred Ranse de Cere with those bandes of footemen which had beene ledde into Fraunce from Alexandria and Loda They laye fortye dayes before Marseilles without dooinge anye exployte of marke or memorie And albeit they executed the walles in many places with their artilleries and not preuayling with batteries labored to worke their entrie by myning yet they founde obiected many difficulties and their great labors resisted bothe by the fortune and fortification of the towne they had contending agaynst their industrie the strength of the wall bearing an auncient forme and building The vallour of the defendants moste resolute in the quarrell of their libertie The disposicion of the people bearing greate deuocion to the name of the Frenche king and very hatefull to the glorye of the Spanyardes And lastely the hope of succours aswell by sea as lande for that the Frenche kinge was comen to Auignon A citye of the Popes standing vppon the riuer of Rhosne where he assembled with greate diligence A mightie armie Moreouer want of money beganne to fall vppon thEmprours Capteines and their hopes no lesse diminished that the Frenche king beeing inuaded in other places woulde bee letted to conuert to one onely part all his forces and prouisions for that the king of England notwithstanding he had sent to the Duke of Burbon Maister Richard Pase did both refuse to paye the hundred thowsande duckats for the seconde moneth And also made slender showes to moue warre in Piccardye No hauing receiued into Englande Iohn Ioachin de Spetio whome the Frenche king had sent to him and also the Cardinall of Yorke making straunge aunswers to thEmprours Embassadors he gaue the Duke greate occasion bothe to doubt and distrust him And touching Spaine and thexspectacion there the powers and forces did not aunswer the willes of men nor the promisses that were made The reason was for that the Courtes of Castillo so are called the congregacions of the Deputies assembled in the name of the whole kingdom had refused to ayde thEmprour with foure hundred thowsand duckats A contribucion which they are wont to make both in the great neede of their king and vppon any action of importance by which occasion there could no money be sent to the armie that was in Prouence much lesse any leauie of men made against the french king in the frontyers of Spaine other then very weake and not worthy to beare reckoning So that the imperiall Capteines bothe dispairing to sacke Marseilles and also fearing to ronne into some greater daunger when the king shoulde approche brake vppe their campe the same daye that the king sette from Auignon with his whole armie hauing also marching with him a regiment of six thowsand Svvizzers The same reasons that moued th imperiall Capteines to leauie their seege from before Marseilles caried them also to turne their faces towards Italy And as in men there is nothing more violent then the passion of feare whose mocions are swifter then the winges of the winde so in thimperialls was seene no lesse diligence to hasten into Italie then to breake vp their seege showing one care to preuent the perill that might fall vppon them if either all or parte of the French kinges armie should encownter them in the contry of thennemie And on the other side the king saw a faire occasion offered to recouer his Duchie of Millan what by the puissance of the armie he had leauied by the fidelitie of his Capteines by the plentie of his prouicions by thintelligence he had of the weakenes of his ennemies and lastly by his hope that taking the nearest waye he shoulde bringe his armie into Italye affore those that went from Marseilles In which estate and aduauntage of thinges he determined to ioyne industrie to the present oportunitie and to followe the benefit that fortune presented to him he imparted this resolucion with all the Capteines of th armie to whome he declared that as he had vowed in him selfe an irreuocable promise to passe in person into Italie so whoseuer woulde rise vp to councell him the contrarie muche lesse that he would graunt him audience seeing he would not forbeare to holde him in ill opinion and affection That therefore euerie one shoulde goe to his charge and shewe the same will to execute thenterprise which they had done to consult and to conclude it That God who was a louer of iustice and thinsolencie and rashnesse of thennemies had at last layed open a meane to reconquer that that had bene violentlie rauished from him against lawe equitie and reason That they had to doubt no more of the victorie then for his parte he distrusted their vallours for that God doth alwayes accompanie an innocent cause with a happie successe To these wordes was correspondent both his constancie in deliberacion and his celeritie in execucion for that he commaunded immediatlie his armie to marche wherein were two thowsande launces and twentie thowsande footemen He tooke a contrarie waye because he woulde not meete with the Ladie Regent his mother who was come from Auignion to debate with him not to passe the mountes in person but to performe the warre in Italie by
any succours eyther secret or manifest in whiche couenant the Florentins did also communicate And also the king receiued into his protection the Pope and the Florentins comprehending especially thauthoritie which the famulie of Medicis had within Florence It was agreed that this accorde should not be published but at suche time as should seeme best to the Pope Neuerthelesse albeit it came not for the present to the knowledge of themprours Capteines yet they entred dayly more and more into ielousie of the Pope and therfore to be fully made assured of the certentie of his intention they dispatched to hym Martin Abbot of Nagero Commissary of the campe his commission was to propounde to the Pope at one time both hope and feare for of the one part they made him offer of very great â–ª things and of the other they gaue him to vnderstande that if themperour and the king came to the vttermost contencion themperour coulde not but holde for enemies and agaynst him suche as stoode in showe of newters and indifferent But the Pope answered that nothing could be lesse seeming to him his estate and place then to giue ouer newtralitie in a time when warres ranne betwene Christian Princes both for that the office of a pastour did so require it and also standing a newter he might with a greater authoritie interpose in the action of peace of the parts and couenants whereof he treated at the same time with thEmperour at whose Court since the taking of Millan was arriued thArchbishoppe of Capua to whom the Ladie Regent had giuen passeport to go from Lyon into Spayne â–ª Where after he had with the same reasons excused the Pope in that he would not renue the league a matter wherein thEmperour did instantly require him when he vnderstoode the king drewe towardes Italie he tolde him that in making peace or truse he ought to lay aside armes But that which wrought in thEmperour an inclinacion to accord was the difficulties wherein he saw his armie reduced the slender meanes he had to make leauies of money to releeue the affaires of Italie the full felicitie which followed the frenche king and the suspicion that he had least the king of England had secretly contracted with his ennemie he grounded that iealousie vpon this reason that not only he refused to sende to th armie that was in Lombardye the fiftie thowsand duckats for the which notwithstanding he had giuen order and prouided at Rome for the warre of Prouence But also he demaunded of thEmperour suffering so great necessitie both restitucion of the money he had lent him and also present payment of all such summes as he was bound vnto for thEmperour since his passing into Spaine hauing a great desire of coniunction with the king of England and the better to remoue al difficulties that might hold him in suspence bound him selfe to pay him that pension which he had yearely of the frenche king and to aunswere twentie thowsande duckats for the pensions which the frenche king payed to the Cardinall of Yorke and others together with thirtie thowsande duckats payable to Queene Blanche the widow of king Levvis of all which summes he had made no payment till that day Neuerthelesse thEmperour amidde so many aduersities made answere that it was not a matter agreeing with his dignitie to make any conuencion so long as the french king lay vexing with armes and hostilitie the Duchie of Millan This was his aunswere no lesse resolute then worthie suche a greatnes of minde being notwithstanding no lesse afflicted in thought and spirite then verie ill disposed of his person and bodie being falne into a feuer quartine either for the displeasure he had conceiued when the difficulties to take Marceilles began to appeare or for that his minde ill disposed to giue place to thennemie was not naturally made tractable by any difficulties or for that he had a firme confidence in the vertue of his armie if once they came to the battell or lastly for that he promised to him selfe that hereafter the fauors of fortune would follow him with as full a gale as they had done in times past The frenche king during these actions had determined to inuade the realme of Naples hoping that the importance of that kingdom would moue the Viceroy either to abandon Millan or at least surcesse armes vpon ill condicions a thing which the king began to desire for the difficulties he saw to obteyne Pauia and for that expedicion it was sette downe that Iohn Stuard Duke d'Albanie issued of the blood of the kings of Scotland should marche to the realme of Naples with two hundred launces six hundred light horsemen and foure thowsand footemen These to be drawne out of th armie the one halfe to be Italians foure hundred Svvizzers and the residue launceknightes And for the more glorie of thexpedicion and surety of the victory Ranso de Cere was appointed to ioyne with them and to descende at Lyuorna with those bandes of footemen that were leauied for the armie at sea which for the difficultie of necessary prouisions was yet within the baye of Villefranco he had also sent directions to the same Ranso and the Vrsins to wage foure thousande footemen in the countrey of Rome This deliberation the French king signified to the Pope by his Embassador Alberto Earle of Carpy by whom he required the Pope of suffrance to leauye bands of footemen at Rome and to consent to passage for his army through the Church dominion This demaund brought no litle griefe to the Pope to whom it could not but be intollerable that together with the Duchie of Millan the crowne of Naples should diuolue to the French king But looking into thestate of the tyme and lesse hardie to make open refusall of the kinges demaunde he aduised him only by waye of counsell not to embrace as yet that enterprise and not to driue him to that necessitie not to accorde to him that which for many iust regardes he could not consent vnto Wherein he occupied with him this wise discourse to proue the action to be agaynst his proper weale and profite That if in tymes past the desire to reconquer the Duchie of Millan had stirred vp so many enemies muche more would it moue in those dayes and in that estate of affayres when the world discerned that he aspired manifestly to the kingdome of Naples That there was great peril least suche an ambicion would drawe the Venetians to take armes for themprour and to passe the bondes of their confederacion That he had to consider that if hys affayres founde any difficultie in Lombardie the warre would procede with small reputation in the realme of Naples That if his warres and armies suffred declinacion in eyther of these two places it would be a materiall cause to bring foorth diminucion to both That lastely he should remember what offices he had commended in him in putting vpon him a minde requisite in a Pope and that therefore it was not
conuenient to compell him nowe to doe the contrarie But this discourse was made in vayne for that the Duke d'Albanie not attending for other aunswere and withall halfe assured of the Popes consent passed the ryuer of Pavv at the passage of Stellato which is in the duchie of Millan And yet the fifte day after he turned backe agayne by direction from the king who vnderstanding that the launceknightes began already to ariue and that the duke of Burbon was gone to wage more thought best to reserue with him selfe his whole armie vntill his campe were possessed of the newe supply of Svvizzers and Grisons which he had sent to leauye In this meane while were made many showes and demonstrations of armes though no action of importance was performed by neyther partie The king continued the siege before Pauia working continually at the trenches and watching to vexe them within with his artilleries And the Imperialls stoode quiet exspecting the returne of the Duke of Burbon Onely the Marquis of Pisquairo vpon whose prouidence and vallour depended for the most part the counsels and executions of the whole affayres issued one night out of Loda with two hundred horsmen and two thousand footmen with which strength he surprised the towne of Melzo being negligently garded by Ieronimo and Iohn Fermo Triuulco with two hundred horsemen and in the action tooke prisoners all the capteins with the most part of their souldiors of whom Ieronimo died not many dayes after of a blow which he receiued in fight By this were ariued in the kings campe the bands of Svvizzers and Grisons by reason of whose comming the Duke d'Albanie repassed agayne the ryuer of Pavv at Stradello vpon the contrey of Plaisanca from which inclinacion the Pope was not hable to turne the king not that he did what he could but happly solicited it with very colde instance for feare to make him enter into suspicion And therefore he thought it nowe time both to manifest to thimperialls the couenantes he had made with him before and also to renew the mention of thaccord hoping that no lesse the difficultie to obteine Pauia then the daunger of the kingdome of Naples would make eyther partie lesse obstinate and lesse hard to embrase thaccord To those endes he sent Paule Vettorio to the Viceroy to signifie to him that notwithstanding the meanes and mediations he had vsed yet he could neuer diuert the french king frō his purpose to muade the realme of Naples and that as touching his owne particular least he should pull vpon himselfe the warre which he could not resist he had no reason to giue impedimēt to his passage Neuerthelesse albeit he was constrayned by vehement compulsion to seeke his suretie with him by new contracts yet he would neuer accord to any condicion which might be preiudiciall to themprour for whom like as amid so many difficulties he saw nothing more profitable nor reasonable then to embrace peace So to thend the negociacion of peace might be aduaunced afore the disorders grew greater or more immoderate he perswaded the Viceroy to consent to a surceassing of armes and to put into the hands of a person not suspected all those peces in the duchie of Millan which as yet were holden in the name of themperour and the Duke Vpon which doings and their ful accomplishments he hoped there would be found out some conuenient meane for peace wherin he proponed this deuise that the duchy of Millan being wholly seperate from the crowne of Fraunce the kings seconde sonne should be inuested therin by themprour to whom in recompence should be transferred some competent summe of money That there should be ordeined some reasonable estate and assignation for the Dukes of Millan and Burbon And lastly that the Pope the Venetians and the Florentins shoulde be bounde to confederate with themprour agaynst the French king in case he would not obserue things promised The Emprours capteins discerned well of the difficulties and daungers wherin they stoode hauing at one time to support so great a warre in Lombardie in suche an vniuersall want necessitie of money and also to prouide for the safety of the kingdom of Naples being no lesse desperate of ayde from the Pope Florentins then very certeine that the Venetians would abandon them who albeit they waged new bands of footmen and studied to enterteine thimperials in hope to obserue tharticles of the league yet they deferred th execution with diuers excuses In so much as the Viceroy being for his particular nothing estraunged from thaccorde inclined to drawe with tharmy to the kingdome of Naples for the surety of the same But the councel being assembled vpon the matter the reasons authoritie of the Marquis of Pisquaro preuailed who expressing an equall correspondencie of wisdome and courage proued how necessary it was to passe ouer the accompt of al other daungers and to fix only vpon the warre of Lombardy vpon whose victory al other things had their exspectation and depending he sayd it was not the kings intention to inuade the realme of Naples with those armies and forces which coulde not so speedily be ledde into the kingdome where both were multitudes of strong townes and an absolute resolution certentie of resistance by those bodies whom it cōcerned for their proper safety to defend it By whiche occasion as it might be susteined for certeine monthes So in that respite and time it was likely that the warre of Millan woulde be determined of which if they obteined the victory there could not but follow the speedy deliuering or rendring of Naples yea though themprour had no other holdes or peces there then one only tower That holding good in Lombardy it were easie to be victorious ouer Millan and Naples where in marching to Naples were the only waye to lose Millan and yet the kingdome not the more deliuered from daunger for that the whole body of the warre would be trāsported thither And being once reduced to a state of men vanquished with what hopes can we returne thither agayne where of the contrary the enemies would enter with such a reputation and inclination of the people who naturally eyther for feare or hatred ronne before the fortune of the victor that in the kingdom of Naples would be found no more defence then in the duchy of Millan That no other thing moued the french king standing as yet in dout of the successe of Lombardy both to deuide his army begin a new warre the first still hanging continuing then the hope he had that for the ouermuch care ielousy of the kingdom of Naples they would at last leaue vnto him as a pray thestate of Millan According to whose counsels appetites if the army should moue that so oftē had triumphed in victory it were no other thing then with eternal infamy to subiect to the vanquished by compulsion of their threatnings that honor that reputation and that estate of glory which so many times we haue won vpon
he sayde that albeit the Marquis of Pisquairo in counselling him to agreement had signified to him that in the campe were manye disorders and no lesse daunger to hys affayres yet he coulde not frame his minde to peace suche was his hope that through the vallour of his men he should carye the victorie if the armies came once to the triall of a battell All this whyle continued the siege of Pauia And yet for want of municions they had somewhat ceassed to molest it with their artilleries But to remedie that difficultie the king hauing newely receyued into his protection the Duke of Ferrara with obligacion to paye him threescore and tenne thousande duckets in ready money was content to accept twenty thousande of that summe in price and vallue of municions whiche he caused to be conueyed by Parma and Plaisanca vsing the seruice of the horses and cariages of the contrey men wherein the king was readily holpen by the commission and direction of the Pope not without the complayning of the Viceroy as though in that action he had ministred manyfestly to the ayde and succours of the king Who to th ende the municions might arriue in suretie had sent affore Iohn de Medicis with two hundred horse and fifteene hundred footemen This Medicis complayning in the beginning of the warre both of the seueritie of the Viceroy giuing him discountenance and also of his penurie of money not hauing sufficient to make the souldiors to marche was passed out of themperours paye to the interteinment of the Frenche kinge It seemed that these forces were sufficient to assure the municions the rather because the Duke of Albanie was at hande hauing passed at the same tyme the ryuer of Pavv And albeit the Viceroy and the Marquis of Pisquairo to stoppe their passage caste a bridge neare to Cremona and made their waye ouer Pavv with sixe hundred men at armes and eight thousande footemen lodging the first daye at Monticello yet they gaue ouer the enterprise and returned agayne ouer the ryuer beeing aduertised by credible espiall that the king had giuen charge to the Lord Thomas de Foix to go seeke them with one part of th armie Assoone as they were retyred the Duke of Albania passed thAppenine along the territories of Reggia and Garfagnana onely he marched slowely the same confirming thoppinion that was conceyued that the kinge embraced that enterprise more to induce with suche seare thEmperours Capteines eyther to accorde or at least to abandon th affayres of Lombardie then through hope to make anye greate aduauncement Ranse de Cere ioyned with him neare to Lucqua with a regiment of three thousande footemen who were come with the armie at sea This armie as they passed tooke by composicion Sauona and Varagina And the Nauie beeing eftsoones returned to the west ryuer of Genes helde in feare and bridle that Citie In the beginning of the yere a thousand fiue hundred twentie and fiue Dom Hugo de Moncado departing from Genes with the Nauie descended and tooke lande with three thousande footemen at Varagina where were left in garrison certayne bandes of French footmen But the French nauie that was then at sea being commaunded by the Marquis Salusse making to the succours of that place the other fleete retyred being naked of footemen when also the French regimentes of footemen discended and left their shippes and so fiersly charged their enemies that the whole armie being broken diuerse were miserably put to the sworde and the person of Dom Hugo vnfortunately taken prisoner In the beginning of the same yere the Duke of Albanie compelled the people of Lucqua to contribute to him twelue thousand duckets to lend him certeine peces of artilleries with which munitions and prouisions he marched further through the lands of the Florentins by whom he was receiued in amitie friendship And in that sort did he stay with his army neare to Siena at the Popes request who for that neyther by authority nor with armes he could not meete with all things that troubled him resorted to his naturall condicion began to manage his purposes with art industry It nothing displeased him that the french should get the duchy of Millan for that he made this coniecture that whilest themprour the french king abode in Italy both the sea apostolike his pontificacy should stand assured frō the ambicion greatnes of eyther of them because they would kepe ielous eyes the one ouer the other And yet by the same reason it was grieuous to him to see the French make a conquest of the kingdome of Naples for feare that at one time that kingdome the duchye of Millan were not reduced vnder the power commaundement of one so puissant a prince wherin to cast impediments against the doings fortunes of the king he sought occasions to stay the Duke of Albanie made instance to the king that as he passed he would readresse reorder the gouernment of Siena which the Pope for the oportunity seate of that citie standing in the midway betwene Rome and Florence desired greatly might fall into the hands of some of his friends like as was hapned not many monthes before by his meane working ▪ for as the cardinall Petruccio dying during the pontificacy of Adrian his nephew Frauncis pretended to succede him in the gouernmēt so by reason of his insolency the chieftayns of Montenouo being neuertheles of the same faction opposed vehemently agaynst him and made solicitacion to the Duke of Sesse themprours Embassadour and to Cardinall Medicis to giue them an other forme of gouernment as eyther to reduce it into libertie or else to referre the whole authoritie into the handes of Fabio sonne of Pandolffe Petruccio notwithstanding somewhat before he was secretely stolne away to Naples This matter was long debated and at laste when Clement was elected Pope the common consent of him and themperour concurring Fabio was eftesones reestablished in the place of his father But both for that he had not the full authoritie of his father and for the present inclination of the Citie bearing vniuersally to libertie and also because the famulie and faction of Montenouo was neyther firmely knitte with him nor of no assured agreement amongest them selues the estate of thinges drewe to other effectes then aunswered thexspectation for by the debilitie that was discerned to be in the power of one onely both hauing no fundacion vpon the affections and good willes of the Citisens and also holding no gouernment absolute and without regard to the course and maner of tyrantes there hapned one day by the incensing of his aduersaries a popular tumult by the which without the ayde of any forreiners he was easily driuen out of the city notwithstanding he had alwayes in the place a garde depending vpon him The Pope making his aduauntage of this diuision and reaposing no confidence neyther in the populars nor in any other faction determined to put the authoritie
wont to preferre the vniuersall sauetie of the mayne body of the Realme affore the particular interest of the persons of their kings That if they would demaund condicions which were in his power to performe they should finde him most ready to ioyne with thEmprour and to fauor his greatnes But such was his desire of libertie that here he ceassed not to offer condicions diuers making no difficulty to graunt large parts of other mens estates without promising any thing of his owne This was in effect the summe of the things he accorded he offered to take to wife thEmprours sister a late widowe by the death of the king of Portugall he made confession that he would hold Burgonguie as in dowrye and that it should apperteyne to the children yssuing of that mariage That he would restore to the Duke of Burbon the Duchie that had beene confisked from him enlarging it with some other estate That in recompense of thEmprours sister who had bene promised to the Duke the king would giue him in mariage his sister a late widowe by the deceasse of Monsr d'Alenson That he would satisfie the king of England with money and pay to thEmprour a great treasor for his raunsom That he would resigne vnto him his interests and rights in the kingdom of Naples and Duchie of Myllan That he woulde send to accompany him both with a nauie by sea and an armie by lande at such tyme as he would goe to Rome to take the crowne Imperiall which was as much as if he had promised to giue him in pray the whole Monarchie of Italy Beaurayn returned with these capitulacions to thEmprour to whom went with him also Monsr Montmorancy a personage then very agreeable to the king and afterwards great maister of Fraunce and at last by the kings liberalitie indued with the dignitie of high Constable of Fraunce But now let vs say some what of the sorowes feares of Fraunce After they were possessed of the newes of the ouerthrow of th armie taking of the king there ranne thorow the whole kingdome an vniuersall astonishment and confusion for besides the incredible sorow which thaccident of the kinges imprisonment brought to that nation naturally very deuout and louing to their kinges there appeared on all sides infinite mournings and heauines aswell publike as priuate Priuate men lamented and made their sorrowes aparte for that aswell of the Courte as of the Nobilitie there were very sewe who had not loste in the battell their children their brethren or other their parentes and friends of marke They wepte and coulde not be comforted because they iudged their sorrowe could not be greater then the qualitie of their losse And in the publike and generally body of the realme might be discerned nothing but an vniuersall face of desolation and dispayre euery one crying out of so great a diminution of the authoritie glory of so flourishing a realme A perplexitie so muche the more grieuous intollerable to them by howmuch naturally they are hawty and presuming of themselues In this estate of aduersitie they set before their eyes all that feare and dispayre coulde imagine They doubted least so great a calamitie were not the beginning of a further and subuersion They sawe their king prisoner and with him eyther taken or slaine in the battel the chieftayns of the kingdome which in the imagination of their sorowes they helde a losse irreparable They behelde their capteins discomforted and their souldiors discouraged A calamitie which stopped in them all hope to be readdressed or reassured They saw the realme made naked of money treasor and enuironed with most mighty enemies an affliction which most of all caryed their thoughts into the last cogitations of desperate ruine for the king of England notwithstanding he had holden many parleys and treaties and showed in many things a variation of mind yet not many daies before the battel he had cut off al the negociations which he had enterteined with the king had published that he would discend into Fraunce if the things of Italie tooke any good successe So that the frenchmen feared least in so great an oportunity thēprour he would not leauy warre agaynst Fraunce eyther for that there was no other head or gouernor then a woman and the litle children of the king of whom the eldest had not yet runne eyght yeres accomplished or els because thenemies had with thē the duke of Burbon for his owne particular a puissant prince and for his authority in the realme of Fraunce very popular strong in opinion a mighty instrument to stirre vp most dangerous emotions Besides the Lady Regent aswell for the loue she bare to the king as for the daungers of the realme was not without her passions both proper and particular for being full of ambition and most greedy of the gouernment she feared that if the kinges deliuery drewe any long tract of tyme or that any new difficultie happned in Fraunce she should be constrayned to yelde vp thadministration of the Crowne to suche as should be delegate and assigned by the voyces of the kingdome Neuertheles amid so many astonishmentes confusions she drew her spirites to her by her example were recōforted the nobles that were of counsell with her who taking speedy order to manne the frontiers of the realme and with diligence to leauy a good prouision of money The Lady Regent in whose name all expeditions dispatches went out wrote to themprour letters full of humilitie and compassion wherein she forgot not by degrees vehement and inducing to solicit a negociatiō of accord by vertue wherof hauing a litle after deliuered Don Hugo de Moncado she sent him to themprour to offer him that her sonne should renounce disclaime frō all rightes of the kingdome of Naples and thestate of Millan with contentment to refer to the censure arbitration of the law the titles rights of Burgondy which if it apperteined to thēprour he should acknowledge it for the dowry of his sister That he should render to Monsr Burbon his estate together with his moueables goods which were of great vallour and also the frutes reuenues which had bin leauied by the cōmissioners deputed out of the regal chamber That he should giue to him his sister in mariage deliuer vp to him Pronence if iudgemēt of the interest right were made of his side And for the more facilitie and speedy passage of this negociatiō rather then for any desire she had to nourish her inclination to the warre she dispatched immediatly Embassadours into Italie to recōmend to the Pope the Venetians the safetie of her sonne To whom she offred that if for their proper securitie they would contract with her and rayse armes agaynst themperour she would for her particular aduaunce fiue hundred launces together with a great contribution of money But amidde these trauells and astonishmentes the principall desire aswell of her as of the whole
humor of some Princes to be caried rather with consideracions of profit then with care of honestie Nowe after thEmperours mariage was consummated at Seuille in Spayne the commaundator Erraro arriued at the Court with the breuiat of tharticle concerning Frauncis Sforce which article the Pope had deduced at large in his fauor So that thEmperour being also assured that the Legat Saluiatio had no commission to conclude any thing but according to that article and his whole councell thinking it necessary to stoppe and hinder the league that was in hande and no lesse daungerous to haue to doe at one time with so greate a number of ennemies He sawe him selfe reduced to these tearmes either to content the Pope and the Venetians by restoring Frauncis Sforce to the Duchie of Millan or else to compounde with the Frenche king Who for his parte after long arguing and disputacion for the countrey of Burgongnie and finding that without the price of it he coulde not hope for his deliuerie by thEmperour offered to render it with all thappurtenaunces and dependancies and to renownce all titles and rightes which he had to the kingdome of Naples and Duchie of Millan and to assure the obseruacion of his promise by the ostage of two of his sonnes The disputacions were greate vppon the election of the one or the other waye wherein the Viceroy insisted more vehementlie then euer both for that he had the conduct of the Frenche king into Spayne and had nourrished him with many braue hopes of his deliuerie vnder easie conditions His authoritie was great with thEmperour and his reputacion nothing inferiour both for that thEmperour reapposed muche in his fidelitie and trusted him because he knewe he loued him But there opposed against him Mercurio Gattinaro a man of base discending in the contrie of Piedmont and by his vertue raised to the place of high Chauncellor to thEmprour for his experiēce credit had managed of long time all the affaires of the Court of most importaunce One day thEmperour sitting really in councell to resolue absolutely the matters that had bene discoursed so many monethes these two were also present of whom the Chaunceller tooke occasion to reason in this forte I haue alwayes feared least our too great greedinesse concurring with the immoderate ends we aspire vnto would not be the cause that of so singular and honorable a victory we reaped in the ende neither glory nor profit But I coulde neuer be induced by anye argument or reason that by your victorie oh gracious Emperour eyther your estate or your reputacion shoulde fall into daunger A matter whiche nowe appeareth manifestly since there is question to conclude an accorde by the which all the regions of Italie shall be reduced to a condicion desperate which can not but bring infamy to your name the french king deliuered vp to his liberty but vnder so vnequall condicions that he will continue a greater enemy to you then before though not of will which happily he may restraine and temper yet by necessitie which is alwaies a mighty mocion to moue men to reuenge for my parte I coulde wish with as great show of affectiō as others that at one time by one meane your Maiesty might recouer Bourgongny also establish fundacions of your imperie in Italie But vaine is the wit that aspireth to hold the thing which the hand is not hable to gripe and in the property of worldly things there is nothing more full of errour then that ambicion which goeth on working in the humor of wening only lookes not backe to order and reason which are the assured lines that laye out the infallible successe of euery mortall action I haue alwaies seene that that Prince who sodainly hath embrased many thinges hath gone on with perill to effect nothing for that all those things are put to aduenture that are guided by will not by reason That fire that is mightily kindled hath much a do to be quenched but when vpon one fire riseth many flames whose propertie is to flie with the winde into many places it can not be that the burning wil not be great yea oftentimes extended to the consuming of him that first kindled it I see no reason to induce vs to thinke that the french king being deliuered wil obserue the articles of so great importance since he is not ignorant that in making you Lord of Burgangny he layeth open such a gappe to lead you into the bowells of Fraunce that it will be alwayes in your election to runne vp euen to the gates of Paris And he knoweth well enough that when he hath once put into your hande the power to vex Fraunce in so many places he hath left to him selfe no possibility to make resistance against you doth not he know all the world see that to consent that you goe to Rome with an armie is no other thing then to giue you a raine with whose bridle you may checke all Italie authoritie to dispose according to your liking of thestate spirituall and temporall of the Church and by that meane your puisance being redoubled you shall for alwayes after neuer want money nor forces to offend him And who doubteth that of this greatnes he maketh this conclusion that he shall be constrained to accept all suche lawes as it shall please you to impose vpon him Is it then reasonable to beleue that he will obserue an accorde by the which he is made your slaue and you his Lorde Where is feruitude hatefull if not in the minde whome nature hath borne to soueraintie And howe can it bee thought that he will liue vnder the yoke of subiection whose ambicion coulde not hitherunto be conteyned within the large limites of Fraunce But be it that in the king will be founde no want of conscience to obferue the condicions of the contract yet he may be ouercaried by a naturall compassion by the complaintes and lamentacions of his kingdome and by the perswasions of the king of Englande accompanied with thincitacion of all Italie It may bee that by the lawe of amitie that is betweene you two he will reappose confidence in you or at least looke into the power you are of But was there euer two Princes betwene whome haue bene greater causes of hatred and contencion There is not onely betweene you a reciprocall ielousie of greatnes A matter apt to stirre vppe one brother agaynst an other but also your common emulacion is pushed on by many auncient and great quarrells begonne in the tymes of your fathers and great grandfathers many long warres betweene those two houses many peaces and accordes not obserued many harmes done and many iniuries receyued There is no quarrell more mortall then that which taketh his nurriture in tract and prescripcion of tyme nor any hatred so daungerous as that which lyeth smothered like fire couered with hoate ymbers by whome the heate is preserued to a greater power of burning To the mind
and fortune of your name fought for the victorie which now you haue So will the world thinke you more apte to get then hable to holde and lesse worthy of glory then meete to manage it For my parte muche lesse that I can discerne any suretie in the counsell he hath giuen seeing of the contrary it bringes lurking vnder it many tokens of manyfest daunger and some apparances of a little profite and yet easy to slide out of our handes not without our shame and your indignitie Where of the contrary in compounding with the French king your Maiestie shall reape glory which especially followeth the name of Emperours it wyll bring you profite which is a sweete rewarde of victories and it wyll giue you a sufficient assurance of your estates which is the happiest ende and conclusion of warre and controuersies betwene Princes I aske this question of the lord Chauncellor vnder what reason vnder what suretie and vnder what fidelity he doth warrant or promise that the Italians after we haue left them the Duchie of Millan will obserue the accorde and will not intermedle with the affayres that shall passe betwene the French king and vs Yea rather after they haue embased our reputation after they haue corrupted the armie that nowe holdeth them in bridle and after they shall be assured that no newe companies of Launceknightes can come into Italy because there is no place of retrait for them I aske agayne with what humor the Lorde Chauncellor can aunswere for thItalians that they will not recontinue their practises and threatning the kingdome of Naples whiche will almoste remayne at their discression they will not ryse and force vs to deliuer the French king If it bee good to prouide that a mischiefe happen not it is better not to lose thoportunitie of the remedie that is proper for it since there can be no greate daunger to defend the harme that standes in feare of a remedie to resiste it It is farre from reason for my Lorde Chauncellor to reapose confidence in Frauncis Sforce to acknowledge the benefites that your Maiestie shall do to him seeing he hath already so yll obserued your honorable liberalities with treasons hath recompensed the fauors you haue vsed to him But what exspectation of conspiracie worse dealing when he seeth a desire to call him to iustice and to punish by sentence of the law the vnthankfulnes he hath pretended with so great iniquitie And what feare will he haue of your punishment when he exspecteth his safetie by the deliueraunce of your enemies He will not care to offende you that feareth not your punishment and that punishment will he not holde grieuous which eyther he supposeth to suffer for innocencie or is assured of his meane of deliuerie And lesse reason is there to induce you to haue confidence in the Venetians for that beeing by nature enemies auncient to the Crowne of thempire and the house of Austria can not yet but tremble vnder the memorie of Maximilian your grandfather who tooke from them many of those townes which they possesse at this day The minde possessed with iniurie wrong can neuer be made assured and where the remembraunce of the harmes done remayneth without recompence or reconciliation there is nothing lesse certayne then fidelitie and nothing more frayle then the friendshippes they professe Touching Pope Clement there is no reason of confidence eyther in his vertue or in his inclination to themperour since the first alliance that Pope Leo made with him after he had attempted many things agaynst vs was for desire eyther to be reuenged or to be assured agaynst the French men and for ambicion to occupie Ferrara And after him the Pope raygning being hated of the one moytie of the world continued by necessitie after the death of Leo in your amitie but being become Pope he returned immediatly to the nature of Popes which is both to feare hate themprors and for his parte he hath nothing in more horror then the name of themperour I confesse these reasons may be aunswered with excuses and it may be alleaged that their complotts and enterprises tooke no proceding of hatred or ambicion but only of suspicion and iealousie of your greatnes which being ceassed all their conspirations will take ende But it may be aunswered that eyther this is not true or if at the beginning it hath bene true it hath nowe by necessitie taken other roote and become an other humor for that it is a thing naturall that hatred followeth suspicion and offences and vexacions come after hatred and after offences men drawe to alliance and amitie with thenemies of him whom they haue offended laboring to rayse practises not onely for their proper surety but also to make their profite of him whom they haue offended Nature hath sowen in man seedes of hatred and reuenge and though the lawes holde it more iust to reuenge an iniurie then to do it yet kinde and nature showeth that both the one and the other proceede of one imbecillitie Besides the remembraunce of wrongs is farre greater and more stirring in the mind of him that doth them then in him that receyueth them So that where in the beginning suspicion onely would set them vp and make them to moue the same would be also the cause to make them become our enemies to cary them both in inclination and in hope to the French part and then to beginne to cantonize and make a diuident of the Realme of Naples as they haue done in all contractes paste And nowe let vs giue them what suretie we will and inferre what accorde we can we shall finde kindled in their stomackes the same hatred and feare that before with minds not disposed to reappose confidence in that which to their seeming we shal do through necessitie In so much as vnder an opinion they may haue the more easily to raunge vs to their wills and fearing least in the ende there runne betwene the French king and vs a new appoyntment semblable to that which was made at Cambray and lastly desiring according to their owne phrases to deliuer Italy of straungers they will not sticke to presume to ryse vp to giue you lawes and to demaunde at your handes the deliuery of the French king A matter whiche if your Maiestie refuse I see not howe you can defende agaynst them the kingdome of Naples And in according that you lose all the frutes of your victory besides a manifest dishonor and reiection that will stande vpon your name for euer But let vs laye the case that Italy will performe and obserue thaccorde and necessitie constrayne you eyther to leaue Millan or not to recouer Burgongnie yet in iust comparison there is great difference betwene the one and the other Burgongnie is a countrey of litle circuite of small reuenue and nothing aunswering the commodities that are perswaded to be there Where the Duchie of Millan both for the riches and reputation of so many Cities for
the number and noblenes of subiectes for the liberall and plentifull reuenues and for the oportunitie and sufficiencie to nourish all the armies of the world caryeth more value price then many kingdomes And yet besides the amplitude and puissance of it you haue to make a greater reckoning of the commodities that may reuert to you by conquering it then of the simple accompt and valuation of it selfe for Millan and Naples being at your deuotion it followeth by congruent necessitie that the Popes as aunciently they are wont muste depende vpon thauthoritie of Emprours That all the region of Tuskane the Duke of Ferrara and the Marquis of Mantua must be your subiectes And the Venetians beeing enuironed with Lombardy and Germany stande in case to accept lawes at your hande And so not with force and armes displayed but with a glorious reputation of your name with the onely sommonce of a Herald and with the enseignes of the Empire you shall commaunde absolutely ouer all Italy Lift but vp your Maiesties minde to the consideration of Italy and you shall finde it with great right esteemed the supreme seate of all other prouinces both for the oportunitie of situation for temperature of ayre and Climate for thexcellencie of wittes inclined to all honorable enterprises for the fertilitie of all things necessary to the lyfe of man for the stately representation of so many noble Cities for the soueraigne seate of religon and for the auncient glory of thempire To which prayses as I may aptely adioyne the commoditie of imperie which it brings extending so farre in your person that if you commaunde ouer it the sounde of your name and authoritie runneth fearefull in the eares of other Princes So it can not but belong to your greatnes and to your glory to rayse your thoughtes to this which is an action more agreable to the bones of your elders seeing they are brought into counsell who for their bounty and pietie we are not to beleeue do desire any other thing then what is most conuenient and agreable to the glory of your name So that according to the counsell of the Lord Chauncellor we shall loase a matter of great price and value for a thing of righte smal conquest and yet wrapt in many vncerteinties wherein we ought to stand warned by that which was like to happen certeine moneths past Doe we not remember the great griefe that sell amongest vs when the French king laye in daunger of death which griefe proceeded of no other humor then a knowledge we had that with his life we should lose the frute we hoped for by the victory And who can now assure vs that the like accident will no more reuert vpon him yea who feareth not the relaps with more facilitie both for that the reliques of his maladie doe yet possesse him and also the hope which till now hath supported him being taken away who doubteth not but his grieued mind will heape vpon him greater fits of sorowe and discontentment the onely cause of his sicknes especially newe condicions and assurances being interposed it can not be that for their hardnes they make not the negociacion long and tedious A matter subiect to the former accident and happly to others both more great and daungerous We are not ignorant that nothing hath so long reteyned the gouernment and councell of Fraunce as an opinion they haue had of the speedy deliuery of their king In which humor of exspectacion the Nobles and Chieftaines of that Realme haue remayned peasible and conformable to the Lady Regent But when they finde the foundacions of this hope to fayle who doubteth not that the Barons of that Realme will not easily enter into mindes of despite and reuenge and with an vniuersall conformetie chaunge the coursse of the gouernment stronge is the operacion of ambicion and no lesse violent the passion and thirst after imperie and souereintie specially where is seene no meane to make resistance against so mighty mocions which I allude to the disposicion of Fraunce where if the greatnes of the kingdome get once the bridle in their hand much lesse that they will be carefull ouer the deliuerie of their king seeing of the contrary their ambicion will cary them to meinteyne an estate of libertie and aspyring to establish supremacie in them selues what will it offend them to suffer the captiuitie of their king And so in place to get Burgongnie and so many other great conquests what other thing doe we reteyne then a desperat hope both by his imprisonment and by his deliuerie But this further question may be asked of the Lord Chauncellor whether thEmprour in this resolucion ought to regard the reckoning and reputacion of his dignitie and his maiestie Then what greater infamie or what more diminucion of his honor can he receiue then to haue his clemencie forced and constrayned to pardon Frauncis Sforce he who lately being halfe dead detected of manifest rebellion and a singuler example of ingratitude not comming to humilitie nor imploring your mercy but running betwene the armes of your enemies to seeke to force you to render to him the estate which so iustly hath bene taken from him and compell you to take lawes of him who by equitie of condēnation ought to beare subiection to your imperial name It were better for your maiestie more agreable to the dignitie of thEmpire and more worthy your greatnes and puissance to laye out your selfe to a newe fortune and to referre eftsoones all thinges to hazard and daunger then in blemishing thauthoritie of the Prince soueraigne ouer all Princes and the name of thEmprour and hauing so oftentymes vanquished so mighty a king To receiue at the hands of Preestes and Marchaunts such condicions as if you had bene ouerthrowen there could not haue beene offered to you either more vniust or more vnworthy honor and dignitie are the gifts of God which by how much they are basely esteemed of those to whome they are transferred by so much more is highly offended the eternall goodnes that gaue them who will eftsoones reuoke them with no small indignation That man can not be accompted worthy of honor that declareth himselfe not hable to vse it since honor is a rewarde or effect of vertue who enhableth to honor and dignitie those persons to whom her selfe is conioyned So that moste gracious Emprour calling eftsones into consideration all these reasons both howe litle profite may resort to you by thaccorde with thItalians and by how many accidentes it maye easily slide out of your handes howe litle assurance or showe of fidelitie is in them and howe vnworthy a thing it is to leaue thestate of Millan And lastely that it is necessary for vs to soart at last to a resolution and that the imprisonment of the king profiteth vs not but in regarde of the frutes that maye be drawen of his deliuery I stande firme and conclude vppon this aduise that wee compounde rather with the king then accorde with
vntill restitution were made of the lands and places aforesayd and the peace sworne and ratified together with all the articles by thestates generall of Fraunce and inregistred in all the Courtes of Parliament of the kingdome with forme and solemnities necessary for thaccomplishing whereof there was set downe a tearme of foure monethes at which time returning the ostages there should be put into themprours hands the Duke d'Angoulesme the kings thirde sonne to th ende to trayne him vp with themprour the better to enterteine and assure the peace That the French king should renounce and giue vp to themprour all his rightes to the Realme of Naples together with all such titles and preeminences as were to come to him by thinuestiture of the Churche That he shoulde do the lyke touching his interest in thestate of Millan of Genes of Ast and likewise of Arras Tourney of the I le and of Dovvay That he should render vp the towne and castell of Hedin as a member of the countie of Artois with all the munitions artilleries and mouables that were in it when it was laste taken That he should disclayme and yelde vp all soueraigntie in Flaunders and Artois and all other places or peces which themprour possessed and that on the other side themprour should resigne and giue vp to him all the right title and quarrell which he pretended to any place possessed by the French men and especially the townes and Casteldomes of Perone Mondidier Roye the Counties of Bolleyne Guynes and Ponthievv with other townes standing vpon the one other shore of the riuer of Somme That there shoulde be betweene them a league and confederation perpetuall for the defence of their estates with obligation to ayde one another when nede required with fiue hundred men at armes and ten thousande footmen That themprour should promise to giue in mariage to the king the Lady Eleoner his sister whom assone as the dispensation should be obteined from the Pope he shoulde contract or handfast with words obligatorie for the present and afterwards she should be ledde into Fraunce to consummat the mariage at the same time that according to the capitulations the ostages were to be deliuered That she should haue for her portion two hundred thousande crownes with Iewels according to her estate the one moytie of the money to be payed within sixteene monethes and the other halfe in one yere after That a mariage should be made betwene the Daulphine and the daughter of the king of Portugall daughter to the Lady Eleoner at suche tyme as their age woulde suffer That the Frenche king shoulde do all that he coulde to induce the auncient king of Nauarre to giue vp to themperour the rightes of that kingdome whiche in case he woulde not perfourme then the king not to ayde him with any succours That the Duke of Gueldres and the Counte of Zulff and the principall townes of those estates shoulde promise with sufficient securitie to giue themselues to the Emperour after his death That the kinge shoulde giue no succours to the Duke of VVittenberg nor likewise to Robert de la Marche That he shoulde furnishe and rigge for themperour both when he shoulde passe into Italy and two monthes after beeing so required twelue gallies foure shippes and foure gallions all well municioned and appoynted except men of warre and the sayde vesselles to be rendred three monthes after accompting from the daye of his embarking That in place of tharmy by lande which the king offred for Italy he should pay him two hundred thousande crownes in money the one halfe within sixtene monethes and the other halfe within a yere after And that at the time when thostages should be deliuered he should be bounde to giue billes of exchaunge for the paye of sixe thousand footmen for six monthes immediatly after themprours ariual in Italy That he should also furnish for his seruice fiue hundred launces payed with a band of artillerie That he should saue harmeles themprour of his promise made to the king of Englande by pensions which the Frenche king should paye to him the aâ—â—erages whereof amounted to fiue hundred thousande crownes or els to deliuer so much in ready money to themprour That they should both ioyne to besech the Pope to cal a generall councell with all speede to th ende to consult vpon an vniuersall peace amongest Christians to aduaunce an enterprise agaynst the infidels and heretikes and to graunt to all the Croisade for three yeres That within sixe weekes the king should restore the Duke of Burbon in moste ample forme into all his estates goodes mouable and vnmouable and frutes and reuenues receyued not to molest him for any thing past nor constrayne him to dwell or go to the Realme of Fraunce That it should be lawfull to the sayde Duke of Burbon to demaunde by the waye of lawe and iustice the Earledome of Prouence That in like sort all those that had followed him should reenter in safetie into their goods and states and namely the Bishop of Autun and Monsr de saint Valier That the prisoners taken in the warre should be deliuered on both partes within fifteene dayes That there should be restitution made to the Lady Margaret of Austrich of all that she possessed affore the warre That the Prince of Orange should be set at liberty with restauration to the principality of Orange and all that he possessed by the death of his father which had bene taken from him for following the faction of themprour That the like should be done to other Barons That there should be made restitutioÌ„ to the Marquis of Salusse of his estate That the king assone as he ariued in the first towne of his Realme should ratifie this capitulation be bound to procure the Daulphin to ratifie it wheÌ„ he should come to the age of fourtene yeres Many were named by common consent chiefly the Svvizzers Onely there was not one of the Potentates of Italy except the Pope whome they named as conseruator of the accorde and that more for manersake and ceremonie then in effect and true meaning Lastly it was expressed in the sayde capitulation that in case the king for any occasion would not accomplish these matters promised he should returne true prisoner This accorde for the partes it conteyned brought no small astonishment to all Christendom for when it was vnderstanded that the first execution therof consisted in the deliuery of the king all mens opinions was that being in his liberty he would not deliuer vp Burgongny as being a member of too great importance for the realme of Fraunce And except a few who had counselled themprour to it all his Court had the same iudgement and namely the Chauncellor who reprehended and detested the matter with so great vehemency that notwithstaÌ„ding he was coommaunded to signe the capitulation according to thoffice of chief Chauncellors yet he refused to do it alleaging that in such matters dangerous hurtfull as that was he ought
not to vse thauthority that was giuen him neither could he be altred from this opinion notwithstanding the emprour was angry with him who seing him so resolute in his opinion signed it himself within few days after went to Madrill to confirme thalliance make a fundation of amity goodwill with the king whom he enterteined in familiar and priuat sort Great were the ceremonies and demonstrations of amitie betwene them oftentimes they showed themselues together in places publike and as often did they passe in secret familiar discourses They went together in one coache to a castell not halfe a dayes iourney from thence where was queene Eleoner whom the king maryed And yet in all these great signes of peace and amity he was obserued with as carefull and strayte gard as before without any aduauntage of libertie So that he was embrased as a brother and garded as a prisoner A matter whiche made manyfest to the worlde that it was an accorde full of discorde an alliance without amitie and that vpon euery occasion their auncient ielousies and passions woulde be stronger in them then the regarde of that alliance made more by force then friendship Many days were spent in these offices ceremonies of amitie when was brought from the Lady Regent the ratification together with the declaration that with the Daulphin of Fraunce they would rather giue in ostage the kings seconde sonne then the twelue Barons Then the king departed frō Madrill taking his way to the frontier of his Realme where was to be exchaunged his person for his sonnes who boare very small age There was sent to accompany him the Viceroy the worker author of his deliuery to whom themprour had giuen the Citie of Ast with other estates in Flaunders in the kingdome of Naples At this time themprour wrote to the Pope a letter of Court wherein he certified him that in regarde to haue peace and for the common benefite of Christendome he had subdued all passions of iniuries emulation restoring the French king to liberty he had confirmed the league of amity betwene them with the mariage of his sister and seeking to continue alwayes his obedient sonne he had chosen him for conseruer of the peace Not many dayes after he wrote to him an other letter of his owne hand which he sent by the same Commandador Erraro who brought him the Popes letter written with his owne hande This was a letter responsiue indifferently tempered with words milde and gracious and matter harde and rigorous wherein he concluded that if Frauncis Sforce were not founde guyltie of the action of his accusation he will render to him the Duchie of Millan and touching the tryall of the cause he referred it to the arbitration of the lawes vnder suche iudges as himselfe would appoynt as his superior But in case his innocencie were found insufficient he could do no lesse then in that state to inuest the Duke of Burbon to whom the Pope was the cause that he had promised it aduising him therevnto whylest Frauncis Sforce laye sicke He added further in this letter to the Pope that aswell to satisfie him as to assure all Italy he woulde neither reteine that Dukedome for himselfe nor passe it by donation to his owne brother vnder which testimonie he assured the Pope vpon his fayth that suche was his simple intention the which he desired him to allow and approue offring to him alwayes his authoritie and his forces as a sonne obedient to the sea Apostolike By the same Erraro was sent also the aunswere to the particulars of the Article whiche had bene set downe at length by the Pope in fauor of Frauncis Sforce which themprour continuing in his first resolution would not allowe Themprour sent also by him to the Duke of Sesse the forme of thaccorde as he was determined to do the last time with authoritie and power to contract if the Pope would accept it In whiche was expressed that Frauncis Sforce should be comprehended in the confederation so farreforth as he were not founde guiltie in the crime of treason But in case of hys death or depriuation the Duke of Burbon should take place in the confederation and receiue of him thinuestiture for the duchie of Millian The obligation was confirmed which the Viceroy had made for restitution of the townes holden by the Duke of Ferrara but vnder condition that the Pope should be bound to passe to him thinuestiture of Ferrara and forgiue him the penaltie of contrauenion A matter contrary to the Popes driftes who had determined to exact a payne of an hundred thousande duckets to make payment of the fine of an hūdred thousand which he had promised to themprour in case that restitution went on He did not admit thestate of Millan to make prouision of salt of the Church and touching the collation of benefices in the realme of Naples he would not be referred to the tenour of thinuestitures but to the custome and vsage of the kings affore who in many cases had contemned the rightes and authoritie of the sea Apostolike And because a treatie had beene made with the Legate that to remoue the armie out of Lombardie whiche was a great charge to all Italy the Pope and he as king of Naples and the other potentates of Italy should paye an hundred and fiftie thousande duckets and then the sayd army to retyre to Naples or into some suche place out of Italy as shoulde seeme good to themperour who sayde he woulde transport it into Barbarie yea it was added that because there was more due to th armie then at that tyme there should be exacted a paye of two hundred thousande duckets A copie of these Articles was presented to the Pope by the Duke of Sesso and the Commandator Erraro with protestation that it was not in their power to alter or chaunge one sillable And yet all other difficulties had easily taken forme if the Duchie of Millan had bene so disposed as the Pope with the residue had had no cause to enter into suspicion But in the consideration of the Duke of Burbon and the minde he bare they made this iudgement of him that he was so implacable an enemie to the Frenche king that eyther for his suretie or for a desire to enter Fraunce he would be alwayes most deuout and subiect to themprour and reteine in himselfe nothing lesse then humors of ambition and desire to be great They thought that Article to remoue the armie out of Lombardy so greatly desired of all and for the which they would haue bene brought to haue aduaunced any summes of money would be to little purpose so long as there remayned at Millan a Duke who not onely vpon euery gracious offer or motion of themperour would be ready to accept the gifte of it but also for his particular interest woulde ambiciously aspire and thirste after it In these regardes the Pope who for that in thaccorde which the Emprour had made
Congnac betwene the kings Counsell deputies for the king on the one parte and the Agents of the Pope and Venetians on the other part That betwene the Pope the french king the Venetians and the Duke of Millan for whom the Pope and the Venetians assured the ratification should be a league and confederation perpetuall to th ende to repossesse Frauncis Sforce freely of the Duchie of Millan and restore to libertie the French kinges children That the League should be signified to the Emprour to whom was graunted power to enter into it within three monethes vpon condition to redeliuer the kings children receyuing a competent raunsome such as should be arbitrated by the king of England which condition also was extended to leaue wholly the duchy of Millan to Frauncis Sforce and the other potentates and estates of Italy as they were affore the laste warre began That for the deliuery of Frauncis Sforce nowe besieged within the Castell of Millan and for the recouery of that estate a present warre shoulde be made with eight hundred men at armes seuen hundred light horsemen and eight thousande footemen for the Popes parte and for the Venetians the warre to be furnished with eight hundred men at armes a thousande light horsemen and eight thousand footmen for the Duke of Millan foure hundred men at armes three hundred lighte horsemen and foure thousande footemen this proportion to be furnished assoone as he should be hable and in the meane tyme the Pope and Venetians to accomplish for him The French king to sende immediatly into Italy fiue hundred launces and so long as the warre should endure to paye to the Pope and to the Venetians fortie thousande crownes monthly whiche money was to be employed in the leauie of bandes of Svvizzers That the French king should immediately open the warre agaynst themprour beyonde the Mountes on what side he should thinke most conuenient and that with an army of two thousande launces and ten thousande footmen with sufficient numbers of artilleries That the French king should arme xij light gallies and the Venetians thirtene at their proper exspences That the Pope should ioyne to those gallies that proportion of Nauie with the which he had enterteyned into his paye Andrea Dore That the charges should runne in common touching necessary shippes for the sayde armie by sea with the which they should addresse their course to Genes That after themprours armie in Lombardie were eyther vanquished or weakned they should mightily inuade the kingdome of Naples aswell by lande as sea which being once conquered the possession and inuestiture should be transferred to which of the confederates it pleased the Pope And yet in an article seperate was set downe that the Pope could not dispose of it without the consent of the confederates only there was reseruation made of the tributes contributions which aunciently were vsed to be payed to the sea Apostolike together with one singular estate of forty thousande duckets of reuenue to gratifie whom it pleased the Pope That to thend the French king were certayne that by the victorie to be obteined in Italy and the conquest of Naples might be made easie the deliuery of his children that if the Emprour in that case would within foure monethes after the losse of that kingdome enter into the confederation vnder the conditions afforesayd the kingdome should be rendred to him but if he would not accept that power to reenter into the league then the french king should take and enioye the yerely and perpetuall rent of that realme That the french king should not at anye time nor for any cause molest Frauncis Sforce for the duchy of Millan but should be bound together with the others to defende him agaynst all men and to do what he could to introduce betwene him the Svvizzers a new confederation Onely the king should receiue of him yerely and perpetuall tribute such as should be set down by the arbitration of the Pope and Venetians and that not to be lesse then fiftie thousande duckets That Frauncis Sforce should take to wyse suche a Lady of the blood of Fraunce as it should please the king to prouide for him and should be bounde to enterteyne as apperteyned his brother Maximilian in place of the yearely pension which he receyued of the king That the king should reenter into the Earledome of Ast That if Genes were recouered the king to reteyne the same estate of superiority which he was wont to do in times past and that if anth Adorne who then was duke there would compounde with the league he should be receyued so farreforth as he woulde acknowledge the French king for superior in the same sorte and manner as Octauian Fregosa had done a fewe yeres before That all the confederates should demaunde of themprour the deliuerie of the children of Fraunce and if he refused to restore them that it should be denounced to him in the name of them all that the League would do all that they coulde to haue them agayne That assone as the warres of Italy were finished or at least the Realme of Naples taken and themperours armie so weakned as there was no feare of it all the confederates should be bounde to ayde the Frenche king agaynst themprour beyonde the Mountes with a thousande men at armes a thousande fiue hundred light horsemen and ten thousande footemen or else with money in place of men at the kinges choyse That not one of the confederates without the consent of the others might not contract with the Emperour to whom it should be permitted in case he would enter into the confederation to goe to Rome to take th imperiall Crowne with suche a trayne of men as shoulde not be feared the same to be rated by the Pope and Venetians That thoughe anye one of the confederates were taken awaye by death yet the league shoulde stande good and absolute That the kinge of Englande should be protector and defender of the league to whome was lefte power to enter into it And in case he woulde enter there shoulde bee giuen to hym in the Realme of Naples an estate of thirtie thousande duckets of reuenue and an other of tenne thousande to the Cardinall of Yorke and that to bee leauyed eyther in the same Realme or in some other parte of Italy The Pope woulde not suffer the Duke of Ferrara to be comprehended within the confederation notwithstanding the french king and the Venetians did greatly solicite it yea he procured that the confederation should beare though vnder generall words that the confederates shoulde be bound to ayde him to recouer those places for the whiche the sayde Duke was in contention with the Churche Touching the Florentins there was no doubt that they were not effectually comprehended in the confederation for that the Pope made his reckoning not onely to serue his turne with their men at armes and their forces but also to reduce them concurrant with him yea euen to make thē susteine the greatest
of the realm of Naples So that making a collection and consideration of all these difficulties and daungers together he made vchement instance to the coÌ„federats that notwithstanding euery one in particular should solicite aduaunce such prouisions both by sea and lande as they were bound vnto by the articles of the league yet he perswaded them in generall to make a common inuasion vpon the kingdome of Naples with an army of a thousand light horsmen twelue thousand footmen a conuenient number of men at armes He tooke his reason of this deuise vpon thexperience of things done tyll that day iudged that afterwards there would succede no better issue if they vexed not themprour with warre in other places then in the duchy of Millan And for the better aduauncing of this expedition he dispatched to the french king Iohn Baptist a Sanga a Romaine and one of his secretories both to pul him on with a better inclination to the warre and to impart with him thestate of his wantes and pouertie of money together with the small meanes he had to goe on with so heauy a burden of exspences if he were not eased with some quantity of money from him That he was determined to harken presently to the warre of Naples notwithstanding the articles of the confederation bare not to do any action vpon that kingdome so long as the warre should endure in Lombardy That the Venetians notwithstanding to auoyde so great exspences had made difficulty in the beginning yet being caried with his importunities they had consented to be concurrant in the action and that without the french king but with so much lesse numbers of men as imported his part and contribution That the french king for that cause ouer besides the 500. launces to whoÌ„ he was minded to giue for generall and commaunder the Marquis of Salussa more for the fortune and felicity then for the vallout and vertue of the man as he sayde would also send an other proportion of 300. launces into Lombardy to thend to administer one part of them to the warres of Naples That he would solicit the coÌ„ming on of the army by sea that either to hold Genes short restrayned with it or else to conuert it against the kingdome of Naples Which army albeit the freÌ„ch meÌ„ led on with as slow aduauncementes as they vsed in the other prouisions yet it went on still in forwardnes The kings nauy conteined 4. gallions 16. light gallies the Venetians conteined 13. gallies and the Popes 11. Ouer all which Nauy reduced into one Admiralty Peter Nauarre was appointed Capteine general at the kings instaÌ„ce notwithstaÌ„ding the Pope could haue wished that dignity to haue bin transferred to Andrea Dore Besides all these instructions and commissions the Pope gaue a secret charge to Sanga to perswade the french king to vndertake the enterprise of Millan for himself to thend to intangle him with that occasion to imbarke him into the warre with all his forces Moreouer Sanga was enioyned to go out of Fraunce to the king of England to demaund succours of money â—eeing the king of that Realme desiring greatly in the beginning the warre against the Emprour so farre forth as the league were negociated in England according to his desire the Cardinals of Yorke would enter the league as was beloued But the hature of the time and necessitie of the castel of Myllan not suffring a long treaty or conference when he saw the league was made by others he thought he might hold the ballance and stand as a looker on and a iudge The Pope also solicited both at the perswasions of the Venetians and at the request of the French king who had sent to that end the Bishop of Bayeux to Ferrara to haue composed the controuersies that were betwene him that Duke But â—e handled that action more in apparance then in effect making vnto him many offers and amongest others to giue him Rauenna in counterchaunge of Modena and Reggia A couerture or culler which the Duke made no reckoning of not onely for that by taking a new hart for the retyring of the army from before the walls of Myllan he was more hardly then before drawne to like of the offers that were made and chiefly that of Rauenna but also for the great difference and inequalitie of the reuenues And that he tooke it to be a meane to driue him with time into contencion with the Venetians These were the practises preparacions and operacions of the confederats deferred broken of and chaunged according to the endes and according to the councels of the Princes that managed them But thEmprour whose deliberacions depended wholly of him selfe was neyther negligent nor irresolute so farre forthas his power and forces stretched for after the Frenche king at the instance of the confederats had denyed to the Viceroy leaue to passe into Italy which he demaunded with great affection The Viceroy refusing to take the kinges present which was supposed to be in value twenty thowsande crownes departed and tooke his waye into Spayne bearing with him a writing written with the kings hande wherein he protested a readines to obserue thaccord of Madrill so farre forth as he woulde conuert the restitucion of Burgongute into an exchaunge and payment of two myllions of crownes By whose relacion thEmprour seeing nowe no further hope of obseruacion in the king determined to sende by sea into Italy the Viceroy with the launceknights that werein Parpignan beeing almost three thowsande with the like number of Spanish footemen conteyning in all a number of six thowsande he gaue order also to sende a newe supplye of an hundred thowsande duckats to Myllan And albeit he solicited thexpedicion of the armye by sea yet it coulde not be ready with speede according to his exspectacion for that besides the tyme to mooster and assemble the Spanish souldiers there was necessitie to paye the launceknightes an hundred thowsande duckatts due vppon their wages past furthermore he addressed continuall directions into Germanye to sende to Myllan newe succours of footemen but bothe for that he gaue no order for their payes and also for the dishabilitie of his brother to leauye money that expedicion proceeded slowely And yet by the delayes and yll successe and yssue of the confederats no sorte of temporising nor slowenes coulde bee hurtefull for Malatesta Baillon beeing come before Cremona planted his artilleries by nyght of the seuenth of August before the gate of La Mussa iudging that place to bee weake for that it was yll flanked and worsse rampared And for that he thought at the same tyme to giue thasfault on the castell side he supposed it best to make his batterye in a place farre of to th ende to constrayne the defendants to deuide their strength into sundrye places Neuerthelesse after his artilleries had executed he founde the place strong and fortefied with campars and the wall which he battered so highe of earth that
an yll counsel of the Pope wrote to him that the Viceroy reiecting all motions to truce was contented to make peace with the Pope onely or with the Pope and Venetians ioyntly so farreforth as they would make payment of money to thend to mainteine the army for assurance of the peace and afterwards to debate in the matter of the truce with the others An alteration mouing eyther by the variation or chaunge of the Viceroy or happly by the perswasions of tharchbishop as many suspected At which time Paule d'Arezze being come to themprours Court with authoritie from the Pope the Venetians and Frauncis Sforce whither also went by the motiō of the king of England for the negociation of peace the Auditor of the Chamber the rather for that before were come thither full commissions from the french king He found themprour wholy chaunged both in minde will taking the reason of his alteration vpon an aduertisement he had receiued of the army of the launceknightes and of his Nauy in Italy In so much as enforcing the fauor of that good aduauntage he fled from all the conditions that were set downe before and vrged vehemently that the French king should obserue absolutely thaccord of Madrill to haue the cause of Frauncis Sforce heard by law before Iudges assigned by himselfe Thus did both the will and intention of themprour vary according to the successe of affayres like as also his commissions which he sent to his Agentes in Italy bare alwayes by reason of the distance of the place eyther an expresse or silent condition to gouerne themselues according to the variation of times and occasions Therfore the Viceroy after he had many dayes abused the Pope with vayne practises and would not so muche as consent to a surceance of armes for a few daies till the negociation might soart to some issue brake vp from Naples the xx of December to goe into thestates of the Church In which wilfulnesse he offred many new and very straunge conditions of accorde But to returne to the laste daye of the yeare wherein the Launceknightes as we haue sayde passed the ryuer of Nure The same day also the Duke of Ferrara by the meane of his Embassador capitulated with the Viceroy and Don Hugo who had commission from themprour Neuertheles the capitulation was made with a very small liking of that Embassador for that he was almoste constrayned to consent by the threates and rude words of the Viceroy Tharticles of the capitulation were these That the duke of Ferrara should be bounde aswell in his person as in his estates to serue themprour agaynst all his enemies That he should be capteine generall for themprour in Italy with a company of an hundred men at armes and two hundred light horsemen onely he should assemble and leauy them at his owne charges and receyue agayne allowance in his accountes That he should presently receyue the towne of Carpy and the Castell of Nouy which had apperteined to Albert Pio for the dowry of themprours bastard daughter promised to his sonne onely the reuenues should be aunswered in account of the souldiors a compensation to be made vntill the consummation of the mariage And that Vespatian Colonno and the Marquis of Guast should disclayme and renounce the rightes which they pretended to them That he should pay the summe of two hundred thousand duckets when he had recouered Modena but out of that should be deducted that which he had giuen to the Viceroy since the battell of Pauia That if he did not recouer Modena all the summes of money which he had before disbursed should be eftsones repayed to him That themprour should be bound to his protection not to make peace without comprehending him and not without obteining for him of the Pope absolution of the paynes and censures which he had incurred euer since he was declared confederate to themprour And lastly that he should vse all his meanes and authoritie to the Pope to absolue him of all those penalties and transgressions which he had runne into before Thus in the ende of the yere a thousande fiue hundred and sixe twentie all things prepared and tended to a manyfest and open warre The ende of the seuenteenth Booke THE ARGVMENT OF THE EIGHTENTH BOOKE THe Duke of Burbonissueth out of Millan The Viceroy and Colonnois make vvarre agaynst the Pope in thestate of the Churche The Marquis of Salussa entreth vvithin Bolognia The Pope maketh vvarre in the kingdome of Naples The Duke of Burbon leadeth his armie to Rome taketh the tovvne and sacketh it and is slayne in the action The Pope beeing abandoned of all hope accordeth vvith thimperialls Amutinie in Florence The king of Englande is declared agaynst themprour The confederates do many enterprises THE EIGHTEENTH BOOKE OF THE historie and discourse of Guicciardin NOW ensueth the yeare of our Lorde a thousande fiue hundred and seuen and twenty A yeare prepared to many harde euentes and accidentes suche as for their crueltie were full of feare and daunger and for their straungenes had no example or experience with the worldes and ages before For in the predictions of this yeare was expressed an vniuersall face of troubles and confusion of mutation of estates of captiuitie of princes of desolation of Cities of dearth of vittelles and of a generall visitation of the plague yea through all the regions and climates of Italy there was no apparance nor contemplation of other thing then of blood death famine and fleeing A condition lamentable euen to forreiners and straungers that dyd but heare of it but moste intollerable to those miserable wretches vpon whose neckes the lawe of destenie had drawne so grieuous a yoke To these calamities there was no other thing that stayed the action of beginning and execution but the difficulties whiche the Duke of Burbon founde to make the regimentes of Spanishe footemen to departe out of Millan for where he had determined that Anthony de Leua shoulde abide there for the defence of the whole Duchie and reteyne with him all those bands of Launceknightes which were there before for whose enterteinmentes and payes were consumed bothe all the moneyes exacted at tymes vppon the Millannois and also suche other summes as were leauyed by the billes of exchaunge which the Duke of Burbon brought from Spayne And where he had also appoynted to remayne with the sayd Leua for the seruice of the Duchie a strength of twelue hundred footemen Spaniardes together with some bandes of Italian footemen vnder the leading of Lodovvike Belliense and other commaunders So likewise by their example all the other bandes and regimentes of souldiors for that they had in pray the houses the wyues and daughters of thinhabitantes of Millan were not discontented to liue still in that estate of licentious libertie But for that both for the necessitie of the present seruice and regarde of their proper honor and lastely for the awe and authoritie of the Duke of Burbon they
by howe muche they vnderstoode that Genes was reduced to great extremities and wants of vittels So that it was determined to inuade the kingdome of Naples aswel by sea as by land and that Monsr de Vaudemont should be Admirall of the army by sea for whose better strength there was addresse giuen to leauy 2000. footmen But Ranso by whose direction was distributed exspended the money of the french king determined contrary to the Popes will who was of opinion to conuert into one place al the forces of that expeditiō to dispose 6000. men to enter Abruzza he hoped that by the working of the sonnes of the Count Montoiro who had bin sent thither with 2000. footmē they should make an easy action vpon Aquila which accordingly hapned through the feare of Askanio Colonno who assone as he heard of their approch fled from the daunger which his tymerous condition would not suffer him to abide The beginnings and first actions of this enterprise were full of hope and felicitie for albeit the Viceroy who had bestowed garrisons within the places neare him was busy to readdresse and refurnishe his army asmuch as he could yet both for that one part of his regimentes was disbanded and an other parte by necessitie bestowed in garrisons it was thought he would stande daungerously imbarked and with great difficultie be hable to make resistance onely to the sea army It was beleeued also by the same reason that Ranso in Abruzza and the Nauies of the Churche and Venetians conteining xxij gallies should finde no head made agaynst them both for that they were resupplied with a strength of three thousande men and also for the ioyning of Oratio with two thousande footemen together with the person of Monsr de Vaudemont who vnder the auncient rightes and claymes of king Rene pretended to the succession of that kingdome and at that time managed the place of Lieftenaunt generall vnder the Pope But these matters proceeded very slowely to execution both for the temporising of the army ecclesiastike not as yet departed from Frusolono where they taryed for the great artilleries that were to come from Rome and also for thexpedition of Abruzza and the aryuall of the sea army These impedimentes and losse of tyme were also increased by the mutinie of the footemen within Frusolono who demaunded double paye as a matter wonne and due for the victorie Neuertheles the eightenth day of February the souldiours of the Viceroy abandoned Cesana and other places confining withdrew them selues to Cepperana by thoportunitie of whose retrayte the army ecclesiastike beginning already to feele the want of vittels passed Saint Germain and the Viceroy fearing to put things to hazard retyred to Caietta and Don Hugo to Naples All whiche notwithstanding the Pope pressed still with his wantes and necessities of money and fearing no lesse the aduauncing of the Duke of Burbon agaynst whose armye he sawe the Confederates disposed to make no greate resistaunce continued styll his inclination to compounde with themprour and in that humor had eftsones procured the Lorde Russell to goe vp to the Viceroy in the name of his king Vppon whiche it followed that Fieremosquo returned to Rome the xxj of February from whence also the daye following he departed hauing published his commissions and left the Popes minde full of confusion and irresolution In regarde of whiche perill and the Popes alteration the Venetians least he should rashely intangle him selfe with thaccorde made offer to him in the beginning of Marche to sende him in ready money within fifteene daies fifteene thousande duckets and fifteene thousande more within other fifteene dayes so farreforth as he would graunt them a Iubiley for all their gouernment But amid these delayes and temporisings the Popes Nauy and the Venetians which had with great losse taryed to exspect the french fleete and beeing by rage of weather driuen into the I le of Ponso the xxiij of February fell with the Molo of Caietta and sacked it And the fourth day of Marche hauing set on lande the footemen at Pozzolo returned eftsones to the sea for that they found it in good condition of defence And so passing further they discended agayne neare to Naples by the ryuer of the borowe of Stabbia where was Diomed Caraffa with fiue hundred footemen They caryed this borowe by assault the thirde daye on that side of the Mountayne by whose example the Castell rendred the day after The tenth day they forced the Greeke towre and Surrenta And in that violence of victorie and fortune many places on that side yeelded afterwardes vppon composition This fleete also had taken before certayne shippes laden with grayne for the prouision of Naples whiche had great neede of them and for want of them suffred no small vexation the rather for that thenemie found no impediment vpon the sea neyther was there suche order taken as was necessarie In which disorder and want of good direction the flete drewe so neare the Mole the seconde daye in Lent that the Castell and the gallies shotte at it yea the footemen came on so faste by lande that with great difficultie the Neapolitanes could retyre them selues by the Market gate and shutte it After this they tooke Salerne when Vaudemont made after certayne shippes and leauing foure gallies at Salerne where Oracio was the prince of Salerne at the same time entred within the towne by the way of the Castell with many souldiours but he was ouerthrowne by Oracio in which encounter were slayne more then two hundred footemen and many made prisoners In Abruzza after the Viceroy had deliuered out of prison the olde Count of Montoire to th ende he might recouer Aquila the sayde Count was no sooner set at liberty by the Viceroy then he was made prisoner by his owne sonnes And Ranso who tooke the sixt of March Scicibiana and Talleconsa went vp towards Sora Neuertheles notwithstanding the fauor of so fayre occasions and the benefite of so many felicities concurring the souldiors began the first daye of March to abandon the army on land by trowpes and that eyther for want of vittels or through negligence in the officers or at least for the yll prouisions of the Pope The negociations and counsels of the peace continued and kept on their course and in that action were come to Rome the seconde of Marche Fieremosquo and Serenon secretorie to the Viceroy There they founde aryued the daye before Monsr de Lange instructed with wordes and promises sufficient for the credite of his expedition but he brought no money notwithstanding they had aduertisement out of Fraunce that he was departed both with twenty thousand duckets for the payes of the footemen appoynted to serue in the great shippes whiche were exspected at Ciuitavecchia and also that he brought twenty thousand more for the Pope to helpe to aduaunce thenterprise of the realme of Naples for one of the sonnes of the french king to whom should be giuen in
mutined drew into manifest tumult and that to the great daunger of the life of the Duke of Burbon if he had not with present diligence escaped from his lodging which in their fury they inuaded sacked killing one of his gentlemen who stoode to defend the goods of his maister By reason of this accident the Marquis of Guast went foorthwith to Ferrara from whence he returned with some litle summe of money with the which the army was reappeased The seuenteenth day there fell from the regions aboue such abundance of snowe and raine that for certeine dayes it tooke away all libertie of marching as well for the impediment of the wayes made worse by the ill weather as for the swelling of the riuers which the snowes and landfluddes had made equal with the toppes of their bankes or shoares By which intemperaunce of the wether instrumentallie working in the destinie assigned Capteine George fell sicke of an appoplexie which so vexed him to the great perill of his life that at least thennemies hoped that he would become vnprofitable to followe the campe and vnder that occasion the Launceknightes would no more beare their incommodities and want of money But the effect was otherwise then thapparance declared By this time the Venetian armie was at S. Favvstin neare to Rubiero to whom the eighteenth of Marche came the person of the Duke of Vrbin who according to his custome promised to the Senate of Venice almost a certeintie of the victorie not so much through the vallour and puissance of the confederates as for the difficulties and straites whereunto were reduced thennemies But now the affaires of the Pope being reduced on all parts to these hard tearmes he ranne a carelesse course accompanied with faintnesse of courage both for that he was pinched with the want necessitie of money wherein his care was so much the greater by howe muche did redouble his extremities and also for thenterprise of Naples which tooke not successe according to his first deuises and lastlie for that his companies were retyred to Piperna being no longer hable to endure the want of vittells But the matter that most tooke away his resolucion and spirite was the temporising of the Frenche in whom was found no correspondencie betwene their promises and their effects a custome which they had duely obserued euen from the first day of the warre till the last end of the same for besides that the king was long in sending the fortie thowsande duckats for the first moneth of the warre and to dispatche the fiue hundred launces for the sea armie And besides that he woulde not according as he was bounde make warre beyonde the mountes which was one of the principall fundacions and meanes sette downe to aspire to the victorie Yet also he failed to obserue his promises with the Pope from day to day that besides the ordinarie contribucion he would minister to him monethly twentie thowsand duckats to make warre in the realme of Naples Also the truce being made by reason of the conspiring of Don Hugo and the Colonnois he councelled him not to keepe the articles of the truce and confirmed vnto him the same promise not onlie to ayde him in the warres against Naples but also in all actions for his proper defense And lastly he promised to send to him Ranso de Cere whom he fauored much for that he had expressed great vallour in the defense of Marseilles All which things albeit they had bene promised from the moneth of October yet it was so long ere they were executed that it was the fourth day of Ianuarie before Ranse came to Rome and yet he brought no money and also it was ten dayes after before the twenty thowsand duckats were sent Of which summe foure thowsand were reteined by Ranse as well for his expenses and defrayments as for his pension and ten thowsand were conuerted to furnish thenterprise of Abruzze so that to the Popes hands who vnder that promise had broken the truce almost three moneths before there neuer came of that summe more then six thowsand Moreouer the king had promised the Pope in regard of his consenting to a tenth to pay vnto him xxv thousand crownes within eight dayes and xxxv thowsand more within two monethes But he neuer receiued aboue nine thowsand which were brought him by Monsr Rabandanges The king also extended his promise further for that after Pavvle Aretze had taken his leaue of him the twelfth of Februarie he promised him a coplemēt of twenty thowsand duckats to th end to giue to the Pope a better stomake to make warre But the sayd twentie thowsande duckats which were sent after Monsr de Lange neuer passed further then Sauona The king was bound by the capitulacions of the confederacion to send twelue gallies of which sorte of vessells he sayd he had sent sixteene but the most parte of them so ill prepared and so slenderlie furnished of men to set on land that they stirred not from Sauona Where if at the first when ouerture was made of the warre against the kingdome of Naples they had immediatly ioyned with the gallies of the Pope and Venetians they would not but haue executed right great exployts And touching the armie by sea verie mightie in great vessells notwithstanding the king had made many promises to sende them out against Naples yet they neuer went farre from Prouence or Sauona Furthermore after he had condiscended to geue two payes to the souldiours of the Marquis of Salusse he agreed with the Venetians who had a lesse number of souldiours then he to whome they were bounde that their pay shoulde be taken vpon the contribucion of the fortie thowsand duckats He saw the comfortes and succours of the king of England were verie farre of and vncerteine The Venetians made but slowe paymentes to their companies and for that cause the bandes of the Marquis of Salusse and the Svvizzers who were within Bolognia serued almost for nothing The variacions and vncerteinties of the Duke of Vrbin astonished him not a litle since thereby he discerned that no impediment would be giuen to thImperials to passe into Tuskane By which meane waying together with the ill disposicion of the people of Florence thintelligence which the Citie of Sienna had with thImperialls he saw that not onelie the state of Florence woulde fall into manifest daunger but also the circuit and iurisdiction of the Churche All which reasons albeit they moued him greatlie and wrought no small impressions in him yet after many dristes and doubtes notwithstanding he discerned well enough howe infamous and daungerous it would be to separate him selfe from the confederates and to referre him to the discression of thennemies yet both for that he was not sufficientlie succored by the residue and much lesse would applie suche aide of him selfe as he might and also being ouerruled by passions of present feare and not hable to resist with resolucion and courage the difficulties and daungers occurring he
sauetie to retire within the castell of Cosensa and the other parte of his footebands not without the slaughter of many of them disparsed and went away The Corsegnans went wandring towardes the army in so much as not only the region of Calabria was left in daunger but also it was feared least the victors would aduaunce addresse their forces to Naples On the contrary the affaires of the frenchmen drewe good successe and issue in Abruzza by this accident as the bishop Colonno was approched within xij miles of Aquila to sturre vp Abruzzâ— to commotion he was ouerthrowen and slaine by the Abbot of Farfa with whom were put to the sworde iiij hundred bodies of soldiours and eight hundred taken prisoners In the confins of Caietta the Spaniardes went wandring and retiring being caried with feare for the ariuall of the prince of Melffe And the garrison of Manfredonia through the slender vallour and action of the Venetyan bandes committed many domages without perill or resistance Like as the Pope perseuered still in his resolucion to declare himselfe for neither partie So the french king espying the intelligences and practises which he enterteined began to hold him for suspected And to themprour he was nothing aggreable though for no other cause yet for that he had sent as Legat into England Cardinall Campeius to debate there the controuersie delegated to him and to the Cardinall of Yorke for where the king of England solicited vehemently to haue published the inualiditie of the first mariage The Pope hauing delt verie liberally in wordes and promises with his Agents and also being of litle fidelitie or credit with other princes laboured to kepe himselfe vnder his protection he made at last secretly a Bull decretall by the which he pronounced the mariage to be of no force and gaue the Bull to the Cardinall Campeius he charged him withall that in showing it to the king and the Cardinall of Yorke he should tell them that he had commission to publish it if in iudgement the knowledge and informacion of the cause succeded not wel wherein it seamed the Pope wrought vpon this ground That both they should be brought with more facilitie to consent to haue the cause iudicially debated and also indure with better temperance of minde the delaies and longenes of the iudgement Which he had inioined his Legat to holde of and prolonge to as long a tract of time as he could And as he should not deliuer the Bull vntil he had receiued new commission from him so neuerthelesse he should labour to perswade the king by all the meanes he could that his intention was to deliuer it vp to his handes in the ende of this embassage in the person of that man of the delegation of the cause themprours embassadors that were within Rome complained not a litle though with lesse authoritie for the ill termes of his affaires in the kingdom of Naples About Naples many were the difficulties happening vpon both the one other partie but such as in all discoursse of reason made more apparant on the french side the hope of the victorie though it was hindred by the vertue and obstinacie of the ennemies Within the towne of Naples the wantes of vittells grew daily to extremities especially of wine and flesh a calamitie without his comfort for that no prouision could enter the towne by sea for the impediments of the Venetian gallies being after so longe exspectation ariued nowe the x. of Iune in the goulffe of Naples to the nomber of xxij And albeit the horsmen of the towne made daily sallies out not towardes the face of the armie but to those quarters of the contrey where they thought to find vittells by whose industry some praies of flesh were alwaies brought in and the whole estate of the towne somwhat releued and refreshed yet these prouisions and comforts brought in by these aduentures were not such as being depriued of the commoditie of the sea they might suffice to nourishe and enterteine them longe Besides they began to grow short in money the stroake of the plage afflicted them much and they had much to doe to kepe enterteined the Launceknightes whome they coulde no longer abuse with vaine hopes and promises In which discontentment many of them went by troupes to the french armie notwithstanding the authoritie and grace which the prince of Orenge who by the death of Don Hugo commaunded in the place of Viceroy had with them was of some force to reteine them who the better to frame their mindes with authoritie discipline which he coulde not raunge by lenitie and easynes he made prisoner captaine Cattay a Gascon with many of his soldiours beinge of the remeindars of the regiments of the Duke of Boâ—rbon And afterwardes he did the like by suspicion to Fabricio Maramo whom notwithstanding he sette at libertie presently On the other side diseases encreased daily in the french campe the same beinge the cause that Lavvtrech to th ende not to haue so great a space or circuit to garde would not suffer to be perfected the last trenches which neuerthelesse coulde not easely be finished for the impediment of certeine waters Besides the campe suffred want of vittells and nourriture though more for the ill order and gouernment that was vsed then through any other occasion â–ª Neuerthelesse Monsr Lavvtrech obseruing his owne rule and councell hoped more in the necessities that were within Naples then he feared or douted his proper difficulties and perswading himselfe of thexpedicion of the victorie either for that cause or for their want of money he forbare to make any newe leauies of footemen a matter which the whole armie desired for the vniuersall diminucion which was made by death and diseases not onely of personnes meane and base but euen of such as satte in places of authoritie as the Popes Nuncio and Loys Pisano commissarie of the Venetians who died in the face of the towne the xv daie He hoped also to allure to the campe either all or the most parte of those bandes of Launceknightes that were within Naples a practise wherein the Marquis of Salâ—sfa first and afterwardes himselfe had reaposed of longe time greate confidence in vaine So that vpon these groundes together with certeine hopes that were giuen him to draw to the armie certeine light horsmen that were within Naples he forbare to make any newe leauies of light horsmen such as had bene most necessarie for the seruice of whom if he had waged but foure hundred he had stopped in good time the hurtfull incursions which the soldiours of the towne made so often to his disaduauntage And yet in those actions of praie and bootie he was not without his felicitie for that as the horsmen of Naples returned one daie with a riche spoile of cattell they were encountred by the blacke bandes who as they were th 〈…〉 inewes and strength of the armie â–ª so without them there had bene no seege planted before the
walles of Naples By them the bootie was recouered from the Napolitains with the losse of three skore horsmen notwithstanding the Spaniards issued out of the towne to reskew them Thus Monsr Lavvtrech was not without hope that thimperialls would be constrained to leaue Naples to discression And therefore laying to cutte them of from all retraite within Caietta he gaue order to garde well Capua and kepe in deuocion the sea towne of Vulturno And to depriue them also of meane to retire into Calabria besides that he cutte of certeine passages apte for their purpose he recontinued the working at the trenche begon so often and left of for sondrie accidents he now raised it so high that the springes and waters which before gaue impediment were nowe beneath the worke besides he sought to put in defense certeine houses adioyned neare to Naples and to haue them garded with a thowsand footemen which he ment to leauie to that ende turning also to that seruice the fauour of the Venetyan gallies which were come vp right ouer against the trenche This trenche also serued aptly for that resort of vittells to the armie that came from the sea coast and was no lesse conuenient to cutte of the ennemies if they returned that waie with their booties for by reason of the greate ditches and waters at Poggio Royall that had bene cut vp the waie from the campe to the sea conteined a greate and daungerous circuit Thimperialls â—ought to vexe and hinder those that wrought at the trenche And beinge one daie 〈…〉 ted out in very stronge troupes the pioners by the ordenance of Peter Nauare who solicited the worke made as though they fledde and thimperialls pursuing them more in rashnes then in good gouernment of warre fell vpon an ambushe dressed for their destruction wherein were hurte and slaine an hundred bodies Neuerthelesse the trenche was not halfe finished aswell for wante of pioners as by other accidentes ioyned to an ordinarie negligence which oftentimes hindreth the effect of the good directions and ordenances that are giuen In which good course of direction if the campe had continued many were of opinion that considering the straite tearmes and condicion of Naples Monsr Lavvtrech had honorably caried the towne And at the same time was offred a faire occasion and of greate consequencie if the execucion had bene as resolute as the offer was ready Monsr Lavvtrech being informed that the souldiours of Naples were issued out in greate troupes to goe on forraging and for bootie and for that he would at one blow ridde the contrey of those incursions and open himselfe a waie to the absolute victorie sent out the xxv â–ª of Iune by night the regiment of the blacke bandes the horsemen of Florence and three skore french launces with a bande of Svvizzers and Launceknightes whom he directed to take the waie of Beluedere and Pedegroâ—to to encounter the forraigers and to vexe them in their retire he appointed capteine Bâ—â—iâ— with the Gascon footemen to stande vpon the hill which is aboue Grotta and vpon the alarme giuen to discende and cutte the ennemies from entring into Grotta The beginning of this exploit was well executed and drew with it a good issue for that the companies of Lavvtrech hauing encountred thimperialls they charged them and put them to fleight more then three hundred bodies remaining prisoners and slaine besides an hundred horses of seruice and greate stoare of baggage And in the encounter Don Ferrand of Gonsaguo was striken from his horse at he fought and being made prisoner he was estsoones recouered by the furie of the Launceknightes But this medley had his imperfection by captaine Burie who eyther through negligence which is yll or by feare which is worse appeared not in the place to the which he was appoynted which if he had done according to his direction they had no doubt giuen an absolute ouerthrow to thimperials â–ª Monsr Lavvtrech had also sent to Caiette six gallies of the Venetians â–ª and had appoynted two to ryde at the mouth of Garillan to fauour the Prince of Melffe And because that notwithstanding the impedimentes of the gallies some releefe of vittels entred into Naples by the fauour of certayne Frigots he put out to the sea certayne small Barkes to oppose agaynst the seruice of the Frigots And lastely he gaue order that all the heardes of cattell should be driuen away fifteene myles compasse from Naples to thend thimperialls should not with such facilitie chase them But nowe by reason of a newe accident whiche long tyme before had disclosed certayne signes and tokens the French affayres were not a little intangled Andre Dore eyther by corruption and long working wyth him or of his owne proper motion whiche in cases of alteration caryeth men not a little determined to leaue the French paye to the which he was bounde tyll the ende of Iune A resolution which he had long tyme before established in his mynde as was gathered by many argumentes and coniectures In that disposition he retyred to Genes and would not go vp with his Gallies to the kingdome of Naples no though the French king offred to make him capteine generall of the army by sea which he prepared at Merseilles Against which offer he alleaged only his impotencie of body in which reigned so many maladies drawne on with yeres and old age that he was nowe no more hable to beare the trauels of an army But the originall and first motion of this chaunge was afterwards attributed aswell by himselfe as others to diuerse causes Touching him selfe he complained that the French king to whom he had done faithfull seruice for the space of fiue yeres had raysed to the place of high Admirall by sea Monsr Barbesieux A place which though he had refused once yet he looked that the king would make a newe instance to him to take it Secondly that the king had not satisfied him of the xx thousande duckets due for his payes past without the which he was not hable to enterteine his gallies That he would not harken to his iuste petitions to restore to the Genovvayes their accustomed iurisdiction of Sauona And lastely that because he vrged these petitions with importunitie the king had debated in hys counsell to cutte off hys head as one that vsed too arrogantly hys authoritie Others were of opinion that hys yll contentment grewe fyrst from the difference and controuersies betweene hym and Ranso de Cero for the enterprise of Sardignia In whiche contention he construed agaynst the kinge that he had with more partialitie inclined to the reaportes of Ranso then fauoured hys iustifications That the king had too muche importuned hym to delyuer vp hys prisoners whom he desyred but especially the Marquis of Guast and Askanio Colonno as a matter of great importaunce neuerthelesse offering to paye their raunsome These were the causes coniecturall gathered by straungers but afterwardes it was both beleeued and discerned manyfestlye that in thys reuolte he
neighbourhood to the walls of Genes But this plotte was vaine in the effect for that the footemen for the tediousnes and longnes of the waie conteining xxij miles could not reach the place where they were to execute their enterprise before the night was wasted and being discouered by the clearnes and benefitte of the daie the alarme aroase which from hande to hande was brought at laste to Andre Dore who conueighing himselfe out of the backeside was receiued into a barke and by her swiftenes of sailes and oares he auoyded the daunger that was prepared against his life Onely the french men missing by misaduenture the personne of Andre Dore conuerted their rage vppon his pallaice which they sacked and afterwardes returned in sauetie Also Count Caiezzo hauing layed an ambushe betweene Myllan and Monceo ouerthrew fiue hundred Launceknightes and an hundred light horsemen who were sent out to skorte or saffe conduit the vittellours But being afterwardes sent to Bergama he so afflicted that citie with pillage and robbinge that the Senate of Venice who had established him capteine generall ouer their infanterie decassed him and depriued him with infamie of their paye whom in their compassion they could not endure in so greate a custome of insolencie and auarice About this time the Spaniards tooke the towne of Vigeuena And Belioyense who was escaped out of the handes of the french men being sent by Antho. de Leua with two thowsand footemen to surprise Pauya wherein was a garrison of fiue hundred footemen of the Duke of Myllan presented himselfe one night before the walls but being discouered he was compelled to retire without any effect There ariued in the contrey of Genovvay a supplie of two thowsand footemen Spaniardes whom the emprour sent out of Spaine either to defend Genes or else to be conuerted to Myllan according to the necessitie and occasion of affaires Belioyense wente out to meete this supplie and conduct them who as they made showe that they would take the waie either to Plaisanca or of Casa so Monsr saint Pol put himselfe in preparacion to stoppe their comming and sent to solicite the Venetyan bandes to make them selues strong at Loda to the ende that the bandes of Myllan should not come out to backe them he laboured also to perswade them to execute iointly the enterprise of Myllan being thereunto induced through the wante of vittells and other dispaires of those wretched inhabitantes But the Duke of Vrbyn was not of that opinion like as also the Venetyans proceeded coldly in the braue actions of that time wherein both for the rapporte of Andre Nauager their embassadour nowe returned out of Spaine and in regard of a certeine practise and intelligence which was interteined at Rome with themperours embassadour the opinions of the Senat were diuerse many inclining to haue an accord with themprour and yet it was at last resolued to continue the confederaciō with the french king at which time Torniello hauing passed the riuer of Thesin with two thowsand footemē tooke Basignan went towards Lomelina And thabbot of Farfa going with his cornets of horsemen to Crescentyn a place of the Duke of Sauoye was defeated by night taken prisoner but being afterwardes set at liberty by the working of the Marquis Montferat and the Marquis of Mus he ouerthrew certeine regiments of Antho. de Leua and tooke their artilleries There began to rise a dout that the Pope inclined to themperors side both for that the Cardinal Saint Crosse being ariued at Naples caused to be deliuered three Cardinalls who were there in ostage and also according to the rumor that ran he had cōmission from themperour to cause to be rendred Ostia and Ciuitavecchia And by his meane and working the Pope being also solicited Andre Dore restored to the Syennoys Portohercole But there were daily more and more arguments and testimonies that the Popes minde was caried with a disposicion to new thinges for that by his meane though secretly Braccio Baillon for the interest of the affaires of Perousa molested Malatesta notwithstanding he was in his paie And when he vnderstoode that the Duke of Ferrara was come to Modena he conspired to take him in his returning with an ambush of two hundred horsemen layed by Pavvle Luzasquo vpon the confins of Modena But for that the Duke stirred not out of Modena both the deuise was disclosed and the effect disappointed About this time the realme of Naples notwithstāding the ouerthrow of the Frēch was not entyrely deliuered of the calamities of the warre for as Symon Romain hauing assembled newe companies had taken Nauo Oriolo and Amigdalaro townes standing vpon the sea side at the pointe of thappenin So drawing to him into one strength Federik Caraffa whom the Duke of Grauino had sent with a thowsand footemen together with many others of the contrey he had an armie reasonably well compounded But after the victorie of thimperialls about Naples and being abandoned of the companies of the Duke of Grauyna he entred into the towne of Barletta by the Castell and putting it to facke and pillage he staied there At what time the Venetians helde Trany garded by Camylla and Monopoly defended by Iohn Conrardo both captaines of the familie of the Vrsins After this Ranso de Cero and the prince of Melffe came into the kingdom with a thowsand footemen who being reduced betwene Nocero Gualdo and afterwardes retiring from thence by the commandement of the Pope who would not offend the mindes of the victors embarked themselues at Sinigalo and went by sea to Barletto with intencion to renewe the warre in Povvilla a matter determined vpon by common consent of the confederates to the ende to constraine th imperiall armie to make their aboade in the kingdom of Naples vntill springe time at what time they drewe to counsell and conference to make new prouisions for their cōmon sauetie for which matter the french king sent to Ranso a releefe and succours of money like as also the Venetians concurring with the king in the same desier the rather to reteine more easely and kepe still by the helpe of others the townes which they had taken in Povvylla offred to furnish him of twelue gallies But when the king vrged them to arme and appointe those gallies reseruing to defraie the charge and exspenses vppon the foure skore thowsand duckats whereunto they were bounde by the contribucion promised to Monsr Lavvtrech they would not harken to it The king of England promised not to be behinde with his parte of the prouisions ordinarie And the Florentyns had contracted to pay the thirde parte of the companies which Ranso had leauied The imperialls shewed no greate readines or disposicion to quench so greate a preparacion of trouble beinge buysied on all partes to exact money to satisfie the soldiours of their duties and paies past wherein both to leauie those exactions with more facilitie and the better to assure the kingdom with examples of seueretie the prince of Orenge
esquadron of the French men commaunded by Iohn Thomas de Gallera was so farre marched away that he could not in time be at the succors of the residue And albeit Monsr Saint Pol reaposing much in a regiment of two thowsand launceknights was discended on foote and fought valliantly yet after they had menteyned a light defense he saw them beginne to retyre in whose vallour he had layed vp his chiefest confidence And albeit they were susteyned and reskewed by Iohn Ieronimo de Castillon Clavvdo Rangon Commaunders ouer two thowsand Italians who expressed great effects of their vallour yet in the ende both the horsemen and launceknightes not hable to stand against the furie and fortune of their ennemies turned their backs leauing a wretched effect of the hope that was conceyued of them By their example thItalyans did the like And Monsr Saint Pol dispayring to finde by fighting the sauetie which the residue could not finde by fleeing was eftsoones remounted vppon his horse and as he would haue passed ouer a great ditche he fell into the calamitie of a prisoner hauing pertaking with him in that fortune Iohn Ieronimo de Castillon Clavvdo Rangon Liquack Carbon with other leaders of importance All the companies were defeated many horsemen taken prisoners and all the baggage and trayne of the armye and the artilleries ryffled Almost all the men at armes founde sauetye in the swiftnes and ronning of their horses together with Count Guido leading the auauntegarde with whome he retyred into Pauya and from thence in the beginning of the night the same seare following them nowe beeing free and at large which they sawe in thextremitie of their perill they went to Loda but so perplexed with astonishment that they were almost at poynt to breake and disorder of them selues Many of the souldiours remeyned in the wayes their horses hauing no forces to cary them whether their feare would chasse them And the Capteines excused their ronning awaye for that their companies were not payed of whome the French bands returned all into Fraunce Thus armes and warre beeing almost layed aside thorowe all Italy by reason of the harde euents and aduersities of the French men The cogitacions of the greatest Princes were conuerted and disposed to accord The first accord that succeeded was betweene the Pope and the Emprour which was concluded at Barselona to the Popes greate aduauntage Wherein thEmprour had the one of these two reasons eyther for that hauing a greate desire to passe into Italye he sought to take awaye all impediments to his voyage accompting it in that regarde verye necessarye to haue the Popes amitye or els for that he woulde with verye large and ample capitulacions giue the Pope a greater occasion to forgette the wronges and offences which he had receyued of his Agents and his armye The substance of thaccorde was this That betweene the Pope and the Emperour shoulde be a perpetual peace and confederacion That the Pope should giue passage to the Emprours armye through the dominions of the Churche in case it should depart out of the kingdom of Naples That thEmprour in contemplacion of the new mariage and for the tranquillitie of Italy should restore in Florence the sonne of Lavvrence de Medicis to the same estate of greatnes wherin were his predecessors before they were expulsed hauing notwithstanding regarde to the exspenses which were to be defrayed for the sayd restitucion according to the arbitracion to be made aswell by him as the Pope That thEmprour shoulde assaye assoone as he coulde eyther by armes or some other way more comely to reestablish the Pope in the possession of Ceruia Rauenna Modona Reggia and Rubiero without preiudice to the rights of the Empire and the sea Apostolike That the Pope hauing recouered the townes aboue sayd should accord to thEmprour thinuestiture of the Realme of Naples in remuneracion of that benefit and shoulde reduce the tribute of the last inuestiture to a white horse for a fyne or acknowledgement of chiefe That he should accord to him the nominacion of xxiiij Cathedrall Churches for the which they were in difference remeyning to the Pope the disposicion of the Churches which should not be in patronage of other benefices That when thEmprour should be passed into Italy the Pope and he should meete common together to consult of the particular quiet of Italy the vniuersal peace of Christendom receiuing one an other with ceremonies and honors due and accustomed That thEmprour in case the Pope required the ayde of the arme secular to reconquer Ferrara should assist him euen to the ende as Aduocate Protector and eldest sonne of the sea Apostolike that with all the good meanes which at that time should be in his power And that they should agree of thexspenses proceedings and formes to be vsed according to the qualitie of times and accidents That the Pope and Emprour with a common councel should deuise some meanes to drawe lawfully into iustice and examinacion of the lawe by Iudges not suspected the cause of Frauncis Sforce to th ende he might be restored if he were found innocent That otherwayes thEmprour offered notwithstanding the disposing of the Duchie of Myllan apperteyned to him to dispose of it with the councell and priuitie of the Pope and to inuest in it no person which should not be agreable to him nor otherwise to transferre it but in sorte as he shall thinke most expedient for the tranquillitie of Italie That the Emperour promised to make to consent Ferdinand king of Hungria his brother that for the tyme of the Popes life and two yeares after the Duchie of Myllan shoulde be furnished of saltes from Ceruya according to the confederacion made betwene thEmperour and Pope Leo confirmed in the last inuestiture of the kingdome of Naples not approuing neuerthelesse the couenaunt that had bene made with the French king and without preiudice to the rightes of thEmpire and the king of Hungria That neyther of them a parte to the preiudice of this confederacion shoulde make touching matters of Italie new leagues nor obserue suche as were made to the contrarie of this And yet neuerthelesse the Venetians might enter this league so farre foorth as they left all that they possessed in the Realme of Naples and accomplished all their obligacions to the Emperour and Ferdinand by vertue of the last confederacion made betwene them And also to restore Rauenna and Ceruya reseruing the rightes of the domages and interestes suffered in regarde of these matters That thEmperour and Ferdinand shoulde doe all that they coulde to haue the Heretikes reduced and brought home to the true waye wherein as the Pope shoulde vse spirituall remedies so in case they woulde stande obstinate thEmperour and Ferdinand shoulde force them by armes and the Pope to labour other Christian Princes to assist them according to their seuerall meanes That the Pope and thEmperour shoulde not receiue the protection of the subiectes vassalls and feodatories of one an other
all that to consigne vnto the Duke of Ferrara Modena which he had deteyned in deputacion till that daye leauing them to decyde afterwards the differences betweene them So that by reason of that dealing there was not for many moneths betwene the Pope and the Duke of Ferrara neither an open warre nor an assured peace the Popelying alwayes in watche to oppresse him with conspiracies and surprise or els to exspect the occasion to heape against him an open warre with the supportacion of greater Princes This yeare of 1531. brought forth no other accidents and the tranquillitie also went on continuing for the yeare following A yeare more daungerous for forreine warres then for the emocions of Italy for the Turke beeing kindled with the ignominie of his repulse at Vienna and no lesse vnderstanding howe thEmprour was intangled in Germany prepared a right huge and great armye wherein boasting insolently of his forces he let not to publish that his intencion was to constraine thEmprour to come to battell with him By the rumor and renowme of which preparacions both the Emprour put him selfe in as good order as he could reuoking into Germany the Marquis of Guast with his Spanish regiments and a great band of horsemen and footemen Italyans And the Pope promised to contribute to him a defraiment of forty thowsand duckats for euery moneth sending for the same expedicion as Legat Apostolike his Nephew the Cardinall of Medicis And lastly the Princes and free townes of Germany prepared in fauor of thEmprour and for the common defense of Germany A very huge and mighty army But the effects aunswered nothing the renowme and the feare for Solyman who for the greatnes of his preparacions and difficultie and distance of the way could not enter into Hungarie but verie late did not drawe directlie with his armie where thEmperour was but exhibiting onely a show of warre together with certeine bragging Caualcadoes and braueries of horsemen he returned to Constantinople leauing the enterprise vnperfect for want of vallour which he had induced and managed with so mightie preparacions Neither did thEmperour shew any greater deuocion or readines seeing that when he vnderstood the Turkes drew neare much lesse that he made out to meete them seeing vppon their retyring he omitted to pursue with all his forces the faire occasion that was offered him to reconquer Hungarie for his brother Onely yeelding to his importunate desire to go into Spaine he gaue order that certeine bands of Spanish footemen some regiments of Launceknightes should be conuerted to thenterprise of Hungarie But that order was immediatlie disordered by the insolent behauiours of thItalians who pushed on by certeine their Captaines disdaining that the authority and conduit of the enterprise was giuen to others and not to them so mutined That hauing no reason to alleage for their tumult and the presence of the Emperour who went thither to appease them being not sufficient to conteine them They tooke resolutely and vniuersally their way into Italie in which disorder they marched with great hast for feare to be followed and in their way with minds malicious they burned many villages and houses in reuenge as they said of the burnings wasting committed in many places in Italie by the Launceknights ThEmperour also returned by the way of Italie and where he had set downe in what order and by what places should passe his Court and all his trayne The Cardinall Medicis caried with humors and passions of youth would not obey the order generallie giuen to all the traine but in his insolencie respecting lesse the Emperours order then his owne ambicious will he aduaunced and gotte before together with Peter Maria Rossa vppon whom chiefly was layed the fault of that sedicion This bred no litle indignacion in thEmperour either for that he imputed the beginning and discourse of the matter to the Cardinall or else he feared least the Cardinall standing ill contented that Alexander his cossin was preferred to the administracion of thestate of Florence would goe after the bandes of Italians to lead them to trouble the affaires of Tuskane In which regard he caused to be apprehended by the way the Cardinall and with him Peter Maria Rossa But after he had better considered of thimportaunce of the matter he wrote letters for the redeliuerie of the Cardinall to whome as well as to the Pope he protested many excuses Onely Peter Maria remeyned prisoner though not long after he was released working greatlie for him with thEmperour the iniurie which it seemed he had done to the Cardinall The retyring of the Turke deliuered the regions of Italie of a great warre that threatned to fall vpon them for where the Frenche king and king of England with mindes full of emulacion against thEmperour had an enteruiewe and conference together betwene Calice and Bolleyne where taking their groundes that the Turke would abide that winter in Hungarie and hold intangled the forces of thEmperour They consulted that the French king vnder that oportunitie should inuade the Duchie of Millan and hauing a disposicion to draw the Pope to their parte by violence and astonishment whom they could neuer allure by other meanes they deuised to take from him the obedience of their kingdoms in case he would not cōsent to that which they desired of him which was for the action of Millan for the French king for the king of England to giue sentence on his side in the cause of diuorce And to relate their intencions they were determined to sende to him with sharpe commissions the Cardinalls of Tournon and Tarbes both which bare no small authoritie with the Frenche king But the newes which they receiued of the retyring of the Turke before the time of their enteruiew was determined did not onely well moderate those deuises and their seuerities but were also the cause that the king of England would not suffer to passe to Calyce the Lady Anne Bulleine to celebrate mariage with her publikely in that assembly Notwithstanding that both the cause was hanging in the Court of Rome also he was forbidden by writs Apostolike vnder paine of very great iudgements to innouate nothing to the preiudice of the first mariage ▪ But so deepe did the French king dissemble that albeit to confirme the minde of the king of England that he would be against the Pope he imposed by his owne authoritie vppon the Clergie of his Realme a taxe of tenthes dispatched the two Cardinalls to the Pope yet not obseruing the fidelitie of his word and promisse he sent them furnished with commissions farre differing from the resolucion of the two kings in the beginning The Emprour being comen into Italy with a desire to speake with the Pope the place of their meeting and enteruiewe was eftsoones assigned at Bolognia A place which the Pope accepted willingly the rather for that he would giue no occasion to thEmprour to goe to the Realme of Naples and by that occasion to make
a longer aboad in Italy A matter whereunto albeit thEmprour was induced by the reasons and perswasions of many of his Court yet it was entierly contrary to his principall intencion who desired to make haste into Spaine chiefly for the desire he had to haue sonnes his wife remeyning there So that those two personages of that estate and greatnes mette at the ende of the yeare at Bolognia where were obserued betweene them the same demonstrations of amitie and the same offices of familiaritie whiche they vsed before but there was no more the same correspondencie of willes whiche had beene expressed vppon their negociations the other tyme for themperour had a great desire to aduaunce the Councell the better to reduce to reste and contentment the regions and peoples of Germanie He offred to dissolue the armie liuing at a great charge bothe to him and others But to th ende he might do it with more suretie he insisted to haue renued the last league made at Bolognia both to comprehend in it all the Italians and to taxe the quantities rates of money which euery particular was to contribute if the states of Italy were inuaded by the French He desired also to haue Katherine the Popes Neece maryed to Frauncis Sforce aswel to presse the Pope by a greater necessitie to looke to the preseruatioÌ„ of that state as also to breake the practise of parentage that was solicited with the french king Of all these matters not one was acceptable to the Pope seeing the confederation was a motion contrarie to the desyre he had to stande a newâ—er so much as he could betwene the Princes of Christendome Wherein both he doubted many daungers generally and especially he feared least the Frenche kinge taking his example and instigation by the king of Englande woulde depriue him of the obedience of his kingdome Touching the conuocation of a Councell it was no lesse grieuous to hym then before for the auncient causes and impressions And for parentage with the Duke of Millan it pleased hym nothing at all for that he interpreted it to a meane to take an open hatred with the Frenche kinge with whose seconde sonne he had a vehement desyre to conioyne his Neece These matters were drawne into negociation and counsell but principally was solicited the poynt of the confederation In whiche action running many monethes were deputed for themprour Cnoâ—os the great Commaunder of Leo Granuelle and Prato his chiefe counsellors And for the Pope were delegate the Cardinall Medicis Iames Saluiatio and Guicciardin Who as they refused not to go through with the confederation for that it was all one to vncouer the Popes intention and to gyue themprour cause to conceyue iustely a greate suspicion of him So they made instance to haue the Venetians sownded and to be drawne to consente to it alleaging that bothe without them the defence of Italie would be but weake and that ioyntly with them shoulde be protected with more reputation the common affayres if the defence were continued vppon the renowme of the former confederation Where if there were resolued an other without them it would deliuer to the world an opinion that betwene themprour the Pope and Venetians were apparant matter of discord In this regarde the Venetians were solicited to condiscend to a new confederation for the vniuersall defence of all the regions of Italy for that by the first league their obligation extended no further then for the affayres of Millan and Naples Themprour also wished with great desire that they might be bound to the defence of Genes where it was thought that when the warre was on foote the Frenche men would be apt to recontinue their former inuasion a matter which they might pretende to do lawfully by reason of their rightes and interests particular without preiudicing the contractes of Madrill and Cambray But the Senate of Venice refused absolutelye to renewe the confederation or to amplifye the obligations conteyned in the same A matter whiche broughte no small discontentment to themperour thoughe they affirmed to obserue inuiolably that coniunction But themperour was so much the more importunate and so refuted all reasons that were alleaged to the contrarye that the articles of the confederacion beganne to be commoned vppon And for the more effectuall handling of thinges there were summoned all the Pottentats of Italy who sent Embassadors to this negociacion They were required to enter the league and to contribute in case the warre went on euery one according to his power and possibilitie wherein they made no difficultie or resistance but labored seuerally to ease the demaunde of the contribucion Onely Alfonso d'Este reasoned with them that it was not reasonable he should enter into a league to defend the states of others if first he were not assured of his owne he alleaged there could no accorde be made to warrant him against the Pope nor to enter league with him neither could he promisse to contribute with his treasor to the defense of Myllan and Genes if necessitie compelled him to exspend it continually to keepe bands of souldiours within Modena and Reggia and also for the sewertie of Ferrara Vppon which reasons was deriued a new practise and labor to accord him with the Pope who bearing a mind farre estraunged from that mocion and yet not willing to oppose him selfe so apparantly against the instance of thEmprour he proponed condicions very hard and impossible to be obserued affirming that if he should leaue Modena and Reggia to Alphonso who otherwayes would not come to accord he would that Alfonso should reacknowledge hold them in chief of the sea Apostolike A matter which for that it could not be done in such sort as to be iudicially auaileable without the consent of the electors and Princes of thEmpire reduced the Emprour to a difficultie which had no yssue This brought the Emprour to entreat the Pope that at the least during the league he would be bouÌ„d not to vexe the state which Alfonso held Insomuch as after many importunities and disputings the Pope consented to assure him for xviij monethes And so at last was resolued the conclusion of the league passed and contracted vppon S. Mathievves day A day alwayes happy to thEmprour This league and confederacion conteyned an obligacion of thEmprour the king of Romaines and all the other Pottentats of Italy except the Venetians for the defense of Italy Onely the Florentyns were not otherwayes named then in the same manner they were expressed in the league of Conguac and that to th end not to trouble their entercoursse and trades in the Realme of Fraunce it was set downe with what proporcion of souldiours euery one should be concurrant and with what quantities of money to contribute for euery moneth ThEmprours rate was xxx thowsand duckats The Pope for him and the Florentyns was taxed at twenty thowsand The Duke of Myllan at fifteene thowsand The Duke of Ferrara at ten thowsand the Genovvaies at six thowsand the
the crowne of Fraunce 876. Confederacion betwene the Pope and thEmprour 910. Conspiracy against thEmprour 935. Capitulacions betweene the confederats against thEmprour 935. Castell of Myllan rendred to thImperialls 1004. Cremona rendred to the confederats 1014. The Confederats resolue to inuade Naples 1040. Confederacion betweene the Frenche king and king of England 1070. Cardinall of Yorke in Fraunce 1073. Cardinal Campeius Legat in England 1114. Couenants betwene Andre Dore and thEmprour 1119. Causes of the ruyne of the Cardinall of Yorke 1139. Capitulacions betweene thEmprour the Venetians Duke of Myllan 1161. Creaciō of Pope Pawle the third 1183 D Duchie of Brittaine inuested in the crowne of Fraunce 24. Death of Ferdinand king of Aragō 27. Duke of Calabria marcheth towardes Calabria 37. Death of Iohn Galeas Duke of Millan 48. Dom Federyk aunswereth the French king 84. Death of Ge. Otto a Turke and kept in refuge by the Pope 85. Duke of Venice reasoneth in fauour of the Pysans and preuaileth 143. Declinacion of the French in the kingdom of Naples 156. Duke of Candia generall of the Popes army 170. Duke of Myllan practiseth against the Venetians touching Pisa 176. Disorders in Florence for the gouernment 177. Duke of Myllan prosecuteth his practise against the Venetians 183. Death of king Charles the eight 184. Death of Sauonarola 185. Duke of Venice aunswereth the Florentyn Embassadors 197. Doings of the French king during the warre of Pisa 203. Duke of Myllan being made astonished with the league soliciteth an accord 215. Duke Valentynois taketh Ymola by the ayde of the French. 236. Discending of the Turke Ibid. Duke Valentynois taketh Furly 237. Disorders in the Frenche gouernment in Myllan 238. Duke of Myllan made prisoner by the treason of the Swizzers 242. Duke Valentynois beseegeth Faenza 250. Duke Valentynois leauieth his campe Ibid. Duke Valentynois disdayneth to be repulsed 251. Duke Valentynois taketh the Duchie of Vrbyn 269. Disorders in Florence touchinge the gouernment 272. Duke Valentynois with the frēch k. 274. Duke Valētynois great with the french king againe 275. Duke of Vrbyn recouereth his estate 278. Duke Valentynois demaundeth succor of the French king Ibid. Death of Cardinall Vrsin 283 Discending of the Swyzzers into the Duchie of Myllan 291. Duke Valentynois for the french k. 310. Duke Valentynois arested by the Pope 318. Discourse vpon the nauigacions of the Spanyards 328. Death of king Federyk 339. Death of Elizabeth Queene of Spaine 340. Death of Cardinall Askanius 345. Dissimulacions very daungerous in the persons of great men 354. Death of king Philip. 363. Death of Duke Valentynois 365. Dyot of Constance 376. Deliberacion of the Venetians 394. Deliberacion of the Venetians 410. Defeate of the Venetians 422. Diuerse opinions touching the fall of the Venetians 430. Descripcion of Padoa 445. Descripcion of Verona 458. Death of the Count Petillano 460. Discending of the Swizzers to the Duchie of Myllan 483. Duke of Ferrara goeth to Rome to demaund pardon of the Pope 603. Duke of Ferrara in daunger to be prisoner at Rome Ibid. Disposiciō of Princes to the warre 634. Desire of Pope Leo to chase the french king out of Italy 638. Death of king Lewys the 12. 684. Death of Aluiano 709. Death of the king Catholike 714. Death of the great Capteine Ibid. Duchie of Vrbyn returneth to the obedience of the naturall Duke 732. Descripcion of the citie of Pezero 733. Death of Iohn Ia. Tryunlce 761. Death of law de Medicis 766. Disorder in an army breeds more daūger then the sword of thennemy 798. Death of Pope Leo the tenth 813. Duke of Vrbyn and the Baillons before Sienna 823. Death of Pope Adrian 857. Death of Prospero Colonno and his qualities 868. Duke of Burbon commeth to Myllan being not able to do any thing in Burgondie 869. Defendants of Pauya in necessitie 894. Duke of Burbon in Spayne 943. Death of the Marquis of Pisquaro 943. Deuises of Princes against the power of thEmprour 944. Duke of Burbon goeth out of Myllan leaueth there Antho. de Leua 1035. Duke of Ferrara perswadeth the D. of Burbon 1036. Duke of Burbon draweth his army directly to Rome 1059. Duke of Burbon slayne at the assalt of Rome 1061. Death of the Viceroy Don Hugo Mōcado 1105. Duke of Brundswike in Italy for thEmprour 1110. Death of Monsr Lawtrech 1122. Deuises of the Pope to restore his house in Lombardy 1137. Death of Pope Clement the vij 1183. E Estate wherein Italy was anno 1490. 1 Embassadors of Myllan perswade the french king to the voyage of Naples 14. Embassadors of Florence confute the complaints of the Pysans 75. Encownter of Soriano 171. Embassadors of the Florentyns at Venice 196. Eldest sonne of king Federyk sent into Spayne 262. Experience declareth this to be true that that which many desire succeedeth rarely for that theffects of humane actions c. 273. Exploytes of the french armies beyond the mountes 320. ThEmprour speaketh in the Dyot 377 Enterprise of Bolognia by the Pope king of Aragon 565. English men at Fontaraby against the french 624. Estate of humane felicities subiect to emulacion and nothing of more difficultie to mortal mē then to beare wel the height and greatnes of fortune 629. English army affore Tournaye 665. Elephantes presented to the Pope 682. Enteruiew of Pope Leo and the french king in Bolognia 711. Emprour in England 775. Election of Pope Adrian the sixt 822. Emprour Charles maried to the daughter of Portugall 951. Emprour writeth to the Pope touching the french kings deliuery 964. Emprour ill contented 976. Execucion at Naples 1132. Emprour sendeth to the Prince of Orenge to inuade the Florentyns 1147. Emprour at Genes 1148. Emprour taketh the crowne at Bolognia 1165. Employ sackt by the Marquis of Guast 1168. Enteruiew of the king of England and French king 1176. Enteruiewe of the Pope and French k. at Marselles 1181. F Ferdinand king of Aragon 2. Frenche kinge sendeth Embassadors to the Pope Florentyns and Venetians 30 Florentyns aunswer the Frenche Embassadors 32. French king angry with the Florentyns aunswer 32. French king prayeth amitie of the Venetians 33. Foreshowes of the calamities of Italy 40. French king doubtfull to goe thorowe with thenterprise of Naples 41. French king in Ast 43. French king discribed Ibid. French king visiteth Iohn Galeas Duke of Myllan 48. French king in minde to returne into Fraunce 49. Florentyns discontented with Peter de Medicis 54. French k. draweth towards Florēce 57. French king entreth Florence 58. French king at Syenna 60. French king entreth Rome 63. French king kisseth the Popes feete 64. French king entreth Naples 70. French king maketh offers to Dom Federyk 84. French king sendeth an army to inuade Yschia 84. French king vseth negligence in ordering the things of Naples 88. French king taketh councel what to do against the league of confederats 90. French k. crowned king of Naples 92. French king aspyreth to the surprising of Genes 98. French kinges attempts vppon Genes
of Orleans entreth Genes and preserueth it 37. Lod. Sforce goeth to visit the French king in Ast 44. Lod. Sforce Duke of Millan by vsurpacion 49. Lawrence and Iohn de Medicis with the french king 50. Lod. Sforce beginneth too late to feare the greatnes of the french 85. Lod. Sforce sendeth hawty messages to the D. of Orleance 95. Lod. suttle in dissembling 130. Lod. vaunteth him selfe to be the sonne of fortune 144. Lod. will aswell serue his turne vppon the k. of Romaines for his ambicion as he did of the fr. k. in his necessitie 160. Lodowyk perswadeth Caesar to goe to Pisa 161. Lewys Duke of Orleance succeedeth to the crowne 185. Lewys the 12. king of Fraunce entiteleth him selfe Duke of Myllan 189. Librafatta taken by Pawle Vitelly 200. Lod. strengthneth him selfe against the king 223. Lod. moostereth all the inhabitants of Myllan and laboreth to reconcyle the harts of the people 225. Lod. abandoneth Millan 228. Lamentacions made at Venice for the ouerthrow 423. Last action of the Florentins against the Pisans 433. League of Caesar and the frenche king against the Venetians 466. Leguaguo taken by Chaumont 475. Lanterne of Genes razed by the people 678 law de Medicis Ioaseth thoccasion of the victorie 740. law de Med. is hurt 741. Lightning vppon the castell of Millan 785. Loda taken by thImperialls 833 Ladie Alenson treateth with thEmperour for the french kings deliuery 938 Lye geuen to thEmprour by the french king 1091. League for the defense of Italie 1178. M Mariage of Blanche Maria Sforce with thEmprour Maximilian Fol. 25 Manifest aspiring of Lod. Sforce to the Dukedom of Millan 48. Mountpensier leader of the vauntgard 50. Marquis of Pisquaro slaine 113. Mountpensier stealeth from Naples 115. Monsr Trimouilles opinion touching the peace 123. Marquis of Mantua in the kingdom of Naples for the Venetians 149. Mountpensier dyeth 157 Monsr d'Aubigny cōsenteth to depart the kingdom of Naples 158. Matters of enterprise doe for the most parte nourish their proper impediments 182. Monsr Beaumont a chiefe leader of the french armies 246. Monsr Beaumont sendeth to demaund Pisa in the kings name 247 Monsr de la Palissa made prisoner 289. Monsr d'Aubigny ouerthrowē taken prisoner 295. Malice is infinit in her actions c. 358. Marquis of Mantua prisoner 437. Maximilian returneth into Germanie 451. Monsr Chaumont against the Venetians 468. Marquis of Mantua escapeth out of prison 488. Myrandola besieged 504 Myrandola yeeldeth to the Pope 507. The Man that aspireth is apt to beleue all thinges that are conformable to his hope and oftentimes c. 525. Monsr de Foix his army 578. Monsr de Foix encourageth his souldiours to the battell 583. Mindes thirsting after glory are infinite in opinion and weening c. 588. Monsr de Foix slaine 588. Maximilian Sforce restored to Myllan 623. Martyn Luther against the Pope 771. Martyn Luther 781. Monsr d'Escud before Reggia 784. Marquis of Mantua for the Pope 780. Monsr Lawtrech before Pauia 829. Many impediments do follow the deliberacion of great causes and c. 851. Moderacion and temperance of thEmprour vpon the newes of the victory 915. Maner of the deliuering of the frenche king 966. Many errours in popular commocions c. 983. Monsr Lawtrech Captaine generall of the league 1072. Miserable condicion of the city of Millan 1099 Many difficulties in the frenche armie 1119. Montiā misseth to surprise Andre Dore 1130. Monsr Saint Pol prisoner to Antho. de Leua 1143. Millan rendred by thEmprour to Fraūcis Sforce 1162. N New Princes haue new councells and of new councells commonly resorte new effects 20. Number of the french kings army 45. Nocero taken by Ferdinand 137. Newe practises betwene the kinges of Fraunce and Spayne 180. New castell of Naples assaulted 301. Necessitie is mightie to bende those hartes that are inuincible against all other meanes c. 362. Nothing can satisfie the ambicion of man. 489. Nothing more vnworthy then to adde to a naturall crueltie a great authoritie c. 506. Number of the dead at the battell of Rauenna 588. Nothing flieth faster away then occasion c. 614. Nouaro besieged by the french 643. No certaintie in the councells of mortall men and lesse exspectacion of their worldly euents c. 729. No greater ennemy to great men then too great prosperitie for that it taketh c. 778. Necessarie for Capteines in warre to chaunge councells according to the variacion of accidents c. 192. Nothing more hard then to auoide destinie c. 940. Nothing more suttle then occasion which being taken and applied draweth with it good issue but c. 1011. New gouernmēt established in Genes 1128. O Oration of Antho. Grymany 206. Occasion doth muche to induce the minds of souldiors but example is it that confirmeth their vertue making them c. 288. Ouerthrow of the Duke of Atry 294. Ouerthrow death of Monsr de Nemours 296. Oration of Nicholas Foskarin 388. Oration of Andrew Gritty 391. Ordenance house in Venice on fire 415 Oration of Antho. Iustinian to Caesar 427. Oration of Leonard Loredan 440. Oration of Tryuulce 510. Ouerture of the councell of Pisa 543. Order of the frenchmen at the battell of Rauenna 583. Of all voluble thinges there is nothing more light then reapport and in times of Mutacion c. 640. Ouerthrow of the Venetian army 657. Ouerthrow of the frenche neare Tyrewaine 663. Occasions of contention betwene the Emperour and french king 768. Ouerthrow of the Swizzers 832. Oration of Andrew Gritty 844. Oration of George Cornaro 847. Oration of the Bishoppe of Osmo touching the taking of the french king 916. Oration of the Duke of Alba touching the french kings imprisonment 920. Occasions giuen to thEmprour of new emocions 933. Oration of the Chauncellor 952. Oration of the Viceroy 956. Oftentimes ingratitude and reproache are farre more readie then the remuneracion or praise of good workes 1057. Occasion why the king of England refused the Ladie Kathe. of Aragon his wife 1092. P Pope innocent the eight dyeth 4. Pope Alexander the sixt stayned with many vices 5. Peter de Medicis heire to Lawrence 5. Preparations in Fraunce for the warres of Italie 23. Pope commaundeth the frenche king not to passe into Italie 39. Peter de Medicis cōmeth to the french king 52. Peter de Medicis accordeth with the french king 53. Peter de Medicis fleeth out of Florence 55. The Pisans offer to reuolt 55. Pope is gealous of his owne safety 61. Perswasions of some Cardinalls to depose the Pope 63. P. Antho. Soderin reasoneth touching a forme of gouernment for Florence 77 And against that opinion reasoneth Guido Antho. Vespucci 80. Pope commaundeth the frenche king to go out of Italie 118. Peace betwene the french king and the confederats 122. Prince of Orenge speaketh 125. Peter de Medicis at thinstigation of the confederates determineth to returne to Florence 133. Pisa in the protection of Venice 144. Prince of Bisignian compoundeth for him selfe and
of the Venetians ceassed not by expresse solicitors but in secret manner king Federyk concurring in the same action to stir vp against them the Prince of the Turkes hoping that being assailed and vexed by him they would haue no oportunitie to molest the state of Myllan And being with al wel aduertised of the preparacions which the Florentyns made to haue Pisa he labored vnder offers of all sorts of succors to them to bynd them to his defēce with three hūdred men at armes two thousand footmen after they had recouered Pisa On the other side the frēch king required importunatly their promise to refurnishe him for one yeare with fyue hundred men at armes And for recompence he offred to binde himself assone as he had accomplished the cōquest of Myllā to minister to them for one whole yeare the succors of a thousand Launces for th aduancemēt of their enterprises with promise that he would make no accorde with Lodovvyk if not at the same time they were not repossessed of Pisa their other places withholdē besides he wold brīg to passe that the Pope and the Venetians should ioyne to their protection if affore the conquest of Myllan they fel into any necessitie of defēce for which demaunds so cōtrary full of varietie the Florentyns stood wauering in their resolucion no lesse for the difficultie of the matter then for their deuision of myndes for Lodovvyk requiring their ayde but in case that they recouered Pisa the succours that he promised were far more present and certeyne then the helpes promised by the french king in whom they iudged litle oportunitie of action to the ayde of Pisa for that being abandoned of euery one they determined to haue it that sommer Besides many were moued with the memorie that the Venetians were confederat with the french king against Lodovvyk for that he had ministred to them in their perils But much more moued them the feare of dispite least in refusing to gratifie his demaunds he wold not hinder thē to get Pisa a thing which he might easely do And of the cōtrarie looking into their owne infirmities and seeing no possibilitie of power to resist the french king the Venetians it seemed a councel daungerous to make themselues enemies with a king whose armies they exspected within few monethes to runne ouer all Italy And the memorie of the fauours receiued of Lodovvyk in the warre against the Venetians to the which they referred the originall of all their daungers was easely defaced by this consideracion that the rebellion of Pisa was first kindled by his meanes And that nourishing alwayes ambicious desires to aspire to the iurisdiction of it he had susteined them and for many monethes ioyned the supportacion of others conspiring in those tymes many other wrongs and iniuries against the Florentyns So that they referred more imputacion to his offences then benefit by his fauours which yet he did not communicat in liberalitie and franknes but by the impacience intolleratiō he had that the Venetians should not take from him that which with hope and ambicion he had long since iudged to be duly apperteyning to him they fell at last into this last doubt that if they declared themselues for Lodovvyk the frenche king aduauncing the meanes and oportunities he had by the Pope and Venetians might many wayes hinder them in the recouering of Pisa In so muche as conferring the nature of the perils on both sides with their condicion present they determined in the ende not to stir either in the fauour of the french or the Duke of Myllan but to apply the tyme to thadvauncing of the enterprise of Pisa wherein they reapposed nothing in fortune nor forreine aydes but iudged their proper strength hable sufficiēt not forgetting for all that to enterteyne Lodovvyk with shows shadows neare tokēs of hope least he should take occasiō to obiect impedimēts dalying with him in those deceites which to their hurts they had oftētimes experienced in him Therefore after they had for many dayes made delayes in aunswearing they dispatched at last a secretorie publike to giue him vnderstanding that thintencion of the commō weale was cōformable to his desires as touching theffect but cōcerning the manner there was some difference for that as they had made a full resolucion that assoone as Pisa was recouered he should not faile of the succours hee had demaunded so they desired him to consider how perillous it was to contract their promise vnder expresse couenant for that in free cities such thinges being not to be dispatched without the consent of many there was no possibilitie to holde them secret and being disclosed they would giue occasion to the french king to drawe the Pope and the Venetians to readminister succours to Pisa by which it would come to passe that their promise would bring harme to themselues and prooue vnprofitable to him for that Pisa being not taken neither should they be bounde to him neyther were they hable to helpe him for these reasons they sayde and esteemed that fayth and promise might suffice giuen in wordes with the consent of the chiefe citizens vppon whose authoritie all their publyke deliberacions depended That for other occasion they refused not to couenant with him by writing but offred him for ende for better declaracion of their will and intencion that if he knew any other meane whereby his desire might be satisfied and so great domages anoyded they would be as readie to execute it in deede as they required him to holde them assured in good will and affection towardes him By which aunswere subtill and full of arte and for that also they did not accept the offers of his succours Lodovvyk sawe there was no hope left to haue bandes of souldiours from them and lesse exspectacion of succors from other partes for that the comforts promised so continually by the king of Romains prooued very vncerteine no lesse by his natural inconstancie then for thimpediment of his warres with the Svvissers And for Federyk where hee promised to sende him a strength of foure hundred men at armes and fiue thousande footemen vnder the leading of Prosper Collonne he doubted not so much of his will for the defence of the Duchie of Myllan turned to his profit as of his dishabilitie and delayes And Hercules his father in lawe reproching almost the auncient iniuries done by him in the composicion of Polesma aunswered him with excuses that it brought no small greefe to him to be restrained to succour his distresse for that the landes of the Venetians ioyning so neare to the gates of Ferrara he was constrained to be carefull ouer the suertie of his owne estate Lodovvyk thus made naked of all forreine hopes and driuen altogether to reappose in his strength and comforts at home beganne carefully to fortefie Auon Nouare and Alexandria de la Paille townes standing in the mouth of the first perils and inuasions of the french his resolucion was to send
reconfirmation for two yeares of the league defensiue which they had with the French king with whom as they stoode most firmely conioyned in the lawe of league and fidelitie so in regarde of him they made small accompt of the amitie of all other Princes In so muche as they omitted to sende Embassadors to present their obedience to the Pope who hauing sent Legat to Venice Allobello Bishop of Pola it was imputed agaynst him as a matter vnworthye his maiestie There followeth nowe the yere a thousande fiue hundred and eightene in which the regions of Italie contrarie the precedent of many yeares before felt not the least impression or mocion of warre yea there appeared the selfe same disposition in all other Princes of Christendome betweene whome by the operation of the Pope though happly more with fayre reasons then with substanciall counsels was solicited an vniuersall expedicion of all Christendome agaynst the pride of Selim prince of the Turkes who the yeare before had so enlarged and extended his greatnes that comparing with his power his ambicion to be greater pushed on with many helps of nature it was worthily to be doubted that if he were not preuented by the inuasions of the Christians he woulde in his pride lifte vp his victorious hande agaynst them For Selim discerning that Baiseth his father reduced to extreame olde age sought to establishe the succession of thempire in the person of Acomath his elder brother drewe into rebellion agaynst him and by force of armes concurring the corruption of the souldiors of his garde constrayned him to resigne vp to him the authoritie of the gouernment And not suffring his ambition to stay there it was beleeued of all men that for his more absolute assurance he tooke awaye his lyfe by poyson And afterwards giuing an ouerthrowe to his brother in an encounter of a battell he confirmed fully the seate of his Empire by depriuing him of his life in publike showe exercising the like rage of crueltie vpon Corcu the youngest brother of all And being not satisfied according to the tyrannie of the house of Ottomanni with the blood and slaughter of all his Nephewes or any others that remayned of that line and stocke he was in thought oftentimes by the rage and furie of his disposition to take away the life of Solyman his onely sonne Of these beginnings breeding one warre vppon an other after he had subdued the Aduliti a people of the Mountaynes he passed ouer into Persia agaynst the Sophi to whom he gaue battell and ouerthrewe him and in that felicitie of warre he tooke the citie of Tauris the soueraigne seate of that state together with the greatest parte of Persia whiche he was constrayned to abandon not through the vallor of his enemies who for their dishabilitie to support their army were retyred into the mountaines and places desert but for the vniuersall dearth and barennes of that yere he fell into an extreame want of vittayles He returned soone after this expedition to Constantinople where after he had done execution vpon certayne souldiors sedicious and for certayne monethes had refreshed his armie he gaue out that he would eftsoones returne to make warre vppon Persia but in deede he turned his forces against the Soldan king of Soria and Egypt a prince not onely of most auncient reuerence and dignitie for that religion but moste mightie for the amplitude of dominion moste riche in tributes and very glorious by the discipline of the Mammeluckes of whose armes and forces that state was possessed with great reputation three hundred yeares for that Empire being ruled of the Soldans they not by succession but by election ascended to it and to the supreme seate of gouernment were not preferred but men of manifest vertue and confirmed by all the degrees of warre in the administration of prouinces and armies and also the sinewes and strength of their forces stoode not vpon souldiors mercenarie and forreine but of men elected who taken of children in the prouinces adioyning and trayned vp by succession of yeares in hardnes of fare in suffring of labour and toyle and in thexercise of armes and all customes apperteining to the discipline and lawe of warre they ascribed and enrolled them in the order of the Mammelukes There succeded from hand to hand in this order not the sonnes of the Mammelukes that were dead but others who beeing taken of children forslaues had their rysing by the same discipline and by the same industrie and artes by the which their predecessors had passed from hande to hande These not being in number aboue seuenteene or eighteene thousande helde subiected vnder a moste heauy yoke all the people of Egypt and Soria whom they spoyled of the vse of all armes and practise to manage horses yea suche was their fiercenesse and vallour that oftentimes they made warre of them selues for that of their numbers and by their election were chosen the Soldans and in their power rested all authoritie to distribute the honors offices and profites of that most riche Empire By the oportunitie of which hauing subdued many nations adioyning and reduced to obedience the Arabians and mainteined many warres with the Turkes they were many times victorious but very seldome or neuer vanquished of others Agaynst these people did Selim conuert his forces whō he ouerthrew in many battel 's fought in playne fielde wherein was slayne the Soldane and afterwards in an other battell was taken prisoner the other Soldane his successor whom he caused to be publikely murdered with an vnworthy kinde of torment Thus hauing satisfied his bloody humor with these great slaughters and almost wasted the name of the Mammelukes he proceeded to the inuasion of Cairo a most populous citie wherein were resident the Soldans and in short time subdued vnder his iurisdiction all Soria and all Egypt The same drawing vnto him so great an increase of imperie suche amplification of tribute reuenue and remouing the impedimēts of so mightie enemies of so great reputation that with great reason he was to bee feared of the Christians A feare whiche tooke his degrees of increasing by this consideration that to so greate a power and vallour was ioyned a settled impression of ambicion to beare rule and by many victories to make glorious his name to all posterities wherein reading oftentimes the Legendes and actions of the great Alexander and Iulius Caesar he seemed to suffer griefe and perplexitie of mind that his actions and exploytes of warre coulde in no wyse holde comparison with so many great triumphes and victories In which humor refurnishing continually his armies and buylding of newe a great number of shippes and leauying all prouisions necessarie for the warre it was feared when his preparacions were accomplished that he woulde inuade Rhodes the bulwarke of the Christians in the East partes or els the kingdome of Hungaria made fearefull by the vallour of thinhabitantes to the nation of Turkes whiche at that tyme was in diuision amongest them selues
and made weake by the minoritie of their king who was gouerned by Priestes and the Barons of the Realme Others were of opinion that he had addressed all his thoughtes to thinuasion of Italie taking his encouragement vpon the discord of the Potentates and naturall princes whom he knewe to be muche shaken with the long warres of those regions To this was ioyned the memorie of Mahomet his grandfather who with a power farre lesse then his and with a small Nauie sente vppon the coastes of the Realine of Naples had wonne by assault the Citie of Otronto and sauing he was preuented by death had bothe opened the waye and established the meane to persecute the regions of Italie with continuall vexacions So that the Pope together with the whole Courte of Rome beeing made astonished with so greate successe and no lesse prouident to eschewe so great a daunger making their firste recourse to the ayde and succour of God caused to bee celebrated through Rome moste deuoute inuocations whiche he dyd assiste in presence bare foote And afterwardes calling vppon the helpe of men he wroate letters to all Christian Princes bothe admonishing them of the perill and perswading them to laye asyde all ciuill discordes and contentions and attende speedily to the defence of religion and their common safetie whiche he affirmed woulde more and more take encrease of most grieuous daunger if with the vnitie of mindes and concordances of forces they sought not to transferre the warre into thempire of the Turkes and inuade thenemie in his owne countrey Vpon this aduise and admonition was taken the examinacion and opinion of men of warre and persons skilfull in the discouerie of countreys the disposing of prouinces and of the nature and vsage of the forces and weapons of that kingdome and therevpon a resolucion being set downe to make great leauyes of money by voluntarie contribucions of Princes and vniuersall impostes of all people of Christendome it was thought necessarie that Caesar accompanied with the horsemen of Hungaria and Pollonia Nations warlike and practised in continuall warres agaynst the Turke and also with the footmen of Germanie should sayle along Danubi into Bossina called aunciently Misia and from thence to Thracia and so to drawe neare Constantinople the seate of the Empire of the Ottomanes That the Frenche king with all the forces of his kingdome the Venetians and the other potentates of Italie accompanied with the infanterie of Svvizzerlande should passe from the port of Brindisi in Albania a passage very easie and short to inuade Grece a contrey full of Christian inhabitantes and for the intollerable yoke of the Turkes moste ready to rebell That the kings of Spayne of Englande and Portugall assembling their forces together in Cartagenia and the portes thereaboutes should take their course with two hundred shippes full of Spanishe footemen and other souldiors to the straite of Galipoli to make roades vp to Constantinople hauing first subdued the Castles and fortes standing vpon the mouth of the straite And the Pope to take the same course embarking at Antona with an hundred shippes armed With these preparacions seeming sufficient to couer the lande and ouerspread the sea it was thought that of a warte so full of deuocion and pyetie there coulde not be but hoped a happie ende specially adding the inuocation of God and so many seuerall inuasions made at one tyme agaynst the Turkes who make their principall fundacion of defence to fight in the playne fielde These matters were solicited with no small industrie and to stoppe all matter of imputacion agaynst thoffice of the Pope the mindes of Princes were throughly sounded and an vniuersal truce for fiue yeres betwene all the Princes of Christendome published in the consistory vpon payne of most grieuous censure to suche as should impugne it So that the negociacion cōtinuing for all things apperteining to so great an enterprise he assigned Embassadors to all Princes to the Emperour he sent the Cardinall S. Sisto to the Frenche king he dispatched the Cardinall of S. Maria in Portico the Cardinall Giles to the king of Spayne and the Cardinall Campeius to the king of Englande All Cardinalles of authoritie eyther for their experience in affayres or for opinion of their doctrine or for their familiaritie with the Pope All which things albeit they were begonne with greate hope and exspectacion And the vniuersall truce accepted of all men And all men with no litle ostentacion and brauerie of words made shewe of their readines with their forces to aduaunce so good a cause yet what with the consideracion of the perill esteemed vncerteine and farre of and extending more to one Prince then to an other And what by the difficulties long tract of time that appeared to introduce a zeale and vnion so vniuersall priuat interests and respects perticular seemed to preuayle more then the pietie of the expedicion Insomuch as the negoclacion stoode not onely naked of all hope and yssue but also it was followed very lightly and as it were by ceremonie this beeing one propertie in the nature of men that those things which in their beginnings appeare fearefull doe daily take such degrees of diminucion and vanishing that onles the first feares be reuiued by new accidents they leade men in processe of tyme to securitie which propertie of negligence both touching the affayres publike affection of priuate and perticular men was well confirmed by the death that succeeded not longe after to Selym who hauing by a longe maladie suspended the preparacions of the warre was in the ende consumed by the passions of his disease and so passed into the other life leauing so greate an Empire to Solyman his sonne young in yeares and iudged to beare a witte and minde not so disposed to the warres although afterwardes theffectes declared the contrarie At this tyme appeared betweene the Pope and the Frenche kinge A moste greate and strayght coniunction for the kinge gaue to wife to Lavvrence his Nephewe the Ladye Magdaleyne noblye descended of the bludde and house of Bolognia with a yearely reuenue of tenne thowsande crownes whereof parte was of the kinges gifte and the residue rising of her owne patrimonye Besides the kinge hauing borne to him a sonne the Pope requyred that in his Baptisme he woulde impose vppon him his name By which occasion Lavvrence making preparacions to goe to marye his newe wife for his more speede performed his iorney by poste into Fraunce where he was receiued with many amities and much honor of the king to whom he became very gracious of deare accompt the rather for that besides other general respects he made a dedication of him selfe wholly to the king with promise to follow in all accidents his fortune he brought also to the king a writ or warrant from the Pope by the which he graunted to him that till the moneyes collected of the tenthes and by other meanes of contribucion were expended vppon the holy warre against the Turkes he might
you reteyne in your hande is sufficient to aduaunce it And also if things be well negociated the kings mother for her affection to her sonne and for the necessitie to recouer his libertie wil neuer cast of her hopes to redeeme him of you by accord Besides the Princes of Italy will neuer enter vnitie with the gouernment of Fraunce knowing that it remayneth alwayes in your hand setting the kinge at libertie not onely to seperate him but also to turne him against them A matter which as for the time it wil keepe them in astonishment suspense so in the end it must needes come to passe that they must be the first to receiue lawes of you And then it can not be but an action full of glorye to vse towards them clemencie and magnanimitie euen when matters shall be reduced to that estate and degree as they can not chuse but acknowledge you for superior Such was the manner of dealing of Alexander and Casar who were forward aad liberall to pardon iniuries and not slow and inconsiderat to readdresse their estate of them selues A midd those difficulties and daungers which they had already surmounted he that doth so deserueth praise for that he doth an acte which hath very fewe examples but that man can not but beare notes of imprudency and indiscression who doth that which hath no law of example nor rule of time By these reasons I am bold to induce your maiestie to draw of your victorie as great a profit as you can and alwayes vsing towardes the king those offices and oblacions that apperteine to him either to sende for him into Spaine or at least to haue him conueyed to Naples And for aunswere of his letter sent to your maiestie it were good to returne to him some speciall man to visite him with wordes full of grace and hope and with all to propownd vnto him condicions of his deliuerance such as vpon more particular consultacion may be worthie recompenses and rewardes of so greate a victorie In this sorte your fundacions being layed and your thoughtes extended to these endes the time and the operacions and accidentes thereof will make either more quicke or more slowe the deliuerie of the king and will also beget occasions of peace or warre with thItalians whom for the present you may enterteine with good hopes So shall you with art and industrie augument the fauor and reputacion of armes and auoyding to tempt euerie day a new fortune we shall be prepared and readie to accord either with this Prince or with that common weale either with all together or with one in particular as occasions accidents shall induce vs These be the wayes which wise Princes haue alwayes followed and particularly those who haue left to you the fundacions of such a greatnes They were neuer curious to reiect occasions that made to raise them higher nor slow to push on the fauor of fortune when they saw her wel disposed To you belongeth the interest of their example as of right apperteineth vnto you that which in any of them might seeme to be ambicion Your maiestie must remember that you are a Prince and that it is one office in your calling to followe the trace of Princes Muche lesse that any reason either diuine or humane perswadeth you to leaue thoccasion to releue and readdresse thauthority of the Empire vsurped and defaced seeing all lawes of God and nations binde you by straite obligacion to arme your corage and intencions to recouer it rightfully occasions are precious if they be executed in the ripenesse of time but being foreslowed they turne to the preiudice of those that hoped in them Your maiestie must be gealous ouer them knowing how easely they are lost and with what difficultie they are recouered you must not be curious to make your profit of them nor doubtfull to aduaunce them when you see they draw with them a correspondencie of time of place and all other circumstances helping to your enterprises You are not to make your fundacion vpon the bountie or wisedome of those that bee vanquished seeing all mortall men draw with them their corruptions and the whole worlde is full of infirmitie and error dignities and greatnes are the effectes and rewards of vallour and where is a resolute minde to execute there neuer wanteth a good fortune to establishe and confirme Lastly seeing the estate of Christendom can not be defended by any other meane then by your greatnes it is a iust office in your maiestie to lay to your hande though not for the interest of your owne authoritie and glorie yet for the seruice of God and zeale of the vniuersall benefit This oration was hard with a wonderful fauor inclinacion of the whole coūcell in whom for the authority of the man and for the spirit and efficacie of his reasons might be discerned an vniuersall impression of ambicion almost to the whole Empire of Christendom There was not one amongest them who without replie did not confirme his opinion which thEmperour also approued though more for colour not to seeme to swarue from the councell of his frends then in disclosing what was the propertie of his inclinacion Monsr Beauruin by office his great Chamberlaine and by fauour verie gracious with him was dispatched both to imparte with the Capteines of the armie thEmprours deliberacion and also to visit in his name the French king and to propownd to him the condicions by the which he might obteine his deliuerance he tooke his way by lande for that the kinges mother had made free and open all passages for Messengers and corryers to come and goe to thEmprours Court for the more easie and safe negociacion of her sonnes affayres And so together with the Duke of Burbon the Viceroy he went to Pisqueton where the king remeyned as yet There he offered him his libertie but with so vnequall heauy condicions that the very hearing of them was intollerable to the king for besides the resigning of all his titles and rights which he pretended in Italy thEmprour demaunded to haue rendred vnto him the Duchie of Burgonguie as apperteyning to him in propper And to giue to the Duke of Burbon Prouence with all the dependencies thereof And he required besides aswell for him selfe as for the king of England other condicions of very great moment It seemed the vertue of the king had ouercome the aduersities of his imprisonment for to thEmprours demaundes he aunswered constantly that he had rather offer vp his life in prison then to depriue his children of any part of the Realme of Fraunce And though he should consent to a composicion so preiudiciall yet it was not in his power to execute it for that the auncient tradicions and constitucions of Fraunce did not suffer alienacion of any member or appertenancie to the crowne without the consent of the parliaments others in whose hands rested the authoritie of the whole kingdom and who in like cases had bene alwayes