Monsieur the Cardinal enabling him to discover the most secret of Forraign Affairs gave him to understand all the particulars of their designs his Majesty thus informed of their resolution suddenly hoised Sail and resolved to go from Paris to Rochel that he might incourage his Souldiers to whom nothing is invincible when he is in presence But God who over-ruleth the designs of all men did not permit the effecting of it so soon as his Majesty desired It pleased his Providence to visit him with sicknesse from the first day of his departure from Paris which encreasing forced him to stay at Villeroy His fits were so violent that his recovery was questioned The Physitians imagining that the sense of Affairs did increase his Feaver beseeched his Majesty to dis-burthen his thoughts of it and experience having told him that it was but reasonable he committed all to the Queen Mothers and the Cardinals management But the Queen Mother was so troubled at this accident that her sadnesse would not give her leave to think on any thing The whole burthen then lay upon the Cardinal Not but that grief too had made a great impression upon his Soul as well as upon the Queen Mothers but as great spirits quit not the helm at the violence of the storm so he behaved himself in the giving such Orders as were necessary and conducing to prevent the English Fleets attempt together with the Rebellion of the Rochelois that it seemed Heaven had preserved all his sences to him to increase his glory It cannot be denied but that this was one of the most considerable affairs that had a long time happened to the Kingdome It was a parting blow upon which depended the settlement of the publick quiet and which particularly concerned the glory of his Master So he gave himself up to imploy his utmost industry in it and his prudence effected such things which cannot passe but for miracles Indeed it was so much the easier for him so to do since the King had commanded him to ease himself as much as possible he could for his health sake which did not well agree with the continual cares of this Grand Minister He had induced his Majesty to think good that he should take for his share the care of what related to his Majesties glory or the conduct of his State This moderation of his was to be admired at and such as few are indued with In that he represented to his Majesty that having intrusted the Seals with Marillac who was a person Active Lively and full of Understanding he might absolutely depend upon him for the Justice and on the Marquesse de Effiat in matters of the Treasuries of which he had made him super-intendent which being thus he could apply all his care to the government of the State and give a happy dispatch to all his Majesties commands And lastly that he did not think it either proper or profitable for France or any other State that one man alone should have the over-seeing of all manner of affairs for that imploying one part of his mind on those of Justice and the Treasury hee must have so much the lesse ability to look after the rest of the Kingdome which in France too would take up one mans whole care and time His Majesty did not a little esteem both his judgement and modesty far different from the Ambition of divers other Ministers who are never satisfied untill they rule all so he was pleased to admit of his request which he did the more readily grant in regard hee thought it might much conduce to his health which could not long subsist under the care of all things though he knew he had a Soul able to govern the whole world From that time forward he medled onely in matters of State and left all the rest to the other Ministers Politique Observation A Prudent Minister who knows the work of well-governing a Kingdome never burthens himself with the care of all manner of Affairs He who pretends to a super-intendency of all businesses is a rash inconsiderate man and he will find nothing but confusion in his Government and hatred upon his person The Soul of man of what quality soever he be is like a River whose course runs but weakly and slowly when exhausted into several little Brooks and true it is who so divideth the strength of his Genius in the management of all affairs can act but feebly in those of great weight and by consequence to the detriment of the publick good It is with Souls as with Appetites they who suffer themselves to bee drawn along by sawces and delicate meats over-charge themselves and convert the greatest part of their nourishment into ill humours thus those minds which would govern all leave all in disorder Plutarch speaking of the Government of a Kingdome saith that the Prince ought to be like a hand which should imploy several Ministers under his Authority the hand hath divers fingers to work There need no other proof of this truth then that knowledge and prudence which is required in the Conduct of a State besides the administration of Justice and the superintendency of the Treasuries A chief Minister ought to have his eye not onely upon all things affairs and persons of concernment in the Kingdome but likewise upon all the bordering Princes and Allies yes and upon their Ministers too to discover if possible their designs and either by policy or force to break such as may be any way prejudicial to his Master He ought to have his Engines on work to dive into the Counsels of the Pope the Emperour the Spaniard and all other neighbour Princes He ought from time to time to acquaint himself with their humours their inclinations passion exercises and all that may conduce to the Government In case any of them attempt a design which may make them too potent he is bound to oppose it If his Allies be set upon he must be as careful to defend protect them as the out-guards of his Kingdome As for that which is considerable at home the King his Master will take up a great deal of his time either in his applications to preserve his favour or to dissipate such jealousies as his enemies may have infused into him or to propose to his Majesty such expedients and counsels as may be proper and profitable together The Princes of the blood too will find him some work to keep them in such a condition as they may not trouble the publick Peace but that they may however live in some kind of satisfaction it being true that either the good or bad Fortune of a Kingdome doth most commonly depend upon them He ought also to have an eye upon the Clergy and Prelates to keep them in such decorum that they clash not by any mis-understandings to the bringing of Religion into contempt That they do not so greedily swallow down the respects which are paid unto them as to abuse that power of Souls
Provinces were like so many petty Kings The Kings family was maintained by two or three years advance of the Treasury before hand exhausted to inrich those who were factiously inclined and without any honour to the King The Allies of the Crown were left to the mercie of their enemies of whom the Kingdome stood in fear The case was now altered the Heretick faction was brought upon their knees the Princes of the blond were forced to live in obedience the Governours of Provinces durst do nothing but what was just the Treasuries were well regulated and employed for the Kings Honour and State In short the whole body of France heretofore sick and languishing began to recover strength with assurance of perfect health when as its Forraign and Domestick enemies did not at all divert the Cardinals designs All these things were so apparent that the Cimmerian darknesse could not hinder the sight of them but who knows not that the strongest reasons cannot touch them who are over-mastered with Passion as we have reason to beleeve they could not those about Monsieur seeing they were so blind in perswading him to a course so directly contrary to that which the Cardinal had projected for the establishment of the Kingdom They should have learned that as the Planets do not immit their influences here beneath without causing of great alterations in the world so neither do the Princes of the Blood ever separate themselves from their King and Country but they cause great troubles and disorders and in case there were any others in the State this were to remedy it by a worse a thing contrary to the Laws of Prudence but a thing not much by them regarded so they could but overcome their Masters spirit that they might afterwards lead him to whatever they desired Politique Observation IF Divine Providence doth not appear with more splendour in any one thing then the Government of the Universe then true it is that humane wisedom is never more admirable then in the Conduct of Kingdomes especially when they are fallen from their first height and that there is a necessity to re-establish them This re-establishment doth undeniably depend upon that particular Minister who governeth affairs next under the Authority of his Prince for he is in the State as the Sun in the World as the eye to the Body and as the Primum mobile among the Heavens Yet however two truths cannot be gain-said the first is that a State being a society of free men who not exactly following the motions which their chief minister gives them it cannot be avoided but that some disorder must follow unlesse divers others besides himself be assistant The principal causes share indeed the chief glory in producing their effects but not of being the onely producers of them and the Sun himself could not enamel the earth with the Flowers of the Spring unlesse other causes did co-operate and as no Labourer how vigilant soever can hinder the fields from producing Weeds so it is likewise impossible that a chief Minister how prudent soever should so settle a State that no disorder should appear in it seeing it is no lesse natural for people to he unruly then for the earth to bring forth weeds The second that it is a work of time to re-establish a State once fallen into confusion Nature works slowly produceth the seed out of the grain the sien from the seed the tree from the sien the flower from the tree and at last the fruit Thus likewise a Minister of State how excellent soever he be cannot reduce confusion into order but by little and little and by setting his Engines on work one after another There must needs be some time spent in inquiring into the true causes of these evils it being impossible to apply convenient remedies without discovering the original defect He had need be instructed with Prudence and experience to consider those things which have heretofore conduced to make that State flourish which he would now restore and also that which hath been glorious for other States He ought to imitate good Physitians who having observed those ill humours which cause the sicknesse use their art first to purge them out and then to bring their Patient to a good temper The principal causes of the ruine of a State are civil Wars disrespect of authority the too great Power of Princes of the Blood Strangers and Governours Factions negligence in Judges to punish publick disorders want of good Discipline among Souldiers and the oppressures of the people now what a deal of time must there be to redresse all these and establish one quite contrary It cannot be done but by time and labour nay impossible if the Kingdom be either in civil or forraign War Lastly the Minister hath need of some time to reduce the neighbour Countries into such a condition that they may not indanger his Physitians are carefull for the restoring of their Patient to perfect health that neither the ayr nor any thing about him may be offensive to him and a Prudent Minister is no lesse obliged to be carefull not onely that his neighbours may not injure him but that they may be serviceable to him He must keep a strict intelligence with his Allies not injuring them but assisting them in all occasions as the Romans did who sent their Embassadours from Town to Town to make a friendship with them and to divert them from the Carthaginians He ought to indeavour the breaking off all Leagues between forraign Princes whose strength by their uniting might become suspected whence it follows that he ought not to be over-hasty in extinguishing any Wars between them nay some he is bound to foment as Lewis the Eleventh did to divert those storms which else would have fallen upon France These are the chief means which can contribute to the establishment of a State but who seeth not that amongst a thousand different causes it is impossible totally to effect it unlesse after a long time and with extream care and diligence The Marshal de Marillac is send by the King to Monsieur THey of the Queen Mothers faction would by no means let slip Monsieur's retreat without making advantage of it They despaired of ever overcoming his Majesty considering how great an esteem be professed to have of the Cardinals services They very well knew that the Queen Mother could not countenance any one against him so powerfully as Monsieur whereupon they did their utmost to breed a good understanding between them and when his Majesty had sent divers to Monsieur they did at last work the Queen Mother to procure Marillac to be sent to him a person whom they knew to be fit for their design The Cardinal gave him his instructions as to what he should say from his Majesty which tended to remember him how really his Majesty did affect him heretofore to assure him he was not at all altered at that present That his Majesty did not complain of him for his departure
but of his Servants who had perswaded him to it and that he was so much the more obliged to return with speed because all Europe would blame him in case the Emperor and Spaniard should make any great progresse in Italy whilst his Majesty stayed at Paris in Expectation onely of his comming thither The Cardinal also considering how lately he had obliged Marillac by procuring the Marshals staffe for him could not suspect any double dealing from him whereupon he very earnestly recommended this one thing more to him that he would testifie to Monsieur how desirous he was to serve him and to assure him that next to the preservation of his Masters favour he had not any greater ambition the of being known for his most humble and faithful Servant But he instead of performing any tittle of this second Commission no lesse important for the good of France then the former only discoursed to him of the great power this Grand Minister had in the Kingdome concerning the many strong places in his Government of the great Expences he made and those vast benefits which the King bestowed on him he well knew this to be the only way to provoke him unto Jealousie and to encrease those disgusts which he had already conceived against him which were still fomented by those who were about him Indeed he did not quite forget to tell him that the Cardinal recommended his very humble service to him but Monsieur asking whether he would passe his word for performance of it replied No by which and the like answers he raised so great a distrust against him that it was impossible to perswade him to return to his Majesty until the Cardinal had passed the Alpes Politique Observation PRudence and Fidelity are two of the most necessary qualities in a person imployed in Negotiation of Affairs The former to serve the second to prevent all disservice to him who employeth He who transacteth any affair without Prudence is like a Workman without Art well may he have his Tools but he knows not how to use them and just as a Workman marrs his subject matter if he know not what form to give it so doth an Imprudent Negociator ruin both publique and private affairs committed to his charge and care for Prudence ought to be his guide the Conduct of his thoughts and words and the square by which he ruleth his Actions without it there is not the least hope of a good successe Now although this vertue be thus and thus necessary yet fidelity is in some sort much more By fidelity I mean a firm constancy and an unalterable resolution to serve them who set him on work Without this all the Abilities and Prudencies in the world are not worth one Rush For admit Prudence inlightneth his Soul yet fidelity is that which guideth his desires though Prudence tell him what are the fittest wayes to obtain the end of his Commission yet it is fidelity which preserveth him from turning either to the right or left after any particular advantages and if Prudence preventeth him from being cheated and deceived yet still fidelity defendeth him from all by Interests Fidelity teacheth all men that a Negociator ought not to look upon what lyeth in his power but upon what his faith obligeth him which is the inviolable preservation of his Interests who employeth him and that with so sacred a respect that no passion prevail upon him to divert him from it Breach of Trust is a fault so much the more odious in a Negotiator because publique affairs are entrusted with his integrity Now for the choise of such persons most fit for this kind of employment I am of opinion that they who are of an indifferent Temper and of an approved honesty are much more proper then refined crafty men The former are much more capable of a true affection They will at least stick close to every tittle in their Instructions and return a right and exact accompt of the State of affairs where they are sent Whereas the latter are apt to refine every thing and to imagine that only to propose what they are commanded is too little They are commonly addicted to ingage themselves in a thousand things if they concur with their particular inclinations or Interests instead of adhering barely to that which is given them in charge Monsieur 's Pension is augmented THE Cardinal was well informed of the many devices used by Monsieur's Creatures to divert him from that esteem which he ever had of his Services neither was he defective in using his utmost care to give him all satisfaction and content whereby he might oblige him to return for he evidently foresaw that strangers might raise advantages from these our intestine broyles whereupon although he could not serve him in making up his Match with the Princesse Marie a thing so passionately by him desired in regard the Queen Mother opposed it with all her Interest yet he procured his Majesty to encrease his Revenue by granting him the Dutchyes of Valois and Chartres and one hundred thousand Livres per annum augmentation out of the Exchequer which was two thirds more then the Revenue of all the Princes of France that had ever yet been and withal so wrought with his Majesty that he promised him the Command of the Army of Champagne and Government of the adjacent Provinces to Paris in case the Queen Mother went into Italy with his Majesty as she gave out she would The King made some difficulty of encreasing his Revenue because he had so often found him capable of evil Counsels which made him misdoubt lest he might employ them only in raising new Broyles in the Kingdome But the Cardinal whose admirable soul foreseeth all remedies proposed to his Majesty which he very well approved that whenever he should so do his Rents and Revenews should be seized to his Majesties use Monsieur was acquainted with these affairs and withal told he was now obliged to be satisfied and contented in case he did only design to live within the limits of respect and obedience seeing his Majesty had given him sufficient to live like a Prince and to satisfie his smaller diversions And he being by nature and of himself well enough inclined to live in obedience and order accepted of it and accordingly his accomodation being thus made he promised his Majesty that he would very sodainly return into France Politique Observation Concerning the * Revenues for life only the remainder being in the Crown Appanages of the Princes of the Blond IT is very dangerous to allot any chief Provinces for Appanage to the Princes of the Blond Their Birth renders them great enough neither need they any additions of Honour especially such which may serve them to make revolts which commonly draw their ruine with them if their Kings rule as they ought to do If they demand them for security they may be answered that they ought to expect none but from their own obedience and their Kings bounty
so that strangers had all the intelligence of their resolutions which they dis-appointed and obstructed before they were in a forwardness to be set on foot But this great Minister knowing secrecy to be the Soul of Counsel and that none are better then those which continue unknown even after the execution brought forth every day wonders effected by his Prudence of which the Grandees themselves had not so much as a thought Indeed it was so much the easier for him so to do his Majesty being the most secret Prince that ever was Formerly every one was impatient at the obstacles and delays of the Marquess de la Vieville whereas after his establishment all those who had any affairs to negotiate or represent for his Majesties service were over-joyed that they were to Treat with a Minister whose Countenance was a Throne of sweetness and bounty and whose words have so powerfull a Charm that they still went away satisfied what ever difficulties were proposed by them Besides they were constrained as it were to pay him all respects and the Gravity too which the Graces have bestowed upon him is so agreeable and taking that the respect which it begets in the soules of men never thwarts that love which is due unto him and that love doth not at all hinder them from fearing to displease him The ancient Allies of this Crown formerly left for a prey to their enemies began to be confident to him as soon as ever they had known him and finding that his Genius did not terminate in a meer defensive they betook them to their Arms not onely to oppose those unjust Usurpations which were made upon them but also to assault and set upon those who had began them In short as he never declared himself to be for any Faction but on the contrary shewed himself much averse to all Rebellions both the Grandees of the Kingdome and Hugonots too were not long to learn that it would become them for the future to live within the limits of their obedience And lastly not being able to away with any Mutiny he soon began to make them take some course of living which is the surest foundation of Peace in a Kingdome so that every one had the content to see France flourish both at home and abroad and to acquire its former lustre which hath alwaies made it acknowledged to be the first Kingdome of Europe The Marriage of the King of England with the Lady Henrietta Maria of France THe first considerable affair which presented it self after the Cardinals admittance to the Administration was the Marriage of the Lady Henrietta Maria his Majesties Sister with Charles Prince of Wales the present King of Great Brittain The Spaniard had a long time feared it would be made up knowing that if France and England were leagued together they would become so considerable as that they would without difficulty frustrate and bring all his designs to nothing so he indeavoured to hinder it by pretending a desire himself had to contract an Alliance with England and accordingly hee proposed to match his Infanta with the Prince of Wales giving some hopes by Paraquance that he would restore the Palatinate though he had as little mind to deliver it as the King of Great Brittain had earnest Passion to recover it He held on this Treaty at least twelve years yet finding every day new excuses to defer the conclusion of it But at last the King of Great Brittain detected his deceipt which had lain hid under those delays and found out that his design was onely to gain time untill all the daughters of France were married elsewhere at least he had great conjectures of it to clear all and bring it to a conclusion he thought good that the Prince of Wales should in person go into Spain Hee had not been there many dayes before it was known both to himself and those of his Counsel that they had been untill that time entertained with vain hopes however he would not make known his resentments in a strange Country where he might receive much damage by it but being return'd into England he informed King James his Father of it with so much anger that they resolved to break with him rather sooner then later to avoid exposing themselves to the dis-esteem which other Princes might have of their management of this affair and withall to countenance the breach by the Parliaments approbation This resolve was as soon executed as concluded and King James having summoned a Parliament at least to consult on a means for recovery of the Palatinate informed them of the many reasons which he had to beleeve that the Spaniards had no intention of concluding those Propositions of marriage which had been so long in Treaty that the onely end of their design was to gain time and to fortifie themselves in the Palatinate and so to settle themselves there that shortly it would be impossible to remove them thence and therefore hee thought it fit no longer to hearken after it The Parliament were induced with so much the more ease to beleeve these reasons they having testified on divers occasions their suspicions of the Spanish tricks and in conclusion thought good not to regard any more their Propositions of the Match But the King of Great Brittain stayed not long there for the Prince of Wales his son who had now good esteem of France and a liking for the Kings Sister whom he had seen as he passed thorough that Court without discovering himself had perswaded him to give him leave to seek for that Princess in marriage which was proposed in Parliament and carried without much difficulty for many reasons which were there alledged particularly That the French being accustomed to live with those of their Religion it was to be beleeved they would not make such extraordinary demands in behalf of the Catholicks as the Spaniard would have done It was then resolved to dispatch an Ambassadour into France who might lay the first foundation of that Treaty so that the King forthwith made choice of the Earls of Carlisle and Holland The latter set forward about Mid-May He had order first to wait on the King alone and to pretend the interests of the Palatinate but indeed to discover how they would resent his Proposal and if rejected not to make any more noise of it accordingly hee met his Majesty and Compiegne he began to consider about means to recover the Palatinate and then acquainted him with a great deal of dexterity that the King his Master desired his Son the Prince of Wales might marry his sister The King who understoood that Proposals of this nature how remote soever ought not to be received but with honour testified that he had a great esteem of it and forthwith debated it with his Ministers to give him an answer it was concluded That this Match was very convenient for the Quality of his Majesties Sister That in the whole Empire there was not any more hopefull
already made in respect of Religion the Princess and her servants and the Liberties of the English Catholiques and seeing that this new Oath was comprised too in some sort in the first Oath That there was sufficient provision made both in relation to Religion and Liberty of Conscience for her Domestiques and Children seeing they were to remain mayn with the Princess as well as the children which being so it would of nenessity follow that there could be no trouble brought on them in respect of their Religion He told him likewise that the King his Master being bound to his Holiness for the observation of those things which should be agreed to by the King of Great Brittain was an assurance not lesse valid then that of an heretique King That his Majesty had commanded him to supplicate his Holiness with all earnestness and not rest barely there but to tell him that his Holiness was the more obliged to grant him his request seeing he begged the confirmation of it rather out of respect then necessity seeing that several famous Doctors were of opinion that Catholiques in Heretiques Countries might freely contract Mariages without any dispense These were the chief reasons which the Sieur de Bethune represented to his Holiness and likewise to the Cardinals who were deputed in the businesse of the dispense They soon apprehended the Justice and importance of them and testified a great readinesse to do that which was desired of them The Pope sent word to the Cardinals that they should give a quick dispatch to the business that he desired to give the King all the satisfaction he could wish for both that he might acknowledg those great benefits which his Majesty had procured to the Church as also because he knew there could not any other thing be desired from those of England Accordingly they met together and concluded on it as the King desired and dispatched it with a great deal of diligence to the Nontio that it might be delivered to the King who as quickly gave intelligence of it to the King of Great Britain Politick Observation JT is not ever expedient in a design to propose the utmost advantage it being sometimes necessary to leave a little to be hoped for from time No Affair can oblige to the making of Resolutions contrary to honour and justice but several things may intervene to obstruct the effecting of all that might conduce to the good of a great Enterprize He who doth not take this truth for a rule in his Conduct will be subject to commit great faults and will in it Proclaim aloud to the World That he is ignorant of the many difference between Gods and Mans Will he doing whatsoever best pleases him but the latter is obliged to necessities and bound to proportionate his resolution according to the Possibility of things Thus though it be allowed such men on whom the dispatch of Affairs dispends to raise up some scruples and difficulties whereby to enhance the price and esteem of the thing doing it being usual with most men little to regard those Offices which are granted with ease yet when it is once evident that the present time and conjuncture of Affairs will not consist with the longer denial of what is desired from them they then ought to comply and apply themselves to the effecting of it For what refuse they shall afterwards make will appear rather to proceed from a spirit of contradiction then that of Prudence The death of James King of Great Brittain and the Mariage between the Prince of Wals his Son and the Madam Henrietta Maria of France DUring the negotiation for the dispense King James of Great Brittain fell very sick at Theobalds twelve miles distant from London After he had passed over three weekes with a Tertian Ague which weakned him exceedingly much he caused the Prince of Wals his Son to come unto him and discoursed to him with a great deale of reason and recommended to him those Officers who had faithfully served him But especially his little grand children the Infants of the Electrix Palatine his daughter encouraging him to make use of that power which he should leave him for the re-establishing of them in their Fathers Dominions and then finding himself declining into his Agony he gave him his blessing wishing him a happy prosperous and successful enjoyment of those Kingdoms which he should shortly leave to him About the end of March he died at which instant the Heralds according to the custom of England proclaymd the Prince of Wals King of Great Britain who presently took the ordering of all affairs upon him He having a great desire to be married the first thing he did was to dispatch full power to the Duke de Chevreuse to betroth and espouse the Princess in his name The King too desired to see an end of the businesse so that upon the first arrival of that power the execution of it was no longer deferred The Betrothments were made in the Lovre on the eight of May in the presence of the King the Queens all the Princes and great Lords of the Court by the Cardinal de la Rochfaucaud who likewise celebrated the Marriage Ceremonies on the Sunday following being the eleventh of May in the Church of Nostre Dame in the quality of Great Almoner I shall not need to relate with what magnificence these things were done only I shall say nothing was omitted The Espousals were made upon a Theater raised for the purpose over the great door of the Church Then the Masse was said with great Ceremony where the King and three Queens were assistants Though the Duke of Chevreuse and the Extraordinary Ambassadors of England were not there who after they had wayted on his Majesty to the door of the Quier retyred to the Arch-Bishops Pallace during the Masse as representing the King of Englands Person who was of a different Religion but they went again to receive his Majesty at the same door as soon as Masse was ended and to wayt on him to the Arch-Bishops hall where the King dined with the Queens his Mother his Wife and his Sister the Duke of Chevreuse the Earles of Carlisle and Holland the Ladies Dutchesses of Guise Elboeuf and of Chevreuse with the most magnificencies that the best versed in Royal Ceremonies could invent There were Bonfiers made all the while throughout Paris and the Cannons made such a noyse as if Heaven and Earth would have come together The Duke of Buckingham is commanded by the King of Great Brittain to go over into France and to conduct the Queen his Wife over to him THese things thus past the Duke of Buckingham the King of Great Britains favorite was commanded to go into France to desire the King that the Queen his Wife might set out from the Court assoon as might be to come to him He arrived at Paris about the end of May and during that little stay which he made he was entertained with all imaginable Magnificency
the enemy to fortifie himself and strengthen against him After this he gave his Majesty to understand that he was not ignorant of the many difficulties which would arise for the continuance of the War and that peradventure the Rebellion of the Hugonots might divert the sending of some part of the Power of France into the Alps. But he added that the Reputation of a King being to be preferred before all things for that once gone neither his Authority nor his riches nor his Arms would be regarded he was of opinion and it seemed most expedient to him that the War should be continued for the preserving his Crown in its lustre rather then conclude a Peace upon such shamefull Conditions as those which had been proposed by the Legate That his Majesty should send such recruits as should make his Army be feared That the Super-intendents would assure his Majesty he had Treasure enough for the discharging of four Musters without touching any thing of the present Incomes That the Clergy offered six hundred thousand Crowns as a Contribution towards it That the Hugonots were so abased by those signal Victories which his Majesty had obtained over them that they could never rise again and that seeing every thing did thus contribute to the carrying on of the War it was his advice to conclude on it before any other thing whatever After he had ended no one spake any more judging that there could not bee any other thing worth further Consideration in the businesse so the King told them he would give notice of their Result to the Legate and intirely prosecute what had been then and there concluded Politick Observation WHat ever great parts a King or his Ministers may have either by nature or experience yet he ought not to ateempt any important affairs especially if they carry any danger along with them without assembling the Grandees of his Kingdome and consulting with them on it This I think to be profitable not onely for the good of the State but also because it cannot be doubted but that Counsel hath been ever found and adjudged by wise men to bee the most assured stay not onely of Kingdomes but of particular families Salust writ to Caesar that not onely Kingdomes but private Towns too injoyed prosperity whilest good Counsels were in force and that nothing but mis-fortunes had befallen them after that compliance fear or pleasure had been introduced amongst them Not that a Soveraign is bound to resolve with a great number of Councellors of what he should do but I say he should deliberate with them and afterwards resolve with his Ministers what is fittest to be done He need not fear that in so doing he doth discover any weakness or insufficiency for that he is bound to it by the very Lawes of Prudence it is argument enough of his ability if he ground his resolution upon the advices and consultation of several persons Though the Sun be cloathed with a wonderfull brightnesse which ravisheth the eye to behold it yet God hath not forbidden the Stars from partaking of the government of the Universe because they have particular Influences which though inferiour to those of the Sun yet do they not cease to be usefull for the perfection of the World Just so too though Counsellours who are called to deliberate on Affairs may not be compared for understanding or Soul with the King or a grand Minister yet as the Earth brings forth several Plants which are particular and proper to it so their apprehensions and minds may be replenished with such thoughts as would not perhaps have fallen under the considerations of others and yet do not for all this become lesse usefull or unprofitable to the common good But besides this Consideration is it not evident that Councel is necessary to be taken by a grand Minister if only for his discharg The most part judge of Advices by the Events though no rule can be more uncertain whence it happens that if any one alone shall pretend to advise his Soveraign and things fall out contrary to expectation hee will bee infallibly blamed for it And in case there be no great difficulty in affairs yet it were not amiss to do so for the satisfaction of the Grandees of a Kingdome Grandees for the most part though very expert both in Politick and Military Affairs are of such a humour that nothing will like them nor no Resolution please them unlesse they have a hand in it and they will be most commonly sure to work advantages against that Minister who shall have perswaded his Soveraign if the Affairs fall out otherwise then was expected They are of the same humour as Cornelius Tacitus saith Cornelius Lacon was of who being Captain of the Emperour Galba's Guards was an enemy to all Counsel how good soever if it came not from himself Nothing can be more proper to defend a mans self from this blame which is sometimes very troublesome as also important to ones fortune then sometimes to assemble an extraordinary Councel when there is any question doth arise As once when the Spartan Embassadours came to Rome accompanied with a certain Captain whom Porus had sent to give a true accompt of the affairs in Armenia though it was not at all needfull to call any extraordinary Councel to resolve on the War for that the condition of Affairs did oblige to it yet Nero called the Principal men of the Town together as Tacitus reporteth it and deliberated with them whether it were more proper to run the hazard of a doubtfull War or make a Peace with the Enemy where it was unanimously concluded to carry on the War and not a man of the contrary opinion The Deputation of the Valtolines towards his Holiness IF those Proposals made by the Legate were repugnant to the Glory of France those which the Valtolines Deputies made at Rome to his Holinesse and the Sieur de Bethune were absolutely unjust The Spaniards had excited and wrought the Catholiques of those Countries upon the score of Religion to offer the Soveraignty to his Holiness and to declare by their Deputies to the Sieur de Bethune that it was not to be hoped they would ever submit themselves to the Government of the Grisons a thing they could not do with their Consciences They also framed a long discourse in which they pretended to shew by many reasons that the two Crowns of France and Spain not being able to agree upon the Interest and Right which either pretended in those Countries there could not be a more proper more plausible or just expedient found out then to put themselves into his Holiness hands who treating the two Kings as a common Father might grant them passage as it should seem best unto him and when hee should find it proper for the good of Christendom This discourse conducing to the Popes Interests did not a little elevate his thoughts and he had made no great Bones to consent to it had not the
against them The knowledge he had of her inclination still to conserve that power to her self was a great impediment to his work And the King in whose hands the onely supream power resides was so much the more jealous of it for that it is ordinary with Grandees to be suspitious of their powers and that with so much the more reason for that Justice doth not permit that one should divide the command with them The Cardinal meeting with things in this conjuncture used his utmost industry to overcome the Queen Mothers inclinations being assured that it would be afterwards easie to dissipate those suspitions of the King He insinuated into her soul with all sweetness and address the truth which ought to be the foundation of their good correspondence letting her see that she ought not to think it any strange thing that the King should desire to be Master or that all Affairs were revolved by his order for that by his birth the Laws of the Kingdom did give him that Authority which no one had any right to deprive him of He used indeed his utmost address to impress this truth in her letting her see that she ought not to pretend to any part of it That the King quitting all his suspitions would give her more then she could wish seeing he was so naturally inclined to pay her all manner of respects The Queen Mother who did then much esteem of his counsels did beleeve him and she received such advantages by it that by letting his Majesty see by her conduct that she did no longer think of the Government he restored her into so absolute an Authority that she had all sort of power in the management of Affairs This was a very great advantage procured to her by this grand Minister and which surpassed all those favours which he had at any time received from her Majesty The State too did not receive less profit by it for that this good correspondencie which united the Affections of the King and Queen Mother did put an end to all those Cabals which had formerly divided the whole Nation so that the Forces of it would not now fly out any more into parties but remain entire to oppose the Ambition of Strangers The Cardinal that he might the more confirm this Union and make it the stronger perswaded the King to take Father Suffren for his Confessor who had been so for a long while to the Queen Mother assuring himself that this good person whose soul was so affectionately inclined to Peace replenished with Piety and voyd of Ambition being the Depository of the secrets of their Consciences would not be a little conducing to the dispelling of those little suspitions which might arise between them and that he would have somwhat the more power in regard women are naturally addicted to be perswaded by their Confessors Next to the Queen Mother Monsieur was the most considerable person in affairs as also the most capable to raise Divisions in the Kingdom as many Princes of his Place and Birth had done who not being able to stay for command untill the time prescribed by the Laws both the Nature and the Kingdom run out at the perswasion of those who were near them to seise on the Government The Cardinal therefore was no whit less industrious to tye him too unto the Kings Interests There was no great need of any extraordinary diligence to bring it to pass Justice having infused into him with his birth all those inclinations and dispositions which were proper for him to have towards his Majesty All which the Cardinal very well knew Neither was he ignorant That Princes of his condition are usually carried away from their duties by those who are attending near upon them so that he likewise made himself sure of the Colonel d' Ornano who had the honour to be nearest to his person and upon whose advice Monsieur did more relye then any others Now knowing that this soul naturally ambitious was not to be captivated by other tyes then those of Greatness he perswaded the King to bestow on him a Marshals Staffe of France conceiving that this Qualification would force him to become his Majesties very faithful servant Monsieur the Prince had the honour to be the first of those of the Blood Royal and the Cardinal thought it no lesse expedient to gain him and satisfie his humour by giving him a part in Affairs and the content which he might pretend to in his Interests He had a great conflict with the Queen Mothers spirit but at last with a handsom address he let her see that there could be no certain quiet and repose in the State without a good understanding between the King her son and him and that it was to contribute to his own greatness not to leave the Prince in those discontents whereunto he had been reduced and which might in time carry him on to the making of Cabals and raising of new emotions But whatever reasons he could then alledge she would not be induced to assent to his coming to the Court nevertheless the Cardinal so dealt with the King that his Majesty in some Letters to him gave him extraordinary expressions and testimonies of his Favour sometimes by asking his advice as occasions should present as also by taking a particular care for the expediting of his Affairs which was accordingly effected and the King writing to him assured him of his kindness towards him and desiring his opinion of the Affairs of the Valtoline of the Hugonots and the War of Italy By this he received an entire content and satisfaction so that from thence forward he began to order himself with more affection to his Majesties Inclinations then formerly he had done This strait union which the Cardinal tyed in the Royal Family was an assured foundation of the Nations Peace and cut off all hopes that any troublesome spirits might have to embroyl it Politique Observation THat Minister who would attempt any great designs abroad is bound to settle all at home by a strong uniting of the Royal house The harmony of the prime Qualities is that which preserves our bodies in a convenient health If one should assault the other the Natural Justice is violated and the Union dissolved which once so the whole frame falls to nothing Who knoweth not that the Union of Grandees especially those of the Royal Family is the most sure foundation of Peace and Welfare to a State They may not be disjoyn'd from their King neither may any one of them attempt upon his Crown but Justice will be offended and their Union broken which once so the State is soon exposed to manifold dangers and misfortunes This was the opinion of Misipsa in Salust and Cyrus instructing Cambyses his own Son advised him alwaies to be in friendship with his kindred and to give them such advantages as may content them because it will make him be well beloved by his Subjects who imagine that a Prince who doth not
be forthwith demolished but the Pope made some difficulty of charging himself with the doing of it and onely desired that the Forts might be delivered up into his hands for reparation of the injury which had been dore him as he perswaded himself when as the Marqueis de Coeuvres took them from him and that afterwards he would cause the Spaniards to rase them France did not at all stand upon reâ—â—oring them into the Popes hands but the King would be well assured that the Pope should not deliver them over into the Spaniards hands to be by them demolished to which effect he desired that his Holiness would only send in so many Souldiers that in appearance only they might seem to be Masters which his Holiness would not be drawn to and the Spaniards too disswaded him from it as hoping that when his Holiness should have them in his absolute power they might find some way or other to get them into theirs and so demolish them which many amongst them thought to be very honourable though divers others were of a contrarie opinion as imagining it to be a work ignoble for their Master who had first caused them to be built The Final agreement for the demolishing of the Forts in the Valtoline AFter many contestations off and on the King to end all differences gave full power to the Sieur de Bethune to conclude at Rome with the Pope and Spanish Ambassadours any thing that was reasonable to be do and between them it was at last concluded that the Forts should be delivered into the hands of Torquatus Conty who commanded the Popes Forces that in the mean while the Kings Forces were to quarter in such places as were not included in the deposite That as soon as ever the Forts were delivered up they should presently demolish them That the Arms Artillerie and Ammunitions of war which belonged to the Spaniards should be restored to them and that the discharges being granted his Holiness Forces as also those of the two Kings should withdraw themselves at the same time from the Valley and the Earldoms of Bormio and Chiavâ—nnies These were the principal Articles resolved upon for execution of the Treaty which after it was ratified by the King the Marques de Coeuvres presently trealed with Torquatus Conty and Don Goneales de Cordua whom the Spaniards had sent in Ferra's place as a man more enclined to peace concerning the form of the redemise and demolition of the Forts There were Commissaries likewise appointed for the giving in of true Inventories of the Artillerie Ammunitions of war victuals and the deposit and to make a general discharge which ought to be given to the Pope upon his entrance into those Forts which had formerly been delivered to him in deposit Upon the fifteenth the demolition was began and so many labors came to finish it that in six dayes it was all ended The Marquis de Coeuvres gave order to the Marquis ae Tequiers to retire with his Majesties Forces towards France and his Majesty for a just and worthy recompence of his services bestowed in him the Honour of Marshal de Campo and thus the respect and reference which the two Crowns made to the Pope were an assured means for settling them in peace with one another The Reasons which oblige great Princes to shew an extrardinary honour to the Pope THere are divers Reasons which invite great Princes to pay an extraordinary respect so the Pope They are bound to it by duty seeing as St. Bernard saith he is the high Priest the Soveraign Bishop the Prince of Bishops Heir to the Apostles that he is like Abel in his Priority Noah in his Government Abraham in his Patriarch-ship Melchisedech in his Order Aaron in his dignity Samuel in the excellency of his Judgement St. Peter in the Power which he received from the Son of God seeing he is the cheef of Christians the Shepheard of the people the Rod of the Mighty the Hammer of Tyrants the Father of Kings the Light of the World and the Lievtenant of God upon Earth And who seeth not that all these eminent qualities do make him amongst other Potentates here below the same that the Sun is in comparison of the rest of the Stars And then looking on his Person and beholding the Object whom he doth represent which is no other than God himself ought not every one be perswaded to treat him withall imaginable respects for the love of God the Almighty Lord who governing States by the hand of Providence doth most commonly blesse them in that proportion as Princes respect those for his sake who belong unto him To speak truth this honouring them is a Loadstone which draweth down all kind of blessings from Heaven which conduce to the Happiness of Kingdomes And if neither of the two considerations should be potent enough over the minds of Kings to perswade them to bear a great reverence to the Pope yet in my opinion they are bound to it by a very Politick and considerable reason which is to preserve themselves in Peace For that it hath been alwaies judged necessary that amongst Princes there should be an Impartial chief and a general father of Jesus Christs family who might accommodate their differences and might by his Counsels moderate the violence of those who make unjust attempts and who might unite their Arms and Powers to defend the from the violences of its enemies If it should so happen that the Pope should become contemptible by the little respect which is rendred to him what credit could he have to conclude or effect such things amongst them what esteem could he have to end their differences They might force him to contain himself within the limits of his spiritual jurisdiction without medling in temporal affairs but in the interim the fire of war would often break out amongst them with such fury that both themselves estates would be consumed in the Flames of it Whereas did they but receive his Counsels with respective honour and admit of his perswasions with esteem his dignity would then become venerable amongst them all and he might with ease accommodate their divisions by his allotting to each one what belongeth justly unto him he might restore peace to the Nations and stop the course of all violent proceedings Articles of Peace granted to the Rochelois AS Peace is the most sure Foundation of the happinesse of Kingdomes so the Cardinal was not satisfied to have setled it abroad but indeavoured the procuring it for those of Rochel and to establish it in France both for the greatest good of the people and the highest glory of his Majesty that could be aimed at Hee quickly set on work divers persons of the Town whom he had gained by opening their eyes and who were potent enough with several others to perswade them to follow the example of the rest of their Party So that the Deputies who had been sent by the Assemblies of the Hugonots comming to Court
qualifications as would only render his power feared and redoubted An Assembly at Paris to redress disorders of State THe setlement of Trade was sufficient to bring great profit to the Kingdom but it was likewise necessary to use divers other means for the raising of it to it's height and greatness The King had long before concluded on it but finding himself unfurnished of a Minister to put it in execution the affairs had still continued in some lameness until at last seeing himself assisted by the Cardinal he resolved to assemble the Chief Officers of his Kingdom especially those who had acquired most experience and shewed best conduct in affairs And for the better resolving upon the means he appointed them to attend him a Paris where being met together his Majesty himself opened the reasons of their Assembling upon the second of Deceâ—ber in the Thuillâ—ries He was pleased to tell them That he had called them together to provide some remedies against the disorders of the State and that the Lord Chancellor should farther acquaint them with the rest of his desires and the Lord Chancellor beginning his speech represented to them the great disorders that had crept into the Kingdom whilst the King was imployed abroad to repel his enemies and the great expences he was at for the keeping up of his Armies and then told them that his Majesty was resolved for the establishing of the Kingdom in its ancient splendour to employ powerful redresses and so to regulate his Treasuries that there might alwayes be a sufficient foundation to supply the occasions of the State without being forced to overcharge the people as of late He gave them to understand that the King was contriving to lessen the expences of his house and even those which he was at for the paying of several Garrisons in places of no importance which he was resolved to dismantle To settle Trade with â—ll possible advantages for the enriching of his subjects So to govern his Souldiers both in garrison and the field that his subjects might be no more oppressed upon which it chiefly was that his Majesty had desired their advices When he had concluded the Cadinal made a most excellent speech in which his eloquence was no lesse to be admired at then his prudence He laid before that Illustrious Assembly how visibly God had made use of his Majesty to atchieve that in a little time for the publique good which many thought impossible to have been effected in an age He gave them to understand that as there had been great charges and expences so the King and Queen had received very great advantages by it in relation to that Honour and Glory which is due to them and that if any good successe had at any time happened it was only the dawning of those resolutions which his Majesty had taken for the easing of his people and restating the Kingdom in its former Splendor That as only God can make something out of nothing so it was necessary to lay a good foundation in the Treasury and to that end to cut off from the extravagant expenses and add to the receipts or indeed to do both at once He shewed them how that every one regarding the advancement of his own private Interest it might possibly provoke some to anger if their expences were moderated but he added withal that no one could justly complain at it since nothing was to be preferred before the Publique good and that the King and Queen Mother were both resolved to give a good example by contracting the expences of their families He told them that if in great tempests there was sometimes a necessary to part with the goods to ease the vessel and defend her from shipwrack prudence did direct the like thing in a State Which ought not to be cast away for the preservation of any ones particular good and that they themselves were bound in reason to conform themselves to the resolution thereof for that it is impossible private and particular mens plenty and Riches should long last when the State is poor and needy in fine he told them that setling a good government in the Affairs and Treasuries they would in a very few years find both the King and Kingdom raised to a greater pitch of glory then ever it had formerly been but he added it would not be so necessary to order such things unlesse they were really put in execution That the glory of setling the Nation being reserved for his Majesty they who were deputies ought to esteem it a great Honour done them in that he gave them part of it and that for his own particular he should esteem himself most happy to dye in the prosecution of so glorious a design After this first overture the King sent divers proposals to the Assembly by his Solicitor General upon all which such courses were resolved as were thought most necessary for the setlement of the State But it was first of all concluded what order should be observed in the levying of men as also for the maintaining of them in such order that the Country man might not be injured by them It was thought fit to keep two Armies in readiness of between eighteen and twenty thousand foot and two thousand Horse as well to secure the Publique Peace as to support the Kings Authority and also to keep Forreigners in a due respect It is true there were sufficient means found out to prevent the peoples damage but it was to be doubted that the Souldiers would not so readily observe those commands which his Majesty had been so careful to order Next of all it was considered what unnecessary expences of the State should be cut off as well to pay off two and fifty Millions of Livers which the Exchequer was indebt as also to acquit the charges of the Nation without increasing the taxes In order to which it was thought fit to contract the expences of the King and Queens Families according to the resolution taken before the late Kings death Not to exceed the sum of two Millions in Pensions which was the sum appointed by the late King Henry the Great for that business and lastly the Assembly proposed to his Majesty the dismantelling of a great number of strong places which being in the heart of the Kingdom or at least remote from the Frontiers did only serve to countenance Rebellions and consume a vast sum of mony for payment of the Garrison Souldiers and building unnecessary Fortifications There was also care taken with reference to his Majesties good pleasure for the relief of divers poor Gentlemen Captains and Souldiers wounded in his Majesties service And at last the Assembly made earnest request to his Majesty that he would for the future prevent those revolts of the Grandees which were commonly made every year to the great trouble of the State and that he would punish some for example sake who had the Boldnesse to take up Arms against his Authority or to divide
the people in their duty Monsieur the Cardinal spake to his Majesty and perswaded him to send the Sieur de Leon Councellour of State to Bourdeaux to indeavour their reconcilement and such a correspondency as might befit his Majesties affairs The ground of their difference was this the Duke of Espernon had caused the Edict of Peace granted by the King to the Hugonots to be proclaimed by the Jurats of the City before it had been registred in the Parliament Whereupon the Parliament had turned one Minuelle out of his Office of chief Jurat fining him 1500 Liures and ordered the rest to appear in Court and suffer such punishments as should be imposed upon them The Duke of Espernon would not put up the businesse but pulished an Ordinance to prohibit the execution of the Parliaments Arrest and confirmed Minuelle in his Office grounding himself upon certain pretensions in publication of Treaties of Peace The Parliament hereupon condemned the said Ordinance as an attempt contrary to the Kings Authority intrusted with him but the Duke of Espernon being not of an humour easily to submit to any others will then that of the Kings persisted to prohibit by another Ordinance the execution of the second Arrest The Parliament made a third so did he too to hinder Minuelle's displacing and that the Jurats should not assist at the publication of the Peace which was then made by the Parliaments Authority In sine an extream feud rise between them and the Parliament came to that point that they ceased to perform their Offices in the adjudging private causes yet not without taking care for all that concerned the Kings service This quarrel made a great noise in Guienne and had it continued untill the Hugonots next revolt they had doubtlesse taken advantage of it it being certain that every one lives as himself pleaseth when Magistrates are together by the ears in their particular quarrel The King finding of what consequence it might prove dispatched the Sieur de Leon to Bourdeaux to dispose the Duke to give the Parliament satisfaction and to continue the correspondence which they ought to hold together for the publick good The Sieur de Leon came thither and finding the Parliament resolute that the Duke should give them satisfaction for his fault could gain nothing more of the Duke then onely this that he would go to the Parliament and pay them some complements of honour and respect The Parliament was not contented with it so their accommodation was deferred till at last the news being come that the English Fleet was at Sea every one addressed himself to serve the King and to hinder their landing in Guienne And then the Cardinal de Sourdis Arch Bishop of Bourdeaux interposing between them perswaded the Parliament to be satisfied with those respects of honour and complements which the Duke of Espernon would pay unto them At last unto the Parliament he came and having complemented them with great civility they answered him in the like without the least mention of any thing past and thus this great storm was allayed Politique Observation JT is not dangerous sometimes for his Majesties service to permit Parliaments and Governours to fall out amongst themselves for they discovering one anothers defects by their division give occasion to redress them and withall each one feareth to offend that he may not give advantage to the other to impeach him It keepeth affairs in an equal ballance and produceth the same effects as a weight equally divided in two Scales which hindreth the over-ballancing of either part If they alwaies should continue in a strict intelligence each of them would do that without contradiction which best pleased himself and their Soveraign never the wiser Thus said Cato to them who thought the quarrel between Pompey and Caesar had ruined the Common-wealth It is true it did not a little contribute to that disorder which was then on foot but the friendship which had formerly been between them was the first and chief cause Their good intelligence gave Caesar means to grow the greater who afterwards finding it begin to break by the deceases of Pompey and Crassus their wives which served to preserve it there fell out great broyls between them concerning the Government Caesar being unwilling that Pompey should have more authority then himself and Pompey that Caeser should be his equall The Senate finding that divers Magistrates of Rome neglected their duties and that every thing went to decay chose Pompey sole Consul giving him an extraordinary Authority to ballance the power of the Magistrates and to redress those Delinquencies which they might or had committed Seneca with great reason compared this division among chief Magistrates to the Stones in a Vault which do so much conduce to the strengthening of it that the more weight is laid on it the stronger it bears it up whereas it would easily be broken if made of one stone alone In fine this little emulation is much conducing to the discovery of abuses to the looking more strictly into things and the keeping every one in his duty It is to be wished that Parliaments and Governours were firmly united toward his Majesties service and that there were no way but this for the well governing of a Province but it is not possible long to preserve that temperative in their authority no more then in the four humours of mans body and it is more expedient to search for means of advantage from their disorder then to study waies to settle them in an immutable intelligence One of the chief is when a Parliament pretends to assume too great an Authority to oppose the power of a Governour and if a Governor abuse his power to prevent him by the Authority of a Parliament And thus was it according to Tacitus that the Roman common people ballancing the Nobilities power did along while prefer their liberty Yet above all it would be necessary to hinder such dissentions from too much clashing and that the Parliament and Governours be not left alone to flie out into extremities from whence strange accidents might follow If heat or any other quality of mans body super-abound either death follows or at least great sicknesse and doubtlesse such contests hapning among Governours either in Kingdomes or Common wealths are sufficient to destroy them or at least breed great disorders amongst them The divisions which so often grew hot between the Roman people and the Senate caused great evils and when the quarrels of Marius and Sylla Pompey and Caesar did break out every one siding with some party took up Arms from whence followed strange murthers and Tragedies and the Peoples Liberty became inslaved to the Emperours Will. The King going from Paris towards Rochel falls sick at Villeroy after the first day of his setting out VVHilest these different affairs happened within the Kingdome the King was not ignorant of those great preparations made by the English to invade France The happy addresse wherewith Heaven had blessed
a Deity They knew Heaven would be very severe in punishing those who violated it and they would not only be overwhelmed with Infamie but that it would be of ill consequence to the State considering how true it is that Justice and Fidelity are the two chief things which support the Thrones of all Kings Prosecution of the Subject I Cannot omit the great assistance which the Venetians did this year send unto the Duke of Mantua it being impossible for his Majesties whole Army to have been with him soon enough although some few Troops had already come to him The King had by his Ambassador negotiated those Succours with the Venetians upon the first discovery of the House of Austria's design Now the Venetians were the easier enclined to send these Succours it being their very great Interest to hinder the Spaniards growing power in Italy especially so neer them they having so often and so long had designs upon them Besides they well knew that they had at that present several good Towns and places which formerly belonged to the Dutchy of Milan but had been taken from it by their Common-wealth which peradventure the Spaniard might have a mind to recover from them In conclusion they send divers times Mony Victuals and some Troops unto the Duke of Mantua which did not a little help to preserve him Politique Observation THere is not any thing more dangerous then to suffer a potent Ambitious King to seize on a Neighbour Princes Country by violence seeing his conquest will only serve for a Bridge to the next Kingdome An Ambitious King is like a great River ever eating into it's Banks without regard had either to the Justice or Injustice of his designs When he hath once proposed his end he careth not by what means it is atchieved His chief care is how to make a party in his Neighbours Country how to raise a division which may open an entrance for his Ambitious designs He spareth no cost to corrupt their Officers and Ministers He is like some people in Affrick who sleep with their eyes alwayes open and as he believeth the greatest glory to consist in possessing the greatest empire so he imagineth the design of Command to be a just cause of War If his Forces be not strong enough he bloweth division amongst his Neighbours to make them revolt and maketh use of those who are credulous that he may subject their fellows to his Dominion He winks at Justice not that he may Judg with Equity but that he may not behold if possible the injustice of his own intentions In short there is not any thing which he will not do if it lead him to new conquests Which being thus who can be ignorant of the obligation which lyeth upon all Allyes to assist one another when any attempt is made upon any single Country amongst them The assistance which they lend is a security to their own States and in fighting for him they confirm their own quiet But above all they who are nearest bordering upon one another ought to be careful in this particular because they run a greater hazard When an Army is at our Gates it is little worth then to call upon a relief far from us for great Armies do not flye no they march but slowly and before they can arrive to assist us we are lost and taken He who being unable with his own strength to defend himself calleth in a friend far distant from him is like a sick person who being taken with a sodaine dangerous fit sendeth for an able Physitian to another place twenty miles distant and in the mean time before his Doctor arrives becomes incurable Antiquity hath furnished us with an admirable example of the thing in that of Sâ—gâ—nte which being besieged by the Carthaginians was taken before the relief from Rome could come up to it And of later times the City of Sienna being besieged by the Imperialists was in expectation of the French assistance but to little purpose they being at too great a distance to come up to them In such occasions those Countries neerest at hand are to be employed they being in reason bound to rise in their behalf and hereupon it is that Alliances and Leagues made with them are much more advantageous then any others whatever Prosecution of the History NOtwithstanding that the Treaty of Peace and the Renewing of Alliance between France and England had been concluded in April whilst his Majesty was at Suze yet the final confirmation of it was used to be done by oath and by extraordinary Ambassadors interchangeably sent which Ceremony had been put off until his Majesties return back to Paris from his Italian-Expedition and was now performed in September at Fontain-bleau whither the Lord Esmond came from the King of Britain for that purpose The King caused him to be entertained with very great honour as had been accustomed on such occasions particularly invited him to dine with him at his own Table that day when the Ceremony was celebrated The appointed hour being come he was conducted into the Church of Bourg magnificently prepared for that purpose where the King and all the Princes of the Court wayting on him hear'd Vespers At his entrance he saluted with great respect the King and Queens after which he took his place in a Scaffold made ready for him The King made the oath in his presence and swore upon the Holy Evangelists to observe and perform all the Conditions of the Treaty which he had signed The same oath was made at London the same day with no lesse Ceremony by the King of England in the presence of the Marquis de Chasteauneuf Extraordinary Ambassador there forth at purpose Politique Observation AS Sacraments render Actions the more venerable so have all people thought it fit to confirm their Treaties therewith that Princes might be obliged the more Religiously to observe them But in all times they have been as various as Nations That which was most universally observed was to drink in the same Glasse It is true those of Thracia and Aegypt did not use the same Cup but the same Ox-horn The Jewes used to kill certain Beasts and divide their entrailes The Caldeans passed through certain Flames holding a Sword in their hand to confirm their oaths But the Ceremonies of the Arabians seem to me more extraordinary then all the rest Some eminent Person of the Treaters placed himself in the midd'st and beating his hand with a sharp stone drew bloud which was gather'd up with some part of their Cloths wherewith they besmeared seven other stones about which they stood invocating the names of Denis Vrania The Scythians mingled blond with Wine dipp'd their Arrows their Hatchet and Javelins in it with several Protestations of Fidelity and then drank it up causing the witnesses of their oath to do the same The Romans were accustomed to call their Great Priest who raised an Altar of Turf placed a Hog on it which he smit with a
Politique Observation NOthing doth more alarum the common people then the noise of new impositions they think it is to take away their lives at least to make them insupportable if you do but diminish a little of their subsistance which is the reason that the poorest of all are most prompt and ready for sedition they being desirous and greedy of novelties and as Tacitus in his Annales hath observed they have more to get then to lose by such revolts and turmoils Every one indeed ought to pity their poverty but the obedience which is due to Magistrates and the recessity of contributing to the publick charge renders them culpable without excuse Those who lead them on and incite them to their mutinies ought most principally to be punished for that they are the Broachers and Authors of all the mischief Thucydides speaking of the resolution which was taken by the Athenians to put to death all those of Mytilene who were able to bear Arms and to keep the rest in slavery by reason of the Rebellions which had been raised amongst them saith Justice doth not tie up a man from punishing the heads and principals onely It is not at such a time proper for a Soveraign to make his Clemency appear which is one of the best Rays in his Crown He ought so to pardon offences that he do not by it give way to or allow of that liberty which the people assume to themselves who will be quickly quelled if their Ringleaders be but punished To pardon all were an excessive liberty and would breed a like licentiousnesse and to chastise the most culpable is an effect of Prudent Justice Impunity authoriseth licentiousnesse and seems to give them leave to run into the same lapses and 〈◊〉 too much rigour and severity is enough to cast a Nation upon desperate resolutions and extremities It is a good way of reducing them to their due obedience by sending some grave personage amongst them as T. Livy hath observed whom they hold in some esteem and respect because Reputation and a good beleef is as the Soul of all other Reasons for that very cause it was as the same Author reports it that the Romans sent T. M. Torquatus unto Sardigna when they were upon the point of giving up themselves to the Carthaginian Protection The quick and timely dispatch of such person is of great consequence too for that Rebellion are like flames which do increase every day more then other if there be not great care to extinguish them in the beginnings The Monsieurs return to France THe King went to Troys and there rested some time as wel to satisfie the resolution which he had taken with the Cardinal of seeing his brother who after the conclusion of the accommodation about the end of the year last past which we have already spoken of retired to Nancy and testifying to him his hearty affections by all ways of lively demonstrations and of which there could be no just cause of suspicion seeing his Majesty had so frankly both pardoned him and augmented his Pensions 〈◊〉 we have already declared The Monsieur arrived there the 18. of April and in hâ—s Company besides his own retinue came divers Princes and Lords who were thâ—â— at the Court and had been sent by his Majesty two Leagues out of the Town to meâ—â— him He alighted at the Queen Mothers lodgings and the King stood expecting of him in the Court and received him with so great a testimony of joy and friendship that the Monsieur attempting to bend one of his knees to the ground his Majesty would not in the least permit or give way to it but imbraced him so long and ardently that one could not but conclude his Majesty loved him as his second self and very passionate he was to find that they were united in their thoughts in their wishes in their wills in their designs and even in their very recreations so that their faces seemed to be as it were glewed together The Court was filled with joy and these endearments continued all the while that the King continued at Trâ—yâ—â— so that there was great reason to hope that nothing would be ever able to separate 〈◊〉 make a breach between them had not those who had rendred themselves masters of the Monsieurs inclinations and humour rallied all their indeavours and artifices to confound and destroy it thinking perhaps they should become the more considerable by keeping them at a greater distance and raise more advantages to themselves by their divisions Politique Observation NAture hath implanted certain roots of friendship in the Blood which doth bud and spring forth upon any meeting after a little breach or falling out provided that hatred have not altogether seized upon the Spirit The Branches of Trees are not so easily rejoyned in their natural places whilest as yet time hath not strengthened them upon the Gardners binding of them up as the minds of persons to whom God hath allotted the same Parents are re-united into that love and affection which is natural to them if a Series of years hath not as yet confirmed them in their hatred and dis-respect of each other And in this the power of Nature is very much observed and the truth of their opinion made good who say that nature with our births doth infuse and inspire into us affections and inclinations to love those objects which she doth oblige us to seek after And as the Creator of the World hath imprinted in light bodies a certain disposition of mounting upwards and to others which are heavy an inclination which forceth them by nature to tend towards the Center of the earth so hath she likewise planted in man a certain affection for those of his Affinity as well as for those objects which are proper for him so that he can neither check his eyes or curb his heart but he shall find some sentiments of love in his spirit hence it comes to passe as we see that kindred love and that tenderly one another upon their first meeting though they had not known one another before this procedure making it apparent that their affection began not to be so much in their spirits as to entertain by the presence its object for that they had not differed to love but onely because they had not seen one another before The King committeth the Government of the Army in Champagne and of Paris to the Monsieur THat the King might the more oblige the Monsieur to preserve himself in his duty not onely of respect but of friendship he was not barely contented to have given him those large testimonies of his hearty affection but sent to him two Commissions the one for the commanding of the Army in Champagne the other to govern not onely the City of Paris but the adjacent Provinces in his Majesties absence whose affairs called him out of the Kingdome Politique Observation JT is great wisedom in a King to preserve and increase as much as in
birth which was every day apparent by her conduct whilest shee had the management of affairs as also because she every day fancied to her self that she did see Forrainers enter into France with their Swords in their hands burning and killing all and turning the State topsie-turvie These Panique fears made her earnestly desire to see the King and because the wayes were difficult for one of her sex to passe she dispatched one to his Majesty beseeching him with all earnestness that she might have the honour to see him The King who took a most particular care to render her all respects and compliances which might be agreeable to her presently departed from the Camp at St. Pierre to give her this satisfaction though for the good of his own affairs and for his health's sake it had been more proper to have deferr'd it to a more seasonable time It cannot be imagined how many artifices the Queen Mother imployed to stay him at Lyons without considering the news which came from the Army how that many of the Souldiers believing the King would not return any more had disbanded the very same time that they perceived his Majesty went from thence and by this means did put the successe of affairs in hazard for that the Companies were diminished to nothing Politique Observation WOmen are capable of ruining the most important affairs in a State if they have but power to execute their passions History is pregnant with examples which verifie the many evils they have caused whilest the Government of Kingdomes hath been in their hands Fear which is natural to their sex takes them off from approving the Wars be they never so just be they never so necessary for the glory and advancement of the State Their Conduct is founded more upon Passion then Judgment and they look not into any Reasons caring not so they may arrive to the end of their designs and not at all reflecting on the consequences which attend it There is not any blast of wind or flames like the Passion of a Woman especially when shee is filled with hatred as the Queen Mother was who would have been very glad to have seen the Cardinal perish in this design and which shee hoped to see if his Majesty did but leave him there alone The Resistance which they find against their wills serves to augment their hear and the very contradition converts their designs and desires into fury whence an Antient very wisely said that Womens Counsel is not to be made use of in Publique affairs but as Medicines to which a man hath recourse in extream necessity and when all other means fail The Queen Mother continueth her anger against the Cardinal THE King had too much knowledge and experience to be moved by all the Instances made to him so that he departed three dayes after to return to St. John de Morienne But the Queen Mother was aggrieved thereat so much the more sensible by how much shee had earnestly desired to stay him neer her And the Lord Keeper who omitted no occasion to exasperate her mind against the Cardinal raised thence great advantages to infuse into her Spirit new resentments of hatred and anger against him The displeasure which he conceived in his particular to see the War was carried directly against the Spaniard whom he had alwayes openly favoured raised up new inventions in his mind to stir up the anger of this great Princesse entertaining her in all those thoughts which might serve to reinflame her The opinion which he had of his own judgment and of his own thoughts which he adored as so many revelations with held him from stooping to the Cardinals prudent conduct Though discretion and the acknowledgment which he was obliged to shew of that high Honour to which he had raised him should have perswaded him that he had strong Reasons importing the good and glory of the Estate which carried him on to continue the War Politique Observation IT is very dangerous for a States-man who hath any share in the Government of affairs under the conduct of the Chief Minister to be too much wedded to his own opinions All the Orbes follow the motion of the Primum Mobile and as we should soon see the World revolve into it's first Chaos if they should clash so can there follow nothing but confusion in Kingdomes when the inferior Ministers would carry on affairs by wayes contrary to those of the Chief He wants Judgment who doth not accomodate himself to the principal Genius which hath the ordering of all affairs and deserves as much blame as Fabius Maximus who almost overthrew the Commonwealth of Rome by opposing himself with too much violence against Scipios expedition into Affrique It is good to conform ones self to the opinion of those who guide the Stern and though it be permitted us to give some Place to our own thoughts neverthelesse it never ought to arrive to that height as to hinder us from following their resolutions or paying them our respects and endeavours It is true the Prudence of a States-man is too remisse who makes himself indifferent to all he ought to resemble a skilful musician who sometimes sets up one string and le ts down the others But however if he depend upon another he is obliged to follow rather his then his own Judgment not forgetting that his degree is inâ—eriour and that in diversity of opinions submission and to know to how to yeild are Marks of a wel-tempered soul and that the most generous spirits are the most universal and the readiest disposed to all that another would have This condiscending not being an effect of debility but of Respect whereas obstinacy and perverseness in maintaining ones opinion is a dangerous sickness of the mind and more proper to Pedants then to persons of affairs The establishment of the * The yearly râ—nt payd by the Officers of Justice to the King Droict Annuel THe care which the Cardinal had of Forraign affairs never took off his thoughts from the concernments within the Kingdome The late King Henry the Great haviâ—g hatched grand designs for the glorâ— of Frâ—nce had occasions for monies and thought it necessary to establish the Droict Annuel Hence he raised great sums but prejudicial to the people because it gave way to all Officers of Justice and of the Treasury to keep the free disposal of their Offices they paying every â—eâ—r a certain Tax to the * A Treasâ—ry â—o calleâ— from the Casualty of the â—ncomes Parties Casuelles and the liberty to continue the Sale of Offices which were introduced since the time of Francis the first who finding himself obliged to make a Vertue of Necessity was constrained to create many Officers which were continued from the time of Henry the second who created the Sieges Presidiaux and many other Officers which have remained even to this present The Cardinal who had no other end in the Honour which the King had done him to continue
him in the conduct of the most important affairs of the Kingdome them the Reformation and re-establishment of the State did not fail at the end of the foregoing year to represent to his Majesty that it was not only important but almost necessary to take away that power of Sale and consequently to suppresse the Troict Annuel upon which it hath it's principal dependance And his Majesty did so much the more approve of his resolution because he found nothing in the Cardinals Counsels which was not as admirable as profitable to France Politique Observation THE Sale of Offices is one of the greatest mischiefs in a State Ambition never faâ—ls to raise them to an excessive price which causeth that al the Honours of the Kingdome serve rather for a recompense of riches then of vertue It takes away from Kings the power of chusing Officers which are the Organs whereby Justice is distributed to their subjects it casts the greatest Courages into despair when they find themselves reduced to Poverty see others occupy the place of vertue and that the most glorious Actions to which they could aspire shall not be able to raise them out of the dust Is not that it which gives subsistance to such a number of Officers who-instead of serving do but oppresse the people Is not that it which hinders the suppression of a great number and reducing of them to a smaller which might be the hundreth part of what now are and yet sufficient for the Kings service and the good of the people With how many pensions doth it overcharge the Kings exchequer and the sum which is imployed in their pay is it not immense But this Sale of Offices is not only a charge to the Publique since particular persons suffer extreamly much by it The hopes they conceive of the continuation of the Droict Annuel incourageth them to buy their Offices at so high a rate that the very richest are beggard by it If they continue any long time in their Offices the expences to which they are tyed to live with some Splendour undoes them and their Children are so far from drawing any advantage from it that they are commonly left if not in absolute poverty yet in much want Many are constrained to sell them off during their lives for the accomodation of their families and to divide the money among their Children and it is as much as any if he be none of the richest can do to maintain one of his Children in the succession of his Offices leaving all the rest in a necessity of living below their qualities The suppression of the Droict Annuel in regard of the Officers of Iustice re-established by the King THese just considerations being represented to the King by the Prudence of the Cardinal induced his Majesty ever since the beginning of the year to suppresse the Droict Annuel in relation to the judicature which are more considerable then the rest that so by little and little death might extinguish a great part of the Offices and take away the venality without any great prejudice to the Officers themselves For he had resolved to allow the Survivances to those who had long lived in their charges with Honour Or if they were taken away by death to grant their Offices to such of their Children as should be found capable or in case they left none able to manage them to cause that such as should succeed should allow some recompense unto them thus restoring to the State by little and little the accomplishment of its perfection But these Officers made so great instance to his Majesty for the Continuation of the Droict Annuel being therein like the sick who flatter themselves in their diseases and will not apprehend the danger to which they expose themselves that he was obliged to continue it for 9 years longer but burthened with such extraordinary charges that they would find difficulty to pay them whereby they might enjoy the favour granted to them by the Declaration made in June and be staggered another time to desire the continuation of it The King would not absolutely discontent the Body of Officers who do at this day constitute the greatest part of his Kingdome But his Prudence sound it fit so to burden this condition that the greatest part should renounce the benefit which he accorded them to free themselves from the charges Besides the immense expence of the War did incline him to this resolution for his supply Necessity obliging to do that which otherwise he would not do Politique Observation IT is with men as with the sick We must not administer neither to one or t'other the remedies proper to their disease without regard to the disposition of their humour because they may sometimes be so stirred in the discontentments which they receive that their sickness would rather encrease then receive any abatement The most commendable Counsels which are given upon the General consideration of affairs become oftentimes hurtful by reason of some circumstance which may happen The most that can be done in such occasions is to put the business into such a state that that which is needful to be done suffer but a simple delay conserving still the liberty of executing counsels in a more favourable time It hath been often seen that States have been cast into extremity and sedition by attempting any unreasonable reformation It is not of smal importance to content the Officers when they are so numerous as they are in France They are they who keep people in obedience who have power to enforce obedience to the Laws They are the Directers of the civil Government in all Towns and by Consequence the commotions which might be stirred up in their breasts by any extraordinary discontent though taken up upon a false ground would be as dangerous as a violent heat which doth seize upon the Heart the Liver or any other vital parts The Kings return from St. John de Morienne into France A Little while after his Majesties arrival at St John de Morienne he was seized on by 2 or 3 fits of a Fever which gave occasion to the Cardinal to doubt lest his Majesty might fall into some more dangerous sicknesse And as one never ought to hazard the Person of a King who is the Soul of his State the heart which distributeth the Spirits of life by the Arteries unto all parts the Liver which giveth nourishment to all and the principal of all others good fortune so the Cardinal entreated his Majesty with so many instances to retire himself from that abode which was neer hand infected all over with the pestilence and return to Lyon where he would find a good ayr and ease from those great Cares which the War had ingaged him to take upon himself that at last he did accordingly resolve to return and arrived there about the beginning of August The Cardinal in the mean time could not think of quitting the Army so soon foreseeing that should he have gone with his
It is a great good fortune for a Minister never to be put upon such a rock and therefore it is that he will indeavour to work upon them by good offices which are the most powerfull means to oblige men and tie them very strictly the chains wherewith they are fettered being so pleasant and agreeable to them Interest is that which doth most efficaciously more them And indeed it is in a manner impossible to gain them by other means then by making provision for their advancement There is no design which they will not approve of alwaies provided that they have but satisfaction in their own particulars They perswade their Masters to rest contented if they themselves are once satisfied The most part of affairs of the world are like those Pictures wherein you shall behold different Figures and shapes according to the divers positions and scituations of them who look upon them They never represent any thing to their Masters but on that side which they best like and thus they can as easily retain him in quiet There ought to be care had that all which is intended for them be not done at once Ambition still increaseth and those benefits which are done to a favourite do but whet his appetite for the receiving of others Therefore it is that one should alwaies reserve something to keep them in breath by the expectations of greater benefits to come The Queen Mothers Resolution to win Monsieur THe Declaration which Monsieur made to the King of his resentment strook a great astonishment into the Queen-Mother she having before-hand placed all her confidence in him as also chosen him for the chief instrument of her designs They had perswaded her that could she but ingage him in her interests she might soon find men enough to uphold them and such as would put themselves into the field in Arms to carry on her designs to their very utmost and yet her natural goodnesse was so great to oblige her to preserve Monsieur constant and faithfull to the Kings interests But this factious seditious Cabal which inverted her strongest inclinations made her mislike those procedures and carried her on even to reproach him for that after she had so particularly cherished him he should take so little care for her concerns It is true it was heretofore verily beleeved in the first yeers of her Regency though I think without just grounds that she was more affectionate and tender towards Monsieur then towards the King and that she might well cast her eyes upon him as many others of her quality have done to make use of him for the upholding of such designs as she might have to which the King might not be so favourable But it must be confessed that she governed her self so prudently by those sage Councels which were given to her after her first going off from the Court that no one could discover any thing in her behaviour but real intentions to preserve her children in a good intelligence with one another and never to attempt any thing which was not conformable to the Kings Will insomuch that this prudent Conduct of hers gained her a great esteem with the people who being desirous of nothing more then peace they regarded her Majesty with extraordinary affections as her who was the greatest advancement of publick tranquillity by her preserving the bond of union between her children Though now she gave them just cause to change their good opinions of her by her frequent entertainments of Monsieur and his chiefest Officers in that design which all men knew she had to gain him to her party whatever it cost that he might become instrumental for her in the resolution which she had taken to destroy the Cardinal Politique Observation JT is very usual with Mothers to love their youngest better then their eldest children and to rely upon them to be maintained in the greater authority It should seem it is with Children as with fruits the newest are still most agreeable so it frequently comes to passe that the youngest are pleasures and diversions to their Parents when as they who are older shake off the yoke of obedience and follow the inclinations of unbridled youth but most especially so it is when as mothers are become Widdows and have lost that protection of their husbands which kept their children within their bounds that they do cast themselves upon the interest of the younger ones whom they look on as the supporters of their old age and as those who must uphold their Authority against the eldest whom they look upon very often as men do upon Creditors who come to take away their goods from them withall they are dependent upon them in several respects because by the deaths of their Fathers they are become the heads of their Families and this dependency upon them is insupportable If this be ordinary in private Families how much more is it in those of Kings History is pregnant with relations of such Queens as have advanced their youngest children to the Government in prejudice of their brother Ptolomeus Phiseus gave at his wifes perswasions the Crown of Egypt to his youngest son and to go no further then France it self Lewis the Debonnair did not he prefer at his Wifes entreaty Charls the Bauld before Lothair who was the eldest Did not Constance wife of Robert seeing her husband intended after the death of his eldest son to Crown Henry her second son King oppose it in her earnest desires that he would prefer Robert her third son whom she loved most intirely And when she saw she could not arrive to the end of her design did she not embroyl all things even whilest the King yet lived but much more after his death by fomenting the divisions between her children that she her self might have the more Authority This occasioned a most sad Civil War to the great damage of the Kingdom and that good King both in the declining of his age and Kingdom when as he expected repose and tranquility in his family especially after he had suffered upon his first coming to the Crown so great afflictions by reason of the misfortunes of his first marriages their dissolutions which afterwards hapned for the remedying whereof the godly Abbot of Fleury Abby was employed Not to seek for examples far from us is not that of Katharine de Medicis very certain it being yet fresh in the memory of man for she was ever know to favour some of her children against other some Was she not likewise suspected to have hastned the death of her eldest that she might make way to raise the Duke of Anjou to the Crown And was she not seen after he was attained to the Government to enter into the Combination against him because he did not relie enough upon her for the the Government of affairs It is so frequent in history that we shall need no other proofs for it it may safely be said that it hath alwaies been a very dangerous
ashamed to be called Kings and could never have raised themselves so high but by their mutual and reciprocal affections as Plutarch reporteth it in the life of Demetrius Not to look after far fetch'd examples what did ever bring France to so deplorable a condition as the reiterated divisions between our Kings the Dukes of Bourgogne and Orleans Did it not reduce it to an eminent peril of Shipwrack and expose it for a prey to Forraigners who were only chastized by an extraordinary providence of Heave which took a particular care for the preservation of this Monarchy when it was just upon the point of being ruin'd Undoubtedly a State is easily vanquished when divided by those of the Kings own house and family disorders soon follow thick and three-fold The people following their example shake off obedience every one fisheth in the troubled Waters the poor are oppressed by the Souldiers the rich have much ado to enjoy their Estates Governours lose their Soveraigns good wills and do no longer stick to their interests unlesse upon their own private account and in conclusion forreign enemies make what advantages they please out of it The Reasons of the Queen-Mothers Removal THings being at this passe was there any reason to defer the redressing of them what colour could there be after so many perswasions instances and entreaties to leave the Queen-Mother in the Court both animated and discontented where she countenanced a Faction kept a close correspondence with Monsieur against the King and divided the State Had it not been an absolute defect of all sort of Prudence to have endured her keeping up of Combinations without the Kingdom of which we have seen but too many sad consequences To have permitted her party openly to slander the King and his Government to stir up the people to sedition to solicite strangers to make war upon the King under pretence that they had married her children Had it not been an extream basenesse any longer to have dissembled the knowledge of that Faction which would impose a necessity of driving away his most serviceable and confident Ministers and only because they forsooth could not procure from them whatever they desired Had it not been an absolute losse of common sence to have allowed their abrogating that respect which is due to their Soveraign as God Almighties own Image Could any one and not be of this Cabal wink at their endeavours to draw off his Majesties most faithfull servants from that duty which they owe unto him Should one have expected untill the English or Spaniard had brought their Armies into France to assist the revolt or until the Princes who were of this party should have beaten up their drums and sounded their Trumpets for to lead their Souldiers into the field to have ruined the whole Kingdom with fire and sword To have done so had been the most perfect piece of folly that had ever yet been heard of Yet for all this was the King much troubled that he was forced to do such things as would displease the Queen-Mother as to remove her though after he had indeavoured all meek and fair means which her Abettors had rendred in vain though she had laid off al natural thoughts such as a Mother ought to have for a Son and a Subject for a King and though she had to her very utmost stirred up both the French and Forraigners to trouble the quiet of the Kingdom But at last the King began to consider that the businesse would grow worse and worse if convenient order were not taken to prevent it that he was bound to prefer publick before private interests as those of an incensed Mother and if it be proper to use the expression of a Mother revolted against him which were things not to be considered at all according to the judgment of one of the Queen-mothers Grand-mothers who amongst those instructions which she gave her son told him that he ought to prefer without any distinction the safety of the Common-Weal before that of any particular or private persons Withall his Majesty was not ignorant that as God doth ever prepose Universal before Individual benefits so Kings who bear his Image and are his Vicegerents on earth ought to do the same That if the Father Almighty did expose his son who was one and the same with himself to the rage of the Jews he could not then be blamed for removing his Mother a few days from the Court yet continuing to her all Honour Officers Goods Liberty and Power that she could desire and this for the necessary good of the State to the conservation of which God had so obliged him that he ought to prefer nothing before it The King thought with himself that those great Honours and Lands which he had bestowed on her and that almost absolute Authority which he had alwaies intrusted with her whilest she continued in her affection for his Majesty and the publick good would hold him excused from any condemnation and would sufficiently evince to all the World that he had not made use of so violent a remedy but by compulsion and constraint of those her Partisans and by the extremities into which they hurried her so that judging within himself that he ought no longer to defer his resolution he at last proposed it to his Counsel Politique Observation WHen Eagernesse hath laid such deep roots in the mind of Princes of the Blood Royal that they cannot be eradicated by any possibility it will then be absolutely necessary to prevent their forming into Factions which usually arise from such beginnings There will unavoidably great changes soon follow in a Kingdome where partialities have any sway amongst them The very least disorder which can happen between the Heavens is capable of reducing the Universe into its first Chaos and the dissentions of those who are neerest related to the King are able to bring a whole State into Confusion to tie up the hands of Soveraign Authority and to expose all as a prey to Forraigners The opinion which is held that it is proper to nourish several parties and bandyings amongst Grandees whereby to make them lesse able to resist their Kings Will ought not to be understood of Leagues and Combinations to be headed by those of the royal Family which may attempt to impose a necessity on the King to do what even they shall think fit for such a division would lead a Kingdom into utter ruine and undermine the most solid foundations of Monarchy It is no whit lesse inconvenient to let Princes alone in any bad intelligence for their over great union hath produced sad effects it alwaies ought to be limited by the respects and obediences which they ow their King for admitting it to be otherwise their Factions being like impetuous winds the popularity which is gentle and calm like the Sea would receive their impressions with ease become furiously inraged run into all disorders and put a State into desperate hazards On such occasion no
attempt against the King's Authority Nothing is of greater concern to their Interest than the Publike good and quiet And indeed History doth furnish us with frequent examples of their Removals from Court and being subjected to other punishments when either their own ill deportment or the Publike good hath required it None but Kings themselves are above the Laws and seeing their Majesties both Wifes and Mothers have with the qualities of Queens that of Subjects they are not priviledged from those rewards which are ordained by the Laws Helen wife of Menelaus returning to Sparta upon the ruine of Troy was soon banished for having occasioned so many misfortunes The Emperour Honorius returned Placida back unto Constantinople she being suspected of holding correspondence with his enemies Irene the wife of Constantine the fifth was condemned to perpetual banishment by Nicâ—phorus her Sons Successor Martina wife of the Emperour Heraclius was forced to undergo the like sentence by Decree of the Senate for having put to death her Son in law Constanâ—ine the younger Our own History hath plenty of the like examples Lewis the twelfth removed his Wife from the Court and divorced her upon suspicion of her loyalty Charls the seventh sent his Mother Isabel of Baviers unto Bloys and thence unto Tours to hinder the growth of those wicked contrivances which were hatched by some certain discontented ones under her name he likewise seized on her Jewels and Money by the Constable d' Armagnac and committed her to the guard of three men without whose leave she could not speak with any one whatever in which condition she continued until the Duke of Burgogne came to relieve her The satisfaction of one only person is of so little consideration if compared with the good of many millions committed to the care of a King and for which he must be one day accountable before him who hath only constituted him over them that he might watch for their good There is not any obligation great enough or consideration just enough to excuse a King from preventing the beginning or stopping the progress of any evil which seemeth to threaten his people This Rule is so general that it admits of no exceptions Besides if a King as doubtless he is be obliged to lay down his own life for his Subjects good how much more reason hath he a fortiori to prefer it before any other respect whatever The late Queen Catharina de Medicis said and that with great judgement A King ought to have the same Jealousie of his Authority as a Husband is obliged to have of his wife The chief Leaders of this Cabal secured AT the same time that the King departed from Compeigne and had requested the Queen to pass away some time from the Court there were Orders given out for the securing of the Principal Authors of this Cabal Those Ladies who were interested in it were commanded to withdraw themselves The Marshal d' Bassompierre L' Albe de Foix and Doctor Vautier were sent to the Bastille where they received not any violence at all The Princess de Conty the Dutchess d' Elbaeuf d' Ornano and Desdiquieres were commanded to retire to their own houses The Princes Governours and other Lords then absent from the Court were so fairly dealt withall that there was only course taken that they might hold no further correspondence with the Queen-mother by having an eye upon their actions and telling them that they would force his Majesty to punish them in case they did not surcease their Intreagues and Factions What greater moderation could possibly have been used and what greater Clemency could there have been shewed towards those Factious persons who had sowed discord in his Majesties family held intelligence with strangers attempted to raise civil Wars in the Kingdom who had openly found fault with his Majesties Government traduced his most glorious and just actions and who were come to that passe of insolency that they would compel his Majesty to destroy him whom he cherished as the worthiest instrument of his Glory But had they been continued neer the Queen-mother where they might have gone on in their agitations what would they not have done and to what extremities would they not have been transported Notwithstanding all this she complained aloud that all those in whom she could put any confidence were taken from her and earnest entreaties she made that Vautier might be restored to her as a person whom she pretended necessary for her health which was denied he being one of the prime fire-brands of the whole faction and one who instead of pacifying her Majesties spirit as the Cardinal had but lately obliged him by promising him very great advantages if he did effect it had added fuel to the fire and aggravated the violence of her Passion but that she might not have any just cause to complain she was offered to take her choice of above a hundred Doctors of Physick in and about Paris most of them much more able then him Politique Observation IT is not reasonable to suffer them who are factiously inclined to rove at their own liberty seeing Prisons are only made to restrain them who abuse it against the Publick good In vain have the Laws ordained this means to stop the progress of their malice if they be not put in execution What colour can there be not to confine them who are troublers of the peoples quiet It is hard to secure all who have had their hands in a Faction and indeed it were not peraduenture fit so to do but however the Ring-leaders must and ought to be restrained It is very dangerous to wink at them lest the people apprehend too much mildnesse and besides the favour which is shewed to them and serves onely to give them time so to settle and contrive their designs that afterwards it will be to little purpose to oppose them Mucianus Vitell us was much commended in the daies of old for having commanded his own son to be put to death that he might quench the flames of a War in its Cradle The Duke of Alençon having conspired against Charls the seventh in the yeer 1474 was not onely imprisoned but condemned to death And the Duke of Bourgogne supplicating to obtain favour in his behalf by alledging that he was of the Blood Royal and that his Ancestors had done great services to the Crown was answer'd by the King that as for being of the Blood Royal he was not the lesse worthy of punishment seeing he was the more obliged to have been loyal to it and as for those services which his Predecessors had done they ought not to be regarded in relation to him seeing he had not followed their good example Charls the Fifth not only shortned the liberty but the life too of a Gentleman who had dictated a Letter to those of Gaund in which they intreated Francis the first to assist them against him Philip the second King of Spain stood not in expectation untill
his son had compleated that Faction which he had designed against him and the State but not sparing his own blood he presently clapped him up in prison upon his first notice and assurance of his resolutions Charles the Ninth did not pardon the Duke of Alençon his own Brother no more then he did the King of Navar for upon his first knowledge of their Intreagues he sent them both unto the Boys de Vincennes Did not Henry the Third after conference with his Nobles at Bloys threaten the late Henry the Grand and the Prince de Condè in case they did not conform themselves to those resolutions which had been concluded for the good of Religion and the State Neither had France ever been so much spoiled by those Wars had Monsieur de Guise been imprisoned as soon as ever his wicked designs had been discovered The Queen-mother her self did the same thing for during her Regency she imprisoned Monsieur the Prince upon suspicion lest he might attempt something against her Authority L' Mareschal d' Estree addresseth himself to execute his Majesties pleasure against the Queen-mother DUring the Queen-mothers abode at Campeign the Marshal d' Estrée was very carefull to shew her all manner of respect according to the command given him by the King He went constantly to receive the word from her he sent to know what course she would be pleased to take concerning the Keyes of the City and whether she would have them brought to her All the Officers of her Family prosecuted their charges without any disturbance she her self went abroad when and where she pleased unaccompanied with any who could but seem to restrain her liberty neither did he ever discourse to her in any other dialect but to beseech her from his Majesty that she would be pleased to go to her house of Moulins which her self had made choice of since her Widdow-hood he assured her she should not have any guards about her Insomuch that really she could not have any just cause to complain And in fine she condiscended to go to Moulins Not long after some of her Faction being at liberty reflecting on the neernesse of Paris and how advantagious it might be to their designs in regard it was the Center where all the intelligence of the Kingdom was brought and where all their Contrivances might be managed with the greater security and secresie advised her to change that resolution and perswaded her to continue at Compeign although her self had not long before said that she could not possible live there The King knew that the Neighbour-hood of Paris war of a dangerous consequence for those very reasons which made them aim at it so that he refused to give way to her longer stay thereabouts but offered her the choice of any other town in the heart of the Kingdom she pitched upon Nevers and the King had no sooner approved of it but she presently changed her mind pretending she had not any money for the journey thereupon she was promised a supply and that she should not want for any thing so she pretended a great preparation of Gallies to transport her out of France which was only an invention suggested to her by those who only continued it as a delay The King proffered the Government of Anjou unto her together with the City and Castle Angiers in case she would go thither To all these Proposals she discovered nothing but a resolute stubbornnesse against the Kings Will having forgot belike that she was his Subject as well as his Mother and not at all regarding those instances so often represented from his Majesty that she would depart from Compeign so that her disobedience against his Authority was not the onely offence but her delays in that City being so passionately and stifly by her desired bred the greater jealousie and suspicion of her Politique Obeservation OBstinacy is a fault the more dangerous amongst great persons in regard their example may serve for a Spring to give motion unto the people and their resisting their Kings Will causeth great evils in a State That perversenesse of not being ruled by reason and their Soveraigns Authority serveth only to ingage them in great disorders which instead of advancing ruineth their Interests and shipwracks all their adherents For the King must be obeyed and that by the very greatest of his own Blood and Family Better it is for them to bend then break to turn to any hand rather then go streight on to their ruine and confusion The certainty of Prudence doth not consist in a determinative will of absolutely doing this or that thing but in a resolution of prosecuting with zeal whatever reason doth dictate to be advantagious or proper when it followeth that whenever Prudence discovereth any notable disadvantage likely to attend that which formerly had been concluded necessary and profitable she presently with-draws her self An irrevocable resolution cannot be commendable but in Angels who piercing into the truth of things in an instant and knowing all the Qualities or Accidents which can render them either good or evil may â—â—hout fear of being mistaken remain firm in their first decrees But so it is not with a humane Soul which oftentimes coming to learn that those Subjects by him thought profitable are dangerous is then obliged to reject them with the same earnestnesse as he did before prosecute them That ignorance in which we are all born doth oblige the most powerfull men to follow the Counsels of the wise even against their own opions which rendreth them more inclinable to accommodation then others Hence it is not any inconstancy to change in any evil designs neither then when any unseen misfortune comes to be discovered but it usually happeneth to us in the confusion of affairs as when we are sick we are most eagerly desirous of those things which are quite contrary to our recovery The Discontents of Monsieur's Creatures AMongst the many other complaints made by them who abused the Queen-mothers Name and Seal in their Letters this was one of the chiefest that she had not been removed from the Court but only because she would not hold a fair correspondence with the Cardinal But is not this like the complaining of the sick who being fallen into some shamefull disease by their own faults will by no means accuse themselves but indeavour to impute it to some other cause more likely to justifie themselves Truly the Cardinal was no more the cause of the Queen-mothers Removal then Vertue is the cause that Sin betaking it self to all wickedness out of the hatred it bears to goodness should by that means come to be aliened from God who withdraws himself from it It cannot indeed be denied but that the King before her left he at Compeigne did once and again charm her to love the Cardinal and it were not amisse if the true motives which induced him so to do were here layed down The good of his State was chiefly in his intentions and
the necessity of withdrawing her from those Factions which would ingage the Kingdom in Revolts and all this to compel him to deliver up this grand Minister in case they could not effect it by the dayly instances which they perswaded her to make unto his Majesty This indeed is the true reason which forced his Majesty to part with her as himself testifieth in his Letter to the Governours of the Provinces where true it is mention is made of her refusal to love the Cardinal but it is likewise said that the hatred which she bare to him transported her to attempt things contrary to the good of his State and the publick quiet insomuch that he could no longer permit her stay at Court But who can impute her removal to the Cardinal when it is well known how carefull and solicitous he was to appease that anger which she express'd against him which he did so effectually as to renounce his own interest and Fortune and to sue for his own discharge from the Court with that earnestness that his stay there may justly be said to be only in order to his Majesties Will and satisfaction who expresly commanded it and to acquit himself of the Obligation which he had to acknowledge by the continuation of his services of the honour which he did him the King still protesting as great a resolution to preserve him as the Queen-Mother did eagerness to destroy him But lastly who can deny that a designe tending to ruine what-ever it cost one of the chiefest pillars of the State and him whom the King himself had often professed to be the principal Author of his good is not a crime Laesae Majestatis Were it not such in any one to attempt the destruction of any the strongest places on the Frontites or rather to invade any the fairest Towns of France Had not experience then made it evident that the Cardinal was of greater use and concern for the good of France then many Citadels and divers of the best Towns in the Kingdom He would easily have retrived them all if so be any Invasion of our Enemies should have forc'd them from us but it was not to be hoped ever to find a Minister qualified as he was who was a greater Protection to France then all the Citadels put together and who by his Industry had made the King master of a great number of Towns and Cities Politique Observation JT was not without reason that Theodosius the younger and Justinian inserted in their Books as likewise Leon the first and Constantine in their Politicis and Basilicis that Law made by the Emperour Arcadius whereby they who had engaged themselves in any Faction tending to ruine the chief Ministers of a Soveraigne were guilty Laesae Majestatis And for this very reason If any one in England be convicted of having contrived though but in his thoughts the downfal of any Counsellor of State though he had not executed it yet such is the Law there that he lose his life as guilty de laesae Majestatis against the King as it was in the case of Somerset Uncle to Edward the sixth and Protector of the Kingdom for only having designed in his thoughts to put the Duke of Northumberland to death who likewise governed the Kingdom of England under the same young King The Laws of Swedeland are so respectful of them that it is death only to speak ill of them Salvian de Marseille saith That the enormity of Injuries ought to be weighed by the quality of them on whom they reflect whence it followeth saith he that those injuries done to a chief Minister of State who representeth the Person of his Prince are to be reputed as done against the Prince himself Thou hast commitied an offence saith Quintilian but because it is against the Magistrate thou art therefore guilty of Treason Whence it was that Verterius as Plutarch observeth was condemned to die he having been defective in his respects to a Tribune whose place is much inferiour to that of a chief Minister This was the sense which Antiquity had of those offences committed against publike persons and thus were they punished who so offended And who can deny these their Laws and Customs to be very reasonable and just seeing chief Ministers are like the noblest parts of the Soveraigne as is declared in the Law of Arcadius And if the Prince be the head of his State they are then the Members and Instruments by which he governeth And thus hath another said Our Saviour is the Head of the Church the Church are his Body and the Prelats are his chief members They are Stars clothed by their Princes with part of their own splendour that they may the better guide the people by their Influences they are the lively Images in which they cause the foot-steps of their Authority to shine forth Whence it is that if a man be guilty de Laesae Majestatis for only offending by any dis-respect his Princes Image or Picture made only of Brass Stone or the like surely he is much more guilty who disâ—respecteth his living Image in whom the most lively stamps of his Royal Authority are engraved who is the Organ by which he delivereth his Will unto the People and indeed the principal Instrument of his Glory And if it be needful to re-inforce this with any stronger reason That is the crime de Laesae Majestatis which offendeth the Soveraign or which interfereth with the greatness of his State And what Is not this to attempt upon the greatness of his State when a Cabal shall be contrived and fomented for the ruine of a Minister who by the conduct of his Masters Arms and his own Prudence hath extended his limits hath rendered him terrible to all other Nations hath vanquished all his Kings enemies and reduced them to an impossibility of attempting any new thing against his Masters authority who hath extinguished all those Factions which troubled the publike quiet who daylie augmenteth the Revenue of the Exchequer hath established Peace in the Kingdom and in a word next unto his Majesty is the greatest prop and supporter of its greatness Cicero saith That he who raiseth a Sedition against the Publike Peace doth diminish the Majesty of the Empire There are three sorts of High Treasons The first is absolutely against the Princes person The second against the Respect due to him And the third against the Grandeur and Safety of his State and Kingdom Now it were to be purposely blind not to rank under this third degree all those Factions which contrive the ruine of any Ministers of State they being so much contrary to the good of the State neither were it unreasonable to range them under the first as in England seeing Ministers carry their Masters Image instamped on their Foreheads Prosecution of the Subject THe Mareschal d' Estree whose Discretion hath been often experimented in the many affairs in which he had been imployed used his utmost endeavours to
induce the Queen-Mother to yeild unto his Majesties Will and Pleasure The Marquis de Sainct Chaumont came divers times to her from his Majesty to assure her that he could no longer permit her stay at Compeigne All which produced nothing but new heart-burnings in her mind and great lamentations at her Imprisonment which in its self was but imaginary seeing she had not any Guards upon her disposed of the keys of the City and went abroad where-ever she pleased This procedure of hers could not but provoke his Majesty neither indeed could it be longer endured in a State where Obedience is the Foundation of Government so his Majesty resolved to dispatch unto her the Mareschal de Schomberg and the Sieur de Roissi who were known to be both prudent and respectful to the end they might deal clearly with her telâ— her the truth which till then had been forborn and discourse at length unto her the disorders of her carriage of which his Majesty till that time seemed not to take any notice notwithstanding the shew which she made of her innocence Accordingly they dealt ingeniously with her represented to her that the King was well informed of those many Cabals contrived against his Authority and Glory that he likewise knew Monsieur's departure first from the Court and then out of the Kingdom was an effect of her only Counsel Lastly that there was not any one in the Kingdom how great soever who could pretend to a Right of imposing a Law on his Majesty for the choice of his Ministers and that his Majesty could not but think it extreamly strange that she above all others in particular should so press him to destroy the Cardinal seeing she knew better then the whole Nation that there was not any person in the Kingdom who had done or was more able to do service to the State then he To be short that she had no such great reason to complain that she was forced to live removed from the King there being not any Law in holy Writ which require children alwaies to live with their Mothers especially when they are of age to dispose of their own good but that it s found written in divers places which command Kings to be obeyed as God's Lieutenants upon earth that his Majesty had just reason to be offended he having so often sent to her to withdraw her self from Compeigne and she having as often slighted it nor could she pretend any excuse for her so doing seeing his Majesty had offered her the choice of any other place to dwell in that they were obliged to tell her that this her disobedience was not to be endured in a well ordered State neither that it were just for his Majesty to put up this resistance of hers that it was the ready way to force him to use her with more rigour and Monsieur de Schomberg did not stick to tell her that it had been his own advice to remove her from the Court so prejudicial was her presence to his Majesties service These discourses so full of Truth and Prudence should have opened her eyes and discovered his Majesties goodness unto her who was satisfied only with a short removal of her for such reasons as have formerly Imprisoned nay condemned divers great Princes to death whereas her mind was so charmed by their devices who had ingaged her in this Cabal that instead of disabusing her they only added extremities to the excess of her choler Politique Reflection ALthough great men should more especially be informed with â—he truth of things seeing their affairs which depend on it are of greater importance then others yet however the most part of them do not much love her she seldome comes within their Courts but naked and if perchance she appear in their presence they turn about from her as if they could not endure to see her They desire things should be related to them as they would have them not as they really are It is very dangerous to find fault with any of their Actions which they undertake in confidence that they are well-beseeming their greatness If any one presume to debate their Designs by discovering the naked Truth to them he will presently be esteemed but an ill servant for his pains whence it is that the most part of their attendants unwilling to run the hazard of displeasing them do not discourse to them of any their affairs but so as they think may be acceptable to them they find by the daylie experience of others both past and present that this complyance of theirs is the most assured supporter of their Fortunes and a far greater prop to them then Truth her self Those Princes who are of this humour never well counsell'd there being but a few who would willingly for their sakes renounce their Fortunes especially seeing by telling truth they should get nothing Such counsels as thwart their Passions are either esteemed extravagant or as proceeding from a naughty servant They are for the most part like that unjust Judge who demanded of our Saviour what Truth was but would not stay to be inform'd Great and many are the inconveniencies which by this means happen to them for those specious appearances of Truth with which they are deluded are like to those Lamps set out on the tops of Rocks by Pirates which insteed of a Harbour entice the vessels to their shipwrack whereby they make a prey of their goods An Ancient Author saith That the greatest pleasure of the mind consisteth in the knowledge of Truth But it ought to be understood of a soul free from Passion and which only prosecuteth the Laws of Justice And the Rule of the Wise says Happy is the Prince who is so disposed and who knoweth how to esteem those who counsel him freely without disguising the Truth for they and only they are the real supporters of his State and greatness Prosecution of the History THis behaviour of the Queen-Mother's seemed incredible considering the goodness which she had hitherto made apparent in her conduct neither indeed could she possibly have fallen into such disorders had she not been lead into them by those very persons in whom she most confided Such and so great was their wickedness that wanting sufficient reasons and inducements to entice her to their own bends they sought for some amongst the Stars and were so bold as to cast the King's Nativity and foretold her that by the Position of the Heavenly Signs his Majesty could not long live which being so the Laws of Prudence obliged her to side with Monsieur that she ought in reason to look on him as the Rising Sun who would shortly sit at the Helm and whose favourable influences would be necessary for the upholding of her greatness This foundation being thus laid it was no hard matter to perswade her in her Passion that she need not much regard the Cardinal for the King once ceasing to be he would of consequence lie at their mercy These were the vain
partial in their advices do alwaies adhere unto that which is most honourable whereas they who have other Interests or are prepossessed either with Fear or Ambition do ever and anon infallibly fall on that side by which they hoped to secure themselves from the storm or raise their own Families Princes in their necessities have the more reason to complain they then having most need of good advice Faithful Councellors being hard to be met with in Courts there is the place where Interest holds the chief Seat of its Empire where it is more regarded then Kings themselves for the most part of their Attendants do serve them only for the love of it Love and Loyalty are seldome admitted into those places it being usual to sue for a Princes favour not so much to love him the more as for the better effecting of ones own designs Hence it is that the major part of their Followers give them such advices as they think to be most conformable to their inclinations not such as are according to the Rules of Prudence or Justice and by this means they hope to acquire more favour then if they had told the truth Not that they are ignorant of what is good Counsel but they think it unprofitably bestowed unless it contribute to increase their Fortunes Now the best resolution on which they can fix in this misfortune which inevitably will fall upon them is not to adhere unto Cleobulus his opinion who as Plutarch observeth said That a wise Prince never ought to believe all which his most intimate familiars advise him for that were to ceprive them of a very great advantage when they are faithful and able but that they should well examine the qualities and sufficiencies of them whom they advise withal and then likewise to follow their counsels not because they proceed from them but because after a due deliberation they are esteemed good and reasonable Prosecution of the Subject FOr this reason it was that the King press'd Monsiâ—ur by the Cardinal de la Valette to discharge himself of those evil Counsellors which were then neer him being very well assured that this once done his inclinations would be no longer so violent and that he would with ease be disposed to seek the good of France Coignâ—ux seemed to agree to it and the Sieur de Chaudebonne who came from Monsieur unto his Majesty then at Estampes assured him that he was totally disposed to it But his Majesty having replyed to him that this was his only way to raise his Masters affairs unto a height of good fortune he made it apparent that his overtures were only words and that he was yet blinded with those fond hopes which he had grounded on the last yeers State Almanacks made by his means during the King's late sickness He was very vigilant and industrious that Monsieur might make sure of Monsieur de Bellegard Governour of Burgogne that he might might have the disposal of the strong places in that Province as himself inform'd the King by the Sieur de Bouoarre about the end of February The King likewise understood from other parts that he had lifted divers of the Nobility under Monsieur's name in Normandy Languedoc and Limosin and that Fueillade and others of the Sieur de Puy-laureus his kinred did raise forces as freely as if they had had the King's Commissions There was brought a letter unto his Majesty written by his direction from la Ferte Lievtenant of Monsieur's Gens d'Armes unto his Companions that they should come to Melun neer Orleans though it ought not to be done without his order Every one knows that he had perswaded Monsieur to write unto the Sieur de Thoiras to intice him from the Court and to draw him to himself The Letter having been brought by himself unto the King the designe in which this rash indiscreet Minister had ingaged Monsieur of seizing on the passages upon the River Loyr and of victualling Orleans was every where known His correspondencies with Spain and Lorrain were publike His confederates in Provence and Dauphine were discovered so that it was easie to judge he had not the least thought of withdrawing himself but designed to frame the Body of an Army and so raise a war And most true it is That in case the Nobility who were expected above fifteen days before his Majesty departed from Paris had come or if those who were imployed in levying of Forces had brought them according to the time appointed he would not have made use of them to march out of the Kingdom but much rather to have setled himself in such a condition within that he might not be subject to that Law which the King of Right ought to impose on all his Subjects He little considered how easily his Majesty had reduced the whole party of the Hugonots how he had set bounds unto the Spanish Ambition how that he had put the English to a shameful flight in that very place which they had designed for a Theater of their own glory and that he would but laugh at their attempts which were so repleat with rashness Politique Observation IT is not sufficient in a Prince who would attain glory that he be not apprehensive of any dangers in war or that he shew himself to be more desirous of honour then fearing any misfortune unless he consider before he take the field what strength he hath from what friends he can presume to have assistance of what force his enemies are and whether he have Provisions enough for his own subsistence He ought to measure his Courage by his Forces and not to attempt any thing above his Power or against Reason It is couragious to stop the eyes at all hazards in the execution of a Designe but it is discretion first to discuss all the inconveniences which may arrive lest he ingage himself in his own ruine Who so doth otherwise cannot escape falling into one of these two extremities either he must fall with his attempt or be compell'd to a shameful composition after a discovery of his own weakness and discredit Beside that rashness is full of inconsideration it is ordinary attended with misfortunes They who give up themselves to it are for the most part reduced to a necessity of quitting their designs with as little advantage as they used consideration in their attempts The vain hopes wherewith it feeds them makes them at first all fire but their flame evaporateth into Ice by their want of subsistence It is blind and fore-sees not neither dangers nor any accident which may happen whence it followeth that it is very unsafe nay pernicious to be guided by its Counsels and that experience telleth us it seldome keeps any of its promises The History of Cambyses King of Persia related by Herodotus may serve to exemplifie it he designed to make a war upon the Macrobeans in Aethiopia to which end he sent Ambassadours to their King who might under pretence of carrying him presents espie
the force and strength of the Kingdom but the King smelling their designe commanded them to return and tell their Master he could not be just who would invade a Country not belonging to him Cambyses receiving this answer became so enflamed with anger that he presently advanced his Army towards Aethiopia without making provisions necessary for so long and great an expedition insomuch that before he had marched one quarter of his way his Army was forced to eat Horses and not long after his Souldiers eat one another himself being forced to return into his own Country after a great loss of his Souldiers and to his perpetual dishonour by reason of his rashness The King goeth to Orleans With the true Motives of his journey THe King well acquainted with all these contrivances thought fit to go in his own person that he might dissipate the storm he well knew that the presence of a King is like that of the Sun which soon dispelleth all those thick clouds which attempt to obscure his light About the beginning of March he set forward towards Estampes and thence to Orlean as Monsieur had resolved His Majesty did verily believe that coming to discourse with him it wouâ—d be no hard matter to efface those evil impressions which his creatures had infused into him that however the expected levies would not dare to come near Orleans whilest he was there and that peradventure he might ingage him in the match which had been proposed by laying down before him the many advantages which might from thence arise These were the true motives of his Majesties journey which they who were about Monsieur endeavoured to obstruct by sending the Sieur de Chaudâ—bonne unto him with a Letter which they had perswaded Monsieur to write in which he made protestations of obedience and beseeched his Majesty not to give credit unto such reports as were spread abroad to his disadvantage But however the King who knew that no time ought to be lost in matters of revolt did not forbear to prosecute his journey He was no sooner come unto Estampes but he received intelligence that Monsieur was departed from Orleans towards Bourgogne His attendants had perswaded him to ground his departure upon pretence of his Majesties comming and gave out that he only came thither to make sure of Monsieurs person A report without foundation for his Majestly had been acquainted at the least fifteen dayes before that time by the Sieur de Bellegarâ—e how that Monsieur had told him he would shortly go into Bourgogne and that before his Majesty had designed his journey unto Orleans It cannot be expressed how sensibly the King was troubled at Monsieurs departure But it had been effeminate only to bewail amidst their present misfortunes and take no care for the future the King advanc'd with all diligence unto the same Province that he might keep the Towns in obedience and pursued him so closely that he had not the time to make himself Master of any place which doubtlesse he would have done had he not been followed at hand by some or other who might prevent his designs Before the end of March the King came to Dijon and having secured the Town and Castle gave order to the Sieur de la Grange Mestre de Camp to march with his Regiment into Bellegarde which place Monsieur had left behind him he sent the Regiment de Piedmont into Auxerre and St. Jean de Lone he left three hundred horse in garrison on the Frontiers in such places as were most requisite to secure Bourgogne from any incursions and the Sieur de Hauterine to command them as Marshal de Camp Monsieur's Ministers did every where give out that he had not forsaken the Kingdom but only to secure himself from them who pursued him but it was without truth His Agents indeed having designed under his name to fortifie themselves in that frontier of the Kingdom his Majesty was obliged to follow them at hand to prevent their effecting what they had contrived it being of great consequence not to lose any time in such occasions his longer delay could but have given them leave to second their own with forraign forces which as was well known they had negotiated But if he would not have left the Kingdom why did he not condiscend to those fair proposals made to him both at Orleans and Auxerre The King was ready to imbrace him and to give him fresh testimonies of that affection which he had alwaies born to him but his not assenting to them forced his Majesty to pursue him that he might divert the storm which seemed to threaten not only Bourgogne but France it self Politique Observation IT is a great misfortune to a Kingdom when a Faction is once fomented within its bosome but that once being so it were a great imprudence in the King of that Country go give time and opportunity to the heads of the Conspirators to draw their forces together wherewith they might carry on a War against him He ought to be before hand with them and not to stay until revolted Princes are in a condition to put their designs in execution He must not indeed be too credulous in beleeving all reports nor take the field upon the first news of a Revolt but being once well informed and assured he ought no longer to delay Thus Alexander the Great made not the least stop that he might prevent the rising of his enemies in Greece and he came so suddenly upon them with his Army that himself brought the first news of his comming It was his usual saying that a quick dispatch in preventing an enemy is the thing which obtains great advantages against him for this reason it was that Apelles painted him with lightning in his hand which hath a motion so swift that how little soever it be yet it reduceth every thing to ashes Grandees when once revolted want neither courage nor power provided they have but time to raise their Forces They have for the most part persons of knowledge and valour neer them who are capable of setling their affairs in a good equipage if they have but leisure to effect it For this cause is a King obliged to go in person and encounter them whereby he may break the neck of their Rebellion A small matter will sometimes suffice to set all right again the Kings presence is a terrour to Rebels and takes away their courages who are not yet come up that they have but little will to ingage themselves and in case they return not to their obedience by fair means he is then in a capacity to compel them by force seeing they cannot be in a condition to defend themselves Henry the third committed a great oversight by withdrawing himself from Paris at the mutiny of the Barricadoes for a Kings obedience diminisheth the respect due to him imboldneth the Ring-leaders of a faction and animateth the fury of the people Bajazet the second did not thus in the rebellion of
my self they question not these truths but besides that those expences were absolutely necessary do they not know what great advantages they gave both to the King and Kingdom The glory will remain for ever but the incommodity is already forgotten What reason is there to complain I shall onely make this answer the Ministers had deprived the King of that great honour which he now enjoys had they been deficient in drawing from the people those things which were necessary for the subsistance of Armies during the Wars and that it was a certain sign of their good conduct to have made such carefull provisions If the Impositions were thus necessary the money which did rise from them was no lesse carefully expended during those times of which they speak in which it may be said much was done with little money Can any one deny that this incomparable Minister did not buy that glory and those victories for the King to the shame of his enemies at an easier rate then others have done who have onely used allaying Medicines to defer those evils which afflict us from exasperating into extremities but have still left the enemies of France great advantages upon us It must be confessed that some particular people have beene charged over and above their proportion but neither the King nor his Ministers are therefore to be blamed the Possessors and Raters were faulty and deserved to be punished because they oppressed the weak and let the able escape upon the sum of friendship Politique Observation JUstice and Prudence do equally oblige a Prince to force a contribution from his Subjects towards the urgent necessities of the publike No one can doubt whether any thing be more efficacious then a good Treasure to preserve a Kingdom in order be it in Peace or War That Prince is easily surprized whose Exchequer is exhausted for he that wants money wants wherewith to levy men and he who is defective of men is to be vanquished without difficulty Now as to matter of War every one knows that Monies are its principal Nerves whereupon Suetonius Paulinus a Captain of great repute said in the Emperour Otho's Councel where the means of carrying on a War were discussed that in publike dissentions Money was more necessary then an Army Hath not Thucydides recorded to us how the chiefest arguments which Pericles used to induce the Athenians to make War was by convincing to them that they were in a capacity of so doing because an Army would easily be supplied with all necessary provisions from that abundant Treasure of which they were Masters War is undeniably a great Gulf which devoureth incredible sums What imprudence therefore were it for a Prince who finding himself ingaged in Wars and the Revenue of his Crown unable to furnish him with necessary conveniences not to compell his Subjects to contribute towards the publike Concernments Would he not soon be reduced to the condition of Cleomenes who according to Plutarch were forced to a War without monies to support his Souldiery was compelled to flie into Egypt If there be any thing of Prudence in it there is as much of Justice too The common Axiom is that every one may make use of his own now is it not I pray most certain that Kings may rightfully impose Contributions upon their Subjects towards the defraying of publike expences It is a right so undubitable inherent to them that the most able and sincere Divines assure us that every one is in conscience bound to submit to it they grounding themselves upon that command which our Saviour gave of paying unto Caesar and the example which himself shewed Herein consisteth the Soveraign power which Kings have over their Subjects goods I shall moreover adde that a Crown doth not only impower to impose Taxes but doth oblige Kings to require them for the preservation of its lustre and to demand them as a debt due to the State as also that no Subject can reasonably complain of it it being but just that particular and private persons should suffer some incommodity for the preservation of the publike good and better it were a Nation were impoverished then a kingdom lost Prosecution of the Subject THose crimes wherewith the Cardinals honour was taxed were so frivolous that we need not any longer detain our selves upon them especially seeing all wise men knew them to be groundlesse Easie it is to speak ill of the Governours of a State as the Queen mother her self once said to some who complained of her Agents during her Regency Every one takes the liberty to discommend their Conduct because Man is naturally an enemy to Government and propense to judge the worst of his Governours whose actions indeed may appear in their true Colours but not the causes inducements and circumstances of them they remain lock'd up in secret Revilings are the rewards of their watchings and let their actions be never so advantagious to the publike good yet private particular persons shall never be satisfied or pleased with them unlesse they advance their private and particular Fortunes as well as that of the publike Never was yet Minister otherwise rewarded and for this very reason whatever was said against the Cardinal was regarded by wise men but as the effect of a furious faction who could not meet their particular advancement in his Conduct which he little esteemed after he found their ends to be guided by their interests without consideration of the Kings Honour so that it will be needlesse longer to insist on this particular discourse Shortly after the Queen mothers and Monsieur's departure the King unwilling to hinder their Officers from going after them was well inform'd that divers abusing that Liberty accorded unto them did carry Letters under the notion of Officers and packets of correspondency for the continuing many Intreagues still on foot Whereupon his Majesty to suppresse that disorder ordained that they should have fifteen days time to retire themselves either unto their persons or else to confine themselves unto their own houses inhibiting any one either to go or come the time once expired without his particular licence under penalty of being declared disturbers of the publike peace of being punished with confiscation of their Estates and the â—osse of exemption from payment of Tributes which they then enjoyed it being unreasonable that under the intent of favouring some who did not abuse their liberty of going to discharge their Offiâ—es others might without comâ—trol foment and carry on the divisions in the Kingdom which cost so dear to extinguish Politique Observation IT is very dangerous to suffer in a Kingdom divided with factions such persons who have any particular dependance upon them who are the Authors of those divisions after themselves are retired out of the Kingdom so to do were to leave fire in straw Although â—ome may be mindfull of their obligations in being more submisse to their Soveraign then to any other yet undoâ—btedly many there wil be more affectionate to their
wrought upon in condescending to their commands they are never at quiet but do alwaies take the liberty of making new requestâ— in hopes of a like success This doth likewise much contribute to maintain them in obedience to support their quiet without which they will easily revolt it is the true beginning of the peoples happiness and cutteth up the root of their rebellions Affairs of Lorrain ABout the end of this year the King could no longer endure that the Duke of Lorrain should abuse his clemency in continuing to be the supporter of those who troubled the Kingdom They had chosen him for their Brave and an Army of twelve or fifteen thousand men which he had raised about Spring were the chief of their hopes when Mounsieur went out of the Kingdom they were so inconsiderate as to believe that these Forces entring into France would be like Rivers falling from great mountains increase as they go as if the King assisted by the sage counsels of the Cardinal were not able to ruine all their Souldiers upon their first taking the Field It was however a great satisfaction to his Majesty that he was not put to that trouble the cause was either Fortune or peradventure the Cardinals prudence which so wrought that the Emperour finding himself oppressed by the King of Swede commanded the Duke of Lorrain with his Army to assist him in his occasions so that leaving Monsieur's affairs for some moneths he addressed himself to attend the Emperour and exercise the charge of Generallissimo of his Armies but like the Grey-hound who running after two Hares takes neither he forsook Monsieur's assistance as he had promised and instead of comming to the Randezvouz assigned by the Emperour 7000 of his men disbanded and were scattered whether by a Panick fear or by some accident which so disordered them that it was impossible to rally them again It was a sensible displeasure to him to fall into this disorder after which he was forced to return to Nancy to take care of his promises made unto Monsieur and to make a recruit which the Emperour pressed him to do The Cardinal did not lose so favourable an opportunity to teach him that he did but wrong himself in provoking the King as he had done for three or four years last past by fomenting of Cabals against his Majesty It was well known that he entertained Monsieur with turbulent hopes not only of raising a potent Army in his Country but withall of bringing forces from Germany and the Low Countries sufficient to force the King himself to grant him his desires It was well known that he had exasperated those divisions in the Kings Family by particular intelligences which he maintained with several embroilers that he had received Madam du Forgis with great honour after her disgrace as his chief correspondent that there was not any forraign Prince whom he did not indeavour to make an enemy to France and if he did apprehend that any one of them were discontented that he would with him hold a particular friendship and all this without considering that building without a foundation his superstructure would soon fall to the ground and that his Majesty would effect as many generous enterprizes in his chastisement as himself had conceived imaginary signâ— which were ever successelesse It was resolved that the Duke of Lorrain should be made sensible of the injury he had done himself by provoking his Majesty by his Intreagues and devices His Majest would not however demand satisfaction from him which was not conformable to justice the rule of all his actions and in this he took the sweetest course he might with justice have seized on Barr because he had neglected to pay his fealty and homage and have invaded his Countries in revenge of the injuries he had received But he contented himself with attempting to recover such places only as the said Duke and his Predecessors had against all reason usurped from the Bishopprick of Metâ— in particular whiles the Kings Arms were in Italy he only seeking occasions to incense France that he might render himself the more considerable to the House of Austria induced the Emperour to make himself Master of Moyenvic and to give it him in keeping the chiefest place of the Bishopprick of Mets and the Emperour animated by the Spaniards was glad to have it and fortifie it though against reason by a meer attempt against the rights of the Crown and his Majesties reputation who was Protector thereof The Cardinal whose courage could not put up such wrongs seeing the Peace of Italy concluded and the Emperour sufficiently diverted in Germany perswaded the King to retake it with as much justice as it had with little reason been usurped from France The King who needs no additional heat to his courage when the maintaining of his glory is in question did easily resolve upon it and his Forces being come to the Frontiers of Lorrain under the Marshal de la Force defeated a Regiment of Liege commanded by Collonel Mars who had the confidence to advance into the Kingdom he sent him Order to lead them before Vic and Moyenvic Vic presently yeelded but Moyenvic did not For the Governour was in hopes of relief which made him resolve to hold out he advised Collonel Offa the Emperours Commissary with the condition of the place and the little hopes of long holding it if not relieved but he was answered that it was to him a great astonishment that the Duke of Lorrain who had promised the Emperour to relieve this place should be so carelesse of it that himself was now upon return and that to him he ought to redresse himself for relief In conclusion the Duke of Lorrain was charged by the Emperour to defend it after it had been fortifi'd at his charges and that with such passion that it was observed he caused the money for payment of the workmen to be carried in his own Coach He addressed himself to the Duke but he fearing left the storm he raised should fall upon himself durst not openly assist them but gave order to the Governour of Marsal to assist him with Men Ammunitions and Victuals yet these succours were too weak is likewise the place to resist the Kings power whereupon a parley followed and conditions were agreed on for the surrendring of the place if within six days an Army able to relieve it did not appear No Army appeared the Duke of Lorrain wanting forces but not ill will The garrison marched out making it appear that unjust usurpations are not of long continuance and serve only to expose people to the misfortunes of War when they are committed against a Prince able to carve his own satisfaction Politique Observation NO Prince whatever may usurp without injustice but for a mean Prince to attempt it relisheth of meer imprudence It was pardonable in Brennus who boldly answered the Romans that it was neither outrage nor injustice to seize the goods of another if he can
Publike Registers where in one of the chapters of Royal Râ—ghts it is expresly so recorded But this Register being but of four hundred â—eats standing at most whereas this Custom is as ancient as the Kingdom it self I would fain ask them where the Salique Law is to be found which hath been inviolably observed in the Kingdom above twelve Ages together Thus it was established by the Custom to which oftentimes there must be recourse had and which must be admitted for a Law carrying in its forehead the Image of Justice much more evidently then any written thing and being also more prevalent to induce the people to a due observation thereof Who can then forbear to have this particular custom in great esteem or not embrace it for a Fundamental Law when it hath been observed from the beginning of this Monarchy and then established for the Kingdoms good Troubles hapned in consequence of Marriage THe greatest troubles have been the consequences of Marriages and they who have contumaciously violated this custom have been constantly punished by their Kings The example of Merouee son to Chilperic ninth King of France will evidently prove the establishment of this Custom in the beginning of this Monarchy who assuming the boldness of marrying with Brunehâ—ut without his Fathers consent became the object of hiâ— Iustice and was punished according to his desert and Pretixtatus Bishop of Rouen who had a hand in the marriage was impeachel in a Council held at Paris of that very thing as a great Crime he indeed was the first who exceeded the limits of his duty in this partitular and accordingly was he chastised for it Saint Bâ—ruâ—ra willing excuse unto the King the Comte 〈◊〉 hibaut de Champagne accused for designing to marry his children without his Majesties consent alledged it was improbable a man of his integrity would ever run into so great a premunire Thus Philip Conâ—te de Namur broâ—her to Baudouin Conâ—te de Flandres being overseer of Jean and Marguerite his Neeces daughters to the said Baudouin engaged unto Philip Augustus in a Treaty that they should not be married without his Majesty's consent which one of our Historians saith to be in reference to the Soveraign right which our Kings have over such persons whose marriages may occasion troubles to the Kingdom Is there not yet extant in the Kings Charters an Oath made by the Grandees of the Nantion unto Charles the Fifth which absolutely implies they were not to marry with Rebels disobedient or enemies of the State One of the Crimes charged in the Duke of Alençon's Indictment was his treating a Match between his Son and the Dutchesse of York an English Prince's daughter without approbation from Charles the Seventh The same Charles the Seventh would not look upon his Son Lewis the Eleventh though of Age for having treated a Match with Charlotte de Savoy without his knowledge though it remained unconsummated until his permission first had and obtained Doth not an English Historian though an enemy to France say that the Match between Anne ae Bretagne and Maximilian of Austriche unto whom she was betrothed from her Infancy was broken in regard the King had not consented thereunto Now if any one imagine that this permission cannot avoid a marriage once consummated I shall indeavour to convince them of the contrary by laying before them the example of Lovic de Begne who having married Ausgarde without her fathers consent was in conclusion forced to quit her though he had children by her and though he was his eldest Son and to marry Adelaide and his son by her was acknowledged for right heir to the Crown by name Charles the Simple I shall add this one more of Judith daughter to Charles the Bauld who having though a Widdow to the King of England married Comte Baudouin against her fathers Will saw her marriage disanulled by Pope Nicholas the first together with the Bishops of France and was compelled after obtainment of her Fathers approbation to be re-married as she was at Auxerre Monsieur 's Marriage with the Princesse Marguerite of Lorrain ALthough the Sieur de Puy-Laurens was very passionate for the concluding of Monsieur's Marriage yet Princes Families being often divided into factions the President Coigneux was not so inclin'd but on the contrary took occasion in the t'others absence whilest he was at Brixels negotiating with the Spaniards for aid to represent divers reasons unto Monsieur to divert him from those thoughts He was not to learn that in case Monsieur married the Princessee Marguerite and the Sieur de Puy-Laurens the Princesse of Falsbourg himself should totally lose that little credit and authority which he then had he was apprehensive of the ascendency which a Woman hath over the soul of a Prince when she is once passionately beloved by him Besides he was the more concern'd in that particular of the Princesse Marguerite because he conceived she would be guided by the instinct and directions of the Princesse de Falsbourg who would in fine rule all lastly he doubted there was no way left to break off this match which would be imputed as his fault by reason of the place he held with Monsieur so that there would be no hopes for him to be restored to the Kings favour or the injoyment of his Goods and Offices These were the true motives and grounds which induced Coigneux to declare himself against the marriage and to disswade Monsieur from any further progresse therein although his advices were seconded with no other reasons then the service of his Highnesse and the good of his affairs He one day took the boldnesse to tell him that he ought not to steer such a course as would undoubtedly render the King irreconcilable unto him seeing his greatest glory and power was tied unto his Majesties grace and favour which this marriage would assuredly hazard nay utterly destroy he layed before him how that though Princes are sometimes excusable for doing such acts in their heat and passion which are displeasing unto their Soveraign yet they never ought to flie into such extravagances as may totally ruine them in their Kings Favour If may sometimes peradventure turn to their own advantage to run out into discontents as the increasing of their stipends or the obtaining of some other gratification but so it cannot be if they imbarque in such designs as may cause an absolute breach All the lustre which Princes have and which rendreth them venerable is the effect of their Soveraigns favour just as the light of the Stars is derived from the Sun their Fountain But these Councels of Coigneâ—x being known drew the whole house of Lorrain to have an eye upon him And I verily believe they might have wrought some good effect upon Mâ—nsieur seeing he was ever inclined to be obedient unto the King had not the return of the Sieur de Puy-Lauâ—eâ—s prevented it who at first dash spoiled all the t'others indeavours This new Favourite had gotten so great an
Marshal de Marillac IT was near about this time that the Marshal de Marillac was condemned having been imprisoned at Saint Menehoust in the year 1630. as hath formerly been declared The Cardinal knew that the punishing of great persons ought not to be precipitated left that which is indeed the effect of Justice be thought the hand of Revenge whereupon he was of opinion to delay the prosecution of his Indictment for some certain time and only to follow the usual course though the further way about for the more ample information and instruction of his Judges Besides he was not ignorant that as the highest stars are slowest in their motions so Kings whom God hath raised above the orninary pitch of men ought to be lesse active in the works of Justice then other men I insert this criminal in the Catalogue of great men not in regard of his birth or the services he hath done the State but in consideration of the imployment wherewith his Majesty was pleas'd to honour him which was more to avoid the Queen-Mothers importunities then for any reward of his deserts which could hardly have invited his Majesty to raise him unto so eminent a degree Indeed the whole Court was astouish'd to see the King advance him to that dignity openly saying that the extortions he had used in his imploiments were his most remarkable actions they accused his courage nor could they dissemble their opinions that such honours were not used to be conlerr'd on persons of his temper The late King Hâ—nry le Grand did ever slight him nor did he ever appear at Court but under the Queen-Mothers Regency who had given him a Wife of one of the Daughters of a branch of the House of Medicia before the Crown of Florence had been setlet on that family and who besides the honour of his name had nothing which could intitle him to any great actions Running at the Ring war then much in fashion where his diligence got him more credit then any fight he had ever seen The first command he had was under Monsieur de Angoulesm were he was Commissary of the Victuals which he discharged so untowardly that the King had then punished him upon divers complaints made against him but that the Cardinal interposed in his behalf The building of the Cittadel of Verdun was the next thing intrusted to his care but he presently fell to make such exactions upon poor mens labours that some particulars thereof already proved besides what is yet in dispute are prodigious The Garrison being once established he robb'd the Souldiers as much as the Builders and being Lievtenant of the Country he went on to that height that he exacted from the Villages whatever was necessary to be spent in his house divers Towns payed him yearly compositions raised by compact that they might prevent the quartering of his Souldiers others agreed to provide necessaries for his house which however for the most part were delivered but once in kind and then altered into sums of ready mony If any Town made the least resistance or grumbling the inhabitants were sure to be ruin'd and plundered by his Souldiers who knew they should not be called to account for it but rather that they should be countenanced for it by him who set them on work This trade did he drive and that so publickly over all the extent of his power as if the King himself had approved thereof neither was there want of any proof to make evident at his Tryal In the year 1627. he was imployed at Rochel where the credit he got was so little to his advantage that the Commander de Valance who calleth every thing by its right name talking one day unto the King of a man without courage openly said that he was no more a coward then Marillac About that very time was it that he indeavoured by his Letters and the designs of those of his Cabal to sow the Seeds of discontent between the Queen-Mother and the Cardinal which have proved so unhappy to the whole Kingdom and he continued to foment that fire with such care and addresse that the sparks of it are not yet quite extinguished During the Kings abode in Italy the Cardinal to please the Queen-Mother procured the command of the Army in Campagne to be conferred upon him where he robb'd the Souldiers of their very bread with such boldnesse that he sometimes exacted a third frequently a quarter but never miss'd a fifth and when he was commanded with his Forces into Italy he delayed the time with excuses either that he might crosse the Kings designs which they of his Cabal much desired or because he would not divide that command with another on t'other side the Mountains which himself injoyed alone in Campagne insomuch that his Majesties affairs had fallen into extream disorder had it not been for the Prudent Conduct of the Cardinal and Generals who commanded the Army in Italy Succeeding Ages will hardly believe that such excesses were put up so long together especially if they compare it with preceding times where the Marshal de Gie descended from one of the best houses of the Kingdom and a person intrusted with great imployments under three several Kings where the Admiral Chabot one of the most valiant of those times and one who governed the State with Anne de Montmorency where the Marshal de Biez the Chancellour Poiet Jean de Montaign Grand Maistre de France Peter des Essartâ— Semblance were severally punished for the same and yet much lesse crime of purloining the Treasure But these things were all connived at inconsideration of the Queen-Mothers whom the Cardinal would not provoke and therefore kept those Passages from the Kings ears But at last his seditious inâ—reagâ—es together with his Brothers and their Faction at Court for to destroy the Cardinal and to exasperate the Queen-Mother to that height which they did as appeared in the Battel at Dupes did so provoke the King both in regard of his base ingratitude towards the Cardinal by whose only means it was that he injoyed all his Honours and Benefits from his Majesty and also because they indeavoured to compel his Majesty to destroy the Cardinal by whose prudent conduct the State had received such signal advantages as are not to be equalized since the memory of man that he was at last forced to leave him in the hands of Justice to receive the punishment of the law for the oppressions he had committed upon the people Politique Observation THe Oppression of the poor is a crime which reacheth high as heaven and crieth for revenge unto God The Poor have this advantage over the Rich in exchange of the goods of fortune that God owneth them for so many particular Members of his Body and will not suffer them who injure them to be unpunished in regard he taketh it as acted against himself He giveth great men power enough to defend themselves which having denied unto the poor himself becometh
THE HISTORY OF THE Government of France UNDER THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE Great Armand Du Plessis Cardinall and Duke of Richlieu and chief Minister of State in that Kingdome Wherein occur many Important Negotiations relating to most part of Christendome in his time With Politique Observations upon the CHAPTERS Translated out of French by J. D. Esq LONDON Printed by J. Macock for Joshua Kirton and are to be sold at the Kings Arms in St Pauls Church-yard 1657. EMINENTISSIMVS ARMANDVS IOANNES DV PLESSIS CARDINALIS RICHELEVS etc. G Faithorne excud TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE John Thurloe Esq SECRETARIE OF STATE SIR THe Illustrious Cardinall truely Eminent for his sublime qualities presenteth Himself unto You in ful assurance of a most ample Protection both to his Memory and Fame Generous and active Souls have a naturall and therefore inseparable inclination to the mutuall Honour and Defence of each other It were injustice that that Pilot who in his life time knew so well to sail with security amidst the many turbulent and frequent storms of Fortune should be toss'd and molested in his Urn the Harbour where common humanity allows a quiet Station to all Be pleased therefore Noble Sir to undertake the Patronage of this Great Person in whose History you will encounter nothing but what relisheth of an high Grandeur and an extraordinary Genius Indeed the cleer and happy Justice of those affairs whereon you are engag'd will not finde much here for your imitation yet questionless many things there are which upon another account may challenge your admiration and applause The Symmetrie of your Administrations doth oblige you to accept of this Dedication from him who devoteth himself to your commands in the quality of SIR Your Honours most humble Servant JOHN DODINGTON To the Reader I Desire thee to excuse the many Errata's which doubtless thou wilt here meet in regard the Printer in some places hath fail'd in point of Orthographie give him the allowance as in such cases are common and the scales will be turn'd for other faults I must also Apologize in regard of my own affaires which would not permit me to review my own Coppy or Correct the Press If thou dost then demand why I undertook it I shall deal ingeniously with thee and tell thee I was ingaged upon it by the importunate surprisall of a friend who extorted a promise of it from me ere I well knew what I had promised I beseech thee therefore to connive at what cannot now by either of us be amended Thus much more I thought good to let thee know that if this finde thee merciful I may perchance present thee with the sequell of the Cardinals Administration until his Death the manner of his Death his last Will his Birth and Youthfull Studies with diverse of his Letters and many quaint Observations upon his Life and Death which I hope may better deserve thy approval I. D. These Books are lately Printed and are sold at the Kings Armes in Pauls Church-yard A Collection out of the best approved Authors containing several Histories of Visions Apparitions Prophesies Spirits Divinations and other wonderful Illusions of the Divel wrought by Magick or otherwise Also of divers Astrological predictions shewing the vanity of them and folly of trusting to them By G. I. A Restitution of decayed intelligence in Antiquities concerning the most Noble and Renowned English Nation by the Study and Travel of Richard Vestegan The History and Character of the Bishops in the Reigns of Queen Elizabeth and King James Written by Sir John Harrington for the private use of Prince Henry The Magistrates Authority in matters of Religion asserted Or the Right of the State in the Church A Discourse written by the Learned Hugo Grotius Of Government and Obedience as they stand directed and determined by Scripture and Reason Four Books by John Hall of Richmond Two Plays of Mr James Shirley's The Constant Maid A Comedy and St Patrick for Ireland That excellent Tragedy of Bussy D' Ambois Written by George Chapman These now in the Press The Man in the Moon Or a Discourse of a Voyage into the Moon By Domingo Gonzales Also Nuncius Inanimatus or the Mysterious Messenger both written by D. F. G. a man of great parts and Eminency in his time The Indian History of Anaxandre and Orazia Written in French by Monsieur de Bois-Robert Translated into English by a Person of Honour some years since THE HISTORY OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE Cardinal de Richelieu Anno 1624. GOD who is able onely by the strength of his Arms to over-rule Kingdomes according to his own pleasure hath given some part of their Government to Soveraigns whom he hath established as Vicegerents of his Power The Love which he bears to men hath inclined him to admit them unto the pertaking of his Authority And if he hath ordained intelligences in the Heavens to over-see their motions he hath also decreed certain men upon the earth who should have the charge of reigning over Kingdomes But though he hath invested all Kings with an absolute Authority yet he hath not indued them all with one and the same Genius His Prudence which guides all things by Weight Number and Measure hath affected that as in Painting there are Raphaels and Titians whose pieces serve other Painters to learn the perfection of their Art so there should likewise be in Regality Caesars Constantines and Charlemains whose Actions might be recorded as examples for all others As it is said in Philosophy Perfectum in suo genere est mensura Caeterorum The worthiest subject in every kind serves for a measure to all within its compasse And who can refuse to rank in this number the present King under whose Scepter the Kingdome hath the happiness to be now governed To speak truth his Actions have fixed the Kingdome in the highest point of glory that many ages have seen his Prudence Valour and Justice do shine with so much splendour that without doubt they are sufficient to teach the Laws of Government to all other Princes He never affected any Title but that of Just because he made choice of Justice for the rule of all his Actions knowing that it was the most illustrious perfection in all Kings that it was it which rendered their Majesty most venerable That it was it which gave a good successe to all their enterprizes and lastly that this was it which was the strongest Prop of Peace But we should offend against that very Justice if we should deny hâ—m the Title of Great which his Scepter gives to him The Title of Invincible which his Valour hath merited the Title of August which his vertue hath acquired the Title of Conquerour which Fortune her self hath bestowed upon him His dignity maketh him the greatest of Kings his Power the strongest his Conduct the wisest his Treasuries the Richest and his Vertue the most just We have seen some Clouds arise which have seemed to obscure his light but they have onely
served to set off with advantage the wonders of his Conduct and he hath ever dispelled from us all those Tempests of Mis-fortunes which have threatned France He hath the Honour to be Son to a Father to whom a thousand ill strious acts have acquired the quality of Great And I think it may be said with truth if Fortune dâ—id set limits to Philips Conquests that there might be some subjects for his Son Alexander to shew his courage on Heaven did also set bounds to the glory of that grand Prince in suppressing civil wars that our Lews the Just might have occasion to triumph over Heresie and curb in the Ambition of the house of Austria In prosecution of these two designs he began to overcome as soon as ever he knew how to mount on Horse-back That he replanted the Standard of the Cross in Bearn that he disarmed Heresie over all the Kingdom that he hath so often made the Spaniard and King of Hungary to let go their Holds and that he forced them to relinquish the design which they had so long projected of universal Monarchy Heaven seems to have made a Bargain with him that he should overthrow whatever resisted him that his actions should be as so many miracles and that his reign should be full as happy in the obedience and love of his Subjects as illustrious by his victories and triumphs Which being so how can we pass by so many glorious Actions without publishing his Wisdome and Generosity were not that not onely to deny to his Valour the praise it justly vindicates but even to deprive Posterity of an example whereby it might learn what no books of Policy can teach It is not fit to publish the secrets of a Prince but it is just to declare his vertues And if the first be forbid by the Laws of Secrecy the acknowledgement which is due to their merit and the zeal of the Publick good obligeth us to the secoâ—d This is the principal reason which hath invited me to publish the glory of his reign and I would condemn my Pen to perpetual silence if it had been mute on this occasion so necessary will it be to those who shall govern France in future Ages to follow those footsteps which he hath left behind him I confess I am not able to find words equal to the greatness of his Actions but I had rather want words then acknowledgements for my King and affection for my Country but I shall nevertheless hope to acquit my self so much the more fortunately as the heroick Actions of great Princes have often rendred those eloquent who have undertook to write them A Prince who would signalize himself by an extraordinary conduct ought to chuse Ministers who are sufficiently able to assist him with their counsels and to put them in execution For the better choosing of whom I think it convenient to observe with T. Livy that there are three sorts of them The first Eminent who are able to govern all by their own discretions and who have a Prudence vigorous enough to advise of themselves whatsoever is necessary for Government without being beholding to others who see all penetrate into all judge of all and whose Genius is strong enough to bear up the weight of the greatest affairs The second may be called Indifferent who have not sufficiency enough to judge of all things or to execute them but have a good capacity to apprehend the judgements of others in their Counsel and so to govern affairs by their directions that they are often times successefull in the greatest enterprizes The third and last have so little Judgement that they are neither able to manage affairs by their own or the advices of others whence it happens that they are apt to commit very deplorable faults and to put all things into Confusion Of the first rank ought a Prince to choose his ministers if he would design any great attempts or carry them on to a good success If he himself too be of this number they will bring wonders to passe if he be not he hath so much the more need to have persons of this temper neer him For God who hath naturally subjected little things to great seems to have given Letters Pattents to eminent spirits to govern if not by their Authority at least by their Counsels the rest of Mankind It is a dangerous fault to choose Ministers at a venture and for that reason Aristotle blamed the Athenians who chused their Magistrates by Lot it being absolutely necessary to elect them by Prudence and still to prefer the most capable The Proverb saith Ex quolibet ligno non fit Mercurius a Sowes Ear wil not make a Silk-Purse and true it is that not all are proper for all affairs Men must be fitted to their Commissions least they not having abilities proportionable do not onely ruine the most glorious designs but withall make them end in great mis-fortunes If men have never atchieved any thing greater then States and Empires surely they cannot do any thing more glorious then to govern them well and since Causes ought to be proportioned to effects it is necessary to imploy great Persons in great places That sight which should pierce into the remotest Objects should be the sharpest That Arm which should throw furthest ought to be strongest that light which should shine in many places ought to be liveliest and generally all causes which should have most force in their operation should have most vigour in then power Which being so ought not the understanding of a Minister to be quicker then that of others seeing be is to dive into truths His Memory ought it not to be stronger seeing it ought to preserve more Species ought not his Soul to be more capable seeing it ought to be more Universal ought not his Wisdome to be greater since he must comprehend more reason and ought not his Prudence to be more perspicacious seeing he is obliged to provide for the greatest and most important affairs An ordinary capacity of mind is sufficient for the guiding of a private life but he who hath the charge of governing a State ought to surpass all others in the strength of his Genius God who is the first reason and mover of Nature may be his example in this kind and of necessity who so doth serve next under him in the Administration of a Kingdome ought to be indued with a more vigorous wisdome then others that he may be as the understanding Soul in a civil Society and a guider of all others motions by his own Councels Not to follow this rule were to put all into confusion and disorder and one of the greatest vanities which is under the Sun saith the Spirit of God in the Scriptures is To place Fools upon the Tribunal and to leave Wise men standing upon the ground It were to set a Sailor to the Helm and the Pilot to the Oar it were to commit the guidance of the Primum mobile to the
first comming to the Crown he attempted with his utmost power to redress those dis-orders which he found He spilt the blood of such as were Malefactors with much severity and shewed himself to be very covetous which behaviour of his rendred him so odious that not many moneths after he was slain in the midst of Rome by his own Souldiers It is with the People as with a sick man who if in a Dropsie he have not water given him to drink though in it self very hurtfull throws himself into dangerous extremities so they if presently restrained from those Liberties and Freedomes which they had used to injoy do run into Desperation and Fury and eagerly push at the destruction of those whom they suppose Authors of the Alteration Above all it is necessary that a Minister who would change the face of affair with time should use a great deal of sweetnesse and a singular Lenity in it because insolency and impetuousnesse are evil qualities which do not at all conduce to the dispatch of Affairs and have no other operation then to render them odious who use it It makes the most justifiable remedies insupportable whereas courtesie and kindness sweetens any anguish and makes it passe for very reasonable People do in some sort rather love disorder in a Minister provided he be tractable then vertue if he be hard of access rough or insolent His commands will carry more Power with them if they be accompanied with gentleness then if set on with Force and Fury For which reason I should wish to him the temper of Aristides who amongst other good qualities that he had was master of a great affability which gain'd him the heart of all the World so that afterwards he might do what he would himself or the Humanity of Pompey which was such that never any one went dis-satisfied out of his Presence or the courtesie of Augustus whose Gates were ever open to all who would make addresses to him and whose Petitions himself received with an admirable curtesie It is to the examples of these wise men he ought to conform himself not with an easinesse or too great a facility that rather foments publick dis-orders but with the noble couragious sweetness of Brutus who according to Plutarch was beloved of all People for his natural goodness though the intention of his Will was so upright that he knew not what it was to stoop to the toleration of any disorders The Sieurs de Champigny and de Marillac are advanced to the Superintendency of the Exchequer AFter the dis-favour of the Marquesse de la Vieville his Majesty being necessitated to put into his place a super-intendent upon whose Prudence and Fidelity in the Administration of the Finances he might safely rely took advise of the Cardinal well knowing that it is in vain to choose Officers if the are nor able well to execute their places because they are as it were the Soul and main-spring by which he shall arrive to any good successe This grand Minister then discoursing with his Majesty upon this subject did not any longer conceal those aggrievances which several men did complain of in the Marquess de la Vieville but thought it necessary to set two in his place His reason was That the regulating of the Finances wes much different from that of the Administration of the State because if the division and envy which should arise between two Ministers would draw on many inconveniences yet the mis-understanding which might make a separation between two super-intendents would be the more advantagious it being somewhat impossible that two men who are grown jealous of one another should divert the monies from the Treasury either of them fearing least his Fellow-brother should detect him His advice was to chuse two such as were of great Honesty because admit that one should be corrupted in his Office yet the other might stand firm Besides this he advised him to cast his eyes upon such men whose age and experience had made them of good capacities He thought ancient men and such as were versed in affairs more proper then others because they are naturally inclined to more stayednesse and have a greater respect and authority then young men to move the people to submit to those Impositions which shall be charged upon them That the experience which they have by age is the more needfull in affairs of concern for without that experience Age doth rather make men unweildy and unapt for business that this same experience is known for one of the most solid Foundations of Wisedom of which no one can be more assured then he who had often been deceived by Fortune and who hath found to his cost that he ought to trust but a few and to be confident but of a little Moreover he proposed too chuse such as were neither too poor nor too rich not very poor fearing least the power of disposing the Treasuries might work upon their dispositions to mis-imploy it to their own uses that they might raise themselves out of their Poverty and Needinesse not very rich least the power and Authority which they possess might invite them to attempt whatever should be suggested to them Above all he advised his Majesty not to place in such Offices of charge and trust any but men of understanding and such as bad some government in their own affairs there being no reason to intrust the second affairs of the Kingdome with people of but an indifferent Capacity nor no hopes but of ruine and confusion from such whose life hath been disorderly and these are the chiefest good qualities of which a Super-intendent of the Finances ought to bee Master The King was not ignorant of these truths but was glad to find them confirm'd to him by the approbation of this grand Minister and in prosecution of it desiring him to name some men in particular upon whom his Majesty might cast his eys to fill up those vacant Offices He proposed to him the Sieurs de Champigny and de Marillac as persons in whom these qualities were eminent Their Age and Experience had made them ripe for all sorts of business their Birth and Fortune had favourably imparted to them the gifts of Body and Mind Lastly that most men gave them the Honour of esteeming them both Valiant and Loyal so his Majesty equally depending upon their reputation and the Cardinals advice honoured them with the Super-intendency It cannot be denied but that most of the Cardinals faithfull creatures reflecting upon the little service which the Sieur de Marillac would have done the State in his own person took occasion to talk of it that the should be so preferred into affairs without remembring those extravagancies of his during the Confederacy But such ought to consider that resolutions ought not to be judged by the event that the wisest Counsels are sometimes attended with ill success as well as the most rash and unadvised attempts and I shall tell them withall that the
their deportments that there was hardly one of them which did not run away to save themselves from the storm which was falling down upon them This Court continued from the end of October of this year untill May in the year following however it was with more threats then punishments there being onely one put to death and some few in Effigie Monsieur the Cardinal did for some time behold this Tempest not giving way to his Prudence to imploy that Benignity which is natural to him towards the moderating his Majesties just anger against them as well to testifie upon his first entrance into the Administration that it was not his intention to protect such Malefactors as also in regard it was necessary to terrifie and affright those who were culpable to the end they might for the future live with more Integrity and Justice But in the end seeing that the Principal Actors began to be touched to the quick with an apprehension either of loosing their Honours or their lives and to compare themselves in good earnest as much as could possibly be desired and withall to propose to his Majesty in behalf of their persons to establish such orders in the Treasuries that it should be impossible to divert any of the monies or to defraud any persons of such sums as his Majesty should order to be payed unto them he then became the Mediator of their Peace It is true it was not without making their Purses pay for what was past and setting up a better order for the future for he brought them to condiscend to give hit Majesty seven Millions of Livers and for the better keeping them in aw it was ordained that every ten years a Court of Justice should be set up to inquire into their Actions and he procured such order to be established in the Finances that it was impossible for them to relapse into their former errours The King was so exasperated against them that it was no little difficulty to perswade him to grant them that favour and grace which they begged for But hee knowing that the ways of reason are those by which his Majesty is to be regained he so followed them that he soon re-placed him in his usual moderateness of temper and representing to him that it was Clemency was that virtue which made Princes like unto the Divinity that it could not but be glorious to pardon those Officers how culpable soever that their offence was not more criminal then that of Rebellion in which the major part of the French had in several Wars heretofore been imbroyled that he would have so much the lesse reason ever to repent of the favour he should do them for that the late King his Father was highly praised for what he once said to Monsieur du Mayne after he had reduced him to his obedience viz. That the greatest pleasure he had in making a Peace was the pardoning of Rebels That the Laws of the Romans seemed to invite him to pardon seeing they had no other punishment then Banishment for Robbing of Publique Treasury That the end of a great Prince is rather to make his Officers good then to chastize them That it was enough thus to punish their Purses so that they might both remember it and suffer for it that Vespasian had given him a very commendable example when as he thought it more proper to preserve then destroy Treasuries in saying he esteemed them one of the strongest props of an Empire and that he looked upon them as a Meadow which is mowed at some time or other or as upon Spunges which are squeezed when a man would get any thing out of them These reasons were so unanswerable and made such an impression upon the Kings mind that following the instincts of his natural Bounty he resolved to pardon them Accordingly he Repealed the Chamber of Justice and accorded to them the favour which they desired and they established such Orders and Rules which have tied up those who were most wedded to their own interests to live very stayedly Politick Observation IT is no new thing to see the Publick Exchequer ill governed The Treasury was common amongst the Greeks as Polybius and Chirisophus in Zenophon witnesse the latter of which reproacheth them with it that there was hardly a man amongst them of any mark who might not be reproved for it Aristides general Treasurer of Athons manifested publickly that all those who had managed the Treasury of that Republick not onely in his time but before had robbed them of a good quantity not so much as excepting Themistocles Gylippus did divert a great part of those Riches which Lysander had hid by a Slaves means of his under the Tyles of his house When he sayd if one should look in such a place he might find good store of Owls meaning Gold and Silver upon which the Grecians stamped an Owl by reason of the Athenians which was accordingly sifted out and delivered into the hands of the Ephores who punished him very severely for it For the same fault amongst the Romans was Sylla accused by Consorinus who grounded his indictment upon this That he having but little wealth left by his Father insomuch that he was forced to lodge in a hired house and was now become excessively rich It would be easie to produce many of the like examples not but there have been in all ages honest upright men in whose hands the Publick Treasuries have been regulated with much fidelitie and who have not deserved lesse praise then Pericles of whom Thucydides reports that he had not increased by one onely dragm of Silver the Estate which his father left him notwithstanding the great imployments he had in the Treasuries But I can tell you there have been some Persons in the Ages last past who have made so little difficulty of diverting the Treasury that they have gloried in being made rich by it If this Crime then be so ancient the use of punishing them being once convict is as old the Grecian and Roman Laws assure us of it in the examples of Gylippus Lisander and many others but must he not needs be very imprudent who would not punish them at all seeing the defrauding of a Treaty is a Poyson which depriveth the State of the use of her Sinews and Muscles And lastly which decays its vigour that it is rendred uncapable of attempting any thing either great or glorious Vespasian as Suetonius saith inforced the Receivers of his Treasury to render an accompt of what they received from their fathers and to restore him the surplusage as if they had robbed him of it The Laws of France are more severe and they have been often executed against the greatest of the Kingdome amongst others Father de la Berche Engneraud de Marigny le Sieur de Giac Camus de Beaulieu were convicted of this Crime under King Philip Lewis his son and Charls the 8th and accordingly condemned to die for it Philip de Valois made an
whom assistance may be had and who if they should slip their necks out of the Collar might not do us any displeasure in it They are very necessary with the neighbouring Princes upon a place which is designed to be assaulted either in relation to Passages or in respect of having from them Ammunitions both of War and necessary victuals as there shall be occasion Hannibal knew this full well when as he was upon his expedition into Italy and made a League with the French and Spaniard he took Hostages of them and for better assurance left Garisons in many of their strong Holds The Romans did the same when they made war upon the Lacedemonians by making a League with Ptolomy King of Egypt without whose assistance that would have had somewhat to do to have passed on Besides when there is cause of suspicion of their fidelity it is necessary either to take some Persons or Places of them by way of Hostage to the end that their interest to perserve them may compel them to continue firm in their first resolutions If many of our Kings who have made expedition into Italy had taken such a course as this were it onely in point of Passages we had not seen them exposed to so many dangers nor indeed to so many disgraces yet in case by their receding they cannot cause any great incoveniences there will not then be so absolute a necessity of such security and assurances However as it ought to be taken for granted that they will start aside in case the enemy give them satisfaction to their interests so there ought still to bee Forces ready which may clap in upon them and supply their deficiencies It is a trouble to see them break their words yet a Prince shall reap this profit from a League to make it serve to give a happy beginning to an enterprise by means of such assisting forces as may be drawn from it and by dividing expence between them which else must be undergone by one alone It will not be presently fit to defie them for that would be a means to make them take to the other part but it will be needfull to have an eye upon it and to be prepared for the worst Moreover it is profitable to make Leagues not onely with States but with Princes and their Successors and to contract them with greater certainty then Edward the fourth King of England did who having recourse to one of our Kings after he had been despoyled of his Kingdome had not other answer but that the League was made with the King of England and his State and that he being no longer King of England France could not without breaking the Laws of Alliances imploy their Arms against him who was present Master of the Crown To be short it is good to be carefull that the divers constructions which may be made may not serve for a pretext for them who would fall off There must not be so much as the least starting hole left for them to creep out or to break their words especially if they make any accompt of their reputation which is inseparable from their fidelity for without that they will perchance hardly resolve to run Counter The Marquess de Coevures takes the Field to make himself Master of the Forts in the Valtoline AT the same time that the Kings orders were delivered to the Marquess de Coevures he received a dispatch from the Sieur de Bethune which told him that he despaired of getting any reason from the enemy by those ways which he had till then tried so that now he must have recourse to Nostre Dame de Frappe Fort who as soon as he had received this piece of Rallary he resolved forthwith to take the field concluding there was no reason any longer to defer it and that if he could surprize the places unexpectedly without giving them leave to provide themselves he should strike a great stroke in the businesse without any great trouble He had long before given order to 3 Swiss and 3 Grisons Collonels to raise each of them a Regiment of a 1000 men so that he had nothing else to do but to send them word to be ready on the other side the Residents of Venice and Savoy being come to him they had agreed upon all things together The Sieur de Mesnil had order to make a Magazine of Ammunition at Zurich for the Swisses and Grisons forces and the Resident of Venice undertook that the Common-wealth should make another at Bergamo for such forces as should march into the Republick that which was most troublesome was there being a necessity of discovering the design to several persons it would be impossible to keep it from being known and to hide their intentions of the time when they would enter upon the Valtoline The Popes Nuntio called Scapy and the Marquesse d' Ogliani the Spanish Embassadour had notice of it who made strong indeavours to pervent any Levies amongst the Swisses or the marching of any Troops which the King should send but all would not serve the Levy could not be obstructed for the Cantons of Berne and Zurich where they were to be made had given too particular an assurance of it by means of the money and the promises which were made them that they should be seconded with a puissant succour against any who should attempt any thing against them upon that accompt But their Contrivances and Cabals were so powerfull that the Catholick Cantons resolved to stop their Passages upon them so the Marquesse was forced to his shifts that his Majesties Commands might not be ineffectual His remedy was to cause his Horse to march four by four that is all such as were sent him from Bresse and to secure the Canton of Bern for the conduct of Vaubecourt's Regiment seeming after he was once entred as if he would force his way either by Fair or Foul means to the Grisons It was enough that these Cantons were by several Treaties bound to open their Passages to his Majesties Forces upon so just an occasion as this was and it made no great matter whether they refused it or not seeing if they should they might be forced to it without breaking the Laws of Equity Thus he being well informed of the resolution which the Nuntio and the Marquess de Ogliani had induced them to take resolved not to demand it untill he were upon the very point of passing because they should be better advised then to deny him when they find him in a condition not to be hindred they not having the least time to prepare themselves against it All things being thus in a readinesse for the beginning of the design he sent the Sieur de Lande to Zurich to discourse with the chief of the banished Grisons and to perswade them to rise and then he commanded the Sieur de Harcourt Marshal of the Field and the Sieur du Lande to joyn with Collonel Salis to enter into the Grisons to seize
Majesty were to be joynt Judges Nothing more could be desired But however the Legat whether it were because he was somwhat cautious or reserved or because he had not as yet any great experience in businesses of importance or whether it were by reason of his Instructions from the Pope which peradventure might be limited was very fearfull to engage himself to any thing in which he suspected he might be disclaimed and more especially seeing Count Gondamor the Spanish Ambassador then at Court declared openly that he was prohibited by his Master to meddle or make in the Treaty for that his Catholique Majesty would never treat at all untill those places were restored into his Holyness's hands The King had no great reason to be satisfied with this manner of the Legat's proceeding seeing he every day created new difficulties It was well known that the Orders which he received from the Pope was one cause of it His Holyness apprehending that in case he should consent to the delivery of the Valtoline to the Grisons the Spaniards would disable the Counsel in regard several of the Roman Clergy were of opinion that he could not with a safe conscience allow of it as also the continual suggestions of the Spaniards did mightily molest and trouble him The unexpected departure of the Cardinal Barbarini from the French Court. NOtwithstanding all this the King did him all honour caused him to dine with him sent to visit him in his lodging at Fountainbleau and made his Officers treat him with extraordinary splendour But at last they were to settle upon some resolution The King pressed him but he instead of facilitating the business stood firm to his first demands to which he was answered that his Majesty had conceded as much as could be reasonably expected so that he might not hope for any further condescending to them Whereupon the Legate on a sudden resolves to return to Rome and having publick Audience on the two and twentieth of September hee took leave of the King giving him great assurances of his Passion for the service of his Crown His Majesty likewise testified to him that he had a great kindness towards his Person a great respect for his Holiness and an extraordinary devotion for the Holy Chair And lastly told him that the Affairs which he had been treated withall were so important to the publick good that he would gladly before he had made his Final answer have assembled together the chief Officers of his Kingdom and of his Supream Courts to take their advices and that he would gladly have seen him once more to have acquainted him with their resolution It was hoped he would have expected the result of them but he departed before it was suspected and his Officers who were left behind him could give no other reason for it but that he did it to avoid the usual Complements at parting Politique Observations GOD hath established two sorts of Powers for the Government of the Universe and he hath had so great a care over mans vanity as the learned Hinomar writing to Carloman and the Bishops of France saith that to the intent hee might preserve them in obedience hee would totally separate and distinguish the Functions of their respective Authorities The Persons who have their powers are subject reciprocally each to the other Kings to Ecclesiastiques and Ecclesiastiques to Kings yet not that their Powers have a reciprocal dependance upon one another It is true the Spiritual is superior to the Temporal according to the order of dignity but not according to the rule of Subjection and Authority insomuch that who is indued with it may not despoil Soveraigns of their Temporal Power nor moderate it It is very necessary to distinguish between the Subjection of Persons and that of Powers for though Jesus Christ hath resolved that all persons of the World should be subjected to his Ministers and all his Ministers to Kings yet hee hath not ordained that these two Powers should be subject in the same manner but he hath given to them both an equal Authority to discharge their Functions without bestowing on either power to destroy the other Which being so the head of the Church may not assume to himself any other Quality with Temporal Princes but of a Mediator to end their differences He hath Power indeed over their Consciences but not over their Estates or that Authority which they have received from God for the government of them It is to no purpose for him to snatch away the Scepter out of their hands and whatever Proposal he shall make to them can be received but as Councels It is Glorious for him as we have said to accommodate differences but he may not pretend to do it by his Authority Out of zeal he is bound to fore-cast the difficulties which he may meet with in the perswading both Parties to agree to his Proposals seeing those which are commonly made to two Princes at Enmity are like a Medicine which ought to be administred to a person whose Liver is very hot but his Stomack extreamly cold and weak for the ordering of which the Physitian findeth himself much puzzeled by reason of those remedies which refresh the one are commonly stark nought for the other And thus it is seldome or never seen that those Propositions which are made by Arbitrators do please both parties The highest point of Prudence in this case is to imitate the discreet Physitian who cannot bring to passe his intent of curing his Patient but by prescribing to him such things as may comfort one and not annoy another part for thus it is unlesse those Propositions which a Mediator shall lay down bee weighed with Justice Equality and Moderation they will rather provoke then allay the angers of those Princes who are concerned in them An Assembly of the Nobles by the Kings Order upon the businesse of the Cardinal Barbarin's Legation ALthough it were not very needfull to take any further advice for a resolution to those Propositions made by the Legate so evidently dis-advantagious were they to France and her Allies yet it was not thought amiss to call a Chief Assembly where the chief Lords of the Court and the principal Officers of the Kingdome might understand the true state of the case and to prevent that the keeping of it secret might not give the Spaniard the liberty of reporting over Europe that Cardinal Barbarine had made very reasonable Proposals of Peace but that the King had absolutely refused them by which he did declare his resolution of continuing the War Which was not onely clear contrary to the Truth but against the honour was due to the Kings Justice which had ever induced him to settle Peace among his neighbours when he might do it without offence to his Reputation or the Interests of his Allies as also in regard of the great respect which he had shewed to the holy Sea upon this very occasion as also in all others which presented themselves so
those effects to the sending of those Companies into Languedoc upon the first beginning of the year who might be in a readiness to fall on them in case they should appear insomuch that they had not the least opportunity to doe any thing and this is really the most certain preventive remedy for all Revolts But however you may behold another Reason of State which is the more considerable for that it did by little and little and without being perceived undermine the greatest prop and force of them The little Authority which the Ministers who preceded the Cardinal had caused his Majesty to take upon him and the Licentiousness which the Grandees were left at either of running into the Hugonots party or of abetting them whensoever any thing went contrary to their humours was the true cause of their greatest strength The Princes would openly levy Troops to ayd and assist the revolted and either themselves would go in to them or at least lend them monyes to make more Levyes But now the case was altered and things did not run in their former channels This Grand Minister perswaded his Majesty to make himself Master of Affairs His Majesty wanted not dayly oportunities to effect it and at last brought it to such a pass that the Princes and Grandees lived very quietly and every one of them was so well satisfied with those Favâ—urs which were bestowed on them that not a man of them would nourish a thought tending to dis-union or combinations Formerly the major part of them carried such a sway in matters of concern that unless every thing which they desired were granted to them they would forthwith retire in discontent to their own houses as not thinking themselves obliged to serve the King any longer But things began now to be carried in another way and they began to live after another sort and to be sensible of the obligations which lay upon them to keep themselves within the limits of Respect and Obedience They now began to perceive it was to no purpose to think to have that by a high hand which could only be granted to them by way of Gratification All the Parties and Factions which formerly were so rife began presently to fall back there having been certain people removed from the Court who made it their onely business to embroyl things and like Wasps sucked up the best of the Treasures which they employed only in the sowing of discontents amongst the Grandees who lived at the Kings costs and charges and yet did altogether rayl and quarrel with the Government The taking away of these abuses was the true cause of the Hugonots weakning who were never strong but when assisted elswhere Thus it was apparently seen that the King having overtopped them by the sage advice of the Cardinal they were afterwards compelled to live as true Subjects in the obedience which is due from that qualification Politique Obseruation AUthority is the soul of a Kingdom A State cannot but be happy when he who governeth it knows how to rule as he ought be it either in not ordaining those things which are improper or by bringing his Subjects to be obedient so that as a Physitian endeavoureth most of all to comfort his Patients heart a Ministers ought to study no one thing more then how to encrease and strengthen his Masters power and authority But if he hath once suffered himself to be dispossed of it he hath lost the Rudder by which he steered his vessel the yoke wherewith he kept the people in obedience the splendour which made him be honoured with respect How will he be afterwards able to retain his subjects in their duties seeing they will slight his Authority And how shall he be able to receive respects from them when as he is no longer Master of that which should preserve it in their souls Authority is to a Soveraign the same thing that Light is to the Sun And as that fair Star would not be respected by man without that splendid lustre which dazeleth our eyes so having once lost his light he is no longer admired or respected The Princes of the Blood divide it amongst them and make it evident that the dis-esteem and weakness whereunto he is fallen serveth for a footstool to them to advance their own power The Governours of Provinces too they take some share and thus every one acteth as best pleaseth himself every thing is attempted without controul and they do not fear to endeavour the getting of that by force which they cannot by justice The Publique Monies are turned aside the people oppressed and at last all things brought into confusion Theopompus King of the Lacedemonians answered a certain man who told him Spaâ—ta was governed with a good Discipline because the Kings knew how to command That it was rather because the people knew how to obey But for my part I imagine that the happiness of a Kingdom proceedeth from one and t'other and that both of them are dependent on the Authority which giveth Soveraigns the Liberty of well commanding and the necessary disposition of Subjects to obey them Which if it be true of Kingdomes in general it is most assuredly so of France in particular seeing the Government of it hath been so absolutely established upon a King seeing there is not any thing more proper for the setling of any State whatsoever in its due order then to restore him the self same qualities with which he took his Birth The Cardinal is extraordinary careful to make a good understanding between the King Queen Mother Monsieur and the Princes of the Blood and others AS the Tyes of Birth are but of small force if not cherished with Affection so the Cardinal could not be satisfied with setling the King in his Authority over the Princes but took extraordinary pains to continue them in a good understanding with his Majesty The Queen Mother was the chief of all those who had the honour to be of the Royal House so he used his utmost power to tye her fast to the Kings will He did the more readily undertake this trouble because he had for several years received sundry testimonies of her favour and he would gladly have acknowledged them by his services and it sorted so happily that it may safely be said he did in it repay all her obligations a hundred times over but it was no smal matter to be brought to pass for he was to combat with the Queen Mothers inclinations the jealousies which the King had with some reason entertained against her From the time that the Queen Mother had govern'd France in the quality of Regent she had not as yet renounced the Conduct of Affairs though the care which one is bound to take for the Government of a people be accompanied with a thousand pricking vexations yet so it is that the splendour wherewith it is attended hath such powerful charms that the discreetest souls and least ambitious have much ado to defend themselves
of Brittain daughter to Guy Count of Ponthieu elder brother to the said Count of Montfort of the other party That as long as there should be Males of the said House of Brittain no Female should inherit the said Dutchy They did not apprehend this Agreement to be firm and good unlesse Charles the Fifth who was Soveraign of the said Dutchy should ratifie and confirm it for that it was contrary to the Custome by vertue of which said Custome the said Jane had obtained the said Dutchy by a solemn Judgement against her said Unckle the Count of Montfort in being preferred before him as being the neerest and daughter to the eldest Brother and that therefore they intreated the Commissaries and Deputies who were the Arch-Bishop of Reiâ—ns and the Marshal of Boucicaâ—d to ratifie and confirm their Award which they did That upon the score of this Ratification the Males of the House of Montfort had alwaies succeeded in the said Dutchy of Britain by being preferred before the Females That Rainard the second in not having followed this order for the Dutchy of Barr and those other Lands which depended on France had made his said Will and Substitution absolutely void in it self Fourthly the best Historians did moreover alledge That this same Will of Râ—ynard the second was not deemed to be vallid in the House of Lorrain but had been abrogated from time to time As for those Lands which related to France they answered that the said Duke himself had about ten moneths after dis-owned his said Will by a solemn Act whereby he beseeched Lewis the twelfth to grant his consent that his Heirs Males and Females might succeed to inherit those lands in France though the said Claudius was born out of the Kingdome as may appear by the Letters of Naturalizing granted by the said King at Lyons in the year one thousand five hundred and seven in the moneth of May preferring by this Act the Heirs females of Claudius before Anthony his eldest son whom he had created Duke of Lorrain and the sons of the said Anthony That in Prosecution of his said Deed of Abrogation the said preferrency had been granted to the daughter of Claudius in reference to the Dutchies of Guise and Aumalle as also in the Principallity of Joinville in which it is declared that the said Daughters should be admitted to inherit the said Lordships and Lands excluding the sons of the late Duke at least from all which related to France Sixthly they added that as for what hath dependence from the Empire the Will ought not to be valid neither for that it is directly contrary to the Custome received and used in all Principallities thereunto belonging which are upon that side of the Rhine and particularly against the Custome of Nancy it self By vertue of which the daughters have ever succeeded excluding the Males when ever they were nearer related and that it was not in the power of Raynard to abolish the said Custome without the Emperours consent to that purpose first had and obtained On the other side there were some others who were of opinion that the Will of the said Raynard ought to be good and vallid there being no disposing Power which can exceed a Priviledge that it was true the said substitution was contrary to the Customes but the Soveraign Liege having power at least with his States to make and to constitute such Ordinances and Laws which might regard the good of his people provided alwaies that the Supream Authority from whence he depended were not injured in it he might abrogate such usances and that no one could pretend to oppose it no not the Lord Paramount himself for that he was not at all concerned in it admitting his particular Rights were preserved to him seeing as the Lawyers say That whatsoever is resolved by the States of a Country for the reformation of a Custome ought to be deemed and observed as a Custome of it self Their main reasons were That it was necessary to distinguish between a Soveraign Paramount and a Liege Lord that indeed it was granted a Liege Lord had not power to make any Orders or Laws in prejudice of his Superiour Lord but that it is not the same thing as to what concerneth the Powers which appartains unto him and that he may at least dispose of them with his States not to alienate but certainly to substitute and appoint them That it were indifferent to a Lord Paramount whether they were Males or Females who succeeded in the Government it being not any thing of concern to him provided his rights were preserved to him and that his Homage Service and Obedience were paid him That if at any time they should oppose such Orders and Laws as were made by a Soveraign Liege and his States their opposition however were not of any validity for that no one hath any right to oppose any thing which doth not clash with his own Interests That withall this reason was so much the more considerable in respect of those States which have dependance on the Empire because they are held with much lesse Subjection then those of the Crown of France for that the Duke of Lorrain is not at all obliged to pay Homage to the Emperour but onely to serve him and contribute to the necessities of his State They alledged one very considerable reason as to what concern'd his Majesties interests in relation to those Signiors which depended on his Crown making it apparent that he was so far from being prejudiced by those constitutions made in favour of the heirs Males that rather on the contrary his Majesty would receive a notable advantage by it seeing by this means the States of Lorrain would alwaies remain in the Possession of some small Prince whose weakness alone if he should at any time be minded to fall off from his Fidelity would force him to continue in his duty whereas if the daughter were admitted to a succession before any Males further removed it would of consequence fall out that those Females might fall into the hands of some Potent Prince from whom his Majesty might probably receive more dis-service then service as it happened in the case of Inheritrix of Lorrain who married Raynard it is apparently known to every one of what great concern it is without being beholding to examples for a King to have small Princes to be his neighbours As to that which concerneth the Ordinances of Orleance and Moulines which restrained all substitutions made to the fourth degree besides the first institution that is to say from the Institutor and the instituted who succeedeth the intestate they pretended it did not exclude Francis Count of Vaudmont from the substitution seeing he was the fourth from Anthony who was the first instituted For this Anthony left his State of Lorrain to his son Francis which Francis left them to his son Charls and Charls to the late Duke Henry his son who was father to Nicole which Henry having no sons
Majesty of all possible means to communicate it to his Highness and that his Majesty having had advise upon it was counselled to lay hold on peace in regard of the disposition of Affairs both within and without his Kingdome considering the small progresse the Arms of the League had made after two years time in Italy and lastly for that those very things were obtain'd in the Peace for which the League had been contrived all which things were much more considerable then any Formalities and Punctilio's of honour Upon the second point the Sieur de Bullion had expresse charge to tell his Highness that his Majesty had so much the more willingly consented to the Treaty of Peace that he might be capable of ending his differences with the Common-wealth of Genoa by arbitration in respect his Arms had so little contributed to advance his interests as yet and that if his Highness would be pleased to make known his pretentions The King would embrace them very affectionately and as his own and would also concur with him for the procuring him all possible satisfaction and content either by disputing the business by reason and if need were by Arms. Upon the third point which had no relation to any thing of the League and yet was no inconsiderable thing neither for that it was designed only to allay and take off from the Dukes anger and passion that his Majesty well knowing the courage and magnanimity of this Prince and that it was his high mind which made him esteem glory above all things as also that eminent Titles of honour have a great influence on the Souls of those who are touched with greatness and that it doth bring them to that point which is pretended commanded the Sieur de Bullion to humour this inclinations and to let him know that his Majesty had by the Sieur de Bethune proposed to the Pope to cause him be Crowned King of Cyprus as wel in regard of the pretensions which the house of Savoy hath upon that Kingdom as also in regard of his particular valour which was risen to so high an admiration and credit in the whole World that this Title could not with Justice be denied him and that there was not any King in Christendom which would not be wel satisfied with the admission of a Prince of his Birth and recommendation into that degree and quality The Dispatch of the Sieur du Chasteauneuf to the Common-wealth of Venice for the Affairs before-mentioned THE Sieur de Bulloin made use of his Reason with so much Judgement and Prudence that he obtained all he could desire The Cessation of Arms was consented to and accordingly proclaimed in Milan Genoa and Piedmont The referring of the businesse to Arbitration was well approved of and his Highnesse delivered a breviate of his pretensions to the Crown of Cyprus to the Sieur at Bullion who assured he would recommend that businesse particularly to his Majesty and told him that most assuredly his Majesty would be very careful of it On the other side the Sieur de Chasteauneuf was at the same time sent to the Common-wealth of Venice to induce them to accord to the Treaty and accommodation of Mouson and from thence for the same purpose to the Grisons the Valtolines and the Swisses Those first Reasons which were given in charge to the Sieur de Bullion to represent to the Duke of 〈◊〉 were also included in his Instructions and he had likewise particular order to adâ—… to the Common-wealth of Venice That they had great reason to be well satisfied with the Peace seeing it freed them from a chargeable War subject to many accidents and in which well they might lose much but gain little And because the Venetian Embassador declared that he did imagine the assurance of the Treaty to consist in the keeping up of those Forts in the Valtoline the said Sieur de Chasteauneuf had Order to let them know that such a pretension as that was would most assuredly have broken off the Treaty of accommodation and that all that was to be wished was sometimes impossible to be effected Besides that the keeping up of the Fort would be a great charge either in relation to the necessary expences for the giving of a full satisfaction or else for the maintaining of a strong Garison and who at last cast too might not peradventure be able to keep out the Spaniard if at any time hee should have a mind to enter upon them with an Army He was also charged to let them perceive that the natural inclination of the Valtolines was not to indure any Rule or Government and that they would never have indured any long time together that those Forts should remain in the power of a stranger and that the Spaniards knowing their natures to be such would alwaies be inciting and assisting them underhand to retake them so that the keeping up of the Forts would instead of securing the Treaty onely become an absolute ground of troubles to the Common-wealth as they who are nearest seated to the Valtoline who are in perpetual fears and jealousies and forced still to be upon their Guard against the Spaniards attempts which would put them to vast charges and force them too at last to yeeld to reason And he was commanded by his Majesty that he might humour the Commonwealth in its Interests to tell them that the King would willingly grant them the Passages of the Valtoline and Grisons for ten years he knowing how passionately they desired it and moreover that his Majesty would in case they should request it enter into a defensive League with them The Sieur de Chasteauneuf prosecuted these Instructions so luckily that the Common-wealth was sensible of the honour the King had done them in sending to them an extraordinary Embassadour upon their Affairs and left it to his Majesty to consider whether all those advantages which were to be wished for were comprised in the Treaty and that for their particulars they thought themselves much obliged for his proffer of a defensive League assuring the said Sieur de Chasteauneuf that they should be ever ready to continue those testimonies of affection and observance which they had alwaies had towards the Crown of France which was as much as could be desired from them Then the Sieur de Chasteauneuf went towards the Grisons and the Valtoline in prosecution of his Embassiy The Instructions which he received from his Majesty concerning those parts was to joyn himself with the Marquesse de Coeuvres and to swear those people to a solemn observaon of the Treaty The Valtolines made not any difficulty at all at it but accepted of the Treaty as also to pay every year unto the Grisons five and twenty thousand Crowns which had been imposed on them But as for the Grisons there were many meetings and Assemblies held amongst them without any resolution but onely in general terms they thanked his Majesty for his assistance and acknowledged themselves
But that I may now return to the two Brothers who were come to wait on this Majesty at Bloys his Majesty being retired to his bed sent about two howers after mid night to find out the Sieurs d'Hallier and the Marquis de Moicy Captains of his Guards and commanded them to go into their Chambers and make sure of their persons accordingly they seized on them and it is reported that the Duke of Vendosm beginning first to speak should say looking on his Brother well Brother did not I tell you in Britain that we should be arrested and that the Grand Prior should answer would I were dead upon condition you were safe there again and then that the Duke should reply I told you the truth when I said the Castle of Blois was a place fatal to Princes They then made a thousand excuses each telling the other that he was the cause of their imprisonment and that they themselves confessed that they were advised that evening by a letter how they should be imprisoned but that they could not believe it That whole morning they had liberty to disburthen their miracles by their complaints of the misfortune in which they found themselves imbroyled Afterward they were carried to the Castle of Amboyse and thence to the Bois de Vincennes This blow gave the allarum to the whose Cabal though his Majesty who would content himself with punishing of some few pretended to be ignorant of the rest He also sent a commission to the Count de Soissons to command during his absence in and about Paris for the securing of it It 's true he would not trust himself there but chose rather to passe away some little time either in Savoy or Italy A certain Princess took the boldness to say unto some who went to visit her that notwithstanding the assurance which the King had given to the Grand Prior in behalf of his Brother the Duke of Vendosm yet that both of them were arrested which did clearly evince that those were near his Majesty did perswade him to break his promises which being reported to the King it is said he was pleased to answer that the was not well informed of the whole passage and that he was not concerned to entertain such discourse for that if they knew themselves innocent they would never have thought of demanding a security to come and wait upon him and that who so doeth require an assurance for his attending on his Soveraign doeth in effect condemn himself to be guilty and that the promises which are made on such an occasion ought not to be his warrant unlesse they be very clear and expresse to that purpose Politique Reflection ALthough all absolute promises which are made by Kings ought to be kept and that even with seditious persons yet it is not the same thing where a divers sence may be imposed on them or where there is an apparent good will shewed on purpose to draw them on into a snare prepared to arrest them To punish them and hinder their troubling the repose of the Kingdom cannot be denied for an Act of Justice which if it cannot be done but by giving them fair hopes and good words to a muse them then such means are to be made use of accordingly provided alwayes that there be no expresse promise granted unto them King Antigonus having understood how that Pitho Governour of Media did raise Souldiers and money to revolt against him pretended not to believe those informations but gave out that he would send him an Army to command upon some exploit or other designing that Pitho when he once heard how affectionately he was esteemed would peradventure come to wait upon him which indeed hapned accordingly for he presently repaired to the Court shewing himself highly pleased with the Honour which the King did him and that he came on purpose to receive his Majesties Commands whereas Antigonus finding him within his power chasticed him according to his deserts Pope Leo made use of the self same device to imprison John Paul Baylloni and to punish him for those Crimes which he had committed and he answered those who complained of being deceived by his promises that evil doers could not think themselves deceived when they were chasticed for their fals but that they were deceived when as there were permitted to continue Scot free in their Crimes and when their liberties and lives of which they were unworthy were continued and granted to them The proceeding of Artaxerxes King of the Persians towards Artaban is not improper to be remembred on this occasion This Prince having unâ—eâ—sâ—ood how the other had contrived to kill him and seize upon his Kingdom resolved to prevent him but he being cunning and alwayes well guarded he had recourse to his wit dissembled the suspition which he had against him and that so handsomly that Artabanus imagined himself to stand very right in his opinion To compleat his designe he gave out that he intended a certain forraign invasion and gave him order to levy his Troops and draw them together which being all assembled Artaxerxes desired to see them mustered in his own presence and comming up to him in the head of his Forces seemed to be much taken with the handsomness of his Arms and desired to make an Exchange with him Artaban finding himself obliged to put them off forth with disarnied himself and presented them to the King who seeing him naked would not loose that opportunity but fell on him and killed him with his own hand I know there are some Politicians who are of opinion that there need not any great care be taken concerning performance of promises nay not those which are absolute and expresse though made by Princes in the way of assurance and security and that it is sufficient for them to answer those who shall complain of the breach of them as Agesilaus did a friend who taxed him upon a promise which he afterwards had found to be unreasonable If what you demand be Just I have promised it but if it be unjust I am not obliged to be as good as my word and when he was answered that a Prince ought to perform whatever he promiseth yes Quoth he and a subject ought not to request any thing of his Soveraign which is unreasonable But for my particular I am of opinion that a Prince is obliged inviolably to observe all expresse promises and that it is only permited to his Ministers for Justice sake to be lesse then their words I should rather imagine that a Prince should on such occasions make use of all violent means rather then delusions because Force is reputed for a vertue when backed by authority and nothing can be alleadged against it whereas deceipt cannot be taken for any other thing then a kind of mallice unbecoming the Majesty of a Soveraign The Assembly of the States at Nantes the King being present UPon the Duke of Vendosm's imprisonment it was mistrusted least divers persons whom
he had won to his Interests in Brittain might stir up some Commotion with hopes to enforce the King to grant him his liberty but as his Majesties presence only was sufficient to deprive them both of the means and liberty to do so he went to Nantes and shortly after summoned all the States to meet there where such as were any wayes suspected were not suffered to appear The King was pleased to be personally present at their first Assembly and the Lord keeper gave them to understand that his Majesties design was only to consider of what means and wayes were most proper for setling the peace of that Province which was the principal thing there debated and at last it was so happily concluded by the Kings Authority and the Prudent conduct of the Marshal de Themines to whom his Majesty had committed the Government of it upon the Duke of Vendosm's imprisonment that there did not any difficulties arise in it The chief means to settle all was to disarm such as were suspected and to deliver them to others who were known to be right and honest To destroy some strong places many of which belonged to the Duke of Vendosme and served only to countenance a revolt Which being thus ended The King began to debate with the Queen Mother and his Counsellours whether it were proper to marry Monsieur or not for that was one of the main pretexts of the Cabal who had endeavoured to possesse Monsieur with the opinion That having no other liberty or freedome he might chuse his own wife and in that particular follow his own inclinations but it was easie to undeceive him by laying before him how the liberty incident to Marriages was civil that it is ordered by the Laws of the Kingdome which do prohibit any Princes to marry themselves without the Kings consent and that he for his part could not do better then to be governed by the King who loved him very dearly and would undoubtedly match him which such a person as would be most proper for him Divers reasons were urged both of the one and t'other part all sorts of Interests were considered with great deliberation and all the consequences incident upon his marrying or not marrying were examined to the full and in conclusion the King of his own motion said he indeed apprehended several reasons which were sufficient to take him off from any thoughts of marrying him but with all that the Quiet of his State seeming to oblige him to marry him he resolved to do accordingly That his intentions in it being good he could not but hope Heaven would blesse it with good successe and in case the enemies of the publique Peace should attempt to raise contrary effects out of it that he had power enough in his hand to remedy and defend it It is reported That Monsieur the Cardinal did only represent to his Majesty those reasons which might seem either to invite or disswade the marrying of him without inclining more to the one then to the other as well because he knew his Majesty to be prudent enough and not to want any advices in what did so neerly concern the power of his Authority as also because it was a business in which his Majesty ought to follow his own will and pleasure and was not obliged to conclude off or on but with his own satisfaction and content it is very dangerous to second too strongly such counsels whose effects are lyable to the changes of Fortune and it were a great folly for a man to think himself safe and sure of that which is often perverted by the wickedness of some men who by it raise advantages to themselves At last it being generally resolved the Queen mother passionately desirous that Monsieur should marry Madamoiselle de Montpensier sent to Madam de Gâ—ise to come forthwith to Nantes and to bring her with her as also she presently proposed to execute those Articles which had been so long since concluded on This Princesse who indeed was the richest match of France had been betrothed to the late Duke of Orleans in the year one thousand six hundred eight whilst the King was then living and the young Prince dying about the year one thousand six hundred and eleven both the King and Queen Mother had pass'd their words to marry her to Monsieur who was to succeed in the quality of Duke of Orleans Both being now of an age fit to be married Madam de Guise did oftentimes urge that the promises which had been made to her might be performed and Monsieur who had alwayes preserved himself in a total resignation of his own to the Kings will was the more easily induced to effect it in regard of those most excellent qualities wherewith Heaven had blessed both the Person and mind of that Princesse but however the liberty which is usually permitted to Princes of his age did allay the over hasty execution of it neither did his Majesty presse it until he had discovered by the dangerousness of the Cabal that one of the onely means to shop the farther progress of them was to hasten on his marriage The King did not approve of his marrying any Forraign Princesse least it might prove an in-let for Factions in the State and least it might open a dore for strangers to invade the Kingdome as often as they would raise any discontents to themselves but he liked well of this Match with Madamoiselle de Montpensier her Birth and vertue rendring her worthy to be admitted into the Royal family The Queen Mother who could not be heartily perswaded to love Monsieur the Prince did not like of the Match between his Daughter Madamoiselle de Bourbonne and Monsieur though the Cabal did much drive it on Withal Madamoiselle de Montpensier being left sole inheritrix of her whole house was extreamly rich and would very well serve to make up Monsieurs affairs as also ease the Exchequer of great Pensions which otherwise must of necessity be bestowed on him They of the Cabal were vexed at heart to find things so carried on but they were necessitated to be quiet and to hold their peaces too Shortly after the King declared some part of his thoughts to Monsieur who answered him that if it were his Majesties pleasure to marry him there he should totally resign himself to his Majesties will By which and in several other occasion he hath alwayes shewed That Heaven did with his birth infuse into him extraordinary respects for the King which had doubtlesse inseperably linked him to his Majesty had not the mallicious devices of those in whom he placed some confidence diverted him Monsieur sent M. le Coigneux his Chancellor to Madam de Guise to assure her of his kindnesses and particularly of the affection which he had to conclude the Match between himself and Madamoiselle her daughter and charging him afterwards to wait upon Madamoiselle de Montpensier he commanded him to assure her on his behalf that he would
be a better Husband then he had been a Servant He was received with a great deal of Honour both by one and t'other and with as many testimonies of joy as the modesty of that sex could allow of and the next day Madamoiselle de Montpensier going to wait on the Queen Mother the called her Daughter and made her sit down neer to her To conclude the marriage was celebrated soon after to the quiet and content of the whole Kingdome And thus the King assisted by the sage counsels of Monsieur the Cardinal did dispel all those small contrivances which were designed to oppose it and brought to nothing all the Cabals which divers Princes and Lords of Court had projected upon that occasion both with England Spain Holland and some places of Italy with the Hugonots nay with the very houshold Servants of his Majesty and some of them were such as had neerest accesse to his person Politique Observation THe Marriages of Princes of the Blood ought to be contracted with a great deal of freedome seeing that liberty is an essential part of marriage but they ought to be mindful that this same liberty doth not consist in a power of marrying whom they pleace and when upon what terms they think fit Liberty in general as Vlpian saith consisteth barely of a power to do what the Laws do permitt and speaking more particularly concerning Marriages he saith That the Liberty which Lawyers do allow of can be grounded upon no other thing then the meer power of contracting ones self in that manner as the Laws do approve of And the old Law allowed of none to be legitimate but such as were conformable to the Laws of the State Civil Liberty keeps a medium between those two extremities of servitude and licentiousnesse and is neither one or t'other of them for as it hath no absolute dependance upon Slavery so is it also limited by Laws not to do whatever it shall think fit it consisteth in a Liberty of doing that which is justifiable by the Law whence it follows that the Princes of the Blood in France being by a fundamental Law prohibited to marry without the Kings permission they are deprived of the Liberty to conclude any match upon their own heads or power The great St. Basil saith in the first letter which he writ to Amphilochius that those contracts which are made by them who are not masters of themselves ought to be esteemed for void if not confirmed by the power upon which they depend But what may bee the reason hereof It cannot be said that they are not voluntary for then they could not be termed contracts which is so evidently clear that it cannot be denied but however it is true they are not concluded with the Civil Freedome that is not guided by the Law and for that reason cannot be accompted valid The reason of this Custome is grounded upon a Maxime of Law which saith what belongeth to us cannot be taken away without our consents whence it followeth that those who depend upon another and who have not any thing which doth not belong to those upon whom they depend have not any lawfull power to dispose of themselves and in case they should do it it were only an Act of licentiousnesse and is declared void by Law Moreover what St. Basil saith speaking of Contracts in general in his first he doth more particularly set forth concerning his marriage in his second letter when he declareth in expresse terms That such marriages as are made without the Authority of those upon whom they depend are absolute Fornications of which no other reason can be given then this that they who contracted themselves did not consent to it with a lawfull power and that they could not dispose of themselves in regard of their dependency upon a superior Authority He who is not master of himself cannot give himself to a wife and it will necessarily follow from thence that the marriages of the Princes of the Blood of France cannot be esteemed valid when they are not accompanied with their Kings consents for that they do absolutely depend upon their Majesties The Sieur de Chalais is Imprisoned I Shall not put an end to this discourse in onely acquainting you with the Marshal de Ornano's imprisonment or the arresting of the two Brothers with their confidents Modene and Deagan for that suddenly after Tronson and Sauveterre were removed from the Court for having contrived many devices for hindring Monsieurs marriage as also Marsillac Governour of Sommieres was sent Prisoner to the Castle of Ancennis for having talked too boldly concerning the same subject But as the greatest part of all these designs were discovered in the processe against Chalais presently after the finishing of the marriage so I think it proper to treat more particularly of it Chalais had the honour to be the Master of the Kings Wardrobe and to be brought up from his Infancy near his Majesty but his Soul being over-mastred by ambition he every where discovered a great discontent against fortune openly saying that it would be needfull for him to seek out a more liberal Master then the King if he did intend to better his own condition it was thought that this Passion was that which ingaged him in the Faction then at Court but it is true that the love which he bore to Madam Cheureuse did no lesse ingage him in it The King was informed of his Intreagues from Paris and though his Majesty had pardoned him upon the assurances which he had given him and Monsieur the Cardinal of his future living in loyalty yet he did not cease to re-embroyl himself so potent are those two troublesome and giddy Passions and so great a power have they over the Souls of those whom experience hath not well instructed in the affairs of the world It was known that upon the first imprisonment of Monsieur de Vendosm hee had dispatched a Messenger from Blois to Monsieur and the Count de Soissons by which he gave them intelligence quite contrary to his Majesties interest and service The King had good reason to be offended at it yet his Clemency carried him on to command the Cardinal onely to tell him that he did run counter to those protestations of Fidelity which he had formerly made that his Contrivances were better known then he was aware off and that he should be carefull of his Actions Chalais was informed at the same time by others that the King was angry with him and finding himself guilty he desired to discourse with Monsieur the Cardinal to disguise his faults The Commander de Valenhay was the person who accompanied him to Beau-regard where the Cardinal then lay and being come thither he attempted to surprise the Prudence of that incomparable Minister by divers devices but Monsieur the Cardinal well informed of his ill deportment advised him to beware of himself and become more faithfull to the King his Master giving him to understand that
giving Laws to his Country Thales one of the Sages of Greece made no difficulty to imploy part of his time therein and Plato himself did the same thing to get the charges of his voyage into Egypt by carrying Oyls thither to sell that he might purchase knowledge Withall we live not now so much by the Commerce of Elements as by that of Gold and Silver those are the great Springs which more all the rest and without them Kingdomes can neither be Potent in War or flourish in Peace Politicians acknowledge them for the Sinews of War and as for Peace never any poor State was yet considerable or ever came to any great height and what brings greater riches then Commerce France aboundeth in many sorts of Grain but wanteth Gold and Silver Now the onely means which it hath to come by it is to send abroad to its neighbours who want many of those commodities what it can well spare by way of Commerce a means so powerfull that sending onely what is superfluous it may bring in the greatest part of their wealth Monsieur the Cardinal is made by the King grand Master and Super-intendent of the Traffique and Commerce of France IT was necessary upon setling the Company of Trade to appoint them a head who might have a full power amongst them and whose reputation and knowledge might countenance their undertakings it being most certain that such designs as are out of the common road fall to nothing if not upheld by some particular favour or an extraordinary understanding To the Admirals care it could not be committed unlesse their speedy ruine had been intended for that he assumed of late so great a power over all Traders that instead of assisting he undid them The onely difficulty was that it being fit the head of this Company should be absolute there would every day arise some disputes between the Admiral and him but the King to avoid this inconvenience was of opinion rather to cease the Admiralty then to break off the setling of Trade for that the Admirals were no lesse chargeable to the State then to the Merchants they drawing at least one hundred thousand Livres out of the Treasury every year without any advantage by it Hereupon the King resolved about the beginning of the year to take the Admiralty out of Montmorency's hands who seemed willing enough to part with it by his readinesse to treat thereupon and in conclusion he had a good round sum paid him for it This resolution was of such concernment that without it not onely the Trading of France had been quite broke but the Kings Subjects had been lyable to dayly Inroads and Pillagings for that of late years above four thousand Christians had been been made Slaves by the Turks above one hundred Vessels taken sunk and burned by which means a great many families were brought to Beggery The King too good just and generous to suffer such injuries which by diminishing his Peoples goods did no lesse take off from his reputation and glory resolved to contrive some remedy for it It was ordered that the Admiralty should be suppressed and that a chief grand Master and super-intendent of Commerce of France should be set up instead of it endowing him with full power to execute the Office of Admiral in such cases as might advantage the benefit of Trade or the Kingdom and cutting off all other power which might prejudice either of them There was now onely wanting a person of quality to execute this charge who ought to be resolute and clear from all private Interest in regard of honour or the publick good The Cardinal had made it apparent that these qualifications are eminent in himself so his Majesty made choice of him who accepted of it but in receiving the Office he would not take those Allowances and Pays which had formerly been due to the Admiralty for that his Majesty had suppressed that Office partly to save the expence of it so that instead of contracting any charge in this new Office his Majesty saved above one hundred thousand Livres per annum heretofore assigned to the Admiralty besides he had now the power of commanding his Fleets wheresoever he pleased but before the command of them was annexed to the Admirals though they were not indued with qualifications necessary for such a charge and which is most to be observed that though the Cardinal might as easily have obtained the Office of Admiral and executed it with the same advantage for the King the benefit of France and Trade as that of super-intendent of the Sea yet he waved that honour and contended himself with the means to serve him in a condition lesse honourable and lesse subject to emulation Politique Observation IT is great discretion in a Minister to wave those Titles which onely serve by reason of their noise to expose him unto Envy They are but low Souls which affect ayry Titles neither do they consider how that by ambition they do provoke Fortune and instead of making their authority respected they do most commonly render themselves ridiculous in the eyes of all wise men Modesty is the thing which makes greatness honoured whereas ostentation offending every one atracts the hatred of all the World and becomes insupportable Who so is advanced to any eminent pitch of Honour ought to imitate great Rivers which glide a long with little murmuring though great profit to the people whereas torrents being lesse profitable do perpetually vex the head with their noise Great men ought more especially to shun such titles of Honour as may render them odious Scipio Affricanus a man who wanted neither courage nor discretion gave us a notable example of this particular as Titus Livy hath observed when as the Spaniards called him King and he refused that little which he knew would be dis-rellished by the Commonwealth and told them that that of General of the Army was the greatest Honour he did aspire to That having indeed a royall soul he should not much take it amisse if they thought him worthy of that Honour but he beseeched them to forbear the other least that might breed a jealousie upon his Person Did not Augustus in the same manner testifie a great deal of Prudence when in taking upon him the Emperial Crown he refused to be called Emperours and contented himself with the name of Prince which could not exasperate the Roman people it being a name in use amongst them and a fashion to create a Prince of the Senate his discretion told him That the Romans would easilier undergo slavery it self then the name of it and therefore he would prudently sweeten the displeasure which they might apprehend at their being brought under his command by a Title full of modesty He also aimed at the names of Consul Father of his Country Tribune and High Priests only because the people did not mislike them designing rather to add a new power to an old Title then to assume upon himself such odious
ravenous according to Pliny that having seized upon one Prey and discovering another he presently leaveth his first and pursueth his second game though he be uncertain of taking it He who would undertake a war without being absolutely necessitated to it doth not he do the same thing doth he not hazard the pleasures and certainties of Peace to obtain victories by his Arms which by the opinions of all Wise men depend rather upon Fortune then Valour He who designs anothers ruine is himself often included in it and that Prince who would blemish his Neighbours reputation doeth often find his own exposed to those disgraces which he had provided for others He doth not only exhaust his own Treasures but maketh himself hated by his subjects in drawing from them contributions for the carrying on of his war in leading them to slaughter and exposing his Country to ruine for that the divine Providence is well pleased to chastice arrogances and Publique in Justice and raiseth such a flame as may destroy perchance his own Country instead of his Neighbours The flames of war are not so easily extinguished as lighted and many Grand Monarchs designing to employ them for the subversion of others have only raised them for the last piles of their own glory and Honours It is no lesse unjust to raise a war not necessitated to it then infamous to remain within dores when the Publique Interests oblige the undertaking of it The King animated by the save Counsels of the Cardinal resolves on the siege of Rochel THe Cardinal must of necessity have had lesse courage and zeal for his Majesties service then hitherto he had expressed longer to have â—…ted the Rochelois to go away unpunished for their insolent mutinies Sâ—… Grand Minister who was eminently endued with those two admirable qualities openly told the King who chanced to discourse with him upon that affair that there was not any reason longer to put up their indignities and that he thought it expedient for him to make use of his Arms for the curbing in of the Insolence of those Rebels who hourly disturbed the Repose of his Country He briefly represented to him the several insurrections which the Hugonots had of late years raised up in the Kingdom That of all the Towns Rochel was the support of their Revolts as also the fierbrand which Forrain Princes made use of to enflame the Kingdom with war That that one City was an obstacle to the undertaking of any great designs That it was a shame to see those Edicts how just or necessary soever not regarded or observed in their City That it served for a Road to discontents and a retreat for Rebels That Peace could never be certainly established in the Kingdom nor abroad whilst that place was in a condition to second a Faction That France could not be in security from strangers whilst that place was in its own power to set open their Gates and on the contrarie that there was reason to hope for a happy and prosperous Peace that place being once disarmed and their Forts reduced to nothing by which they would be forced to live in their obedience This discourse once ended it was no hard matter to resolve his Majesties inclinations for the reducing them to the rules of obedience by a potent siege especially seeing he was not of so little courage as to suffer such obstacles and indignities unpunished any longer But though it were regretful longer to suffer it yet it was no lesse difficult to prevent it The reason he had to puniâ—h them was apparently visible but the means how to do it not easily found out But as difficulties serve only to augment great courages who are carried on by any extraordinary sense of glory so the King animated by the generous Counsels of the Cardinal fixed upon the Resolution of making strong preparations for the siege of it I shall moreover say That the Cardinal knowing that no one ought to shut his eyes in dangers but rather to look upon them exactly to consider them and if possibly apply preventive remedies to overcome them so he did not disguise any thing to the King which might happen in the siedg He represented to them the strength of the Hugonot party grounded upon many strong places fortified with intelligence from abroad cemented by the Interests of divers Grandees of the Kingdom and supported by their own Forces that whatever the Precedent Kings had gained in many Battailes and a long tract of various war served only to make Treaties of Peace which are as so many marks of their uncomptrouled insurrections He desired him to remember the Ambition of Grandees the Passion of Ministers the insolencies of them of this Faction their Plots Cabal and animosities and he clearly told him That it was the more necessary to remove all these obstacles with his very utmost power in regard if he did not instead of healing it would fester the wound and diminish instead of making his Arms more considerable But withal he assured him that in case his Majesty thought fit to do his utmost upon this rebellious place there was reason to hope for a good successe seeing he had Peace with Germany and no enemy to divert him the English only excepted who at that time were not strong enough to be much feared That in case any one should attempt upon France there might however be means found out to put off or hinder their designs which being so he did not find any difficulties but what were under his own power That the Sea Port of this City might be blocked up if he would go to the Charge of it and that making a line about it with Forts and Redouts all hopes either of men or victuals would be cut off from them That bringing good store of vessels which might be drawn out from several ports of France the English attempts in case their Fleet should arrive would be to no purpose seeing his Majesties Ships would be all under the shelter of his Forts and Batteries which might be raised at the mouth of the Channel by which means Rochel would in a little while be reduced to necessity forced to deliver upon mercy and then so ordered that they should never be in a condition but of obeying for the Future Theâ—e considerations were laid down with so much discretion and proposed with such clearness that his Majesty could not be ignorant of the just grounds he had to hope for a good successe in his design upon this City So he resolved about the beginning of the year to go on with it and his whole thoughts were bent upon the preparations for the siedg though it were very secretly carried that they might have no suspition of it before all things were ready for to assault the place The Cardinal caused almost exact Plat-form of Rochel to be drawn out and of all the adjacent places He saw all their Forts their Form height and bigness the breadth and depth of their ditches
needs meet him with his Sword in his hand Not a day how holy soever but he would profane by his Duels no place how publique soever which he would not bath with the blood of some one or other so little reckoning did he make of the Kings Prohibition after the comming out of the Edict he had fought with the Count de Thorigny and slain him about the end of the foregoing year and the begining of this he had another Duel with la Frete where his second was killed which quarrels of his were so much the less to be connived at in regard those of the best quality were still parties in it So the King resolved to punish him which he having notice of withdrew himself into Flanders where he found means to perswade the Archduchess to Interest her self in his affairs upon the score of the Damoizelle de Montmorency her favorite who writ to his Majesty to beg his pardon The King took advice of his Confessor and as there was no reason to forgive such offences so he counselled him not to grant it and made it evident to him that he could not do it with a safe conscience but that his Majesty might not seem totally to deny the Infante he sent her word that at her request he should not be questioned for what was past provided he came not either to Paris or the Court. This was as much as a Just Mercy could well do But the same fury which had formerly ingaged Bouteville in those quarrels did so provoke him upon his Majesties denial of a total pardon that he openly vowed he would ere long fight in Paris nay and in the Place Royal it self accordingly not long after thither he came and having given notice of it to the Marquis de Beuuron with whom he had a quarrel that he was ready to give him satisfaction for those differences between them which he had not the liberty to do in Flanders whither Beuuron had come to find him out by reason of the promise which he had ingaged to the Infante not to fight on any of her Territories So they made choise of the Place Royal for their combats where being met three against three Bouteville des Chapelles and La Berte against Beuvron Bussi d' Amboyse and Bouquet they fought and Beuvron was killed out right by Chapelles La Barte desperately wounded by Bouquet and Bouteville with Beruuron close grapling together with a good will to be at it with their daggers but having cast away their Swords it is reported how in this equality of advantage they mutually asked one anothers life to go part their friends This was all that could be got from their neglecting the Kings will and the fury which led them to entertain such detestiable offences The King heard of it and soon after that Bussy's Mother had arrested Bouteville by a Gentleman of hers and des Chapelles at Vitry from whence they were conducted to safe Custodie to Paris and there delivered over to the Parliament to be proceeded against his Majesty having absolutely refused to shew them any favour though their kindred made great requests for it and at last their heads were struck off at the Greve by order of the Parliament Politique Observation HE who defendeth the wicked and he who offendeth the good are both in equal abomination before the Lord as Salomon saith in his Proverb 's I should therefore submit to that of St. Chrisostome who saith That as Justice without Mercy is not Justice but cruelty So Mercy without Justice is not Mercy but extream rashness It were not lesse improper to pardon all Crimes then to use on all occasions the extremity of Justice Both ought to be moderated by discretion without which there are as many inconveniences which will follow gentleness as severity Philip advised his son Alexander to be very courteous to his subjects whilst he was not King for it would not be fit for him to use so great indulgence towards them when as he should arrive to the Throne Judging with great wisdome that it is impossible for him who ruleth to treat all with clemency not only because the Interest of his subjects doth sometimes compel him to be severe but also because unlesse he punish the wicked it will be a dimination of his own authority The Heathens say Jupiter himself cannot raign without Justice And Plutarch in the Life of Demetrius saith nothing is more becoming a Prince then the excercise of this vertue and doth not Solomon who is much more authentique say The Throne of a King is established by Justice St. Cyprian in his Tract of the twelve abuses saith the Justice of the King is the Peace of the people the Nurse of Children the defence of the Country the comfort of the poor and himself the hope of Heaven to come And if a Soveraign ever may make use of it he ought not to let it lye idle when it sends to the purging of his Court from such seditious companions as engage his nobles daily to cut one anothers throats It is a Crime more then Brutal for the instinct of nature forbideth beasts to fall upon one another It is reported that Neurians are Wolves one six mouths of the year men t'other six mouths but I should with more Justice imagine their swash bucklers not to be men at all but that by their greediness of spilling mans blood that are beasts Wolves and Tigres all their lives Their courage is not courage but a fury which hurrieth them on to dip their hands in their brothers blood not a courage but a Rage which maketh them madly expose their bodies to death and their souls to damnation It is not any just Law of Arms which obligeth that to be thus barbarous but a Devilish Charm which deprives them of their reason The foolish passion of an imaginary honour which animateth them is a monster begot by vanity brought up by fury and nourished by blood as it is said of that in Habacuc the greatest the noblest and most courageous serve it for a prey What apparency of reason can there be alledged for renuing the old Butchery of Haman flesh before the images not of a Moloc a Saturn but a vain fantasie of honour What Justice to tollerate that which God hath so expresly forbid and condemned to be punished with death which heaven abhors which the Laws detest and which is only worthy of Hell fier But above all things it ought not to be permitted when committed in dirsion of the Regal authority for once admitting a Kings power to be trampled on the next thing which follows will be the peoples revolt and a general confusion in the whole Kingdom The King of England's and divers other Princes endeavours to divert the King from his resolution against Rochel THough the design of besieging Rochel were kept very secret yet some little suspitions there were of it which allarumd all the neighbouring Princes The English who had already concluded upon
their entring into France resolved to redouble the Forces which had been alloted to take shipping and others too were no lesse jealous of it They knew how much it behooved them to uphold the Hugonot party in France which would disunite the Force of the Kingdom and so employ the King whenever they had a mind to it that he should not be able to march out of his own Frontiers to oppose any designs of theirs or attempt any thing upon them They well knew France was not a little to be feared when as it was at it's full liberty and no remora at home to hinder the going out of their powers That it hath pretensions upon all her neighbours and that if the Hugonots were but once quashed and Rochel their strongest support destroyed his Majesty would then be at full liberty to prosecute his pretences So every one preferring his own Interests before Justice and Religion sought for opportunities to divert his Majesties Arms and force him instead of assaulting others to defend himself they consulted together by means of their Ambassadours and made a league to assault France in divers places at one and the same time The King of Great Brittain being Chief of the league took care to send from one place to another to resolve particularly what should be done Politick Observation POlicie obligeth Kings to foment the beginnings of division amongst their neighbours but it ought to be accompanied with Justice else it cannot passe for a vertue and is to be used onely towards enemies The Laws both of nature and Christianity forbiddeth the doing of that to others which we would not have done to our selves they who deal otherwise do invert the rules of humane society Bajazet the Turkish Emperour was to be pardoned for that answer of his to Sigismonds Ambassadours who remonstrated to him that having no right or Title to Bulgaria he was bound in Justice to withdraw his Arms from it that he had such Guns in his Arcenal as gave him a right not only to Bulgaria but as much as he could finger too in any other place An answer I say excusable in a Tyrant who openly professeth to trample all Equity under foot but not so in Christian Princes whose victories ought alwayes to be bounded in with Justice That which Antigonus the Great replyed to one who would needs perswade him that whatever Kings had a mind to was lawful was much more praise worthy he told him true it was so but amongst Barbarian Kings not them who professe Justice and to whom all injustice is an abomination God hath in the Scriptures apointed distinct Laws both for Princes and private men and as particular persons may not do any thing against the Common good so Princes cannot attempt any thing of injustice without offence Plutarch blameth Marius very much for not executing Justice but when it was advantageous and because he alwayes took profit to be honest not regarding truth so he might be stronger but measured the worth of the one by the value of t'other and attempted the executing of that by craft which he could not obtain by Force God saith Isaiah reproveth the counsels of them which are not conformable to his Laws and Princes do but in vain hope to bring their designs to a good passe when as there is no resistance of Gods decrees Prosecution of the Historie THe Abbot of Scaglia was one of the Prime men in this confederacie by the Duke of Savoys means who desirous to reveng himself because the Treaty of Mouson had been concluded without his knowledge made choise of him as a person capable to embroyle things who went about it the more passionately because he was offended with the Cardinal for having driven him out of France for making of cabals against the State His first voyage was into Holland to see how they stood inclined and to draw them into the league But meeting with some there who negotiated his Majesties affairs he could make but little progress in it his reasons not being seconded with that mony which theirs was Thence he went for England where finding their minds according to his own desire he still used his best endeavours to drive on the quarrel which being once concluded The King of England sent about the month of April the Lord Mountagu to take particular orders for execution of it both in Savoy and Lorrain and with the Duke of Rohan It was needful to have some pretence to disquite Montagues Journy and no one was thought more fit then for him to pretend he was desperately in love with Madam de Cheurcuse then in Lorrain with whom he was to discourse that he might be fully informed of all the Factions at the French Court the Chief of which kept a strict correspondence with her So he began his Treaty with the nearest State first and that was Lorrain besides Buckingham had a particular intercourse with Monsieur de Lorrain by Madam de Cheureuses means and all that he might fully know the State of the Intreagues of France He having found the Duke much exasperated and that he only wanted an oportunity to let the King feel effects of his anger he ingaged to him to enter upon France at the same time that the English Fleet should land there The Duke also gave him hopes that his attempts should be the more considerable in regard the Emperour who he was assured did blow the coals of the French Faction would send him Forces for his assistance being at last fully instructed and having disposed the Duke of Lorrain to the doing whatever he could demand he went into Languedoc where meeting the Duke of Rohan he gave him an accompt of their whole design who being thus filled with hopes of potent succours from England Savoy and Lorrain he resolved to rise at the same time with the rest Thence he went to Savoy where the Duke animated against France and particularly against the Cardinal his only work there was to receive the Dukes assurances of entring upon Dauphine as soon as the English put to Sea to which purpose part of his Forces were already upon their march He presently dispatched one to the Duke of Rohan to assure him of the assistance of six thousand foot and five hundred Horse exhorting him to be careful and courageous for that their business was in a good condition They fancied to themselves that they did all ready cast that thunder bolt with which they ruined the whole Kingdom of France Mountagu shortly after returns through France to Lorrain but the King was not ignorant of his Intreagues having had a continual watch upon him foure months together that he might snap him upon his return and learn more particularly by the contents of his Papers the quality of his negotiations and accordingly he was very fortunatly taken upon the Borders of the Kingdom by the Marquis de Bourbonne whom his Majesty had commanded to apprehend him About him was found a little cabinet of papers which
which is intrusted with them in prejudice of the Kings royal authority What care ought he to have to maintain the chief Officers of the Crown the Governours of Provinces and Towns and generally all the Grandees of the Kingdome in their duties doth it not concern him to know what ever considerable thing is done amongst them their designs Cabals Interests Abilities and their very inclinations that he may take order with them according to their dispositions and the common good and to divert such Mutinies as they may in time raise ought not his duty lead him to look into the Commerce and Trade that it be preserved in it's greatness as the Fountain of the Kingdomes wealth The Common Rabble will call upon his thoughts sometimes to be resetled in the duties they owe their King and Country But what proportion of his time then will the affairs of war take up when there is a necessity of raising Forces Will it not behoove him to give all necessary dispatches either for quarterings or marching of Regiments or to lead them on to fight with courage either for amunition or the exact observation of militarie discipline It would need a long discours particularly so set down the great duties of a principal Minister but the Briefness which I have proposed to follow gives me not leave to describe them These are enough to guesse that he will have somewhat to do to go through with them and that upon these considerations a Chief Minister ought to be satisfied and totally to acquiet himself of the Burthens which accompany both the Justice and Treasuries The English Fleets arrival before Ree DUring his Majesties sickness about six in the morning upon the 28 of July the English Fleet appeared about Olonne between 18 and 20 Ships At first it was supposed they were Dunkerkers who might have perchance some design upon the Dutch Fleet then in the Road. But when they were perceived to draw neer the I le of Ree that their number encreased and the Hollanders not affraid of them it was easily concluded that they were the English Fleet of which there was quickly a greater assurance when they saw all their Ships at anchor at the mouth of Breton neer the Cape d' Ars. The rest drew neer one of the Forts in the I le of Ree called La Pree against which they shot very much all day long and the next day too until night in so much that the Ships encompassed the Point of Sablanceau within half musket shot of the Land and some of them adventured within Pistol shot Which made the Sieur de Thoyras then Governour of the Cittadel St. Martin in the I le of Ree Judg that they intended to there abouts so he drew out as many of his men as he could well spare to prevent their designs and carried them as neer as possibly he could to that place that he might fall on them in their disbarking But their Landing being favoured by above two thousand peeces which shot continually They had the oportunity to set on shoar about ten thousand men The Sieur de Thoyras had not with him above two hundred Horse and eight hundred foot yet it being for his Majesties Honour to welcome them at their first footing he resolved to assault them notwithstanding the incredible violence of the Cannon which beat down every thing that did but appear upon the shore He hoped for a good successe from the Justness of his cause and that his Souldiers would force Fortune to be favourable unto them He divided his Horse into seven parties five of which were commanded to give the Charge and break the English ranks and the foot had order to follow on the two other parties were to keep off for a reserve upon the first signal of the Fight The first went on in good order but were forced to Gallop off again for that the English Cannon put them in such confusion that the most part of them were routed before ever they came to engage some killed some wounded and others unhorsed but their courage who were in a condition to march on stood firm so they advanced up to the English Battalions and there did what ever could be expected from high resolutions The English astonished to see the French come thundring in that manner upon them thorough the midst of the Flames and Cannon shot were put into such disorder that many of them swam to their Ships The French now finding they were not pursued and seeing that they were not in condition to fight they rallied together and charged them once more before ever the foot came up but at last they came and fell in doing more then could be expected but the violence of the Cannon was such that it was fit to sound the retreat and to expect a more favourable occasion to fight with them Rostaincler the Sieur de Thoyras his Brother the Baron of Chautail Navailles and divers other Gentlemen and light Horse and about one hundred and fifty Souldiers were slain in the excounter most part of the Officers being wounded neither had the English a lesse loss Fifteen Officers of their Army were killed besides divers Livetenants and Ensigns They likewise lost one of their Collours and upon a vew taken they found between five and six hundred killed and wounded So they had but little stomack for that present to advance any farther into the Ilaud but in 3 dages time they fortefied themselves on the shore side keeping under shelter of their Ships neither would they stir one foot till they were informed that the French intended to defend the Cittadel of St. Martin and not meet them any more in the field Politique Observation I Think it impossible to prevent a strong Fleet from landing in an Iland where they may come on shore in sundry places unfortefied The night alone is enough to favour their landing and admitting there were Forces enough to meet them in all places yet the Canon would make such havock that at last there would be a necessity of giving them leave to come on shore Thus hath Machiavel and the wisest Politions observed That it seldome happened that ever any Fleet especially if accompanied with a good Army was hindered from opening any passage if undefended by a good Castle When Francis the first undertook the war in Italy The Spaniards being on t'other side the River Beuchamby with very great Forces to hinder his passage were forced to make way for him when they saw Monsieur de Guise with his Sword in his hand followed by all the Troops to take water that they might come fight with them In the like manner Philip de Valois having commanded Godemar du Fay to keep the Passage of the River Somme at Blanchetacque with a thousand men at Armes besides the Bowman of Genoa and six thousand foot did quickly notwithstanding all this see the English Army force the passe and in lesse then six howers to be all over whilst the Sea
de Conty his Prisoner of War who concluded the Treaty of Peace with Charles de Bourgogne A Prince is obliged to it if it were only by the Compassion which a noble Courage ever hath of them who are overcome Haloyoneus Son to Antigonus having after a victorie lighted upon Heleneus Phyrrus his Son in a sad deplorable condition cloathed with a Mantle unbefiting his greatness embraced him with all possible kindnesse and having so brought him to Antigonus his Father he did the like But withal he told his Son he had not done all which he was bound to do in leaving that cloak upon his shoulders And at last having restored him to an honorable attendance and treated him with great kindness and humanity he returned him safe to his Kingdome of Epire. The Siege of Rochel AFter the King had obtained this signal victory against the English he bent all his thoughts towards the besiedging of Rochel that with their Wals he might destroy their pride This town as others was at first but little yet the Port being commodious it grew great by Commerce and so insolent after heresie had set its standard there that they would make those priviledges which our Kings had from time to time granted them passe for contracts and to destablish a kind of Commonwealth in the State They durst not openly declare this pretention to the King by their Deputies but their manner of proceeding was an assured proof of it a procedure the more insupportable in that it was the support of all factions both of the Hugonot party and the Grandees of the Kingdome upon any discontents Their Rebellion was become natural and shortly after this they auguented their Crimes by calling in the English to protect their offences Some rich Merchants indeed there were who having somewhat to loose would have been contented to be quiet but on the otherside it was filled with store of Sea men surely and proud as also very poor who having nothing wherein to employ themselves proposed that they might be at more ease to make an insurrection in the Town concerning their priviledges In order to this design they made a Manifest to spread abroad their complaints as a poyson in the minds of the Ignorant People of the Hugonots party which might induce them to take up Arms and to shake of the yoak of obedience This resolution of theirs took them off from paying any respect to the King They drove out the Sieur Doux Maistre des Requests sent by his Majesty to them in quality of super intendent of Justice with so much violence and outrage that they threatned to throw him into the Sea They openly assisted the English in whatever was within their power They solemnly buried the English Lords and Gentlemen and such French Rebels as were killed at the Landing on Ree They sent Londriere with three hundred men to second the English when they found themselves too weak in Ree They received Madam de Rohan the Mother and the Sieur de Soubize who assisted at their assemblies and enflamed them more and more There was no reason longer to suffer these things unpunished The King about the beginning of August when they declared themselves so openly for the English made his approaches upon the Town several companies of the Regiment of the guard with two other Regiments and two hundred Horse were sent before it The Duke d'Angoulesme began to work upon the Fort De La Moulinette to lodge Forces there as well as in that of Fort Lewis They requested the Sieur de Commings Captain of the Regiment of the guard that he would come to their assembly to advise upon some means of accommodation and as they saw no Declaration of an absolute siege until the English were forced from Ree they thought to be excused as heretofore by renewing their Protestations of fidelily But their words were not to be believed All their proposals tended onely to comfirm their resolutions against the King His Majesty thereupon after the defeat of the English took his last resolution of forcing them to acknowledge their faults and to live within their bounds by a strong siege The Order of the whole circumvallation was prescribed by his Majesty he raised 13 Forts and several redoubts upon the Trenches the circuit of which were three Leagues or there about all out of musquet or falcon shot but not of Cannon The Kings design was by making these works to compel them by famine and necessity to surrender neither did they much trouble themselves to hinder their work by their Sallies upon hope of being easily releeved by Sea forsomuch as they were soon finished by the care of the Cardinal and the Marshals de Scomberg and Bassompierre His Majesty being well assured of their faithfulnesse would not imploy any other persons indifferently as formerly had been done in Charles the ninth's time and that so inconsiderately that the very Commanders of the Siege had no desire to take the Town This circumrallation thus finished cut off all releef by Land and it happened that having supplied the English with a good part of their provsions they had been quickly brought by necessity to surrender had they not been assisted by Sea But shortly after they were so close blocked up there too that they durst not shew their heads Politique Observation IT is equally base and inconsiderate to suffer the insolencie of a City which not contented to revolt against its Soveraign alone doth also call in strangers to uphold their Rebellion After the reducing of them by fair means hath been tryed to no purpose then ought all forcible means be used to bring then within their bounds That King who is deficient in this particular will soon find himself exposed to scorn both in his designs at home by his neighbours and in prosecution he will inevitably find both one and the other take up arms against him His neighbours if they know his aversion to war and how unwilling he is to appear in the field will soon rush in upon him and a party once accustomed to revolts and permitted to attempt against the Soveraign authority will soon shake off the yoak of obedience He ought therefore equality to be disposed both for peace and war He ought to intend nothing more than the chastising of Rebels upon such an occasion The expences dangers and cares ought not to be considered by him It is equally dangerours for a Prince to be more inclined either to war or peace Hence Marius was blamed because he exercised not his authority in times of peace by which means he could never keep the Common-wealth in quiet Perseus lost his Kingdome by slothfulness and to much loving of mony desiring rather to keept in coffers than to expend it in paying Souldiers necessary for his defence Thus he lost his Kingdome and his treasures were ransacked before his face Pipin had never been so bold as to have put his Masters Crown upon his own heads had Childerick loved arms
as well as himself and opposed those first attempts which were made against his Kingdome Francis Sforzza from a private Souldier became Duke of Milan and his Children who were Princes and Dukes became private Gentlemen for want of experience in the war and because they would deceive others by their cheats rather than render themselves famours by battles Lesse than this cannot befall a King who suffers the Rebellion of a strong Town to go away unpunished especially when it serves for a prop to uphold the revolt of any great party or to countenance the attempts of stangers He ought to be in the field as soon as they begin to declare themselves and to take up arms with so much the more courage for that Trasan saith God doth usually overwhelm the enemies of peace and those who are the disturbers of others by war as heretofore in the example of Pyrchus and of later ages in that of Charles Duke of Bourgoign I shall add that for the quicker and more secure reducing of his subjects to obedience he ought not to expect till their revolts make Levies He ought alwayes to have Regiments ready in Garrisons as the Macedonians had their Argyraspiâ—es the Romans their Legions the Sultans of Aegypt their Mammalukes and the Turks their Janisariâ—s By this means a Town shall no sooner seem to mutiny but it will be assaulted and if any of their Forces shall appear in the field they will be soon cut in pieces Prosecution of the Historie IT were of small consequence to have shut up the Rochelois by Land had they not also been blocked up by Sea The Cardinal acquainted the King with the necessity of it and those contrivances formerly resolved on for that purpose were put in execution The Cardinal had the Chief conduct of it because he had examined with an extraordinary care all the means of finishing the siege with good successe and was more capable than any other to effect it He was so modest that he suffered himself to be directed by Pompâ—jus Targon an Italian Ingineer who had wrought with the Spaniards in blocking up the Channel of Ostende he thought good to make a chaine of Masts and other great pieces linked together with Harping Irons and Cables but the first shot forced them in sunder and spoiled the work He built certain Castles upon Ships some floating and some fixed in the Sea He contrived other engines which were Square and of great pieces of timber such as he called Bridges for the planting of Cannon upon them levelled just between wind and water But all these inventions were more for shew than use though very chargeable so the Cardinal was forced to follow his own thoughts and the design which himself had contrived for stopping the passage and as there is no soul like his so no invention could equal that whicâ— himself had projected It was to raise a certain banck thwart the Channel leaving onely an entrance in the middle for the ebbing of the Sea This design seemed difficult for that the Sea is uncapable of any obstacles which humane industry can raise against it But as the starres obey great Souls so it was unjust that the Elements should resist his will Two things induced him to judge that this banck would easlier be raised than divers imagined First the advantage of stones which might be had on both sides of the Channel and the great multitude of labourers which might be drawn out of the bordering Countries and from the Army it self for a quick dispatch of the work It was began in a place where the River is seven hundred and forty fathom broad where the Cannon of Rochel could not reach but at random so that the work could not be hindred The Cardinal allowed 12 fathom of depth which quickly passing over they left a stoping in the bottome and made a plat form of four fathome upon the surface which should be raised to such an height that the highest tyde could not reach it It was built of dry stones laid upon one another without other morter than what the Sea brought and to strengthen it the better at every 12 foot there was an addition of great timber This grand Minâ—ster knowing the taking of Rochel depended on this Bank did oftentimes go to see it not regarding the Cannon shot which the Rochelois continually made He spared no money for the encouragement of the work-men and he obliged them by the charms of his words which carry men on to whatever he pleaseth It was so advanced in two moneths time that the Rochelois who had hoped that it would onely serve for a laughing-stock to the Ocean could now onely at several times passe four or five small Vessels over it However it was a vast work such as passed beleef neither was it finished till 7 or 8 moneths were ended Besides this the passages in the middle for the ebbing of the Sea was to be stopped up to hinder the going in or out of any Vessels Three great Fences were found out such as could not be bettered The first was a Range of about 40 Vessels filled with Stones and sunk to the bottome The second was a kind of Pallisado made about as many floating Vessels linked together with Chains and Cables which were guarded by a whole Regiment The third was of great stakes fastned in the bottome of the Sea made Taper waies which for that reason were called Chandelieâ—s Thus was the Passage quite blocked up and there was no other way for the Rochelo to be relieved by Sea unlesse the English whose assistance they implored should send them a puissant Fleet which might break through all these obstacles Politique Observation IT of so great importance to hinder the comming in of Provision to besieged Towns that that being once secured the taking of them cannot be avoided they who have forced them by famine have by the Ancients been more honoured then those who have taken them by the sword because they are lest subject to hazards and their Souldiers lives not in danger A thing very considerable In long sieges the onely thing intended is by necessity to force the besieged to open their Gates the truth is most commonly this is a work of time and consequently of great expence but on the other side it saves a great many Souldiers lives which is a recompence great enough It was one of Caesars advices in forcing of Towns rather to do it by Famine then the Sword as the Physitian saveth his Patients more by abstinence then forcible Medicines The truth is I imagine this to be the better and safer way in regard necessity is such a thing as nothing whatever can resist Now as it is a way very advantagious so is not lesse difficult especially in Sea Towns heretofore esteemed impregnable because of the incertainty of the Sea and weather which seldome lets a Fleet lie long in safety to prevent relief as also by reason of its violence which commonly laughs at
all those inventions contrived to stop up a Port or Haven Though this latter opinion is at present but weak and frivolous seeing men have by industry found out several means to overcome all manner of obstacles of this nature Alexander the Great besieged the City of Tyre stopped up the Channel by a Bank took away all hopes of relief and at last forced them to surrender to his mercy after they had refused to deliver up upon fair and honourable terms Caesar did the like before Duras as also St. Lewis upon the Râ—â—s being a Branch of the River Nile the Prince of Parma at Antwerp and Spinola at Ostend all which by some invention or other found means to hinder any shipping to come neer the places which they besieged But amongst all none is like a Bank because in Tempests the Sea doth usually spoil and break all their Engins of Masts Cables Timber or the like Neither are Chains to be trusted in such occasions for that small Vessels may passe over them as Câ—eus Duellius the Roman Consul did who being blocked up in the Court of Syracusa caused all his men and luggage to be removed into the Stern of his Galley and his Oarmen rowing with all their strength passed them half over and then removing all his goods and men into the Prow they rowed over the other half and so got clear away the like did the Spanish Forces at Marcellia when they found their enterprise was discovered The Sieur de Macheville is sent to the Electors of Baviers and Treves to dispose them towards the settlement of a Peace in the Empire THose great cares which the Cardinal was necessitated to undergo both in opposition of the English Forces and in the reducing of Rochel did not prevent him from providing for the Interests of those German Princes who were Allies to the Crown of France His great Soul like universal causes produced a thoâ—sand several effects at the same time nor could the mâ—nagement of any one important affair divert him from being circumspect in several others He advised his Majesty to dispatch the Sieur de Macheville towards the Electors of Baviers and Treves for the negotiating divers affairs particularly to induce them to settle Peace in the Empire His Majesty had learned that the Emperour had designed to have his Son King of Hungary elected King of the Romans That the Electors did much desire his Majestâ— would invite the Pâ—ince Palatine to retire himself into France That the Elector of Treves was well inclined to league himself with the French Interests and thâ—t divers Pâ—inces of the Catholick League did wish his Majesty would imploy himself to negotiate either a Peace or a Cessation of Arms in Germany Upon these four points it was that he gave the Sieur de Macheville instructions to treat with them As to the first he was forbidden to thwart the Emperours design His Majesty not thinking it fit to declare himself against the Emperour to the end he might have more power and freedome towards the setling of his own affairs But he was commanded to flatter the Duke of Bavian upon that accompt and dexterously to humour him in his imaginary hopes of the Empire by representing to him as likewise unto the rest of the Electors That it would very much concern them to promote some subject of lesse greatness then those of the House of Austria unto that dignity by which means the head of the Empire having a nearer equality and correspondency with the rest of the Members their union would bee the stronger and their conditions the more secure And in case he should find the Electors averse from that Proposal he was then commanded quaintly to hint unto them but not too openly that the Emperour not being troubled by Age or Sicknesse it would not be amisse to defer their Election of the Roman King unto some other time seeing by this delay they would render themselves the more considerable towards the Princes of Germany and the Emperour himself who would be the more carefull to preserve their friendship it being so conducing to his design whereas having attained his ends and finding himself in a condition of being no more beholding to them neither for himself or his it was to be feared least hee should indeavour to extend the limits of his Ambition to their prejudice This was he expresly charged not openly to declare because the King thought it more proper to insinnuate into the minds of those Princes the resolution of excluding the King of Hungary from the Empire or at least to defer his Election rather then to discover himself However he was commanded to advise them in case they were peremptorily resolved to chuse him that it would concern them to take advantage of this affair in which the Emperour was necessited to make use of them that they might draw him to condiscend unto such conditions as might settle a firm Peace in the Empire which it would concern them to do before the Election least he might be the more averse to peace when he should find the Empire once assured upon his Son As to the second particular which relateth unto the Palatins retreat unto this Kingdome he was commanded to tell those Princes that his Majesty could not assent unto it whatever proposals they made of entertaining him at their Costs and Charges His reasons were these That it was not beseeming the Dignity of a King to capiticlate concerning the Pension of any Prince unto whom his Majesty pretended to be a refuge and likewise that there was no reason why he should draw upon himself so great a Charge not being necessitated thereunto and in case they should offer to pay all his Pension without any treaty he was then commanded freely to reply unto them that their Promises did not at all make sure the Pension and if it should chance not to be paid his Majesty could not then avoid the entertaining both of him and his whole family Besides if the young Prince should come into France his Majesty was in Honour bound never to consent unto the Peace of Germany until he were restored unto his States and that he could not give him a Retreat without promising to protect him which he knew would not sort with their Interests That which concerned the Elector of Treves was not so difficult seeing there wanted nothing but the assuring him of his Majesties affection and good Will He went accompanied with that which gave him a very particular satisfaction but the secret management of it being of great consequence that he might serve his Majesty without suspition the knowledg of this hath not been discovered unto any one but themselves As to the fourth and last which concerneth the Peace at least a Cessation of Arms it was in relation to the enterprizes of the King of Denmark and the Princes of the Lower Saxony which had but ill successe so that he had Order to negotiate it the more effectually not onely
because his Majesty was desirous to give a period unto those calamities which had brought Germany into so miserable a condition but also for the Interests of this Crown which being concern'd with those Christian Princes who are not tied to the House of Austria oblige him to hinder the Emperours becomming absolute unto which the war seemed to contribute by weakning the Princes Electors and ruining the Protestants This was the more considerable in regard his Majesty was not then in a Capacity to redresse their aggrievances by force of Arms he was likewise commanded to procure an Electoral Diet where the Electours comming to treat together would doubtlesse resolve and conclude a Peace whereas if they should manage their affairs by their Doctors who for the most part were Pensioners to the House of Austria there could be but slender hopes of a good successe His Instructions Charged him to acquaint them that he was commanded to negotiate the cessation of Arms both with the Emperour the King of Denmark and themselves and that he should effectually endeavour to accomplish it provided that they would ingage unto his Majesty by Instruments drawn up in form that they would after the King of Denmark should assent unto it procure the Emperour to do the like and that themselves would do the same on their parts and lastly that they would call an Electoral Diet where the Peace should be ratified as also a confirmation of their Alliance with France These were the Chief Points of the Sieur de Macheville Instructions in which he bestirred himself with such diligence that he prevailed upon the Princes Electors without discovering his Majesties Intentions to defer the Election of the Roman King That he perswaded them to think it improper for the Prince Elector to retier into France That he tied the Prince Elector of Treves unto his Majesties Interests by Chains of Gold and that he at last procured them to meet at Mulhausen He himself came thither and represented to them those great miseries which the war had brought upon Germany in such effectual language that they became more inclined to Peace then formerly they had been And the year following the Peace was accordingly concluded which the House of Austria would have found means to prevent had not France interposed in the business Politique Observation IT is a piece of great Prudence in a Prince to procure a Peace for his Allyes when the war is not favourable to them It cannot be doubted but that his endeavours will redound to his Honour and Glory seeing it is no small reputation to become an Arbitrator between Soveraigns for God himself who overuleth the whole World hath styled himself The God of Peace But besides this consideration those Princes who have gone by the worst in a war are mutually bound to assist him in his occasions he having preserved them from destruction withal the quality of Allie doth oblige him to become a Mediator for them it being a means proper to preserve their Union and an Act necessary for their conservation The Laws of Charity which command all Christians to lend a helping hand unto one another in dangers and necessities do more especially injoyn it unto Princes seeing their downfals cannot but carry greater consequences with them and that after many frowns of war their ruin cannot be avoided When once they are reduced to extremity it is no longer seasonable then to treat of a Peace for victory pufs up their Enemy whose insolency will hardly give way to loose the advantages he hath gotten and if he should be drawn to lay down his Arms it must be upon hard and shameful termes It is easie to conceive how dangerous it is long to expose them unto the uncertainties of war seeing that Prince who once looses either part of his reputation or forces doth for the most part undergo duly crosses and seems to have been made the laughing stock of Fortune It was not without great reason that Scipio said unto Antiochus The Majesty of a King is not so easily reduced from the height of their power to a more indifferent degree as it is precipitated from an indifferent degree unto the lowest ebb of Fortune Hereupon it was that Hannibal desired Peace of Scipio the African before the last battail which he fought in which he was overcome and that he Etolians were blamed for not accepting of it when offered unto them by the Romans after they had been often worsted by them I might hereunto add that a King who in such occasions procureth a Peace for this Allyes doth not a little serve his own Interests for that a Kings Power consisteth as much in the force of his Allyes as in that of his own subjects There is so strict an Union between the States of Allyes that no one of them can receive any considerable losse but the effects of it will soon appear in all the rest The Power of Allyes is like the strength of the Frontiers to a Kingdome and as an Enemy having once gotten the suburbs and out Quarters hath a notable advantage against the Town it self so the Allyes of a King can neither be weakned nor ruined but himself is in danger of being assaulted in his own Dominions and is rendred the lesse able to make resistance in regard his Allyes are not in a condition to relieve him It was for this cause that Thucydides said he who dis-respecteth his dangers of his Allyes is carelesse of his own safety and I conceive that a Prince who sees his Allyes groaning under the hand of War is equally bound to assist them by mediating a Peace for them least his ruin follow theirs as every man seeing his Neighbours house on fire is obliged to use his utmost endeavour to extinguish it least his own house come into the like danger The Marquis de Saint Chaumont sent to Vincent the Duke of Mantoua in quality of an Ambassodour Extraordinary AT the same time that the Sieur de Marcheville went into Germany His Majesty who thought himself equally concern'd in the Interests of his Allyes as the Affairs of his own State sent the Marquis de Saint Chaumont Extraordinary Ambassadour to the Duke of Mantoua The Duke had by letters express given his Majesty notice of his Brother Ferdinand's death and also begged his assistance to second by his name and officers as Rome the suit which he made there for dissolution of the marriage which he had lately contracted with the Princess de Bossolo who though she had charms enough to perswade him to marry her yet was too old to bear Children The King could have answered him by letters but it being necessary to look after Monsieur de Neuers his Interests who only hoped for his Majesties assistance he thought it more proper to send an Extraordinary Ambassador thither The Marquis de Saint Chaumont was chosen for this employment and commanded to signifie to the Duke how sensibly displeased his Majesty was at the late Dukes death but
of the Joy he had in this accident to find the succession devolved upon him whom he esteemed a Prince endued with all excellent Qualities and from whom he might receive the same respects both as to his person and the Publique good as he had heretofore from his Predecessor He had order to proffer unto him his Friendships and Royal assistance of his Credit Name and Authority assuring him that he should find the effects of it not only at Rome and in his Affairs depending there but also in all other things when-ever occassion should be next of all he was to inform him of the design which the Spaniards had to marry him after dissolution of his late contract to one of the Emperours Daughters and then dexterously to observe to him that the States of Mantoua and Montferrat being very considerable in Italy for their scituations and fertility as also the strong hold wherewith they are defended were continually watched after by the Duke of Savoy and Governour of Milan that they might take some advantage over them and that he not being able to defend himself against them but by the Union and Correspondencie which he held with France and the Princes of Italy was obliged so to carry himself as neither of them might be jealous of him Moreover that his Enemies who well knew all these things would pick out all occasions whatever to make a Breach between him and his friends by carrying him to such Actions as might provoke them against him but in case he should so change that instead of the Free and absolute Soveraignty in which God had now settled him he would find himself reduced to a perfect dependance on the Spaniards who would expose him to the scorn of others and cause him to loose his reputation of friendship and fidelity that all things considered he could not do better then to remain Neuter to hold an equal correspondency with the house of France Austria and the Princes of Italy without doing any thing which might incense either one or t'other but perceiving an intire affection for France as for him who desired his good prosperity and settlement and from whence he might be sure of receiving all assistance and protection without any prejudice in the least But above all the Marquesse was commanded to lay the foundation of the Princess Maria's marriage Neece to Duke Vincent with the Duke de Rethelois and to dispose the Duke to declare him successor to his States after the death of Monsieur de Nevers his Father However he himself was inclined to marry her could he but have procured the dispensation of his first contract at Rome He had instructions likewise to tell him how much his so doing would settle his affairs and authority against his neighbours designs who peradventure if his succession were not declared would be the bolder to attempt upon him and not unlikely on his person too These were the chief points of the Marquesse his Commission upon his comming to Mantua he was resolved with all kind of honour usually shewed to an extraordinary Ambassadour of France After he had entertained the Duke upon those particulars contained in his Instructions the Duke testified to him a great acknowledgement of the honour which the King did him telling him withall that he received it with the greater respect in regard he was French both by inclination and Obligation He discovered to him the great desire he had for the dissolution of his marriage that he might afterwards wed not one of the Emperours daughters as was supposed but the Princesse Maria his Neece whom he passionately loved and from whom he had great hopes of having a Son who might succeed after him As to that which concerned the Prince de Rethelois he ever spoke of him with great respect as a Prince whom he loved and esteemed and whom he looked on as his successor in case he died without issue The Marquess de Saint Chaumont thought it improper to propose to him when he found him so inclined the marrying of the Princesse Maria to the Duke de Rethelois it being an unseasonable motion to one who earnestly desired her for himself But talking in private with the Marquesse de Strigio chief Minister of Mantoua he discovered it to him and ingaged him to contribute his assistance to it in case a dissolution of his present contract could not be obtained as the onely and principal means to preserve his Masters Life giving him withal to observe that this once done the house of Austria and Duke of Saxony must of necessity cease their pretensions which whilest the Duke was without a Successor were too many any longer to be permitted He pressed him too the more earnestly in regard the Marquesse de Strigio told him how that the Physitians had assured that Duke Vincent could not long subsist his body being sickly The Marquess de Strigio was sensible of the importance of that particular and faithfully promised to use his utmost diligence and power to effect 〈◊〉 As to the neutrality which the Duke was obliged by interest to observe between the two Crowns the Duke would oftentimes tell the Marquesse that his heart was French that he was totally disposed to pay all respects and services to his Majesty which could be expected from him and that by the natural inclination he had for France to be gratefull in acknowledging the protection which his Majesty had given his late Brother Ferdinand and he added that his Majesty should never have any cause to be offended with him The Marquesse having thus dispatched the greatest part of his affair took his leave of the Duke to return to his Majesty and to give him an accompt of what he had done Politique Observation A King is no lesse obliged to he carefull of his Subjects Rights among strangers then of the particular affairs of his own Kingdome He is to his Subjects as the head is to the rest of the members which ought to provide for their conservation Kings are bound to maintain their rights who are under their protection either by fair means or foul This made Theopompus answer one who demanded of him how a King might raign in safety That he ought to fear nothing but permit all reasonable things to his friends and be carefull of his own Subjects that they received no injury from any one Divers Princes have been ruined by their toleration of injuries against those who have depended on them We have a remarkable example hereof in that of Philip of Macedon who was killed by Pausarias for having been deaf in his behalf in not defending a wrong which had been done unto him Nothing is indeed more glorious to Kings then the observation of this thing It is an action resembling the divinity to protect the weak against the mighty and to defend them from oppression Great Monarchs are not in any thing more considerable them little Princes but onely in the Power of Arms which they have to defend and
all good success they who let it Master their courages do shun all dangerous honorable attempts and if shame be that which receiveth them yet however they will never do any thing considerable Fortune is a lover of vallour favourer of the daring and courageous and commonly crowneth their attempts with successe Great fears meet great hazards and great Resolutions great successes it being as Salust saith most certainly true Great Resolutions are like Rampards in a Battail every thing gives way to their attempts and a lasse every little thing repulseth a party possessed with fear and want of courage To fear is to be half overcome If any one should aske the reason of it there is only this to be given They fancy precipices in plain wayes they are ever upon the business of consultation never that of execution they love to recede from all obstacles which seem to oppose them not to vanquish or break through them and if perchance they are forced to fight they do it so coldly that they give their enemies al kind of advantages by it Fear seemeth to have dispossessed them of Life and Soul and whereas the face of dangers should serve to stir them to generous Actions It rebates them to an immovableness as if they were voyd of sence or motion I may well liken them to the Timerous Hindes which retain their Fruit to the very last for fear of the pains which they endure in bringing forth and would not then produce their young ones but for fear of a greater mischief or else I may liken them unto the Elephant which is ten years in breeding or to the Palm which according to the Naturalists is a hundred years before it yeeld any Dates for eyer thus it is with them the apprehensions of dangers maketh them fearfull and to seek cut any occasions to avoid fighting and if it should happen that they cannot prevent it they do it so lamely that they onely do it for fear of death But to speak a little too of the seditious Rascal he doth nothing else as the Chancellour Olivier observed but imitate Apes who comming to a Tree get up Limb by Limb to the top and there sit them down shewing there Posteriores for just so do they who are of this temper they are willing to be raised up into high imployments and commands where being once arrived their Artifices must cover the defects of their courages but be it so yet when occasion is the resolutions and glorious actions of others shall become demonstrations of their cowardize and expose them for laughing stocks to the whole world The King hearing that the English were come before Rochel to relieve it rosolveth to return thither THe King had not long been at Paris but he understood the English Fleet was ready to hoise Sail for Rochel which made him resolve upon his return thither I cannot omit observing how this resolution of his was a mark both of his wisdome and courage who as he is not to be cheated out of his Authority by Cabals and Intreagues so is he not to be retarded by any fear of danger from those occasions where he might acquire an accrument of glory At this time it was that the Lord Keeper Marillac and those of his Faction began to lay the foundation of the Cardinall intended ruine but it onely served to convince and shew unto his Majesty that one of the greatest mischiefs whereunto a Soveraign can be exposed is to be incompased with such persons as are passionately bent against his chief Minister The malice which they did bear against his glory finding him much advanced before the siege of Rochel of which he was the first contriver did much instigate them against him They were angry that he had finished his works in such good order though the enemies of the Kingdome could not sufficiently admire them it grieved them to see the place in a condition of being taken by his means and to prevent it they now resolved to use their utmost indeavour to raise up the Hugonot party that they might force the King from the siege of it Now as it was easie to judge that in case his Majesty should return to Rochel he would repulse the English and being followed by many of the Nobility and Lords who are alwaies observed to be the Authors of victory and successe that he would likewise infallibly force the Town so they used a thousand devices to stay him at Paris The Lord Keeper Marillac told him with many expressions of an extraordinary passion for his service that considering how strong the English fleet was in comparison of his Majesties the issue of the battel ought to be doubted how great resistance they would make and a thousand other inconveniences he alleged would follow in case they should get the better of the day Others indeavoured to disswade him by a tacite discommending the ayr of Rochel which might much indanger his health especially during the moisture of the spring every one commending the Valor and Conduct of Monsieur the Cardinal the better to disguise their malice and petswading his Majesty totally to rely upon his care in the management of the siege But they found the Pannick fears made no impression upon his Majesties resolutions which made them design to affrighten his Majesty and the Queen-mother as one whose Sex is most capable of fears perswading themselves that in case he could be prevented by some apprehension she might then have power enough over the King to stay him at Paris Divers Ladies who had the honour to be neer her were won at that time to work several contrivances to that purpose but all to no purpose It is true their design was not onely to hinder the Cardinal from reaping the glory due unto him by the taking of Rochel but totally to ruine him as hereafter shall be shewed Now was it not a little conducing to that purpose to stay the King at Paris for his Majesty not going to animate his Army by his presence they would not onely have made lesse resistance to the English but also many Lords and Gentlemen obliged to attend his person would not have been there by which means the English would have had the advantage of releeving Rochel and the whole blame of that mis-fortune would have been laid on the Cardinal which they thought enough to disgrace him and save his Majesties honour These were the first foundations which this Cabal projected against the glory and favour of this grand Minister But they were all too weak to surprise the Kings mind who no wayes ignorant how necessary his presence was in such an encounter would not refuse it to the honour of his Crown and the repose of France which did much depend upon it He called to mind the example of the late King his father who deliberating whether or no he should go to the relief of Calais so powerfully assaulted by the Spaniards that there were small hopes to hinder their taking
and Horse beget a Horse they having some part of his glory by the honour which they have of being his Subjects and God himself jealous though he be of his own glory as he protesteth in one of the Prophets hath he not commanded us to honour his Saints as the second causes of Miracles to build Churches raise Altars make Vows unto them and to publish their praises for those Miracles which his omnipotent hand hath wrought by them his instruments And were he not besotted who should refuse this honour to the Prince of the Apostles when his very shadow cured so many diseases though effected by a divine power really lesse inhaerent in him then that which grand Ministers have in themselves for the publick good If perverse obstinacy should transport any one to deny them this respect may they not easily be convinced by Gods own example when he spake unto Moses saying Thou hast led my people out of Aegypt though indeed it was the work of his own hand God well knew that he had made use of Moses his servant as the chief Minister of his Kingdome and for the Conductor of his people and therefore how jealous so ever he were of his own glory yet he would ascribe it to him as well knowing that the honour attributed to second causes doth not at all diminish that which is due unto the first This is the true image of honour which ought to be given unto Ministers for the services which they pay unto their Soveraigns and who need be jealous of it seeing God is not A King and his Minister are so strictly united as the hand and instrument in the Artificer so that nothing but malice and envy can oppose that praise which is due to a Minister who hath effected any enterprise with successe tending to the publick good of the Kingdome As the King is first and chief so the first and chief honour is his but then without injustice his Miniser cannot be denied the sharing of some part with him who hath been his instrument to obtain it The expences of the Siege of Rochel amount unto forty millions of Livres THe greatnesse of the expence before Rochel can hardly be imagined without considering the particulars as the punctual paying of the whole Army the building of the Bank Munitions of all sorts and the like They who disbursed the several sums reckon it at forty Millions but the particular diligence and care of the Marquesse d' Effat Superintendent of the Exchequer to provide all that there might not be any want deserveth and undoubtedly so will to passe in History for a particular commendation He entred upon the Treasuries at a time when they were fifty millions of Livres in debt and the Treasurers hardly perswadable to assist his Majesty in any of his occasions by reason of the review which had so lately been made amongst them the Parliament too had much ado to be perswaded to rat fie Edâ—cts for to raise money yet he used such addresse and diligence that not onely there was no want of money but the charge was lesse then formerly it had used to be and in such expeditions where the Souldiers were hardly paid at all such and so great care did he use in the charge of the Treasuries There was a necessity of making some new Edicts but the chief means he used were according to the Cardinals instructions to cut off all superfluous expences to commit the management of those sums which were expended unto persons of known fidelity and trust The Cardinal did not onely lend out upon this occasion what monies he had in his own Coffers but ingaged his credit as far as it would go to raise more amongst his kindred and friends He was not so sittle affectionate to his Masters service as the Cardianal d' Amienâ— was 〈◊〉 who stil sent out of the Kingdom all those gratifications which he received like unto those Courtisans who love the money better then the man and measure their pleasure by their profit whereas the Cardinal prefered his Masters glory before the whole Indiaes he studied nothing but the increase of it and the continuation of himself in his favour that he might to that purpose contribute his utmost care and devoir Politique Observation PHysitians tell us that mans body could neither stand nor go without Nerves Muscles and the like and it is no lesse certain that the body of an Army cannot march or long subsist without a great masse of money to maintain them That Prince who hath no Silver will presently want meat for his Forces be can neither provide them Arms or Cloaths and necessity once pinching upon them away they all flie if any perchance stay behind they are weak as water faint and unable to do any service whereas Plenty of money maketh an Army flourish and in heart one of the greatest means the Duke of Parma used to uphold the Wars in Flanders and France was to see a dayly distribution of the Ammunitions and bread delivered out unto the Souldiers to see them once a year cloathed from head to foot and monethly paid without which he could never have had preserved his army so flourishing and victorious as he did It is true indeed 〈◊〉 was to blame so highly to vaunt before Solon the Athenian when he shewed him his 〈…〉 riches Solon told him he did not esteem him any whit the more potent because war was made with Iron not with Gold however it cannot be denied but that as Levies cannot be made without money so in some sort money is as necessary as Souldiers A small Prince if he have great treasures may have the command of a great army though his Subjects are but few others will willingly let him make Levies in their Countries but he who wants money how great soever he be can neither raise any or keep them long together wheâ—… they are raised I have alwaies much esteemed the advice of Pericles one of the ablest Captains of his time who said that Victories were commonly obtained by these three means Money Souldiers and Councel and to speak the truth who is defective in either of the three must not expect an happy successe in his enter prises Caesar was not ignorant how necessary a thing money was for the incouragement of Souldiers as I have heretofore observed and History reports of him that he was liberal in distributing it among them when by any exploit they had well deserved it of which he hath left behind him one notable example when after that his forces had indured much hardship before Berry he made a Donative of 2000 Sesterces to every man To conclude it is no lesse requisite to settle an order in the Treasuries then to have as good foundation of money for the effecting of which it were good to imploy understanding faithfull men for the payment of Souldiers and the punishing of those who commit offences to make a weekly pay-day to all the Souldiers it being more
Prudent States-man ought to make his resolutions and to regulate his Conduct according to circumstances and the advantage of the time present the former would be much found fault with if he should lose the Wind when it is fair and the latter would commit a deplorable over-sight if he should neglect those advantages and opportunities which should present themselves unto him Opportunity is oftentimes of greater advantage then several Troops and Experience hath dayly evidenced to the World that the advantages of time is the onely thing which if laid hold on carrieth great actions to a prosperous issue Nature observeth her time to put forth her works we never see her bedight with Flowers but when the Sun smiles gently upon her just thus is it with a Prudent man he must strike when the Iron is hot and not strike untill it be hot For this reason it was that the Pythagoreans held opportunity to be the first cause of all things and it is but truth that opportunity is that which giveth them all their perfections and causeth them to terminate in a happy successe Antiquity did much esteem of Pittacus his advice which was comprehended in two words onely know thy time that is lose not thy opportunity but make sure of it it being certainly true that the least smile which she bestoweth is the ground-work of great successes above all an enemy ought to be assaulted at his weakest before he be fortified and that his other Troops come to joyn with him The valiant Scipio would no longer defer his fighting with the Carthaginians when he foresaw that if he gave them time Asdrubal would come up and joyn with them which would augment the difficulties to overcome them Marius in the 25 Book of T. Livy resolved to prosecute the enemy because his Prudence fore-told him that in case he deferred it their whole force would in a small time joyn themselves together and then instead of one Captain and one Army he must incounter with three Generals and three Armies Caesar as himself observeth in his first Book of the War with the Gauls having learnt that there were certain forces comming from the Swedes which were to passe the Rhine presently advanced to fight with Anovistus as doubting least if those forces should come up to him he might be too weak to encounter them The King having resolved upon his Italian Expedition commits the Government of the State to the Queen his Mother THe King before he departed from Paris would as reason was settle the affairs of his Kingdome and State in the hand of a person of whom he was well assured He knew that Kings being out of the way gives opportunity to seditious minds to act and stir who in their presence durst not think a thought that way tending Whereupon he concluded it necessary to intrust the management of all things with some one person upon whose Credit Fidelity and Ability he might rely The Cardinal who was never deficient in procuring all kind of honour to the Queen Mother advised his Majesty to fix upon her as he had done at the siege of Rochel though indeed he was but ill requited for his pains it being at that time that she conceived the first seeds of her hatred against him and suffered her self to be deceived by the false Impostures of her and his enemies That which did most of all clash with the Cardinals thoughts in perswading the King to devolve his power upon her was that she still was guided by those very persons who laboured nothing more then the increasing her Majesties hatred against him and who would act to that purpose with so much the more insolency when they found themselves supported by her authority But as he ever preferred his Majesties before his own Interests he did not long stick at it but finding it most fit for the Government of the State he advised his Majesty to resolve upon it For first the Government of the State could not have been left with any other but it would have raised great broils in the State and secondly he had much rather have been thought improvident in fore-seeing that might hurt him then ingratefull in not procuring to her all possible honour lying in his power and lastly he had some reason to hope that the absolute power which his Majesty left with her during his absence might open her eyes to discern with what zeal and fidelity he had served her In fine his Majesty give the Queen his Mother full and absolute power and caused the Commission which he had made for that purpose to bee read in the Parliament Politique Observation NOthing doth so much allay the hatred of a woman as to procure some honour to her for as they are naturally passionate of ruling so there is not any thing doth more please them then power It should seem that nature having created them to obey they become so much the more ambitious of governing both in private families and in States too for either of which they are very improper Hence it is that they arm themselves with fire and anger against all who oppose them unlesse they are mollified and appeased by love next to which nothing doth so much please and satisfie them as the procurement of some extraordinary power and honour unto them It is a long while since a Philosopher said no water doth so readily extinguish the fire of anger as good deeds which as they make a greater impression on the mind by how much they come nearer to their inclination so there is nothing which doth more please or delight them and hence it is that they are the fittest and most dexterous ways to recall and reclaim their unjust and groundlesse anger and displeasure The King chargeth the Lord Keeper Marillac to chuse out the best rules which had been esteemed proper for the good of the Kingdom by the States met at Paris Anno 1614. and to propose them to the Councel to be drawn up into Ordinances AT the same time the King who cherished Justice as the best Flower in his Crown resolved to publish divers Ordinances relating to his peoples good such as he had chosen out of the best rules which had been thought most proper by the States General at Paris in the year one thousand six hundred and fourteen and by the Assembly at Rouen in the year 1617. and at Paris in the year one thousand six hundred twenty six His Majesty knew that God who had put the Scepter into his hands had not more commanded him any one thing than to administer Justice indifferently to all whereupon he gave order to the Lord Keeper to pick out from those rules such choice ones as might be thought most advantagious for his peoples good to propose them to the Counsel that they might be made Ordinances after mature deliberation had upon them all which was done accordingly and thence sent to the Parliament of Paris whether his Majesty went to hear them read in
ruled with a silk thread but if he be resty or fiery be will need a bit to hold him in Just so it is in this case The goodness alone of a Prince is enough to Govern a people who endeavour and make it their business to live in Peace but if they shall attempt to shake off their yoke they then ought to be retained by fear which is the most propper Curb to compel them not so much to fear their Princes power as to refrain themselves from those actions which deserve to be punished It is to imitate God's own order in his Government who rendereth himself terrible to affright men from siâ— which is as much for their own good as their Kings Glory Fear is not in excesse but when it impresseth an apprehension of Rigor and severity from an unjust Tyrannical Cruelty The Sieur de Marillac cometh from the Queen Mother unto his Majesty at Privas IMmediately after the King was come before Privas the Sieur de Marillac came to wait on him from the Queen Mother with new Justifications concerning her procedure in the affair of the Princesse Maria and to deliver unto him such other letters or recommendation as she had then writ unto his Majesty desiring to make him a Marshal of France The Letters were of such a tenour and with so many Commendations that his Majesty never thinking he deserved the one half was much surprised at them and that which is more considerable is they were contrived by the Cabal the Enemies of the Cardinals glory This Cabal was composed of some of the ablest persons of the whole Court in matters of Sedition Faction or Broyles who did for see that the onely means to withdraw her affection from Monsiâ—ur the Cardinal whom she did then much honour was to ingage her in a good esteem of Marillac the person by them designed to succeed in the Government of all affairs together with his Brother the Lord keeper whom they both knew to be Favourers of their designs Every one made it his work as if it were in Emulation of one another to speak well of him before her Majesty who was the sooner overcome by their devices in regard she ever had a good esteem of him and these Praise seconding it made no small impression upon her They of the Cabal seeing that her opinion of him was now grown up to a height and confirmed in her soul thought it best to loose no more time as also that they could not have a more favourable occasion seeing the Queen Mother had expressed some little disgust against the Cardinal upon the Princess Maâ—ia's Business So they insinuated into her mind to procure him to be made Marshal of France and to bring him into favour with the King They told her he would be a person totally at her devotion one who would carry on her Interest both with and against all as himself too would commonly say to encrease their esteem of him That she had so much the more need of a Man of his Temper seeing the Cardinal was most commonly out of the way and much taken up in affairs of State These were the ground-works which they laid to work upon her and to induce her to write effectually unto his Majesty to make him Marshal of France They thought all well if the Queen Mother did but once request it for then in case his Majesty did make any difficulty of it they could easily perswade her that it was a losse to her Honour and the whole Kingdome would take notice of the little credit or power she had with his Majesty her Son This their contrived design was accordingly put in order For his Majesty did at first refuse to do him that Honour which by the Queens own apprehension and their instigation did much incense and provoke her neither were they hereupon deficient to add oile unto that fire they had made already in her mind against the Cardinal as yet indeed they durst not speak against him with that insolence which shortly after they did but they so played their game that they well knew the jealosie of him which they had already infused into her would soon overcome that little kindness which she had then left for him only they thought it enough for the present to discourse to her how injurious this refusal was to her how powerful the Cardinal was with her Majesty how he retarded and altered his Majesties inclinations who never denied her any thing but they never told her the Reason of it which was because she never asked any thing of his Majesty but what was unreasonable But I pray was not this to hint to her that she had lesse power with his Majesty then the Cardinal the ready way to touch her to the quick and to the quick she was touched for she laid all the Blame of the Kings denial upon his score she began to be offended and in an ill humour against him testifying to him that it was her absolute desire he should be made Marshal of France and forcing him to obtain that honour for him from his Majesty The Cardinal used presently his utmost power with his Majesty to perswade and incline him to it he represented to him that there is a necessity sometimes to bestow Honours and Offices upon them who deserve them not but upon divers other considerations and that the Queen Mothers satisfaction was one chief reason insomuch that his Majesty did at last bestow a Marshals staffe upon him The Cardinal who could not be ignorant of all their Contrivances assured himself that these Instances of the Queen Mother proceeded from the Suggestions of some Cabal or other not from her own Natural disposition But however his Genius did acquaint him with the Remedy as soon as the desease he intended rather to hazard his own Interests though it were with some repugnance and to take his own advantages against this new Officer of the Crown then to deny the Queen Mother governing himself in this particular by the Laws of Prudence which oblige a man to wink at some disorders for want of means potent enough to redresse them Politique Observation NOthing is more dangerous then to advance an Ambitious man to high Honour It is the ready way to put a Sword into a mad mans hand That Minister who contributes to his advancement cherisheth an Enemy whom he must not long after fight with The Honour which is done to an Ambitious person serves him only to be the more active and stirring and as he believeth all things to be his due so he thinketh not himself obliged for any thing procured to him and besides all this The passion which he hath still to be soaring a loft being greater then the Remembrance of him who procured him his Honour will engage him in designs against that very person who hath obliged him if he doeth but once apprehend it to be for his private interest Nay I shall go a little farther and say It is
he sung the Te Deum assisted by all that could throng in as well Catholicks as Hugonots so much were they delighted to behold him and indeed his sweetnesse his agreeablenesse his Civility and the Bounty which his word and behaviour testified to all the World did not a little captivate them and charm their courages Thence he went to alight at the lodging which had been prepared for him where the whole Town waited to receive him he entertained them with such familiarity and freedome that they could never enough be satisfied with his sight And that I may the better describe the content they took in beholding him give me leave to add this one thing that never any one yet saw him but loved him He gave so discreet Orders for the Government of his Souldiers that not a man had any cause to complain of Rudeness or abuse for he severly punished the leaft insolency whatever which did not a little please and content them of the City They would gladly have kept him loâ—ger amongst them but his time drew on and he had not now any other affair to detain him in those parts he having â—ettled alâ— things in Peace to the great Glory and happiness of his Majesty and the whole Kingdome that he provided for his return to his Majesty who desired even to longing to see him that he might take order for the affairs of Italy which began to be re-imbroyled Politique Observation ARms are not all the means for the obtaining of victories Prudence hath some if the victory be nothing but the attainment of that end for which a War is began and provided that a man once Master his design what matter is it whether it be by one or t'other It is the end that is all in all So that he who overthrows a City or wins a pitched Battail is not the onely man according to Quintus Curtus who is victorious but he may justly be likewise termed a Conqueror who by his Prudence forceth them to surrender and lay down their Arms. In the History of Italy we read of a great Contestation between the French and Italians concerning the Battail of Tar each of them ascribing the victory to his own Nation The Italians they pretended they were Masters of the field because their Quarters and Bagage were safe and whole whereas they had pillaged all the French even to the Kings Tent The French on the other side pretended they had the better of the day because they only lost two hundred men and the Italians left three thousand behind them and were also forced to quiet the field and passe over the Tar and that which was more then all the rest was they had obtained that end for which they began the fight to wit for a free passage to return into France and foâ—â—his reason iâ— was adjudged that the French indeed had the better of them it beâ—â—g certain that the Honour of a victory doth not alone belong to him who hâ—th killed most of his Enemies or indeed hath lost fewest of his own but likewise to him who in conclusion of the fight obtains that end for which he began the Battail Besides 〈◊〉 esteem those victories which are got by prudence much more to be commendeâ— then those which are got by Force of Battails in regard the one is aâ—â—chieved with little noyses with safety and without diminution of the strength or losse of mens Lives whereas the other doth obtain but the self same thing by a way quite contrary that is fuâ—l of trouble danger losse and expence Those Victories which are atchieved by Force have Violence for their Chief cause whereas those which are obtained by Prudence have the Rule of all other vertues for theirs and besides who will not more esteem these then the former if only because there is lesse bloud spilt Tygers who delight to shed bloud may perchance rejoyce to see the earth dyed with 〈◊〉 But true Honour and Glory which proceedeth from sweetness and humanity cannot but abhor such sights which are so far from being accompanied with real Honour that rather on the contrary nothing can be more ignoble or unnatural Prosecution of the History AT this time France was happy indeed having overcome that Monster called Heresie which had been long conquering The Power of France was now become the greater in regard it was not divided as heretofore within it self Those Forces which had of late so often drew their Swords within their own Country were now at Liberty to be employed abroad in defence of the Allyes of the Crown The house of Austria was no longer such a Bugbear neither was there any fear of discontented persons Who formerly with the help of fifty thousand Crowns could raise a civil War at their own pleasures Those great Taxes did now cease which were of necessity to be kept on foot whilst the Kingdome was governed at randome Those Expenses which the State was forced to bear for the suppressing the Hugonots in Pensions Fortifications Garrisons Colledges and the like were now layed up The King was absolute Master of Poictou Guyenne Languedoc and Dauphinè which formerly he had only at six and seven But how much then was the whole Nation beholding unto the Cardinal seeing the King had principally made use of his Prudence and Courage to bring all these glorious things to passe as his Majesty himself had often published and declared in his letters and on many other occasions There cannot be any reasonable indifferent Judg but will conclude he deserved all monuments both of Honour and Glory and that such as should be ingrateful for these his services or attempt to procure him any displeasure ought to be punished with shame and confusion But alas that Passion of Private Interest like a thick vail which takes away the sight would not let those of the Cabal neer the Queen Mother behold his deserts and the praises which were due to him But on the contrary led them to take advantages by his absence to invent new devices and contrive sundry Artifices whereby they might incense that great Princesse against him If the King acted any thing not agreeable with her humour presently some one or other would acquaint her with it and add It was the Cardinals doings When once they perceived that she began to be jealous because his Majesty did no longer follow her Counsels which indeed were not much to be commended they were never quiet until they had entertained her with some discourse to that purpose which might blow the Coals of her passion and discontent If at any time she could not presently effect whatever she designed then the Cardinals power was to be lamented either by words at length or perchance because that was not at all times permitted by the language of their Eyes no lesse powerful than the other I should be too to long if I should describe all their tricks But who could endure that they should thus employ their time whiles he
employed his in procuring the Kings glory and the happiness of France Had he been then present they never durst have been so bold but his frequent absence was that which gave them opportunities to embitter the Queen Mother against him who formerly had a great respect for him They raised her anger to such an height before she was aware of it that upon the Cardinals return from Montauban to Fountainbleau she could no longer conceale her discontent her eyes darting anger which formerly were pleasant toward him her eyes darâ—ed out flames indeed and such as would have burned him had not the King interposed his absolute Authority to defend him Politique Observation ABsence hath alwayes been known to be very prejudicial to Court favourites It is difficult for them to be long away and that some one or other raise not a faction against them especially the Women whose affection being more guided by sence than reason verifies that Proverb Out of sight and out of mind Their memory is treacherous and they who are not in their sight are easily removed out of their favours Importunity worketh more upon them then merit and he who desires to be Master of their affections must necessarily be continually in their sight The Spaniard hath a Proverb much to this purpose and a good one it is Women do easily blot out of the roul of their friends those who are either dead or absent But admitting this were not so yet the envy of those who appertain to great men never permits them to lose the opportunity of any absence without attempting their ruine The eminence of a Favourites genius or the virtues which shine in him are not able to secure him for envy is a passion so maligne that those persons who have most reputation true worth and glory are the usual objects of it Whence one of the most famous Captains among the Ancients said He for his part thought that he had not yet done any thing praise worthy because that envy that companion of virtue had not found him out It is true the services and generous actions which they atchieve for the glory of a State do sometimes raise them to so high a degree of honour and repute that the despair of bettering them secures them from the emulation of others but it never exempteth them from hatred There is an inevitable necessity that they who bear a great sway in a Government should be hated not onely because men borne free are carried by a certain natural inclination to hate those who command them but also because there are divers persons of the Court who flatter themselves that they deserve more Honour than they have and that they who Govern the affairs depriving them of that which is their due do attempt to hurt them Such people are they who blame the Sun because they cannot confidently look upon him but consider not that the fault is in their eyes not his lustre They can no more endure the sight of an extraordinary virtue than that of a bright Star were it not for the night they would hardly know what the day is and it is the glimmering of the Moon and Stars which doth onely teach them what esteem they ought to have of the greatness and power of the Sun such maligne Spirits there are who are excellent at nothing but finding faults that they are excellent at who never cease to contrive the downfal of others and onely because they want merit to advance themselves But happy is that Minister whose favour is chiefly grounded upon his Princes knowledge of his services upon his Princes sence of the encrease of his glory upon his Princes affections which are no lesse assured to him in his absence then when he is present Happy is the Minister then when his Master looks upon him as the Sun which hath no lesse virtue or light when it is furthest from us then when it is nearest to us The Comte de Merodes Chamberlain to the Emperor seizeth upon the Grisons without declaring a War THE Hugonot party being thus reduced the History requireth my looking back into Italy and I must tell you that notwithstanding the Ratification of the Treaty of Suze made in Spain upon condition however that the French should depart out of Italy yet the Comte de Merodes his Imperial Majesties Chamberlain whom we may look upon as a Spaniard both by reason of the strict Union between Spain and the Empire as also because in this affair the Empire was totally guided by the Spaniard invaded the Grisons seized upon the passages between Germany and Italy took Meyenfeld and Coire their capital Cities and built forts in such places as were most convenient for the marching of his Troups This breach was occasioned by Monsieur de Savoy a person naturally turbulent and whose courage besides the affront which he had so lately received at Suze transported him presently after the Treaty of Peace and as soon as ever he saw the King engaged at the siege of Privas to negotiate with the Emperour and King of Spain a new War but upon the old design He had acquainted the Emperour that the violence which had been offered him at Suze did not so much concern his eminency in particular as it reflected on his Imperial Majesty seeing he for his part had never attempted the stopping of the passages but onely in defence of the rights of the Empire that the reliving of Cazal was a contempt of his Authority seeing the Duke of Mantua was his vassal and had not at that time rendred the obedience which he ought to his Majesty He likewise gave the Spaniard to understand that the affront which he received before Cazal brought a disrepute upon him through all Italy and that it was to be feared lest in prosecution thereof they might attempt something upon his Dominions there that the Cardinal had already projected his ruine in Italy that the Common wealth of Genoa was just ready for a revolt that an expedition was already prepared against Milan and that they had already proposed to engage him in it by assuring Bresse unto him and offering ready mony for the Marquisat of Saluces which would much facilitate the entrance of the French into Italy and that in case they should thus deprive him of those two inlets the one by Sea the other by Land there would then nothing be more easie then to despoil him of the Kingdom of Naplâ—s These considerations were of no little power to stir up both those two Potent Princes seeing it concerned their honour but there was as little honour and truth in these his discourses as there was Justice in the Câ—mte de Merodes seizing the Grisons without declaring a War against them or without any cause given of hostility It is true beiâ—g come near the Grisons he sent indeed one of his Company with the Emperours Letters to Coir in which he demanded to passe through their Countrey but instead of expecting an answer he presently
the principal strength of a Kingdome and their dis-union is the cause of their ruin whence Lycurgus assured the Lacedemonians that nothing could so much contribute to the encrease and preservation of their State as an invincible courage against their enemies and an inviolable concord among themselves The devise which Philip of Macedon made use of to overcome the Precians was the fomenting of some differences between them he assisted one part of them against the other and so long preserved the division between them till at last they were both easily to be overcome and who knoweth not that that which heretofore brought France into the power of the English was onely the division which the house of Burgonie and several other Countries had raised within it The Stars which are in an ill aspect cannot but produce very ill consequences here below so likewise when confederated Provinces shall begin to look awry one upon another and with animosity they cannot but endanger one another The stateliest Palaces are soon ruined by little cracks and the greatest people by small divisions I might insert here that the greatness of the God-head consists in its unity and that if it could be divided it would not be infinite Thus that which renders a State invincible is concord and that which destroyeth a Kingdome is division that same thing too that it doth in publick it doth in private families The House of Austria entereth very strong into the Duke of Mantua's Country THE taking of Coir and Meyenfeld was the Gate by which War entred into Italy For the House of Austria presently after the taking of Suze sent two Armies into Montferrat under the Marquis Spinola The Spaniard had caused the said Marquis to quite the Low-Countries and to come into Italy His first business was to set all things right between his Master the State of Gâ—noa which Common-wealth was upon the point of revolting He came thither in July and used his utmost to make a good Intelligence between them and indeed he was so successful in it that he did the Spaniard one of the best pieces of service that he had ever yet done The next thing he did was to store up great quantities of Corn a Comodity very necessary in those parts for the entertaining of any War though never so little by reason of the Scarcety in that Country He declared every where that his Master desired Peace but it was only until his Forces were got together and that he was in a condition to begin the War for as soon as ever he found himself provided he entred into Montserrat took some small places and amongst the rest Pontdesture and made his approaches towards Cazal but would not absolutely lye down a second time before it until he saw an impossibility for France to relieâ—e it The ruine of the Hugonot party did not a little stagger him for that now his Majesties forces were at full Liberty to march out of the Kingdome but he conceived us to have been so weakned and entangled by the divisions which those of the Spanish party had raised in the Kings Family as also by the very doubt in which the Cardinal himself was that his Majesty would not be perswaded to repasse the Alpes Winter now comming on that he hoped by this means he might effect his design and the sooner seeing Canzal and Mantua were assaulted at the same time which would so surprise us that we could hardly tell which we should first assist For the German Lutheran Armie led by Colalte had entered into Mantua at the same instant that he did into Montferrat and thus instead of the Justice which the Emperor had promised the Sieur de Sabran and published by a Declaration wherein he undertook to restore it to the right owner the Army Committed such cruelties as are incredible burning and pillaging Churches wiâ—h greater violence and fury then ever the Iconoclasts did breaking all Crosses Images Saints and what not The Souldiers would commonly tye the Images with Cords and so dragg them up and down sometimes they would throw them into the water profane the consecrated Plate ravish Women and Maydes and fill the whole Country which mourning and blond in short they made it apparent that that Cloak of Religion which they so boast of in Germany was only a Pretence to cover their Ambition This great violence seconded and upheld by Force of Armes gave them the Libâ—rty of overrunning almost all Mantua most part of the Natives flying from them a as heretofore they had from Alaricus and Attila by which means at last they came up to Mantua it self and besieged it But Colonel Duranâ— had gotten in a liâ—tle before them with a thousand expert Souldiers well commanded and Monsieur de Mantua had likewise drawn in thither the choysest of his own men so that the Spaniard resolved to sit down before the Town though their Army was equally pestered with the Plague and Famine which at last forced them to retire yet before they went off they committed the most infamous peece of treachery was ever yet heard They made several propositions of Peace and Monsieur de Mantua seeing how willing they were of an accomodation consented to a Truce of three hours During which and in confidence of their faith he opened the Port Fort-Bourg which is on t'other side the Bridge now they more regarding their advantage then the Fidelity which ought to be inviolable between Princes after about three thousand of them were got in seized on it A Treachery very strange but as few base actions succeed well so that served them but to small purpose for Colonel Durand made a Sally out upon them during which there was a Trench raised and Cannon planted on it which Commanded all the Fort-Bourg by which means it came unserviceable to the Imperialists Politique Observation THE faith of them who Command Armies hath been ever esteemed sacred He who once breaketh it looseth his Honour And indeed if there were not an obligation to keep it to what passe would things come There could be no security in Treaties One Prince could not trust another and in Leagues every one would be catching at all advantages which he should find A General ought to respect nothing more then his Honour now there is not any one thing which can more obscure it then Infidelity which breaketh the Justice of Military Act which gives a Liberty to do any unreasonable thing and converts War into Pyracy He who would have his Souldiers be true to him must be Just to his Enemies Neither may he recede from one single word passed to them Besides he is so much the more bound to the observance of it as it is of consequence to them Stratagem are allowable but they must be of War not Infidelity The Romans were such strict observers of this particular that they placed the Image of Fidelity next to that of Jupiter in their Capitol to the end every one might respect it as
Their weakness is the Kings strength neither can they increase but his must diminish He who intrusteth them with power raiseth a dangerous enemy against himself The Sun is but one and all the Stars receive their light from him yet upon condition that he may at his pleasure deprive them again of that splendour just so is it with Princes their greatnesse proceedeth from the King and he may despoil them of all their honour in a moment if once they recede from the due respect they owe unto him The Riches which he bestoweth on them are for the discharging of those expences which are proper for persons of their eminency not for the upholding of Factions and abetting of Revolts What advantage did Charles of France take in Normandy given to him for Appanage towards making a War against Lewis the Eleventh his Brother And the States assembled at the same time at Tours did much admire his Majesty would so give it to him but advised him to recall it and grant him onely an Annual Revenue some in Lands and some in Pension in lieu of his Appanage Who did ever bring into so many eminent dangers as the Appanages of Berry and Bourgogne Were not these two Provinces the retreats of all discontents Were not the Courts of those two Dukes the Forges where all the Thunderbolts that were afterwards thrown about the Kingdom were formed and contrived Were not there the springs of all dissentions discontents and civil wars And were not they the persons who brought in the Kings of England and Dukes of Britain onely to favour the designs of their Ambition The Cardinal is declared Generalissimo of the Kings Armies in Italy THe spirit of division which had till then kept Monsieur from the King gave great hopes to the enemies of the State to advance their designs in Italy They doubted not of inflaming a civil War in France which might so divert his Majesties Armies that he could not have the leisure to come up to them a second time The Duke of Lorain offered Monsieur as many forces and money as he could desire and the Duke of Savoy who never yet escaped a broil sent twice to him to complain that he being so much his servant he should take any other country for his retreat and to offer him his with protestation of quitting the Soveraign authority to him nay that he would even forsake it to make him absolute Master thereof as also of himself and children to be disposed at his Will and Pleasure These Offers were sufficient to have charmed any Soul had he been at that time so distrustfull as after he was but he rather chose to follow those just reasons which the King had proposed to him and to submit himself to his pleasure All that forraign faction was wonderfully surprised at the news of his accommodation and the Cardinal who stayed his Army from advancing into Italy onely in expectation of his return perswaded his Majesty no longer to defer his resolution that the Spaniards might not make any further progresse The King desired to go in person he being too couragious to entertain himself in a Chamber whiles his Armies were in the field But the Cardinal who foresaw that the unseasonableness of the time might indanger him advised him to stay some time and offered himself to undertake that imployment The King received this Proposition as an assured testimony of his fidelity but such so tender was his affection to him that he could hardly be perswaded to part with him he being as much grieved to consent to his departure from him as he was heretofore joyed for his return as was seen by all the Court at Rochel Privas and Fountainbleau Yet at last his Majesty knowing how important the assisting of Monsieur de Mantua was as also how much the glory of his Armies and Authority were concerned in it could not intrust them with any but the Cardinal who was not onely the chief Minister in his Counsels but also the greatest Commander in his Kingdom He knew in what reputation he was amongst strangers what Courage his presence infused into the Souldiery Of his Prudence he was assured having oftentimes seen his Enemies Plots discovered by him prevented before ever they were ready to be put in execution His good conduct too he could not be ignorant of he having by often experiment found it to be exact and excellent and such as was to be preferred before any other In fine he could not doubt of Victory whilest his Army was incouraged by so brave a Commander These were the reasons which induced his Majesty to give him that command of Generalissimo As soon as he had received his Commission he departed from Paris being about the latter end of the year which his Majesty intended to celebrate by as famous an Act as he began it As great exploits beget emulation so some there were who muttered that such an imployment should be conferred on a Cardinal an Ecclesiastical person but they betrayed their own ignorance who knew not that History affords us divers examples of several Cardinals who at sundry times have commanded Armies Spain in the time of King Alphonsus made use of the grand Cardinal Albornoz who followed him through the midst of the most bloudy Battels Then Ferdinand and Isabella imployed the great Cardinal Ximenes General of their Armies in Affrick Italy hath had many Cardinals out of the families of the Colonni the Vitilesci the Câ—râ—â—ffi the Fregosi who have shewed their valour in Armies that we might know that as the Romans with their long Robes did heretofore Conquer the greatest part of the Universe so that that habit was not inconsistent with Victories Besides the ignorance of those Censurers could not bee excused seeing they knew how that the ancient Laws of this Kingdom do oblige several of our Bishops to follow his Majesty in person to the Wars as also that they are bound to it by the Tenures of their Temporal Estates It is to be seen in Hugon and the Chronicle of St. Dennis in the year 1209. that Philip Augustus being at War with the English called upon all the Bishops to accompany which they did accordingly and afterwards that the Bishops of Orleans and Auxerre seeing the King was not there returned back again they pretending themselves not obliged to it unlesse when the King were there in person The King seized upon their Temporal Estate which they complaining of at Rome could have no other redress but that they ought to obey his Majesty the Pope being unwilling to break the customes of the Kingdom neither were they restored to the enjoyment of their goods untill they had payed their Fines for it In the same manner I have seen an Act of the Bishops of Auxerre dated in the year one thousand two hundred twenty and two by which he confessed himself obliged to send to the War of the Albigeois being unable to go thither in person by reason of his
infirmity and another injunction made to the Bayliffs in the year thirteen hundred and four commanding all Prelates and Ecclesiasticks who were bound to attend his Majesties service that they should be ready to wait on his person These examples may serve to demonstrate that Prelates have heretofore been accustomed to serve our Kings so that there cannot be any just exceptions made against their following of his Majesty in Arms. Politique Observation THe General of an Army being the second person of a Kingdom had need be indued with all the qualities necessary to the King himself but those which do most contribute to his glory and the good successe of the Armies under his command are Prudence Courage and Reputation Prudence is like the eye which beholds those things that are proper to be done and what is fit to be commanded Courage is that which executeth them and Reputation is like the soul in couragious Battels which gives motion to the Souldiers with so extraordinary a generosity that it is easie to know when they are commanded by a General in whom they have a confidence Prudence is necessary for him to deliberate with judgment what is sound and fit and to command them to good purpose which teacheth him to keep his Army in good order which acquainteth him with the humour and disposition not onely of those Officers who command under him but likewise of his Souldiers that he may the more readily know how to command them upon his designs which teacheth him the observation of military Laws which helpeth him to foresee and prevent great dangers which gives him means to judge of Treaties and make advantages of them as occasion shall happen which furnisheth him with resolution to prosecute his designs with courage of mind to bear mis-fortunes and with moderation in good successe These are some of those effects of that Prudence which is requisite in a General I could add a thousand other subjects in which it is needfull but for the present I shall onely say in general terms that Prudence ought to be the rule by which he squareth all his actions Thus did the Egyptians acknowledge it for an inseparable companion of command whiles they represented it by an eye placed over a Scepter If a General have need of Prudence surely Courage is no lesse necessary for him that he may break through all obstacles which may happen for the assaulting of his enemies with rigour that he may adventure upon dangers without fear that himself may be in the fights and that in his own person he may lead up his forces to infuse the greater resolutions in them It is not that he should rashly run into dangers but to look them in the face and to send others on without apprehension of fear It is an errour in young men who think that a General cannot be couragious unlesse he run madly into dangers that were rather fury and would procure him the discredit of being rash rather then the honour of being couragious If he had an heart without judgement to what purpose were it He being the Soul of War and others lives depending on his he is bound to preserve himself for the preservation of others Not that he ought to be absent when orders are to be given or his Souldiers incouraged but that he ought not to run headlong into the heat of the Battel unlesse when he finds the Victory wavering and that his example is requisite to renew the courage of his Souldiers and to carry the day by some extraordinary attempt In such occasions he may adventure himself else not His staffe of command being to force others on and the Sword in the Souldiers hand to execute his commands Lastly Reputation is requisite in a General for without it the Souldiers have not any confidence in him whereas when they once esteem him it intitles him to a greater power over them then any other thing when they shall have oftentimes seen him break through dangers they will not flinch at any thing The Sun his vigour maketh all things the more fruitfull and it is most certain that the reputation of a General is that which makes him more resplendant amongst his forces and adds a great life to his commands The Souldier moves but by halfs under a low spirited Commander and is hardly perswaded to any extraordinary enterprises He seems onely to have Arms for his own defence but when his Commander is a person of reputation it is far otherwise I am of the same judgement with him who said Opinion hath so great an Empire that it governs the whole world at least it is so far true for that virtue her self would have but small authority in commanding without being beholding to her Thus an ancient and that wisely held that the happinesse of successe was the daughter of authority and of the reputation of great men The End of the First Book THE HISTORY OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE Cardinal de Richelieu Second Part. Anno 1630. IF Antiquity hath made Afrique to passe for one of the most wonderfull Countries of the World because it every day produceth something which is both new and Monstrous I am most confident that this years History will enforce the judgments of those who shall consider it to confesse that Europe runs the same Parallel and the extraordinary diversity which is here met with is ground enough for it seeing every Sun brings to light somewhat which is not common and seems to give a new face to all State affairs Bellona sets all parts on fire with the flames of War Peace endeavoured which all it's might to extinguish it in Italy Honour and disgrace breed strange effects Ingratitude will cause us to behold such Monsters that the Age to come will want faith to believe the qualities of them Love and hatred will a like strenuously act their parts The Stars of Heaven in their malignities one against t'other seem to conspire the ruin of Nations and Armies In a word there is not any one thing which a man may call strang or unheard of but I find acted to the life in this years compasse not to say in Europe but even in France it self If should seem that Heaven which cannot justly be more admired at for any thing then that of its various twinking lights the Stars is sometimes delighted to shew us an extraordinary diversity in Negotiations of States and partly to afford those who govern fit opportunities to testifie their Prudence to the World The Divine wisdom permits their Splendor to be somtime Eclipsed with thick clouds which are soon after dissipated and blown over to make their light appear the more glorious Such is the condition both of Kingdoms and particular men that they are both equally subject to the changes of Fortune But as the wise and prudent Pilot saves and keeps his vessel in the greatest and most violent storm not losing his judgment either at the flashes of lightning or the claps of Thunder which
cuts and rends the air on every side So likewise a great Minister cannot be moved at any shocks of Fortune his courage never permitting her to Triumph in the least over his resolution or to Byas him from the Laws of Prudence the rule of all his conduct and this it is you will find our Cardinal to practise in all and every the transactions of this year The Promotion of the Arch-bishop of Lions and Monsieur Bagny to the Cardinalship I Will begin with the Honours which the King procured his holiness to bestow with the Cardinals Hats on the Arch-bishop of Lions and Monsieur Bagny the Popes Nuntio The great Worth of the former at the least equalized that honour of the Cardinalship and his sublime vertue made it apparent to all the World that to have left him in the solitudes of a Cloyster had been a great injury and wrong to the whole Church I shall not need say more of him then that he was the Cardinals Brother seeing that qualification were sufficient to render him capable of so eminent a dignity The King who slips not any occasion of acknowledging the services which he had done both to his Person and Estate could not endure to see him have a Brother in the Church and not advanced to the utmost degree of Honour which the French are capable of and the Pope had but too much assurance and knowledge of the great advantages he had procured to the Church so that he could not do lesse then honour his Brother with a hat seeing it was not in his power to raise himself to any higher Eminency It s true by the Laws of the Roman Court it is not permitted that two Brothers be Cardinals at the same time But as these Laws are not so considerable as those of gratitude and acknowledgment so his Holiness did not so much as once scruple at it And for that which concerns Monsieur de Bagny besides the custome of ordinarily conferring the Cardinalship on such as have for some time resided neer his Majesty in the quality of his Holiness Nuntio which seems to give him some right or claim to the Hat His own Worth which rendered him deserving in the judgments of all the Grandees in the Kingdom not only of the Cardinalship but even of the Papal Miter every one predicting that he would one day wear is invied nay enforced the King to contribute his utmost to obtain it for him and not only that but the quality of his Genius caused every one to conclude that he would one day be very considerable in the Court of Rome when before he had arrived to that pitch of Honour he could not but be very advantageously useful to the Interests of France which upon frequent occasions depend upon their well management in the Consistory Politique Observation ALthough the Cardinals are not regarded in France but as Princes who are strangers Yet this their promotion doth not render them lesse useful or important to the State they being more considerable then other Princes of the same condition by reason of the affairs which are daily negotiated with his Holiness the Pope and indeed ought to be respected as the principal conservators under the King of the Liberties and Franchises of the French Church and State they being his Majesties Chief Ministers in Ordinary neer the Pope and it hath been alwayes held necessary that there were some one of this quality either a French man by Nation or at least very affectionate by Nature to the Interests of France who might cordially advance the designs and concerns of the French King and Church with his Holiness the Pope And from hence it came to passe that if they were naughty French little affectionate either to the State or his Majesties Person or infected with the Maximes of Spain that great Inconveniences befell as hath been heretofore seen and for my particular I believe it to be safer for his Majesty to permit France to be with out any rather then such Cardinals But we live not in an age which hath any reason to complain of such an unhappiness seeing France oweth the restauration of its greatness and glory to the Cardinal as to the Prime and first of second Causes which Act under the King for to him chiefly belongs the Honour in that he had so great an influence upon the Popes disposition that he gave the Italians themselves a just occasion to say that his Holiness was turned Cardinal The dispatch of the Marshal d' Etree to the Commonwealth of Venice concerning the Affairs of the Duke of Mantua I Shall passe from the consideration of those reasons of State which might be made upon the aforesaid Lords Promotion to the Cardinalship that I may tell you how about the end of the foregoing year Fortune being become seldome favourable to the house of Austria or their Arms the Imperialists found themselves so oppressed with diseases and incumbred with sicknesses and necessities that they were enforced to raise the siege of Mantua But it was as if they had only withdrawn themselves into their Winter quarters The Duke of Mantua was vigilant for the preservation of his State and well knew the ambitious humor of Spain which had sought all occasions for fifty years past to render themselves Masters of Italy and would not now bee wanting to reassume their former design in causing new Troops to come from Germany and in giving better Orders and Instructions then heretofore that they might give new life to their intentions and designs This moved him to make addresses to the King that he would be pleased to interpose his Authority with the Venetians to induce them to raise an Army and make themselves Masters of the field which would discourage the Imperialists to return or make any more approaches towards Mantua This request of his was granted and the Marshal d' Estree dispatched towards Venice about the beginning of January to treat there concerning those succours with order to retirs himself into Mantua after the conclusion of his Embassie according as the Cardinal had perswaded the King to be most proper before he had began his Journy thither And thus it being business of no small importance for the Venetians to hinder the Spaniard from seating himself so neer them as Mantua His Dominion being like the Eagles Feathers which frets and eateth away those which are next and neerest unto it they readily imbraced the protection of the said Duke of Mantua and chose the Duke of Candal for their General and gave him after many importunities continually suggested by the Marshal d' Estree about twelve thousand foot and three thousand Horse to which were joyned the Regiments of Candale and Valette which were about three thousand men a piece sent by the King Politique Observation IT is very necessary to know the designs of an Enemy before he be in a condition to put them in Execution and this foresight is so much the more commendable by how much it
about with fury It snatcheth away all fears and there is not any thing which it doth not perswade and lead him to The Events of War are incertain and it is in fights as in other affairs of the World sometimes he who negotiateth findeth himself reduced in certain conjunctures to put himself upon an eminent hazard of losing all to gain all the advantage to himself so he who in a combat would carry away all the glory by a high hand doth often see it reaped by his enemies for that he attempted to reduce them to too great an extremity The King falls very sick and disposeth of his State-affairs DUring the Treaty God Almighty who hath not made Princes of any other temper then other men permitted the King to fall into a violent disease the issue whereof being incertain put the affairs of the Kingdom into a strange confusion But as all the sicknesses wherewith he doth afflict men are not to destroy them his love alwaies guiding and conducting the order of humane affairs so he would not deprive France of a King who was so necessary for them nor the Church of her eldest son who fought for her Liberty He restored him his health and imployed the sickness to let him know that he was liable to the Laws of humane frailty as well as the least of his subjects He gave him this occasion to make known that vertue and extraordinary Piety wherewith he had invested his Soul His Courage evidenced to all the World that he did not fear death but considered it as an easie passage from the miseries of this life to the eternal happinesses of Heaven his thoughts were not fix'd upon any thing but how to render his Soul worthy of the divine mercy which he did hope to obtain The onely regret which he testified was not the leaving his Crown but the having committed offences which humane weaknesse cannot avoid and for which he desired pardon of God which all bathed in his tears he begged those who were present to assist him in Politique Observation KIngs are not exempted by the lustre of their Crowns from the necessities either of sicknesse or death If their Birth and Scepter have advanced them sicknesse and death render them equal The greatest part of adversities do not spare them at all during their lives But it should rather seem on the contrary that the greatnesse of their birth hath obliged them to undergo the greater afflictions The divine Prudence having so ordain'd it to let them know they are but men The valiant Alexander bewitched with his Conquests suffered himself to be perswaded by his flatterers that he was of the Race of the Gods and he was not undeceiv'd of this presumptuous opinion untill he was wounded and saw the blood run down from his wound There is indeed nothing more ordinary with great men then to forget themselves amidst those extraordinary respects which are payd to them God hath left them subject to the same afflictions with the rest of men which serve as so many calls to advertise them that their Felicity is not on earth and that their Kingdom is but a place of exile where God hath left them liable to the same inconveniences That true greatness doth not so much consist in the power to do whatsoever one would as in the will to do what one ought That it is blindness to measure their power by the licentiousness of satisfying their Passions and that the greatest Princes in subjecting all things have first subjected themselves to reason shewing in all their actions that though they could do any thing yet they would attempt nothing but what were fit and worthy of Gods Lieutenant that greatnesse doth not acquit them from well-doing but on the contrary as it hath furnished them with more opportunities so more is expected from them that their surest Revenue is the good and love of their people and that they ought not so much to fear to suffer evil as to do evil The gentleness of the Cardinal towards his Enemies THe Kings sicknesse produced several occasions by which the Cardinal perceived but with great grief the extremity of the hatred which the Queen Mother had conceived against him which made him redouble his care to do all things which might render him agreeable to his spirit There was no one quality or thing able to beget good will in the hearts of men with which he did not study to furnish himself that he might render himself deserving of the honour of his Majesties good favour Good Offices make a man acceptable and it cannot be related with how much Passion he imbraced his Majesties Interests We usually love them that love our relations and the Cardinal had so great a desire to pleasure his Majesty that forgetting all the injuries which he had received from the Marshal de Marillac he got ten thousand Crowns to be presented to him and a Command given him equal with that of the Marshals of Force and Schomberg to go to the relief of Cazal It is impossible to hinder our wills from loving them who love us it being very true that there is no stronger charm to oblige others to love us then our first loving them Now there is not any person can better testifie them the Queen Mother her self and those who were neer her both at Lyon and in her return to Paris how much zeal and affection the Cardinal vowed protested and shewed to her in a thousand actions which concern'd her service Great submissions reclaim the most brutish natures Now nothing could be added to those which the Cardinal made to his Majesty at Lyon and in the same journey to Paris when he begged his pardon in behalf of his most just intentions as if they had been most grievous offences and in such a manner as was able to allay the fury of a Lyon Was it needfull to imploy so many cares to use so much industry to make him be beloved who was the chiefest of men and the most amiable Those eminent qualities wherewith the Creator of the Universe hath inriched him as a Master-piece of his Power and which he form'd but once in six ages and so many glorious exploits which have immortalized his honour are not these I say such efficacious charms that it is impossible to see him and not to love him It is true that they were sufficient to have wrought upon any spirit which had not been cemented in its Passion for above two vears together And though it were so he for his part did never forget any of those things which are imagined to be capable of re-estating himself in her good thoughts The ordinary discourse with which he entertained her was that he could never do enough to recover that place which he had heretofore had the honour to possesse in her good opinion and to confesse and acknowledge to her those great favours for which he was still ingaged to her though indeed and by the strict Laws of Equity
which he had often been accused So that it was but reasonable to destroy these ungratefull wretches who would have ruined the Genius of France by accusing him of Ingratitude It is an ordinary effect of the Divine Justice to cause those evills to fall upon them which they would pull down upon him and to permit that they become really culpable of those crimes which they would falsely lay to his charge Politique Observation THere is no injury so unpardonable as ingratitude which renders men so much the more blame-worthy for that they are impeached by good Offices An infamous life hath three steps first to forget kindnesse secondly not to recompence them the third to render evil for good The first is the effect of a great neglect The second may sometimes proceed from a want of ability But the third can proceed from no other cause but a black deformed malice So though the first cannot be excused yet it may be born with The second was in so great detestation by the Egyptians that they caused such as they found culpable to be proclaimed by the City-Crier to the end that no one might afterwards do them any kindness thinking it very reasonable that he should lose all his friends who had not been carefull to retaliate like for like to him who had obliged him But the third hath alwaies been had in so great an abhomination by all men that they thought only death was fit to expiate it that the earth might quickly rot such an execrable creature as it had brought An ingratefull man is worse then a Traitor a Traitor being only to blame for having fallen back from those promises which he was tied to by his Parole But an ingrateful person is not onely deficient to what he was obliged to perform by promise but by the obligations and favours which he had received At least the most moderate of men could never indure it seeing they are like those vapours which the Sun having exhaled from the earth do indeavor to obscure his splendour They deserve to be punished especially when their treacheries are prejudicial to the good of a State as here they were when they attempted this destruction who next to the King was the greatest prop and support of the Kingdomes Felicity Is not the attempting to destroy such a Minister who is the first instrumental cause by which he hath arrived to so high an accrument of glory as striking at the very person of the King himself I should much blame that Minister who would indeavour and make use of his power to obtain a Remission for such a Crime There are some injuries which it is noble to pardon and there are others amongst which I rank this for which the Publick Interest requires vengeance Mercy is not contrary to Justice but Justice is governed by Mercy which serves forâ—ts guide Too great Lenity breeds too great Licentiousnesse and makes both the Prince and Laws to be little esteemed of It is more noble in a King to pardon then to execute the rigour of Justice but it must be to such persons whose Imprudence may not augment their licentiousnesse of doing evil and whose Crimes arise rather from their weaknesse then from black detestable Villany A Treatise of Peace between the Emperour and Duke of Mantua DUring his Majesties sicknesse and their beginning of these Intreagues the affairs of Cazal were finished upon the Treaty aforesaid The Duke of Savoy Mazarini and Colalte received news from Germany that the Sieur de Leon who was employed by his Majesty for a Peace to the Emperour had concluded a Treaty and shourtly after the Sieur of St. Estienne brought it to Generals with Letters from the Sieur de Leons and an expresse promise from the Emperour that he would install the Duke of Mantua in his Dutchy and Marquisate of Montferrat with consent that the Town Castle and Cittadel of Cazal should be delivered into his hands This was as much as could be desired for the foundation but the circumstances how to do it were difficult it being agreed by the Treaty that the Emperour would invest the said Duke only within six weeks and that fifteen daies after he would withdraw his Arms out of Mantua and the King of Spain his from Cazal and other places of Montferrat This did much trouble the Generals because this Article did much oblige them to remain in Italy two moneths longer with the Army before the Spaniards would leave Cazal which stay they could hardly make because the Plague was very rife in the Army and they had victuals but for certain days these two reasons would infallibly force them to break up before half the time were elapsed which should they have done the Spaniards might with ease become Masters of Cazal who had not subscribed to it with their usual designs because they had liberty to hold the advantage they had got whenever the Treaty should be brought These just considerations were debated by the Generals who believed his Majesty would never ratifie it so they resolved not to regard it but to march with the Army with all speed before Cazal The Spaniards being inform'd of this resolution were so much surprized by their apprehensions of the first stock of the French who at the first onset fight like Lyons They presently sent back Mazarini who had brought them the news to assure them that they would observe the Treaty of Peace and that to put it in execution they were content to permit the importation of a whole years prouisions into the Cittadel of Cazal But the Generals having once heard that they began to be in fear concluded especially the Marshal of Schomberg that they should presently advance to Cazal thinking that their appearance only would force the Spaniards to quit the Siege forthwith without staying till the end of the two moneths which was accorded by the Treaty Politique Observation IT is very difficult to Treat a Peace which may have an assured end in a place far distant from Armies whilest they are enemies Great distance maketh many things be unknown in point of particular Circumstances and of the present State of the Armies which do many times hinder the execution of what is resolved on It is with those who transact affairs at a great distance as with Astrologers who do contemplate here below the Stars of Heaven perceiving only that which is most apparent in them without being able to observe many particular Qualities So those see nothing but the Lump of businesse and are most commonly to seek in the particular and present disposition of affairs without the exact knowledge of all which nothing can be certainly resolved on which shall surely be put in execution It is good to sound at a distance the inclination of him with whom a man doth treat but when it once comes to resolve on particular Proposals a man ought to know every particular passage if that be omitted there doth most commonly happen some one thing or another
he treated in Piedmont and Savoy the fidelity wherewith he had guided himself in those Treaties wherein he had been imployed since the beginning of the War The intelligence of Forraign affairs which had made him happy and considerable in several encounters The good order which he kept in the Army whilest he was super-intendent of Justice and the eloquence which he had testified in his younger daies in several Charges Now that so many good qualities might not be let lie without honour and so many noble actions without reward his Majesty as I said thought fit to impose the Charge on him of having a care concerning the Affairs of War making it evident by his judicious choice how exactly well his Prudence knew to make use of persons according to the particular qualifications of their minds The quality and good parts of a Secretary of State THe Charge of Secretary being as it is one of the most important of the Kingdom It is needfull that the Person with whom it is intrusted should be indued with qualities accordingly He should have Experience to manage both at home and abroad the affairs in which he is imploied He should be well acquainted with the particular humours of Princes strangers and Grandees of the Kingdom as also of their several interests and pretensions Eloquence in discourse is necessary for him because the King intrusts his Pen with him to write to all Monarchs Princes Parliaments and Estates and generally to people of all sorts For it is not enough barely to let them understand the will of his King but he should do it in fit and proper terms for a King that is with Majesty and the Elegance of a Masculine generous stile without any thing of bombast or affectedness I know nothing so absurd as to make a King speak beneath his Majesty As for that which concerns Eloquence though to write Letters in the name of some barbarous King which are not so exactly digested may be tolerared yet it would be extreamly found fault with in France where neatnesse hath made her Throne and doth particularly inhabit and where our Kings have nothing but what is eminent and of the best The very name of Secretary of Estate doth sufficiently shew how much Fidelity and Secresie are required in him he ought principally to be blessed with these two qualities because should he discover such things as are intrusted with him there could not but great inconvenience follow it The King pardons the Duke of Vendosm AFter that the King had evidenced in the course of this yeer an invincible courage to reduce his enemies under the Law an admirable Prudence in the good Orders both of Peace and War A constancy not to be shaken in resisting the Artifices of seditious spirits A Justice full of Courage to assist his Allies and in a word all other vertues which are proper ornaments for a Kings Crown he would conclude all with an action of Clemency in pardoning the Monsieur de Vendosm after some assurances of his repentance and fidelity for the future in relation to those Crimes for which he had been till then kept Prisoner in the Boys de Vincâ—nnes and gave him liberty but on condition to go pass away sometime out of the Court and Kingdom Politique Observation IT is an act becomming the greatness of a Prince to pardon the faults of Grandees when there are no longer any apprehensions of danger to the State and when they are washed out by an humble repentance The most generous are still the most mercifull and they esteem it as honourable to forget an injury as to remember a kindnesse That Emperour was highly commended by all Antiquities who being to sign a Warrant of Condemnation wished he had never learnt to write And Solomon who hath left to all Kings a perfect example of Wisedome saith it is the glory of a man to passe by offences However a King ought to be mindfull that he do not too soon recall into his Court a Prince or Grandee who may be provoked by that Justice which hath been passed upon him least the opportunity of revenge which he may meet with in affairs do carry him insensibly to a relapse Opportunity is a charm which ingageth men ere they think of it The least disgusts which they shall receive will revive their old grudges and it is impossible for a great person to conserve any Love for a King from whom he imagineth he hath received some harsh usage and once not loving him he is above half disposed to raise embroils whenever occasion shall serve It is very difficult to join close together that which hath been once broken asunder and a reconciliation in point of friendship is not stronger then the glue which joyns crackt vessels which are easily broken asunder by a small blow An imaginary wrong or a small displeasure should not make a reconciled Prince fall back again when he is replaced in his first station of affairs They who imagine that just punishments are soon forgotten do much deceive themselves It is as much as a Stoick would say that he had forgot injuries but Princes are far enough of from such maximes so that the safest remedy for all their evils is a removal from the Court that no meeting with any who are used to ingage people in Intreagues they will be as it were forced to keep within their limits when as peradventure their passions would make them flie out again ANNO 1631. JT is much more pleasant to behold the Heavens twinkling with a thousand several stars or shining with the glorious light of the Sun which rejoiceth the earth with its splendour then to look on it ful of Prodigies flashed with lightnings ful laden with Clouds shaken with Tempests and covered with the Vail of an obscure night Just thus without all peradventure was it much more agreeable to consider France in the splendour of her Victories which she obtained in the fore-going years in the enjoyment of a happy quiet caused by the submission of the Grandees of the State and by uniting of all the people all things being established in excellent order under the Conduct of so wise a King and every one living with Peace in his own profession then to contemplate her full of factions troubled with Combinations and threatned with a general dissolution by those intelligences which the chief persons of the Kingdom held with strangers But as the Laws of History oblige me to write them impartially both in one relation and t'other so I look upon my self as compelled to give an accompt of those turbulencies wherewith she hath been assaulted that by those glorious actions of the King and those Prudent Counsels of the Cardinals the way of securing and warranting an estate from those dangers whereunto it is commonly exposed by civil Wars may be learn'd Though the Queen Mother had reason to have rested satisfied knowing her self to be the happiest as well as the greatest Princess upon earth yet she
great men when they are once perswaded it is necessary for the preservation of their Authority There is not any thing but only power which advanceth them above other men and they are easily led by it to ruine every one whom them conceive to hurt them But above all women are most subject to this fault in regard they are weaker and more wedded to their Passions then men are The natural levity of that Sex makes them passe with little adoe from the extremity of love to that of hatred not being able to keep a medium It is enough to ingage them not to do a thing if you do but earnestly entreat them to do it especially if they be but a little provoked to anger Such entreaties as are made to them when so affected cause them to passe from that of Anger to Fury and when they cannot dis-allow of the thing which is entreated of them yet it is enough to deny it if they love not the person who desires it Rigour hath a greater Empire in their Wills then Submission And they whose Souls seem to be more heightned then others are so much the more to be feared they having more mettle then conduct it is impossible ever to root out of them any jealousies which they have once conceived and their humours are so fixed in suspicions that it is almost impossible to defend ones self from them by lawfull means If the beauty of their countenances give them an almost absolute dominion over the minds of men yet the weakness of their Sex doth subject them under the commands of all and every Passion especially that of hatred from which it is impossible for them to dis engage themselves after they have once given it admittance into their breasts Although I look upon all Queens as exempted from the major part of their qualities by reason of the particular assistance which they receive from God who considereth them as his own Images here beneath yet it is very rare to find any who are not liable to that violence which is inseparable from their Government And this is one of the reasons upon which Aristotle groundeth that saying in hâ—â— Politiques that they are not proper to govern States In regard Clemency is known to be one of their chiefest Pillars It is also most assured that such as are born with a more generous temper then others are the more to be scared for being unable to direct with Prudence they fortifie themselves with rigour and become inflexible towards those of whom they have conceived the least suspicion Monsieur the Kings Brother disapproveth of the Queen-Mothers Intreagues MOnsieur Brother to the King was not ignorant that the Queen-Mother was in the quality of a subject as wel as in that of Mother to his Majesty and that therefore she was bound to obey him in every thing which absolutely concern'd the good of his Kingdom so that he could not approve of her opposing his will and pleasure neither was he backward of testifying his dislike of it to the King The discourse which he made of it did give no little satisfaction to his Majesty who was resolved not to let pass any opportunity which might conduce to the firm establishing of him in his due respects especially seeing Monsieur himself had confirmed him in it by his protesting to the Cardinal that he loved him as a person whom he thought necessary for the good of the State Yet we know that the favourites of great Personages do sometimes pervert their best inclinations and are the common instruments made use of to divert them from their duries therefore the King concluded it very fit to make sure of Coigneux le Sieur de Puy-laurence Monsigot whom Mansieur principally confided in he knew there was no chain which could tie the major part of such people stronglier then good Offices and accordingly he resolved not to wave or let slip any time to advance them and to hold them off from being gained by such as were already ingaged in any Faction His Majesty caused three hundred thousand Livres to be given to Monsieur de Puy-laurence that he might buy the Dutchy of Anville He granted to Coigneux an Office of President au Mortier of the Parliament of Paris with hopes of a Cardinals Cap which his Majesty had also writ for to the Pope Monsignot had fifty thousand Livres for his share and each of them received these gifts with such handsom actions and expressions of thanks that they made a thousand protestations of preserving and continuing their Master in a strict intelligence and obedience to his Majesties will and pleasure Politique Observation IT is very important for a Kings service to make sure of those in whom the Princes of the blood do most confide It is the only means to keep them within compass and they are only able so to dispose them for that they do make such impressions upon their spirits as shall carry them when and where they please to incline them Princes commonly are notwithstanding the greatnesse of their Souls which they receive with their birth more addicted to their pleasures then their affairs whence it happens that they do not give themselves time enough to examine of what qualities any things are or whether fit to be ingaged in or not but remit the particular care of that to those whom they confide in and are contented when things come to be acted if they do but hear them tell them they are good and they had rather suffer some disorders in their houses then lose a quarter of an hours passe-time These are they who share the government with Princes whiles they impose on them the burthen and so divide the honour of commanding thinking on nothing but delights and supposing that as their births hath created them the chief in the State so Fortune cannot but be propitious to them for the obtaining of whatsoever is necessary to give them a continual subsistance It is for this reason it cannot be doubted that it were necessary to keep their Favourites obliged very strongly to the Kings service and to be dependent upon his Majesties will and pleasure that they may be made use of as occasion shall present themselves for the good of the State In Spain none are allowed to the Kings Brothers but such as are belonging to the Kings themselves which are changed too very often lest a long continuance in their service might in time beget too strong a confidence and draw them off from the first ties of their obedience For this reason it is that there ought no great deliberation to be had for the removal of such from them who are experimentally known to ingage them in affairs prejudicial to the good of the State for the great compliance in permitting them a longer continuance neer them will soon produce very dangerous effects Their removal peradventure may seem harsh to Princes but it is better they should be displeased then the whole State be indangered
those things be granted to others which they would so fain procure to themselves This general discontent is enough to unite them together and to engage them in that one designe of a revolt They know there are two waies to attain to greatness Prudence and Power when they once perceive that all the devices of their Will or to speak more properly all their Deceipts are not able to raise their greatness to that pass which they desire they presently fly to the latter imagining in themselves they might get more by it then by the former They cannot be ignorant how that many of their Predecessors have bee shipwrack'd on the very same score by which they pretend to raise great advantages to themselves and as the minds of most men abound rather with hopes then fears so they fancy to themselves that Fortune will be more favourable to them then others and upon this account it is that they do often associate themselves together not with intent of putting State affairs into a better posture as they pretend but to advance what in them lies their own private Families and Interests at the cost and charges of the Publike I shall liken them to the first qualities which not holding themselves in a good correspondency for the preservation of the subject whereof they are compos'd do unanimously conspire and contrive the ruine of it for in the same manner do they instead of keeping up and maintaining the State by their Prudence and Authority of which it is their honour to be chief supporters they employ them to divide and ruine the people forcing the Prince to contribute to the means which are necessary to oppose their violences The Queen-Mother rejoyceth at Monsieur's Departure AFter Monsieur's departure the Queen-mother became more resolute in her eagerness against the Cardinal and believed that his going away would be very advantagious to her They who flattered her and blew the Coals of her Passion perswaded her that half the Kingdom would quickly be up in Arms and proffer their assistances to Monsieur in what-ever he would employ them That several Towns would revolt That Monsieur 's discontent alone if once known abroad would raise a war on every side and that amidst this confusion the King would think himself very happy could he but prevent the ruine of his Kingdom by submitting to that of the Cardinal She withdrew her self from being at any counsels to which she had but lately before used to go and seemed less solicitous in dissembling her discontents What pity was it to see a Kingdom exposed to so imminent a danger of being totally subverted by Civil wars and all to destroy him who for eight yeers together employed his whole time both day and night to settle it in its former glory What Injustice was it to repay the Cardinal's services with such Ingratitude What a confusion was it to see a Mother and a Brother revolt against their King and all to satisfie the Hatred and Ambition of their Ministers The King endured it with the greater displeasure because he understood that Forreigners had sowed these Tares under hopes of kindling a fire which should constrain him to withdraw his Forces from Italy abandon â—he assisting of his Allies or at least to submit to shameful conditions of Peace for which purpose they were just upon meeting in Piedmont His Majesty was not to seek in the knowledge that Queens are not exempted from punishment when they contrive troubles in the State that is if the quality of Mother did exact the respects of a Son from him that of a King did oblige her not to prefer any consideration before that of the good of his State and in conclusion that he ought to use all diâ—igent means to break off the intelligence which she held with Monsieur and those who nourished his mind with discontents There was no more certain way then to assign her some Town to live in a little distant from the Court to disperse here and there those who abusing her goodness did foment the fire of dissention in her soul and to place near her some one endued with Discretion and Power that she might not in future attempt any thing against the good of the State The Respect wherewith the King did alwaies honour her was such that he could never resolve to use any violent remedies but at the very last cast after he had tryed all others to which end he resolved rather to leave her then that she should leave him and accordingly he removed to Compeigne imagining that the sharpness of the season would invite her to continue at Paris after his departure and that in this small separation she could not any longer divide the Court into Parties as then she had done There were likewise other devices found to draw off some of the most factious from about her that their absense might afford some opportunities of calming her spirit It were to have been wished that she had rather according to his Majesties pleasure resolved to have lived in quiet at her Palace of Luxenburgh whilest his Majesty was out of Paris then to have followed the Court where her presence countenanced the Faction which she had there contrived Indeed the King verily imagined she would the sooner resolve so to do because she had declared she would intermeddle no more in any affairs neither appear at any Counsels so much did the Cardinal's presence afflict her whereas she instead of comporting her self to this fair and sweet way was guided by the perswasions of those who ruled her spirit and who induced her to resolve to carry on her anger to the utmost extremity and to follow the King every where assuring her that at last the people would all rise and that from thence she might undoubtedly find some expedient to perswade his Majesty to consent to the Cardinal's Banishment or Ruine This procedure of hers did absolutely intrench upon his authority as if he could not have commanded her to quit the Court and it served only to provoke the Kings anger and to force him to deal more rigorously with her then otherwise he desired to have done Politique Observation HOpe is that Root which doth long nourish the Thought of Revenge and without which the most generous persons lose their Courages and fall into despair instead of prosecuting their designs No one hath so well described the qualities of that which is without reason as the Ancient who said it is the dream of those who are awake and whose minds are mastered with this Passion To speak truly just as Dreams fill the mind with Chimera's which have no other being then in our Fancies so an ill-grounded hope fills our Courages with illusions and imaginary contentments by representing such things which are absolutely beyond our reach as if they were subject to our wills and desires it flatters our thoughts with a vain belief that there is not any impediment possibly to be met with in our enterprises which we
their progresse The Interests of Grandees have ever been prejudicial to the publick and if a King would establish any Law to be observed in his Kingdom he ought however still to prefer the good of Subjects in it One Prince of the Blood will perchance demand Peace at a time when War is more proper and if to satisfie him in particular he shall lay down his Arms he doth an action unbeseemâ—ng a Royal Prudence Another will desire that he would discountenance such a Minister whose Councels are however of great advantage to him and doubtlesse if he do it to satisfie his humour he should commit an injustice against his own State And what reason I pray can there be alledged why a King should upon the Capricchio of any Grandee whatever either make a dishonourable Peace which may render him dis-esteemed amongst strangers or remove from him any Minister who like a good and Propitious Planet doth by his influences cause his state to flourish establish a good Order amongst his people and render his Power considerable amongst his Neighbours Who can think it any strange thing if he prefer the good of his Kingdom before their private humours seeing his very own interests ought not to stand in competition with it No King doth ever merit the title of Just if he doth not tread under foot all his own pleasures and delights for the good and glory of his Crown He ought to remember that his Kingdom is not so much established for him as he is for his Kingdom and consequently that the good of his people ought to be dearer to him then any other consideration whatever Now if he thus ought to prefer the publike before his own private good who can blame him if he do the like in relation to the particular satisfaction of any of his own Family The very contenting of a Father ought not to be considered in this case and who so doth any thing in detriment of the Publike good to shew his Duty unto his Father rendereth himself culpable of a great injustice The Authority of Parents extendeth no farther then the house and in case they attempt to enlarge their bounds he is not bound to observe them Are not Kings the lively Images of God If so what more reasonable Rule can they propose to follow in their Government then his Conduct Now as God doth every day permit a thousand particular subjects to suffer and perish nay not exempting Kings themselves though of never so great use to their States and all this for the preservation of the world in good order So cannot any one think it unjust that they should prefer the good of their State before all other considerations what-ever And who is so ignorant as not to know that Publike good is the subject of all universal Causes The Sun Moon and Stars are perpetually sending down their lights and influences here beneath amongst us because they are necessary and conducing to the universal good notwithstanding some particular and private Subjects may suffer and be endamaged by it Now Kings are in the number of Universal Causes whence it followeth that they are obliged by the Laws of Justice still to regard the Common good which if they do not they will inevitably find great inconveniences fall upon them The King after he had given Order to Arrest the Queen-Mother returneth to Paris THat course which the King took in this particular was of all others the most moderate Not that he was ignorant of those Tyes which obliged him to deal more severely with the Qeen-Mother but his own goodness and the sweetness of the Cardinal's Counsels would not permit him to treat her after any other manner Indeed if the course he took were so moderate the execution of it was no less respectful and civil insomuch that the Queen Mother had not any just reason to complain of it The King was at that time at Compâ—igne and gave out that he would on the morrow go to hunt and accordingly commanded every thing to be put in order very betimes He sent for the Mareschal d' Estree and privately told him that he should keep neer to him to serve him as occasion should require as also to command such Forces as he left in Compeigne purposely to prevent any uproar which the Qeen-Mothers Officers might chance to raise and likewise to hinder any concourse of Souldiers in the Countries near adjoyning and to keep that Town in its obedience The King made himself ready for the Hunting and before he went forth called the Sieur dâ— la Ville-aux Cleres and commanded him to go tell the Queen-Mother that he went without taking his leave of her because the respect and tenderderness which he had for her did hinder him from making a request unto her by word of mouth which she could not receive but with some displeasure though it were much conducing to the good of his State which was this That she would go to the Castle of Moulins a place which she her self had made choise of for her aboad after the late King's decease and there spend some time companyed with all those of her Houshold with all sort of Liberty enjoying all their goods and Revenues at any time granted to them and with all Honour due unto her Majesty To which effect he gave her the Government de Bourâ—onnois And then he called for the Father Suffren and gave him likewise order to acquaint the Qeen-Mother assoon as she did awake that it was not without regret that he went away without bidding her Adieu but that she should not be troubled at it his Majesty having left the Sieur de la Ville-Aux Cleres to inform her of his intentions This was the Order which was observed and after the King was gone forth of Compeigne Father Suffren was the first that carried her the news of it a person who had been an eye-witness of those many endeavours and cares the King had used to allay her spirit and who might thereupon relate those things unto her which had been intrusted with him that she might not have any just cause to complain against his Majesty Not long after the Mareschal d' Estree sent unto her to know if she would be pleased to see him which she thought fit and presently told him she did now perceive that she must be this second time a Prisoner But he having assured her that he was not left there to restrain her of her liberty but rather on the contrary to serve her and to receive the honour of her commands she became a little more appeased and about evening the Sieur de la Ville-Aux-Cleres came to request her that she would go pass away some time at her Castle of Moulins with such conditions as he was commanded to relate unto her and in the mean time the King having ended his sport went to lie at Verbrie Politique Observation QUeens are not at all exempted from those Laws which oblige the punishing of such as
reason is very dangerous so are the consequences which attend it especially in matters of great concernment God hath ordained reason to govern in Mans Soul as in a Throne that she might guide all his Actions He hath appointed reason to be the rule of his motions as the little fish which marcheth before the Whale to lead him through the Waters lest his unweildinesse should carry him against the Rocks We are all bound to follow the dictates of Reason but of all others Princes are most concerned so to do for if once they shut their eyes to reason and suffer themselves to be transported by the violence of their Passion what do they but open a Gate to Usher in disorders and confusions into their States This violence may well be liâ—ened to that of a Torrent which rooteth up Trees teareth up Rocks and overthrows whatever it meeteth for just thus is it when reason is once extinguished the judgement is then spoiled and Prudence is of no more use then feathers to a Bird caught in Lime Is not this the thing which hath destroyed most if not all Kingdomes which hath trodden Crowns under foot which hath excited people to revolt and Cities to mutiny which hath profaned sacred places abused Altars and whatever is most reverenced by mankind How many have there been seen who in their fury have not cared to lose themselves provided they might ruine them in that Precipice which themselves could not avoid It is great wisedom to suppress anger and to stifle it in the Cradle for by permission and toleration it grows to be head-strong Violence by giving way to it becomes invincible insomuch that in time it will be difficult nay impossible to overcome it it is like Lightning which once broke out from the Cloud which restrained it is not by any means to be again reduced The Queen-mothers entrance into Bruxels THe Queen mother was no sooner come into the Infantas Territories but the Baron de Creve-Coeur received her in the Town of Avennes as Governor of Haynault She then gave notice of her arrival unto the Infanta by the Baron de Guaypre and her Highness presently dispatched the Marquis d' Ayetone to offer unto her Majesty all the Power and Authority which she had in the Low-countries and to beseech her absolutely to dispose of it Don Philip Albert de Valesques Captain of her Highnesse Life-guard came at the same time with his Company to serve her as Guards from Avennes she went to Mons where the Prince d' Espinoy put the Towns-men all in Arms to receive her with the greater splendour Thither came the Infanta to meet her who entertained her with all imaginable respects and confirmed to her the Proposals which she had made of delivering her power in the Low Countries into her Majesties hands Two days being thus spent they went both together to Bruxels where she was received with the same honour as if she had been King of Spain She was entertained with all the satisfaction and diversions that could be imagined It cannot be expressed with what honour the Spanish Nobility did attend her but we may conceive that their designs were far different from those of the Infanta who good Princess had in her whole life time testified a great deal of goodness sincerity and holiness it self so that what she did cannot be ascribed but to her civility and the particular kindnesse which she had both for the Queen-mother and France Whereas the Spaniards had other ends in it They knew that Women are bewitched wish Honour and by this means did they endeavour to ingage her more and more to them that they might make use of her to ruine the Cardinal whose Prudence alone held their Noses to the Grind-stone more then an Army of a hundred thousand men Politique Observation IT is great discretion in Kings to receive with honour such Princes who discontented with their own Countries come to make addresses to them The qualities of their birth make them venerable in what condition soever though they were vanquish'd yet ought they to be treated with respect Eâ—nones King of the Adorses is highly applauded by Tacitus for his courteous entertaining of Mithridates King of Bosphorus when his evil fortune forced him though his enemy to â—â—st himself into his hands And if the quality of stranger Princes be an obligation on Kings to receive them with respect amidst the misfortunes in which they are sometimes involv'd yet Prudence doth much more advise nay require it for the honour done to them is a Tie which doth engage them to wish well to their Countries upon the score of the good usage and kindnesse which was there shewed them Besides and which is not a little considerable it is a most infallible way to foment and exasperate divisions in those Countries from whence they retire They may at any time be placed in the head of an Army to go raise a War there and yet not break with their King A thing of great concernment to the Spaniards whose Countries being separated from one another cannot well be preserved in obedience but by their setting on foot dissentions and wars amongst their neighbours as hath been observed by one of themselves who hath treated of the Politick secrets by them used A wise Prince is never sorry at any partiality in his neighbouring Countries He knows that he is by that means safe from them and that whilest they are ingaged in Wars he many have leave and leisure to execute his own designs and oftentimes to make great advantages by it The Infanta dispatcheth the Sieur de Carondelet to the King to negotiate the Queen-mothers accommodation SHortly after the Queen-mothers abode at Bruxels and about the moneth of August the Infanta desirous of Peace sent the Sieur de Caro delâ—t Doyen of Cambray her extraordinary Embassadour unto the King then at Monceaux for to assure his Majesty that she had not received her into her Country but ouâ— of the affection and respect which she was bound to pay unto her that she had not for her part any thought of making any advantage against France but would contribute her utmost endeavours to the tranquility thereof The King who was not naturally enclin'd to war but when it was necessary in order to the establishment of Peace in his Dominions would have easily been induc'd to an accord had he not been certainly inform'd that those about the Queen-Mother and the Spaniards procur'd this Embassie only the better to conceal the designes they had against the Publike Peace of his Kingdom Nevertheless as Kings are politiquely oblig'd to dissemble their actions and to acknowledge apparent civilities by apparent testimonies the Cardinal by his appointment received him with all possible demonstrations of honour and kindness to flatter his vain ambition and to render him at least seemingly serviceable to France knowing he had in charge to make divers agreeable Propositions He made divers journies betwixt the Court and Bruxels and
his son Selim the first but shewed such an undanted courage that he could never be perswaded to withdraw himself although the Janizaries of his Guard were corrupted and so behaved himself that what with Iris presence and what with the gravity of his words they became ashamed to forsake him or commit the treason they had resolved against him Charles the fifth did the same thing in reducing the City of Gaunt for being in Spain upon the first report of their revolt he took â—et and came in great hast unto Flanders where he easily checked their rebellion and punished the chief contrivers thereof Monsieur arriveth at Bezancon from whence he writeth unto the King MOnsieur being arrived at Bezançon Boigneux was much afflicted and displeased that he had so poorly played his Cards having not so much as time to draw his forces together so that he had recourse to his usual devices and perswaded him to send a Letter unto his Majesty wherein he should lay before him the pretences which he alledged for his departure The Letter was framed by himself with a little assistance but so imprudently was it contrived that there needed no more to condemn him guilty of high Treason It was full of injurious language against the King and seemed to call him a Prince without judgement neither had he any other pretexts for his departure out of the Kingdom but only the Queen-Mothers imprisonment at Compeigne a Chimaera only and the necessity of saving himself without having no security within the Kingdom a reason altogether inconsiderable seeing he was offered any assurance whatsoever and his third was the Cardinals ill conduct whom he could no longer endure so dangerous he was unto the Kingdom which last himself would have confessed to be ridiculous had he but reflected how effectually he had serv'd the King at Re in reducing of the Hâ—gonot Cities in the relieving of Cazal in the taking of Savoy and Piedmont and divers other expeditions which have much added to the honour and glory of the whole Nation These were the weak pretences which Coigneux made use of to hide Monsieur's imprudence and rashness in going â—orth of the Kingdom But such insolencie being insupportable and the Letter brought by the Sieur de Brianson unto his Majesty then on hunting neer Baignâ—ux where not one of his Councel had followed him he commanded the Lievtenant of his Guards to seize on him and from thence carry him unto the Castle of Dijon that he might teach others to beware of bringing any more letters unto him which were not conformable to the respect due unto him The King likewise considering how that Princes are commonly unfortunate in seeing their best actions discommended by their Subjects instead of being honoured as so many mysteries whose causes are to them unknown published a Declaration in the Parliament of Dijon wherein he set forth the true causes of Monsieur's departure both from Orleans and then out of the Kingdom as likewise of his journey into Burgogne which are the very same formerly intimated only adding this one that his Majesty was the more oblig'd to march into that Province in respect they had ingaged the Sieur de Bellegarde in their party and had particularly prevailed with him to send the Sieur Damase unto him then at Auxâ—rre to contradict the news he had formerly sent unto the King by the Sieur de Bâ—â—carre of Monsieur's Designs to retire into Burgogne for he had then discovered all their intentions and their pretences were esteemed as ridiculous It was not indeed only to manifest his own actions that his Majesty made the said Declaration but likewise to proclaim the Conte de Moret the Dukes of Elboeuf Bellâ—garde and Rouannes the President Coigneux the Sieur de Puy-laurens Monsigot and the Pâ—re de Chanteloupe guilty of high Treason every of them having been accessary unto Monsieur's departure it being his Majesties further pleasure that they should accordingly be proceeded against in case they should not within one moneth make their addresses to obtain his pardon for their offences impowering all Governours and Officers to fall upon any who should attempt to levie any Souldiers without his Commission and Authority Politique Observation IN vain were the Laws for punishment of Treason made if they be not executed upon them who persever in their offences Mercy is indeed one of the best Qualities in a King but it bringeth Kingdoms into disorder and disobedience unless it be somtimes accompanied with severity Impunity doth embolden the head of a Faction to persist in his designs when violence scapes scot-free the publike Peace runs a hazard and when a King testifieth unto them an excess of Bounty or Mercy he only reduceth himself to the extremity of being afterwards disabled to correct theâ—r insolencies when he most desireth it To permit a party of factious persons to save themselves by flight at least without declaring them to be what indeed they are were to be injurious unto the State and guilty in some kind of cruelty The least severity inflicted upon such men after their Designes are once perceived doth extinguish the remaining flame whereas conniving at them adds feweâ— to their fire in vain it is to hope by fair means to reduce them unto their duties the ablest Politicians have thought it an improper way to work upon them seeing it makes not any impression in the minds of Grandees who are incapable of true Friendship and that the means to stop the Career of their designs is by Force and Fear Not that I would advise a Prince to drive them into desperation by being over severe for that were equally dangerous and hath been found to have carried them on to extremities but so ought he to manage his business that he strike them with Fear and make them apprehensive of his Justice Men are more easily subjugated unto such as have made themselves terrible then to such who only endeavour to be beloved and they will sooner break the bonds of Love then of Fear Benefits work less upon their Natures then Punishments If the rewarding of services be so necessary for the incouragement of Faithful and Loyal servants surely chastisement is as needful to impede the progress of such as are factiously bent by striking them with Fear To be merciful alone is to want one hand and not to let them feel the rigours of Justice who cannot be kept within the limits of their duties by clemency were to endanger the loss of the Supream Authority The Debate in the Parliament of Paris upon the Declaration against the Rebels THe Crime which they who abused Monsieur's name did commit by their boldness in writing so outragious a letter unto the King was but too to great yet as one error makes way for another so they did not sit still there but seconded it by making of parties in the Parliament of Paris to obstruct the ratification of the Declaration published at Dijon His Majesty had sent the said Declaration to
besides the blemishing of their glory with the brand of ignorance do withal render themselves undeserving to be assisted in like necessities There is not any Prince who is not aâ—med at in his turn or able alwaies to subsist by his own force many times they are necessitated to stoop under the armes of an invader for want of the assistance of their confederates who forsake them as they were before forsaken by them If a King may with Justice defend the weak and his confederates doubtlesse he may as justly imploy his power to revenge an injury God who hath intrusted the Scepter in the hand of Kings hath also obliged them not to permit that the respect due to their Soveraign Majesty be violated by any other Prince as well as to maintain their Subjects within the bounds of their obedience He hath given them a Sword to correct any indignities offered to their Crowns There is not any one above them who is Arbitrator of their quarrels they are legal Judges of their own differences and in this Independency God hath given them power to take up Arms to carve their own right It is enough to justifie their War if the Princes against whom they fight haue given them occasion and the misfortunes which inevitably follow the disorder of Souldiers cannot be imputed but unto him who first gave the occasion of taking the field A Kingdome would be very defective as Aristotle observeth if the Soveraign had not Authority to châ—stise with his Arms him who hath injured him in like manner saith he as the body of creatures is not perfect if unable to repell those objects which offend it So an estate is not in that perfection which it ought to be if destitute of power to repay any injuries done against it The Justice of the Kings Alliance with the King of Swede THere is no doubt but the Alliance of the most christian King with him of Swede for the defence of their common confederates was very just seeing the War it self undertaken by the King of Swede was just and that all Alliance contracted for the support of a just War is in it self justifiable Yet there was no device unassayed by the house of Austria to induce the World to condemn it The first reason by them alledged in discredit thereof was that it was undertaken in the defence of Heretick Princes but what reason was there so long to have invaded the States of other Princes under the pretence of Religion After Charles the Fifth had joyned the Imperial Crown to his Kingdomes of Spain and Italy with the Provinces of the Low-Countries he thought that having forces enough to re-conquer all those Countries which formerly belonged to the Roman Emperour he might with justice attempt it as if Kingdomes were the division of force and as if birth and succession of many ages were not bars enough to stop ambition Now as Germany is the Bulwark which serves all he States of Europe to defend their liberty as Henry the Second King of France writ unto the Princes of the Empire in the year 1552. he resolved to over-run it concluding that having once mastered it he might with ease invade France England and the rest of Italy The Emperor who reigns at present knew as well how important it was seeing in his letters sent to Zuinga chief Counsellour to the King of Spain he particularly nameth it the foundation of the Authority of the House of Austria Germany indeed doth so abound in men and riches that it is alone able to entertain Armies and those great ones for ever nay to supply the very Indies in case of a defect This is the true ground of the War and that which obliged the King of Swede to assist it although the Spaniards pretence was the rooting out of Heresie It is long since the great St. Leon writ to the Emperour Theodosius that men palliate their Passions with Religion but much more reasonably may it so be said of the Austrian Princes as Mariana hath well observed in his History that being it which makes so great an impression upon the people The World sees by experience how advantagious it was to them when Ferdinand usurped Navarre from his own Neece they themselves have seen that it wanted but little of putting our Scepter into their hands during the League It is the best title by which they hold part of both the Indies where they have put to death not only lawfull Princes but at least fifty Millions of people with such cruelty that they have died the earth with blood and made Heaven to groan with horrour and well will they now make use of it to despoil the German Princes of their estates But who is ignorant of their injustice seeing that as the true Religion gives no right to Empires so force cannot deprive him of it to whom it falls by succesion Politique Observation HEresie doth no more dis-ingage Subjects from obedience to their Prince than infidelity but this being a point of Doctrine peradventure some mean capacity will make a scruple to believe it if only proved by the verity of politick maximes I shall therefore back it by the belief which the Apostles-left in the Primitive Church which the Father 's taught in their Precepts and Examples and which the ancient Christians did most religiously observe amidst their greatest persecutions Did not the Apostles St. Peter and Paul write to the christians in their Epistles at what time Nero made the earth tremble with his cruelty execrised upon them Let every one be subject to the higher powers For there is not any Dominion which is not established by God and those which now are are by his gift Whoever rebelleth against them opposeeth his Commandment and they who indeavour to shake off the yoke of their obedience expose themselves to damnation A Prince is God's servant it is not to no purpose that he holds the sword it is to make himself known for the Almighty's Officer He ought to be obeyed not only because he can punish but for Conscience sake neither are these the only exhortations left unto us upon this subject their Epistles are fraught with divers others so frequent that I need not recite them leâ—t I play the Dâ—vine and forget the Historian Who likewise knoweth not how all the ancient Fathers of the Church would have sealed this Doctrine with their blood notwithstanding they lived under Atheistical and Pagan Princes who were as so many firebrands to Religion and sworn Enemies to our Faith S. Ignatitus writ very earnestly to the people of Antioch to perswade them to serve Justinâ— the Emperour and gave all Pagan Princes to understand by a learned Apologie that their hopes were in vain to force the faithful by the violence of their torments to worship Idols and false gods who in all other things would render a full and intire subjection to their Emperours Tertullian acknowledgeth none but God above Kings and confesseth that their commands tie the
their rage but a wise Prince will easily be inclined to quit his Arms when those three grand causes do cease which are the usual occasions of War The Philosophers say the effect is no longer necessary when the cause ceaseth to act which ought not only to be understood of the efficient but also of the final cause it being reasonable to abstain from such actions when the end which first stirred us up doth no longer ingage us besides he is compelled as it were to make peace abroad when any intestine War calls him to look home The discreet Physitian gives the same counsel by his example when he is much more solicitous of those evils ingendred within the body then those which only appear upon the skin Civil Wars concern the preservation of a State forraign Wars are only usefull for glory or power Now as that which is necessary is still to be preferred before that which is profitable he ought so much the sooner to recal such forces to remedy that disorder which threatens him within it being almost impossible to give order at the same time both for one and the other in fine â—e ought to make peace after the obtaining those advantages which he could expect either from fortune or his own conduct The successe of War is not alwaies the same and it is difficult to make good fortune to last alwaies Victories do not alwaies depend upon Prudence Fortune hath her share in them It is not to be avoided but that after a long Calm the Vessel should meet with a Storm maugre the Prudence or the Pilot so likewise it is impossible that after divers advantages obtained in War some misfortune should not happen Hannibal was alike couragious both in Affrick and Italy yet after his return to Carthage he was no longer successefull in his Arms. This is one of the reasons which hath induced the Sages to advise great Captains to withdraw upon their advantage lest they lose the glory which they had formerly obtained What it is that makes Cazal considerable to the Spaniards THis advice were fit for the Spaniard to follow that he might stop himself in the enjoyment of those great successes which fortune hath bestowed upon them under Ferdinand Charles the Fifth and Philip the Second but their Ambition will hardly give them leave so to do They made it apparent in this particular where they shewed themselves totally averse from Peace unto which his Majesty was so easily inclined they testifying by their actions that their chief design was to hinder the Duke of Mantua's peaceable enjoyment of his States They perswaded themselves that the Court being divided by those Tares which they had sowed and which they manured with such care in the minds of the Queen-mother and Monsieur France neither would nor could long sustain the War in Italy and withall as they could not imagine but the Queen-mother would in fine attain her wil in the Cardinals destruction they concluded that that once effected Cazal would easily be reduced to their obedience which his discreet conduct kept safe from them Montferrat of which Cazal is the strongest place is a Country of small extent yet of great importance to the design which they have a long time had upon Italy Untill this present they have been forced to sit still in the out-bounds Naples and Millan and true it is this is one of the principal objects which hinders the conquest of the rest could they but once joyn their German with their Italian power they would soon be Masters of the whole therefore have they indeavoured it for so many years but without Cazal all their attempts are vain that place alone being a Bul-wark to block up the passage of any Troops which passe from Germany to Millan This is indeed that which makes Cazal so considerable the not having whereof is the more important in regard their power is bounded in at the Fort of Fuentes which being so they resolved to give their Embassador in Savoy full power to conclude any thing in his Master's behalf an artifice full of injustice but which ceased not to be very proper for their design for that he not being party to the Treaty it will still be free for him to break it by refusing to subscribe those Propositions which concerned his interest However as Princes never want pretences for the most unjust designs they would not own this Artifice and the Cloak with which they covered it was that fighting under the Emperours Colours there was no need of any one to treat in their behalfs but after all their indeavours to prevent the execution of the Treaty then concluded they made it apparent that this reason of theirs was only a pretence and that their true design was to hinder the peace that they might make new attempts upon Cazal Politique Observation THat Ambition which is sometimes favoured with good successe hath much much ado to relinquish its enterprises though unjust It is an errour to think Fortune is blind because she distributeth her favours inconsiderately and without forecast for that God himself whose eyes are clearer then the Sun is the Author of whatever befalls man-kind Well may she be painted without eyes when as she doth usually blind those whom she doth at any time oblige with the least extraordinary successe A Prince accustomed to conquer proposeth no law in prosecution of his Will though that right be inherent in God alone Little doth he consider the condition which his birth hath given him and the passion of growing great at his neighbours expence doth so transport him that he thinks he hath right enough if he have but power to conquer them he flatters himself in the belief that those Monarchies which are this day held with most justice are grounded upon no other Titles then the swords of those that first founded them The desire of Dominion which transporteth him rendreth him careless of dying the earth with blood if he may but subjugate more people to himself and of making the world groan under the violence of his arms if he may but get a new addition to his authority It makes him forget that he is a man and consequently that he is subject to the Laws of Death and equally liable with the meanest Cottager to render an account of his actions that the usurpation of anothers right shutteth the gates of heaven against him and that ambition it self is a punishment to those whom it possesseth augmenteth their inquietudes with the encrease of their powers Who knoweth not that it is not the greatness of Kingdoms which maketh Kings greatly happy that the desire of conquest is accompanyed with more pain and hazard then pleasure that those Princes who will subjugate all men are hated by all men and are oftentimes reduced to a non-plus just when they think to extend the bounds of their Empire to the utmost That it is no more just to usurp the power of a Soveraign Prince then to commit murder
any alone be able to defend themselves from their enemies it cannot be without danger and somtimes loss to their Countries whereas if they unite themselves with others that are powerful no one will think of invading them Though the Head be the noblest Members of the Body yet it standeth in need of those others and God who hath crowned the greatest Monarchs hath so established them that they have all occasion to make use of one another This may be said in general of the advantage of Defensive Alliances but it is more particularly advantagious to have recourse unto them when a Neighbour Prince is so successeful in Arms that he begins to be terrible On such occasions it is great prudence to contract alliances with those which may joyn their Forces as is usual amongst such Princes whose Powers are indifferent to follow the Fortune of the Conquerors because contracting an Alliance with such they not only augment their own Power but weaken that of their enemy and make him incapable of further mischief It is great prudence in him who hath one enemy to take a care that he hath not two for their power being united will be more terrible Thus the Comte de Chaâ—olois son to Philip Duke de Burgogne was very sollicitous to contract an Alliance with Charls Duke of Normandy only brother to Lewis 11. knowing that by this means the King will be weakned one third and the less able to hurt him His Majesty sendeth Ambassadors to the King of Morocco THe Cardinal was not satisfied with the bare contributing to render his Majesty the most renowned Prince in Europe by land but endeavoured to make him likewise the most powerful by Sea by causing divers Ships to be rig'd out and taking care to furnish them with able Seamen In order hereunto the Sieurs de Moleres de Razilly and de Chaalar were sent to the King of Morocco that an Alliance might be contracted with him and a safe Commerce obtained upon the Coasts of Barbary He had before by under-hand Treaties so disposed of affairs that they were well received The Commander de Razilly was Admiral of the Squadron and the Sieur de Chaalar Vice-Admiral At â—heir landing they were receiv'd by two Alcaides and two Companies of Souldiers The King gave them present audience and with as much honour as they could wish so venerable was his Majesties Name amongst Strangers Their first demand was in the behalf of an hundred and fourscore French slaves who were in his Dominions whose liberty was presently granted the King of Morocco not taking any thing for their ransom to testifie how much he esteemed his Majesty It is true indeed he accepted a Present of Stuffs worth an hundred thousand Livres which the King sent to him â—et his Proveydor would not receive them but on condition that his Majesty would accept of such Horses as the King his Master would send unto him to testifie the desire he had to hold a good Correspondency with him The next thing under consideration was the articles of alliance for securing the French upon their Coasts and safe passage into his Countries which was presently accorded the substance of it was thus that all French which should enter into his Ports with his Most Christian Majesties Pass should not in future be made slaves nor be compelled to pay above the Tavaly or tenth of their goods according to their usual custome that for the better continuing their correspondence Ambassadors should be interchangeably sent and that all Religious persons might live in the King of Morocco's States but on condition not to exercise their Functions unless only to the French The Treaty was signed and the Sieur de Razilly presently established three Consuls at Morocco Male and Saphy In fine The French had full Liberty to Trade in any Commodities of that Country Politique Observation IF Commerce in general brings riches to a Kingdom without doubt that of the Sea is more considerable the gains being greater and more just That of the Land how advantagious soever seldom yeilds above 15. or 20. per Cent. and many times is forced to such things as savour of Usury whereas the Sea doth oftentimes yeild Cent per Cent and somtimes more and that without giving the least cause of complaint Commerce at Sea is that which hath made small States very considerable and great States vastly rich and abounding with all sorts of commodities There is another reason which rendreth it the more important and that is Princes being bound to make themselves powerful as well by Sea as by Land which double Power is the highest pitch of their greatness for it renders them the more redoubted It is in vain to drive a commerce by Sea unless a provision of Ships be made to secure them otherwise their riches will be exposed as a prey to Pirats and is Prince who maketh himself powerful on this Element is the more feared by his Neighbours in regard he may make his attempts upon them both by Sea and Land in case they should presume to offend him Cosmo de Medicis first Duke of Tuscany and the ablest Politician of his time said That a Soveraign can never gain an high repute unless he joyn both those Powers together which are to a State as the Arms to the Body This Sea Power is that which makes England considerable were they but deprived of it they would soon grow weak and poor but maintaining that Power as they do in a good equipage by a long tract of time they want nothing but are capable of undertaking great expeditions Hath not this enabled the Hollanders though their Common-wealth may be reduced to a small number of men to sustain the whole power of Spain What makes Gâ—noa so rich but this power by Sea And what but this makes the great Duke of Tuscany one of the richest Princes in Italy Thus we see all our Neighbours have been sollicitous to establish commerce by Sea in their Territories and we know that our late King Henry le grand whose Prudence was no less advantagious to this Kingdom then his Courage was extreamly desirous to settle it in France after he allayed those storms of Civil War to which end he gave order unto the President Janin when he was treating with the Hollanders to learn of them what was necessary in that particular The Establishment of a Chamber of Justice in Paris AFter those great difficulties which the Parliament of Paris had raised against the proclaiming of his Majesties Declaration against such as had carried Monsieur out of the Kingdom his Majesty finding it necessary to proceed in the Instruction of their Processe and to chastise those who were found guilty was not willing to let it fall into their cognizance He well knew that Kings ought not to expose their authority to be dis-respected as his would have been if the Parliament instead of punishing offenders should neglect to prosecute them as was much to be feared they would Those
that it might somtimes be recalled from those on whom it had been bestowed seeing it was conferred on him but for a certain time and the same Historian mentioneth some Lords of those times who were deprived of the Ducal Dignity yet commonly it was given for life As for the Dignity of Peer that is not so ancient but very eminent for that the Peers take place before all other Honours of the Kingdom as may be seen in the example of Philip the first Duke of Burgogne who went before Lewis Duke of Anjou his elder Brother at the Creation of Charls the sixth their Nephew by reason he was a Peer which his brother was not The most common opinion attributeth the first Institution to Charâ—emâ—gne but without other proof then this that History maketh no mention of it before his time and it is believed that they were created to be Judges of State Affairs which were decided by the Parliament in the King's presence That great Prince establishing this Order in the Kingdom to secure it from those misfortunes whereunto the late Merouingiens had exposed it by refusing to take any other care then that of their pleasuâ—es Tâ—ere are some ancient Titles found which make appear That the Comter de Champagne had seven Lords in their Comte who were Peers and did astist them in great Ceremonies and the Decision of chief Affairs In Germany there are some who are chief Ministers of their Princes Justice but although they partake of the Name yet are they but Images and those very imperfect in regard of the greatnesse of those of France who are thought to have been instituted to assist the King to serve him and receive his Oath at his Consecration and by their Office are impowered to advise him in the Government of the State A Synod of the pretended Reformed Religion at Charenton THose of the pretended reformed Religion had obtained permission by the Kings Breviate about the beginning of this year to make a National Assembly of their Ministers of France for the maintaining of their Order and Belief The Cardinal was of opinion that his Majesty should require them to meet at Charenton because being within his view they would have the lesse Freedom to renew such Cabal as they had formerly made in their Assemblies of Guyenne and Languedoc This Order was followed and the Sieur de Galland Councellor to his Majesty was sent to be President in the King's behalf his Loyalty was not to be suspected and they were obliged to accept of him in regard of divers authentique testimonies which made appear that this Order was conformable to that of Councels assembled in the Primitive times which they professed to honour The King especially commanded him to be careful that no Proposition were made which did not concern their Faith or Discipline to silence them in his Majesty's name in case they should discourse of any other affairs and to establish such rules as the Cardinal had proposed necessary to keep that Sect in submission To this end he used his utmost Prudence and Loyalty he perswaded them to enact that there should not any more National Assemblies be made but in the presence of a Commissary from the King who might by testifying their obedience be a means of continuing them in quiet besides he induced them to resolve upon the absolute excluding of all stranger Ministers this being intended of all that were not natural French and to inhibit their Ministers from leaving the Kingdom without his Majesty's licence by this means to prevent all intelligences associations and correspondencies with the enemies of the State according to the Laws of the Kingdom and his Majesty's particular prohibitions in fine he used so much prudence that they required their Ministers not to intermeddle in any affairs Politique or Military and condemned a Book of Berraut Minister of Montauban as erroneous because he maintained that Ministers had a particular Call from God to bear Arms. I shall not relate those other Ordinances there made for the subsistence of their Sect it not being the Designe of my History It sufficeth me to have observed those fore-going which were necessary for the peace of the Kingdom and were so many effects of the Cardinal's prudence who by this means disabled them from making Cabals prejudicial to the King's service broke their correspondency with strangers and left them no arms but the Kings goodness for their defence Politique Observation REligion is the strictest band to assemble people in any designe to conspire unanimously to the Publike good neither is there any thing which doth more disunite them then the diversity of Belief it is a flaming torch which sets the fire of Division among States and aqua fortis which separateth the most moderate minds hence it was that the Kings of Aegypt did heretofore entertain divisions among their subjects that they might render their own Powers over them more absolute by preventing them from uniting themselves in the same designs of revolt and this they did by engaging them in several different Worships Some of them adored a Crocodile others an Eagle this a Dog that some other thing as himself fancied thus they were never able to agree together how to shake off the yoke of their Tyrannie But besides that this maxime is impious and directly repugnant to the Laws of Jesus Christ it is thought to be very dangerous for the most part in the judgement of the wisest Politicians because the diversity of Belief being reduced to two or three parties is most able to carry a people into a revolt agaist their Prince France for these last sixty years hath had but too much trial of it and if our Kings had not been necessitated to permit this diversity as the wise Pilots who in a Storm let their Sails go they well knowing their resistance might endanger their Shipwrack they might have had secured the Estate from many misfortunes could they have prevented it in the beginning Now what better advice can be taken then to deprive Heretiques of the means to Revolt which are their holding Intelligences with Strangers their being headed by Leaders who are Turbulent and Factious their being able to make Assemblies at their pleasures and there to deliberate what they think fit without informing their Prince of any thing He who depriveth them of these Liberties striketh a great stroak in setling the Publike Peace and after despoiling them of their Arms which never ought to be allowed them he cutteth off their power of being ever able to recover it Besides it is necessary to repress their insolency the inseparable companion of Heresie They have a certain insatiable fiercenesse which makes them alwaies discontented and the only way to tame them is absolutely to refuse them all things which are not absolutely necessary for the exercise of their Religion That resistance which they meet in the soul of a generous and vigorous Prince hindreth them whereas if they find him weak and â—asie to be
make himselt Master of them but that so doing he followeth the most ancient Law of the world which gives leave to the strong to take whatever they lay hold of This indeed is not tolerable by the Law of Christianity which hath ordained Justice to bound in the covetous Ambition of Princes although birth and succession in States at this present are bars enough to defend them Usurpation was pardonable in Caesar who lived in Paganism but he who professeth himself a Christian ought to regulate his designs by the Law of Jesus Christ It is true indeed Ambition of all the passions of the Soul is most incurable because never to be totally eradicated and a Pince is the more obliged to suppresse such motions which perswade him to make himself Master of that which belongeth nothing to him in regard the vivacity of his spirit may raise a War in his own Country and the heat of his covetousnesse may without reason shed the blood and destroy the lives of his people It were to be wished that Princes were as solicitous to preserve the bloud of their subiects as Pericles the prime man of Greece in his time who being to die thought himself very happy that no Athenian had ever wore mourning through his occasion they would then be lovers of peace and the preservation of their subject would be powerfull enough to extinguish the heat of their Ambition it being most certain that the usurper of anothers right pulleth his Arms against his own State and indangereth his Subjects to undergo a thousand mis-fortunes ANNO 1632. EVery one esteems the work of those poor men as unprofitable who that they may inlarge their habitations do build and make incroachments upon the Banks of large Rivers whose Waters upon the first great rain break out of their Channels and by a thousand re-inforced Waves carry away whatever opposeth their violence it being certain they will not spare the weak indeavours of their hands Who will not in like manner conclude the attempts of a petty Prince to be equally vain who that he may gain some repute and make himself considerable offereth violence to the glory of a great Monarch whose victorious Arms are soon able to reduce the forgetfull to their duties and to over-run whatever resisteth his power Just thus ought we to consider the D. of Lorrain's rashness in taking of Vic in the Emperors name and fortifying it against France when as his Majesties Forces if bent against him could not but chastize his proceedings break his designs and render all his endeavours uselesse His Majesties recovery of it quickly shewed the whole world how vain his attempts were Neither did his Majesties Forces rest there for the Marshals de la Force and de Schomberg forthwith besieged Moyenvic which rendred upon composition and also invested Marsal a place of importance belonging to the Duke and one of those which his Predecessors had usurped from the Bishoprick of Mets. Now the Duke though mastered by ambition and filled with hatred against France was not however so sencelesse but that finding with what celerity Vic was reduced in despite of his Fortifications wherewith he had encompassed it he began to suspect lest all the rest of his Country might shortly run the same chance in case he had not the sooner recourse unto the Kings mercy rather then his own forces or power Hereupon he resolved to send unto his Majesty propositions of peace but in effect he was unwilling totally to relinquish his unjust designs which he would be sure to re-inforce whenever any favourable opportunity or an exâ—raordinary succour from the Emperour or Spaniard should afford him the means such deep root had the hatred which is almost natural to that Family against this Kingdom taken in him It is also true that finding himself straitned in point of time and knowing that the least delay would give the Kings Forces opportunity to take other places he at last resolved to go in person and meet the King at Mets that he might appease his Majesty by his feigned submissions and hinder the progresse of his Armies by a pretended Treaty of peace Had this resolution been frank and sincere the visit had been commendable but such was his malice against his Majesty that those things were the least of his thoughts Not but that he was particularly and I may say strictly obliged unto the King who was very carefull of his education during his youth which he spent in this Court who had patiently expected for eight years together the homage of Barr whereas be might justly have seized upon it within one year after the late Duke's death for non-performance thereof who had passed by the several troubles and intreagues raised by him and his against this State and Kingdom But all these things wrought not upon him and he continued insensible of them He sent word unto his Majesty that he was comming to wait on him and to give him al satisfaction accordingly he came to Mets upon the 26 of December with his face composed of sorrow and sadnesse for his late misbehaviour The King being informed of his approach neer Mets sent the Prince de Joinville with his own and the Queen Coaches who met him half a league from the City and conducted him to his lodging where his Majesty had given order to his Officers to defray his and his Retinues expences The Duke after a short repose went to see his Majesty and shewed himself very submissive protesting that he would flie unto no other refuge but his Majesties goodnesse in order to which alone it was that he had been so desirous of the honour to see him The King received him with all the demonstrations of kindnesse which an offended Majesty may be permitted to use and shortly after being entred into discourse freely told him that he would say before him an infallible sign of his ill-behaviour the Duke indeavoured to justifie himself but he could not alledge any other reason then only his being discontented with the Sieur de Bret Conseiller d' Estaâ— for having used too much rigour in the Borders of his Country in his Inquest concerning the Rights of the Crown of France and his having been assured from the Marshal de Marillac that his Majesty had resolved to invade and ruine him Unto this the King replied every one might justly enquire after â—is own Rights so that what rigours the Sieur de Bret had used were only the effects of Justice and as for matter of invading him with hostility there needed no other proof to assure him of thâ— contrary then that he would not at that time imploy his power any more against him in case he returned to his devoir whereas he then might easily ruine him it being impossible for those persons who had ingaged him in those imbroils to afford him any succour or relief whereas his Majesty would assuredly protect him from the victorious Arms of the Swedish King who was upon the point of
where they best liked The Emperour and Infanta promise to protect the Duke of Lorrain THe enemies of France were much afflicted at the news of the Treaty between the King and Duke of Lorrain The Emperour sent Montecuculli unto the Duke to animate and assure him of a potent Army when-ever he was in a condition to defend himself from the King of Sâ—ede The Baron de â—â—eâ—de came to him from the Infanta to give him the like assurance and to beseech him to believe that the King of Spain's Forces and Treasure should ever be at his disposal when the Emperour should think it proper to attempt the recovery of his Towns Nay the Queen-Mother too though tyed by all sorts of Reason to embrace the King's Interests resolved by perswasion of Chaâ—teloupe to send a Letter unto the Parliament of Paris to engage them if possible in a Revolt which undoubtedly would have been seconded by that of Paris it self with divers other Cities of the Kingdom and all to force the King to withdraw his Army from Lorrain that he might extinguish the fire nearer home That Enemy of the publike Peace took occasion from the Parliaments discontents for that the King had sent some of the chief Officers of Mets to give them a check for their disorderly behaviour in the confirmation of those letters whereof we discoursed the fore-going year There need no other indicium to prove the letter to be his then the bare reading of it Not a person who had the honour to be near her Majesty could ever be perswaded that it proceeded from her inclination though signed with her hand but that it was by the wicked insinuations and devices of that seditious conspirator who in peace being inconsiderable would needs make himself famous and remarkable by raising war and troubles He well knew how to work upon this great Princesses weakness who being extreamly exasperated against the Cardinal would easily be perswaded unto any thing which might disadvantage him Hereupon he made her believe that this propitious Genius of France was upon the point of breaking the Peace with Spain That he had carried on the King to fall upon the Low Countries and that in fine the Spaniards and Emperours Forces would joyntly strike into France seize upon the Cities over-run the whole Champaigne country pillage the Towns rob the people pull down the Churches That Religion would be laid aside the Nobility ruined The Royal Houses errazed and the French Nation exposed unto death or such miseries as were a terror to her very thoughts This was the purport of the letter and these were the considerations which obliged her to signe it Strange it is to look upon the many disguisements tending to engage that honourable company in a revolt which hath ever been the main support of this State It was only desired that they would oppose the Cardinal's designes although all the enterprises wherein he ingaged the King were indeed so many additions to his and the Kingdoms glory as was apparent in the relief of Casal and Treaty of Pignerol They were sollicited to ruine this great Minister of State whose prudent conduct was the chiefest sword which his Majesty employed in defence of his Kingdom and whose every action did like a Thunderbolt annihilate the ambitious designs of the House of Austria But especially were they wooed to induce his Majesty to make a peace with Germany though it was sufficiently apparent how that that concluded in the year 1622. had been the cause of all those misfortunes whereunto our Allies have been exposed that relaxation having afforded opportunity unto the Emperour to take those advantages which he obtained in the Palatinate and upon divers other Princes I cannot omit one strange piece of Indiscretion which Chanteloupe committed in this letter viz. his oversight in letting the Queen-Mother publikely profess her giving credit to the predictions of those Astrologers who assured her that the Cardinal should not hold out above three or four moneths and in not considering how that one included another much more sad for France and which could not but beget her the hatred of all those who had any sense of a good Frenchman or loyal Subject But the blame of this defect as likewise of the whole Letter was laid upon him as the true Author thereof who had been so sollicitous in procuring her to signe it whose goodness like that of the Sun cannot do any hurt unlesse when in conjunction with some other Star of a malignant quality Neither had the Parliament any regard thereunto but reputed it as an aspersion animated by the Spaniards who then finding themselves reduced to an exigency were apprehensive of those Forces which his Majesty was dispatching into Germany and began to look about them when they saw the King imploying the courage of his Subjects in assisting his Allies and also a likelyhood of Breach between the two Crowns whereunto indeed his Majesty was invited by divers although he would never be induced so to do having alwaies thought it more glorious to preserve Treaties of peace with integrity then to conquer the Countries of his Neighbours Politique Observation ONe of those many and chief causes which perswaded the wise Politicians to seclude women from the Government of States is their being easily circumvented either by their own passions or the ill advices of others If the person enterprising any thing be but in discredit with them that is cause enough to mislike the whole affair or if it be not managed by a man whom they fancy Their passions are extream and lead them to discommend whatever is undertaken by those who are in their displeasure and on the contrary they are apt to approve of defects and faults in them whom they affect They are born with such inclinations that there is no mediocrity in their distinctions their Love and Hatred are ever in the highest and hottest degree and on the contrary when they pass from one passion to another they evidence to the whole world how little they can esteem him who was once their best beloved whereupon the wisest of Kings and one whose Pen was guided by the holy Ghost said There is no malice like that of a Woman Now if to their hatred any enterprise be attempted which clasheth with their inclinations as all War doth work upon their Fears which are natural unto them there cannot then be any War how just or necessary soever but shall assuredly be condemned by them In vain it is to endeavour to perswade them that it is needful to make war or to carry that war into a Forraign Country which is designed to be brought into our own it were bootless to represent unto them how the wisest Kings have ever kept the War at a distance from their own Countries and endeavoured to extinguish the fire in their Neighbours houses as knowing their own to be the next in danger It were but time and labour lost to offer unto their thoughts that it is
better to prevent a mortal sickness when it threatneth a State then to apply remedies just when the height of the disease threatneth a total ruine To conclude it is to no purpose to perswade them that the peoples charge in maintaining an Army out of the Kingdom is less then the inconveniences of an Intestine War The fruitfulness of a Country will afford the Inhabitants a sufficient livelyhood neither can want fall very heavie upon them notwithstanding any Taxes though great imposed upon them in case they have freedom of commerce and work But it is not so when an enemy is once entred among them for even then they are not exempted from contributing to the means of their preservation though they daylie find the enemy at their gates their Cities lost and plundered their Farms burnt their Grounds untilled and they who are never so little worth taken and forced to a ransom besides a thousand other cruelties and oppressions There need no other allegation to prove this Truth besides the People themselves who think it well enough if they may be free from Alarums and the noise of Guns and Trumpets whereas they despair if they once see the enemy at their Gates who encompasseth them with confusion maketh them fly from their own houses and who on all hands maketh them undergo a hard necessity and even depriveth them of the use of their very High-ways These reasons are so apparent that one must either be prepossessed with Passion or surprized by some sinister advice to imagine the contrary and they are so much the more considerable for France in regard the Emperour Charls the fifth discoursing with Francis the first concerning the Natures of their Subjects said That both French and Spaniard were naturally so inclin'd to murmur that they would easily be led on to rebel against their Prince if not diverted by some Forraign imployments To be brief one of the chief causes which preserveth Spain in peace is their continual employing of all able to bear Arms in Forraign attempts whereas France hath ever been engaged in Civil combustions and wars because this Crown hath no Dominions lying aloof from it unto which it might send abroad its people Which being so the best course that can be taken is to vent them in the service of our Allies so to do is to follow the example of Scipio who finding the youth of Athens could not be kept quiet in Idleness rigg'd out two Gallies and lead them to shew proofs of their courage against the Persians and of the Romans too who to divert Hannibal from coming any more into Italy resolved to invade him in Affrick The Duke of Lorrain consenteth to Monsieur's marriage with the Princess Marguerite THe Duke of Lorrain had other intention in the Treaty of Peace made with the King but to avoid the punishment due to his boldness neither did he long keep himself dis-ingaged from new Intreagues and although his Majesty thinking the best of his submissions and protestations had sent unto the King of Swede then falling upon his State to divert that storm yet could he not forbear running into fresh contrivances against the good of France In conclusion it is found that at what time he pass'd his word unto the King at Vic he at the same time brake it by his conventions at Nancy with Montecuculi who was then come thither to wait upon him and that he might not omit any manner of disloyalty he shortly after executed the pretended marriage between the Princess Marguerite his Sister and Monsieur le Duc d' Orleans whom he had drawn thereunto by a thousand tricks and deviceâ— He knew that most of the children of France have occasioned such bloody wars as have terribly afflicted the State the Courage wherewith they are born not permitting them to expect the time of their commanding neither was he ignorant of Monsieur 's discontent conceived against the management of the present affairs although admir'd with astonishment by all strangers who found France daylie increasing in glory but at their cost and charges Hereupon he used his utmost skill to conclude that marriage The Princess de Falsbourg his eldest Sister was the chief Agent in it who as she had deserts enough to render her self amiable so wanted she not any art whereby to captivate the Sieur de Puy-Laurens by her attractions whom she perswaded she would marry in case he could effect the match between Monsieur and her Sister the Princess Marguerite whereby besides the honour of marrying with her he should likewise become Brother in Law to his Master He was earnestly desirous of this Alliance in regard it was very honourable and the King being childless it was taken for granted that her Sister would one day be Queen of France which could not but be a great protection to their Family who have a long while been conversant in the Customs of France The Spaniards were not behind-hand to advance this Treaty as well knowing the power of France was not to be over-mastered but by arming one party against t'other which this match would infallibly bring to pass by reason Monsieur would then be irreconcileable to the King and consequently the easilier disposed to enter into France in the head of an Army which would undoubtedly divide the Nobility and so divert his Majesty within the Kingdom that he might not possibly think of assisting the German Princes The Cardinal who suffereth not the King to be ignorant of any thing having discovered this practise forthwith acquainted his Majesty therewith who was not backward in complaining unto the Duke of Lâ—rrain But the Duke well prepared how to make his excuses endeavoured to vindicate himself from that aspersion by solemn protestation confirm'd with deep Oaths how that he never would attempt any such thing upon which his assurances there was not any thing more provided in the Articles of the Treaty as to that affair but his Majesty verily believed him to have relinquished all those Designs Notwithstanding all this no sooner was the King departed from Mâ—ts but he concluded the match not so much as asking his Majesty's consent and quite contrary to the positive inhibition thereof This prohibition indeed did not a little trouble him and raise suspicions in his head for that he knew no stranger had ever yet attempted to marry his relations with any Prince of the Blood of France without feeling the Force of our Kings Powers So that he proceeded herein with the moâ—e circumspection and left the whole management thereof unto Monsieur de Vaudemont his Father and the Princess de Falsbourg his Sister who had not either of them much to lose The Princes of the Blood may not by the Laws of France marry without the Kings approbation THe Fundamental Laws of France do not permit Princes of the Blood to marry without the King'â— consent If it be demanded where that Law is to be found I must remit the Inquisitive Reader to a certain Book amongst the
their Protector and he strictly requireth all Kings the lively Images of his power to do justice unto them Upon this just ground are the Ordinances of France founded which severely punish like the Roman Laws all such Governours and Commanders as oppresse the poor to satisfie their own covetousnesse and our Kings have made the greatest persons of the Kingdom the Objects of their Justice whever they have been convicted of Tyrannical violence What reason is there that poor men who have enough to do to satisfie the necessities of life who undergo great inconveniences in quartering of Souldiers and in effect bear the greatest but then of War should be forced to satiate the unbounded Avarice of a Governour or General Were not that to bury them alive or to force them to despairs Despairs the more dangerous because they are a soil in which great men usually sow the Seeds of their discontents to raise divisons and beget civil dissentions Is not the King more injured therein then any other whatever Is he not truly the head of his Subjects the heart of their lives and fountain of their souls Which being so is it possible to exhaust their blood and substance without weakning and destroying him Besides in case any sudden necessity befall where shall he look for assistance And in case of an invasion will they not be easily ingaged to a Revolt upon hopes of more gentle usage The Marshal de Marillac's Death THe Marshal de Marillac's Indictment was finished with all due formality he was first conducted to St. Menehoust thence to Vâ—rdun the Theater of his Crimes and where the proof of them would most easity appear from thence he was carried to the Castle of Ruel where the King commanded judgement to be given by the Lord Keeper and 22 Judges elected by his Majesty for their integrities and known abilities His kindred solicited for him as often as many and with what liberty they pleased They used their utmost indeavours to ingage the Judges to save his life nay they threatned them partly by recommendations partly by menaces sent from persons abroad the most potent that could be interessed in his protection The discussing of the Informations Interrogatories and Pleas by him used to save his life too up two moneths times in the Court All the Commissaries were perfectly instructed of every proceeding it being permitted them to deliver the full and ample extract of all his charge and defence unto those who solicited in his behalf He was so favourably dealt withall that one of the Commissaries who had drawn up the information was not received as Judge nor divers others against whom he excepted at which the King was not a little offended It was permitted that one of the Judges who pleaded unto his fellow Brethren nothing but reasons of lenity and all arguments which might induce them to acquit him was admitted to sit as Judge though by the strictnesse of law he might have been excluded The King himself proceeded with so much Clemency that there was not any one appeared on his behalf to solicite his condemnation but on the contrary his Majesty called all the Judges before him and that he might give them free liberty to act told them he expected no other Justice from them but such as they would willingly shew unto his meanest subject To be short before they proceeded to judgement he was twice demanded after the longest Interrogatories that ever were heard it having lasted three whole days if he had any thing to say for himself unto which he answered no. Here was as much favour and lenity shewed as possibly could have been desired towards a person designed to be saved But what likelihood was there to defend him from the penalty of the Ordinance in 46. ratified in Parliament which declareth that whoever purloineth the Treasure shall be punished by confiscation of Body and Goods Upon what accompt could he be exempted from the penalty of the Ordinance de Blois which commandeth that all the Heads and Members of Companies found to have exacted monies to avoid quartering in Houses or Villages shall be punished with death without hopes of pardon with this additional clause that though his Majesty should by his favour or the importunity of others be induced to pardon it yet the Lord Keeper is prohibited to Seal it and the Judges required not to regard it Could the Judges possibly have eluded that Law which tieth up the Kings very Mercy Moreover what could they find in the Prisones or his Crimes which could invite them to favour him who had not made himself considerable in any his imploiment wherewith the King had honour'd him but by the extortions he had imposed on the people Are not all Magistrates bound to imploy their utmost care in defence of the poor who have no relief but Justice Whereas his Robberies accompanied with such endlesse impositions made him worthy of death and did they not likewise oblige his Judges to be the more severe towards him The State could not receive any losse by his death who had never done any remarkable service for his King or Country but who on the contrary was the chief instrument to perswade Monsieur to come into the Kingdom with his Sword in his hand Could it with reason have been expected that the Cardinal whose services are indeed considerable enough to obtain his Majesties pardon for any offendor should use his power with the King to beg his pardon who had consented and peradventure proposed to destroy him at least promised his assisting hand in so execrable an action Can it be denied but that after such strong and weighty reasons it had been injustice to afford him any favour Whereupon twelve of his Judges conforming their opinions to the rigours of the Law adjudged him worthy of death declaring him attained and convicted of purloining the Treasure or publick extortion exactions falsities counterfeits cheats over-charging and oppressing the Kings Subjects Two days after viz. upon the 8th of May he was beheaded at la Greve wither he was carried from Ruel Politique Observation HAppy is that State where the Laws are strictly observed was the saying of an Antient and it â—ay truly be called Happy indeed because the Laws inhibit any thing repugnant to the Publike good cherish what-ever is conducing to the advantage thereof for that the true happiness of a State consisteth in the privation of those evils which may afflict it and in the enjoyment of those things which contribute to its advantage When the Laws are despised then are the people oppressed then the Usurpation of another's Right Disobediences Revolts Violences and all the crimes which are the plague and ruine of a State are in agitation whereas as Justice on the other side consisting only in the due observation of Law cutteth off these enormities and secureth every one in th' enjoyment of those goods which Fortune hath bestowed upon him Th' Emperour Justinian writ very fully and well unto the Pretor of
Lacaoniâ— as is to be seen in his Institutions A sentence indeed it is deserving to be set up where-ever Kings make their usual residence whereby they may be out in mind of the advantages which happen to a State by the due observation of the Law All things saith he which pertain to the well government of a State we ordered by the Constitutions of Kings whereupon who so would walk wisely shall never fail if he propose them for the Rule of his Actions A King is called the living Law of his Country implying the lise he infuseth into the Laws and that his commands do chiefly rend to inforce the observation of them Whatever severity he useth in this particular is commendable because it is a means to secure his State from those disorders which are repugnant to the publike good and though he should be severe he cannot possibly be though violent because it is only in conformity to the Laws unto which violence is absolutely contrary It were to be wished that a Prince would be careful to reward the services done either to his Person or State but on the other side he never ought to let the Laws fall into dis-esteem especially those which keep the people in obedience and which serve to secure them from oppression Indeed to what purpose do the Laws command and injoyn punishments to be inflicted on such who infringe them unless Justice putteth them in execution Were not this to put Arrows into a Quiver from whence they can never be drawn It were to make the Magistrate an immoveable Statue a Chimera which only serveth to fright people in Ballads or to still little children but vanish at a time of need without effecting that for which they were established in the world The Duke of Lorrain recommenceth the War THe Duke of Lorrain having only made his peace with the King at Vic with a resolution to recommence the War upon the first fair opportunity did verily believe he had now fallen upon a fit conjuncture of time considering how affairs then stood and how Monsieus was inclined whereupon he began to raise men and to fortifie some of his Towns The King was fully inform'd of his Designs by divers intercepted letter the undubitable witnesses of his ill-will and which convinc'd his Majesty beyond all his fair words which be sent unto the King to keep him off from securing the Frontiers of the Kingdom Some there were written by his Father others by the Princess of Falsbourg which did not only assure Monsieur of Forces in Lorrain but withal did seriously invite him to stick close to his Interests and to put himself into a posture to gather the Crown of France which they positively said would shortly fall of it self into his hands Othersome from the Sieur de Puy-Lourens unto the Princess of Falsbourg in which he assured her that certain designs of great importance then contrived were infallible Besides that the Cardinal's penetrating sight which pierceth into the secrets of Princes Cabinets had discovered all those devices from the correspondence they held in the Kingdom his Majesty had just reason to transport his Forces into Lorrain to toâ—â— out that Duke and to over-run his Countries But the Cardinal who never adviseth the making of a War unless when it is impossible longer to continue peace was opinion That his Majesty should do well first to send the Sieur de Guroâ— unto him to complain of his unjust proceedings to endeavour to disswade him and to make a more full discovery of his intentions and the order he designed to prosecute This advice pleased his Majesty wondrous well and the Sieur de Guroâ— was dispatched towards the Duke who salute him from the King hiâ— Master and theâ— represented to him that he could not sufficiently admire that having made a league with his Majesty but four or five moneths since wherein he positively engaged to break off all correspondence and intelligence between himself and Monsieur the Kings Brother as also the enemies of France he should so quickly contrary to the Agreement sollicite Monsieur to come unto Nancy and invade the Kingdom of France and not only so but likewise negociate both the Emperor and the King of Spain to assist him with Forces for that end and purpose knowing that his own would only serve to augment the glory of France This Discourse grounded upon undeniable Truths touch'd the Duke so to the quick that he was at a non-plus neither could he alledge any thing in justification of himself but by adding new impostures which did the more evidently declare his wicked intentions and peradventure more to the life then a confession of his disloyalty But that was not the only time they discoursed together nor were those the only reasons wherewith the Sieur de Guron endeavoured to divert him no he laid before him his Majesties clemency particularly know unto him in the Treaty of Vic where his Majesty found him at a loss in great distress without hopes of relief from the House of Austria and in a condition unable to defend himself or his State yet would not his Majesty prosecute the advantages he then had Then that he might somwhat terrifie him he represented to him sundry reasons to perswade him to believe that the King would easily destroy any Forces which should invade the Kingdom which once effected he for his part would be exposed to an ineâ—â—â—able mine for that his Majesty was then bound by all reasons what ever to revenge the injuries offered unto his Crown and State That the might well believe his Majesty having done his business both with the Spaniards in Italy and the English at Râ—… his few Forces would easily be scattered upon the first view of his Majesty's â—â—dry These reasons were so just and weighty that a wiser Prince and less pâ—ssio◠〈◊〉 against France would easily have been perswaded to relinquish the War But such was his blindness and so great his vain hopes that he could not be drawn to any thing Not that he did then openly declare himself but putting off his answer from day to day delayed the time so long until Monsieur came to enter into the Kingdom with his Sword in his hand and not so only but continued to make warlike preparations from whence it was easie to be seen that he was little inclined to peace and quietness The next thing hereupon which his Majesty did was to command the Mareschal d' Effiat to advance with his Army into Lorrain where be intended to be in his own person well knowing that the presence of a Prince doth not a little encourage the Souldiery of France His Majesty likewise ordained that the new raised Forces should march towards the Frontiers and there expect until he had dispatched an Affair of great concernment which then called him away The securing of Calais was a thing extreamly necessary the Governour of which place had been gained by Monsieur's Cabal and engaged to serve him and his
Interests in any thing That Town is of no small consideration it having formerly given the English when and as often as they desired an uncontrouled entrance into the Kingdom and with them Monsieur held but too strict an intelligence at this very time This was a disease not to be suffered to grow any older yet the cure of it had been almost desperate to any other but the King for Calais as it is far removed from Paris so is it likewise more distant from Lorrain But his Majesty whose vigilance doth oftentimes give him great Victories did easily endure the troubles of the Journey He knew from his cradle it was not without great reason that an Emperour designing to represent upon the Reverse of a Medail the means which the Roman Republique had used in conquering the Universe contrived a Rome with wings upon its feet and hands intimating that Vigilance had made her Mistress of the world In order whereunto he never apprehended any embroyl elther within or without the Kingdom which he did not readily encounter in his own person upon the least assurance that he might take them unproprovided who had contrived any thing against his State or person and thereby overcome them with less trouble and more ease The King departed then from Saint Germain about the beginning of May and not long after came to Calais where being arrived he placed six Companies of the Regiment of Navarre in the Cittadel commanded the Sieur de Vaâ—ance to retire himself to one of his Houses left the Sieur de Râ—mbures to command it until his Majesty should otherwise dispose of it and having stay'd two days he departed towards Lorrain that he might let the Duke know his proceedings had made him guilty both of Injustice and Rashness which two things he was come to chastise by the force of his Arms. Politique Observation GOd having constituted Kings as the Images of his Power doth no less require them to punish any injuries committed against their Majesty then the crimes of their Subjects To what other end is it that they have the sword of Justice intrusted with them unless it be as an assured testimony of the power they have to Right themselves for any injuries He who hath so little courage as to pass them by will soon become the object of his Neighbours scorn every one will trample on him and God himself being offended at his little care in preserving those stamps of his Majesty which he hath imprinted on his Forehead will justly permit him to be despoyled of that honour which he had bestowed upon him God hath unto private men given no other means to repel the injuries offered unto them then the Justice of their Soveraigns whom he hath commanded to right them but otherwise it is with Kings unto them he hath given power to punish those who offend them be they of what quality soever There is not a man above them who can arbitrate their differences themselves are the only Judges of their own Rights and they may lawfully take up Arms both when and as often as their Prudence and Justice shall think fit The Primum Mobile hath no dependence on any other Orb in point of his motion and Kings those primary causes of a State have no superiour authority over them to direct them in point of War It is sufficient that they against whom they take up Arms have given them cause so to do Hence it is that one of the eminent'st lights of the Church calleth that War just which is undertaken to revenge injuries And Archidamus in Thucydides saith Every War is just which is made to revenge any groundless injury Now amongst all the things which may provoke a Prince to take up Arms that of raising Forces to invade his Kingdom of violating Treaties and recommencing old Quarrels are most justifiable The Rules of Politique Justice do not only permit a War as lawful against them who come and besiege Towns and commit disorders in another State no they are not bound to sit still in expectation of that storm but it sufficeth to have only known discovered their designs and malicious intentions for otherwise it were a very great imprudence the ablest Commanders having ever concluded it better to carry a war into his Country who designeth to invade then to expect him in our own In fine The Breach of Treaties and Promises hath alwaies been accounted highly injurious unto Princes Gentlemen have their throats cut for breach of word and Princes may not put it up if it be of never so little concernment without making war upon it With the Spaniards indeed it is proverbial Wind carries Words and Feathers The wisest Politicians do tell us That to promise in a Treaty what is not intended to be performed is to scorn a Prince and Homer saith He who promiseth one thing and intendeth another ought to be reputed for an Enemy Mounsieur entreth Lorrain in Arms. THe King being at Laon was inform'd by a Courier from the Mareschal de la Force that Monsieur had pass'd by Malatour a little Village between Verdun and Mets and that his Forces were joyned with the Duke's and by another near the same time that Monsieur no sooner arrived but he began the war having cut off a Troop of Carabines sent by the Mareschal d' Effiat in peace the Duke being obliged to give his Ma Majesties Troops free passage and in fine that he was entred the Kingdom in Arms. Hereupon the King advanced in â—ast towards the Army which was numerous and strong the Mareschal d' Effiat being arrived from Germany and commanded the Duke de Chaune and Mareschal d' Effiat to draw together the Nobility which came to attend him upon the Frontiers To make short he came to Saint Monehoust the 15. of June ready to fall with his Army upon the Duke of Lorrain in case he offered to stir a foot or send and Forces with Monsieur into France but he was better advised as it fell out then so to do The Mareschal d' Effiat without more loss of time presented his Army before Pont-a Mousson which so terrified the Inhabitants that they opened their Garet without resistance The Duke of Lorrain was no less astonished and now beginning to foresee his ruine desired a meeting with the Mareschal d' Effiat where he accused Monsieur's arrival at Nancy protesting it was not by his procurement and telling him he would give his Majesty any satisfaction or assurance of his fidelity The Mareschal acquainted his Majesty therewith who thought it not best to pardon him a second time without some kind of revenge especially seeing there was no trust to be given to his promises after so manifest a discovery of his malice and designs against France whereupon he drew up to Vaubecourt to enter upon Lorrain In the mean time having Intelligence brought that a Regiment of the Duke's Horse commanded by the Sieur de Lenoncourt was not far from Rouuray that he might teach him
Majesties Forces should have free passage through his Country In consideration whereof the Cardinal undertook in his Majesty's behalf to surrender the City and Castle of Bar unto the Duke as also the City and Castle of Saint Mihel Pont-a-Mousson and generally what-ever his Majesty had taken from him to with-draw his Forces from Lorrain and to protect the Person and Estates of the said Duke against all persons without exception The Cardinal perswaded his Majesty to confirm these conditions which could not be well misliked they being advantagious for the glory of France and leaving his Majesty at full liberty to go and chastise them who abusing Monsieurs name had set the Kingdom in an uproar And thus was the Treaty of Liverdun signed upon the 26. day of June This Treaty being thus concluded the King went to Pont-a-Mousson where the Cardinal de Lorrain came to meet him and to give caution for performance of his Brothers promises in order whereunto Stenay was put into the possession of the Sieur de Lambertie Jametts of the Sieur de Plessis who entred with their several Regiments into them and the King surrendred what places he had lately taken in Lorrain From thence the King went to Sechâ—pre whither the Duke came to wait upon him testifying himself to be sorrowful for having given his Majesty any cause of discontent and beseeching him to forget what was pass'd The King receiv'd his Highness with all demonstrations of kindness assuring him he should no more remember what was pass'd and hoping his good conduct for the future would never give him occasion to think of it hereafter The Duke was not backward to make many protestations though he little intended to perform any part of them In conclusion his Majesty returned into France and so to Paris chusing rather to follow the instigations of his goodness then of distrust which he had however cause to return Politique Observation IT is ever more commendable in a Prince to exceed rather in credulity then jealousie especially if it be not to his disadvantage whereas on the other side Distrust is praise-worthy in Treaties with a person not to be credited and where an easie Belief may breed inconveniences It is equally bad to believe no man and to believe every man and as it is prudence not to trust a man whom there is cause to suspect so it is a signe of courage not to fear where there is no cause of distrust It somtimes hapneth that confidence breaketh the courage of an enemy reduceth him to his devoir and forceth him to relinquish his Designs For as distrust doth extreamly much dis-oblige the truest friends so confidence hath such charms that it is able to captivate the most mortal enemies Mens passions are not unconquerable somtimes clemency and bounty may effect more then force and violence A soyl though bad of it self and apt to produce nothing but Thistles and Brambles yet when cultivated and manured with industry may bring forth good grain and spirits though naturally deceitful and false yet may be reformed by reason and generous dealing The Venetians did heretofore shew a notable example hereof when having taken a certain Prince of Mantua prisoner who extreamly much slighted them and had sworn their ruine they not only restored him to Liberty but withal made him General of theâ—r Armies and he finding himself overcome by so great a confidence layed out the utmost of his care and courage to serve them And th'Emperour Augustus by his confidence in Lucius Cinna accused for having designed to murther him so absolutely wrought upon him that he had not afterwards any person more faithful or affectionate to his service Monsieur goeth into Burgogne WE have before declared how the King being just upon his March into Lorrain Monsieur pass'd by with his Forces The sight of his Majesty's Forces hindred him from making any great stay as also from carrying the Duke of Lorrain's Troops along with him which he intended and was a thing very necessary in order to his designs because the business in Languedoc was not yet so forward as was expected From Lorrain he went into Bassigny and quartered at Andelot on the 13 of June where they who abused his favour and made use of his Name published the most seditious Libel that was ever yet heard it was fraught with infinite protestations of doing his Majesty service their usual pretexts who imbroyl the State As if to trouble the whole Kingdom to besiege Towns and Cities to oppress his Subjects to seize on the money belonging to the Exchequer to engage the Nobility in a Revolt were to do his Majesty service and all this expresly against his Majesty's command and inhibition Were not these Protestations a specious veyl wherewith Monsieurs followers endeavoured to hide the impatiency of their spirits when they saw those predictions which foretold the King's death above two years before come to nothing upon which they built all the hopes of their advancements That indeed was the true cause which induced them to spread those libellous calumnies against the Cardinal with such absurd exaggerations that they made them incredible so true it is that slanders of excess and contrary to any probable appearance make but small impressions upon them who are masters but of never so little reason Indeed who could well believe him to be a disturber of the Publike peace an enemy to the King and Royal Family as they published in their Manifest who in fifteen days time procured by his prudent conduct so many glories for France and his Majesty in Lorrain What probability was there to perswade the world that he would make himself Master of the State as they endeavoured to convince unto Monsieur who had used such great industry to cause his return into France when he first left the Kingdom and who never stirred towards Piedmont until his return was certainly concluded And in the end he forced them to dis-own that imputation by his perswading the King to shew him so much clemency and such extraordinary magnificence to oblige him to a second return What reason could they then have to take up Arms upon his accompt They had not any the least just ground for it which is evident to all the world neither were all their slanders able to sully his glory in any particular what-ever But rather on the contrary as Musk and Civet acquire a pleasant and delightful smell amidst the dunghil and Ordure by the same Anti-peristasis that fire is hottest in the coldest of Winter so all their slanders proclaimed against him serv'd only to increase the sweet odour of his Reputation which his Services and Qualities more then humane had acquired unto him That I may say somthing touching his own particular resentment it is most certain his soul was more affected with compassion for France then concern'd for his own Interests amidst all those Thunders which did not much trouble him All the vain attempts of those storms did but redouble his
By this his Highnesse was reduced to such extremity that he knew not well where to make any sure retreat his forces being many of them disbanded and those of Beziers it self now in his Majesties obedience and who after his departure from them had made fresh protestations of fidelity to him refused to receive him and in conclusion had not admitted him at all but by order from his Majesty who commanded them to receive him but with his Train onely and to render him all the honour due to his quality The King approved of the overture and seeing Monsieur was at Beziers sent unto him the Sieur de Bullion Superintendent of the Treasury and the Marquesse de Fossez Governour of Montpellier but without any other conditions then those proposed by the Sieur de Aiguebonne At their first arrival Monsieur declared that he could not resolve to abandon the D of Montmorency who had not ingaged himself in that War but for his sake no more than the rest of his adherents that for any thing else he was unalterably fixt to render all obedience and service to his Majesty They replied that indeed such sentiments could not but be commendable neither could they proceed from any thing beside the goodnesse of his nature and beseeched his Highnesse to consider that if he had any interest in their concerns the King had incomparably much more reason not to capitulate at all with him or to grant by way of compulsion any grace to such Rebellious Subjects who had deferved the most rigorous chastizements of his Justice They represented to him that capitulations ought not to be made but between Soveraigns and that Princes though of his quality had no other way to obtain grace but by submission and acknowledgement of their faults that he might reasonably expect any favour from his Majesties goodnesse seeing his Majesty had of his own meer motion and that before any overtures made by him unto him to obtain his favour sent to invite him that after all this to mistrust his Clemency would be injurious that for their parts they could not ensure him of any favour for the D. de Montmorency or any other his Domesticks having no order but the former but that they might safely tell him that in case it should stand with his Majesties service to extend his favour towards all those whom his Highnesse desired his own innate Clemency would invite him thereunto that in fine his Majesty was doubtlesse obliged to inflict some exemplary punishment upon the chief Authors of that Revolt as a thing necessary to secure the tranquility of the State to maintain his Majesties authority to deter others and to chastize this Rebellion which of it self compelled his Majesty to execute some justice unlesse he would render himself culpable against his own estate These reasons were urged with such addresse moderation and prudence that Monsieur was from that time almost absolutely resolved to submit himself unto his Majesties Will yet some time he desired to consider of it which was in effect that he might the better confer with the Sieur de Puy-Laurens who finding no other way left then that of accommodation whereby to secure himself from the danger he was in induced Monsieur to resolve to treat he alledged to him that he ought to make the lesse difficulty of it in regard he might afterwards take his own advantage and put himself in a condition to obtain more advantagious terms and in fine he acquainted the Sieur de Bullion and the Marquesse de Fossez with Monsieurs resolution they took his word and the Articles of accommodation were concluded by which Monsieur acknowledging his fault beseeched his Majesty First That he would forget and forgive him He promised his Majesty to relapse no more that he would relinquish all intelligences with Forreigners and with the Queen-Mother during her abode out of the Kingdom contrary to his Majesties Will. That he would dwell in such place as his Majesty would prescribe and live like a true Brother and Subject Moreover Monsieur obliged himself not to take any part in their Interest who were ingaged with him nor complain if at any time the King should bring them to condigne punishment To receive such persons as his Majesty should nominate into the Offices which should at any time become vacant in his family and to remove such as should be disagreeable to his Majesty Briefly It was agreed that the Sieur de Puy-Laurens having been the chief Agent of those evil Councels which had ingaged Monsieur in the War should be obliged sincerely to inform his Majesty of what ever had been negotiated for the time past by which the State might receive any prejudice and that under penalty of being reputed Criminal and to have incurred his Majesties displeasure These were the chief Articles whereunto Monsieur consented an assured testimony they were of his natural inclination to live quietly and submissely They were signed by him for his Majesties greater assurance and thereupon the Sieurs de Bullion and Fossex promised him in his Majesty behalf that his Majesty should receive him into his favor establish him in al his goods and pensions give him liberty to live peaceably in such of his houses as should be thought fit and that a pardon should be granted to Monsieur de Elboeuf and all others then residing neer his person without ingaging any thing for the rest His Majesty received these Articles by the Marquesse de Fossez and accordingly ratified them and thus was this desired agreement concluded which every one considered as one of the most certain foundations of France its happinesse Nothing was discoursed of but Peace the King permitted the strangers six days time to march out of France by Roussillon who scattering themselves abroad from one Coast to another received the same entertainment from the Country people as they had before offered unto them Monsieur retired to his house of Champigzy near Tours seemed to be satisfied in his very soul and withall writ several Letters to the Cardinal full of affectionate expressions disowning those aspersions published against him under his name assuring him that he had never consented to them in a though and that in his greatest Passion he had ever much esteem for him not only in regard of his loyalty towards the King but also for his eminent vertues and the great services he had done the State And thus every one saw an agreeable calm succeed that storm wherewith France had been so much agitated Politique Observation AS Kings are obliged to chastize some of the chief Authors of a revolt as shall hereafter be declared so ought they readily to pardon the rest Caesar was more esteemed for his easie condiscension to be reconciled to his enemies that Hannibal for his harsh courage It was his usual saying that nothing was lesse proper for those who aspired unto great things than willfully to persist in enmities which oftentimes cause those forces which were design'd for
in obedience and defend them from oppressions Kingdomes saith Plato are then well governed when the guilty are punished The Lawyer saith that the chiefest care which a Governour of a Province ought to have is to dreseree Peace to which end he must purge the Country of those who are likely to create troubles by punishing them according to their demerits in a word private men propose the well-ordering of their families for the end of heir businesse and so ought Kings to prefer nothing before the good of their Kingdomes It is the property of private men to be solicitous of private concernments and it is the duty of a King to regard nothing in regard of the publick good Mosieur de Montmorency's Death THese were the just considerations which moved the Parliament of Tholose after processe made against him withall legal proceedings to condemn him to be beheaded by their sentence of the 30. October But before I proceed to the execution I cannot but observe the Fortitude and Piety wherewith he received his death The Cardinal de la Valette fore-seeing no probability of saving him beseeched the King would be pleased to allow him a Confessor the better to dispose him to receive with submission the sentence of the Parliament His Majesty was easily intreated to admit therof being glad to contribute any thing towards the saving of his Soul by making his body an example of Rebellion which favour although it be not usually granted to persons indicted before their sentence be passed yet his Majesty gave oder to the Marshal de Breze to conduct Father Arnoux Superior of the Jesuits particularly desired by the Duke of Montmorency and to charge him to assist him day and night for so long time as he should thing fit and requiâ—te for his consoation The Father went to him and found that God bestowed may Graces upon him in order to his well-dying to which end he desired to make a general Confession One thing did somewhat trouble him which was this he beleeved that to acquit himself of this pious duty there would be longer time required then was probably left for him he supposing as accordingly it was that they had resolv'd to sentence him the next morning whereupon he earnestly conjured the Father Arnoux and the Sieur de Launay to go and acquaint his Majesty that he beseeched him to bestow the next whole morning upon him that he might the more deliberately and without molestation look back into his Conscience that he might make such a Confession as might cause him to die without inquietude of mind and that he should take this for one of the greatest favours he had ever received from him The King condescended thereunto and his Piety being no lesse resplendent then his Justice he readily granted him that liberty commanding that the sentencing of him should be deferr'd for one day and also permitting him to communicate although contrary to the use for persons in his condition He ended those holy duties which once passed over he employed the afternoon in making his Will according as his Majesty had permitted him wherein he bequeathed unto Monsieur the Cardinal one esteemed for the rarest peece of France being a Picture representing Saint Sebastian dying and beseeched him to believe that he died his servant The morning following he was called unto the Palace to be examined at the Bar where be answered unto all Interrogations such submission and generousnesse that he discovered no other fear of death but with what is natural to the greatest courages and at the same time that he went out of the grand Chamber the whole Court the Lord Keeper being President condemned him to be beheaded in the place du Salin as guilty of High Treason in the highest degree The Sentence was pronounced to him with the usual forms of Justice which when he heard he told the Commissaries how he thanked them and the whole Company beseeching them to tell them in his behalf that he receiv'd the Judgement from the Kings Justice as a sentence of Mercy from God After this his thoughts were altogether taken up in disposing of himself to die like a Christian And having shewed all imaginable proofs of so dying he was executed in the Court of the Town-house where his Majesty commanded it to be performed though he was not intreated to bestow that last favour upon him Politique Observation TO pardon every one is a cruelty more dangerous then to pardon no one this only injureth the nocent but that the innocent seeing it exposeth all men to great misfortunes This only destroyeth particular families whereas that is commonly the occasion of the breaking out again of civil Wars which were thought to have been quite extinguished by Clemency but do then indanger the absolute ruine of a whole Kingdom by their second eruptions Now amongst those many which deserve to be chastiz'd the chief heads of a Revolt ought to be punished much rather then the hands and feet which were but accessaries thereunto It is the order prescribed by Justice and in effect it is more equitable to punish those who are the original and true causes of evil then those who could hardly defend themselves from following their violent motions The greatnesse of their qualities may not priviledge them from the punishment due to the hainousnesse of their Crimes although the faults of common mean persons are usually pardon'd by the too too great indulgence of Magistrates On the contrary if at any time Ambition transporteth them into seditions it likewise rendreth them much more culpable and consequently more deserving of punishment then the least and most obscure persons of the Kingdome Their lapses are not only equal and liable to the inflictions provided for other Subjects but they are the more notorious by how much their quality is more conspicuous because their exorbitances are of a more dangerous consequence Every one is more concern'd at the Eclipses of the Sun then those of other Stars because such are commonly attended by sad events so the crimes of the chief leading men in a Nation are more to be regarded because their effects are more to be feared then those of private men The revolt of a mean Gentleman is seldom capable to raise any great troubles in a Kingdom but that of a Governour of a Province or some chief person in the State cannot happen without carrying great misfortunes along with it It is great Prudence in such occasions to follow the councel give by Thrasibulus to Periander who sent his Ambassadours to him desiring to be inform'd how he might happily govern his State He carried them out into a large field and discoursing to them of things indifferent he cut of the highest ears of Corn and then told them they should acquaint their Master with what they had seen him do and how that was the best advice he could give him Periander understood the meaning and well concluded that the only means to rule in quiet was to cut off
or three months time at Rome and Loretta The King was very glad of it and readily granted his desire as knowing that travel doth often correct passion in matters of revolt and love yet was it neverthelesse upon condition that after his return he should come to Court and clear some suspicions which had been taken at the manner of his late Conduct But instead of returning back from Italy he dispatched the Sieur de Grand Pre one of his Domestiques to beseech his Majesty then at Vic to bestow some employment upon him amongst those forces which were then marching towards Italy for the safety of his Allies His Majesty denied to grant his request conceiving that he rather aimed to palliate his disobedience then to do any real service and thereupon renewed his former command that he should come to him and justifie himself as to divers particulars whereof he was suspected But he being never inclined to obey this command and on the contrary living out of the Kingdom without his Majesties permission against the inhibition contained in the Law which declares such Princes as violate it guilty of High-Treason withall residing there to entertain intelligences to the King's disservice of which he had particular advice there was no other way to look on him but in the quality of a Rebel and to deprive him of the Government of Provence which lay convenient for him to let in a Forraign enemy he being further to be suspected in regard the House of Lorrain layeth some ancient claim although upon weak pretences to this Province whereupon the King provoked by these important reasons resolved to discharge him of that Government and to bestow it on the Marshal de Vitry whose valour prudence and affection his Majesty might rely on with confidence that the D.o Guise could attempt nothing in prejudice of the State which would not as quickly be repelled and withall caused him to take the Oath of Governour the same day that the Peace was concluded with Monsieur though his Letters Patents had been dispatched in April Politique Observation IT is very dangerous to commit the Government of a Province to a Grandee who hath once had his hand in a Revolt who hath declared his discontent or hath any pretence to the place in his charge The disloyalty which ingaged him in any faction rendreth him more deserving of punishment then preferment and the least chastisement which can be inflicted on him is to deprive him of all imployments it being a thing of great concern exemplarily to chastize those Governors which are guilty of such offences The punishment inflicted on them serveth for an example to others and keepeth them in their duties whereas impunity incourageth others to run into the same faults Besides he who hath once had the impudence to imbark himself in a rebellious design will be ever ready to put it in execution when a fair opportunity invites him Great sicknesses administer suspicion of relapses and the wisest Kings having once seen a Grandee fall off from his Allegiance have ever distrusted him and never afforded him the opportunity of doing the least evill Small things may be hazarded but amongst such the Government of a Province one of the most important charges of a State may not be reckoned It is likewise equally dangerous to trust a Grandee who hath once shewed himself to be discontented it were to be ignorant of the usual consequences which attend great mens discontents to intrust the Government of a Province with them There is not any thing more natural to a man who is either provoked or beleeveth himself injured then to study revenge and to use his utmost indeavour to retort it To give such a man authority were to impower him to satisfie his Passion which attended with weaknesse would be ineffectual The great imployments of the Marshal de Marillac did only serve to render him the more culpable neither indeed may any thing else be reasonably suspected from those men that give themselves over to a male-contented humor But above all it is a most signal imprudence to commit the government of great Provinces to such as have any pretensions unto them how old or ancient soever This latter age hath afforded us a memorable example hereof in the person of the Duke de Mercoeur who had not raised a faction in Bretaign but upon some pretences as antient as frivolous Doth not every one know how much the late King was troubled to get him out And was not the deceased King blamed for having bestowed the Government of it upon the Sieur do Vendosm his son-in-law who in processe of time was suspected to have designed to make himself Duke thereof Ambition doth easily ground new designs upon ancient pretences it teacheth Grandees disloyalty and maketh them like Moles alwaies undermining it maketh them slight their quiet Life Health Laws and Religion it self and all that they may gain the ends unto which they aspire nay it sometimes so puffeth them up that some of them have carried in their hearts the Crowns which their Kings have wore on their heads Mark Anthony made a discreet Order when Cassius had made himself Master of Syria his native Country whose inhabitants had assisted him in that design whereby he inhibited the conferring any command upon a man in his own Country How dangerous is it then to bestow it upon such who perswade themselves it is their brith-right If Ambition be to be feared though without a pretext how much more is it then to be suspected when there is some apparent justice for the ground of it If the Province be divided into parties he need then onely adhere to the strongest and then much may be done but if it be united he may possibly ingage the whole in revolt if he once get the affections of the people which is easily brought to passe if a man designs it and makes it his businesse The King returneth from Languedoc to Paris THe King having setled all things in Languedoc in such a posture as there remained nothing to be feared his Majesty parted from Tholose upon the 29. of October to return towards Parisâ— Now having formerly understood that Monsieur had onely made his Peace with a resolution to flie out again upon the first fair invitation he intended to march thither with all speed to which end he would only be attended with some Light-horse certain Companies of Musquetiers and Pikemen on horseback The Cardianl whose body is not so vigorous as his Soul could not resolve to make such speed especially considering the labours he had undergone in the voyages and much more the pains he had taken in smothering the Wars of Lorrain and Languedoc in their birth had much decayed his strength Whereupon he thought better to wait upon the Queen but scarce was he gone two daies journey from Tholose when he found himself seized with violent sicknesse which forced him to retire to Bourdeaux where is pains so increased that France was
an enemy to his own interest The Marquess de St. Chaumont sent by the King into the Country of the Elector of Treves to force his Enemies from the rest of his Towns and to establish him IF his Majesty shewed any thing of Prudence in preventing the conclusion of any Treaty between the Spaniard and the Hollanders he discovered no lesse courage in his indeavour to re-establish the Elector of Treves in the rest of those places which his enemies had usurped from him Fumay and Reveign scituated on two Pennisula's upon the River Meuse had ever acknowledged him for their Soveraign Lord but the Spaniard whom conveniency seemeth to intitle unto any places which they may master had clapp'd a garrison into them designing to fortifie them to secure the Commerce of that River and withall to make some enterprise upon the Frontier of Champagne The King could not put up such an injury offered unto the Elector since he had taken him into his protection but ordered the Marquess de St. Chaumont to march toward Meziers with those forces which he commanded in Champagne to dislodge them The Sieur de Chastelliers Barlort and the Comte de la Suze were made Marshals de Camp who comming to the Army marched directly away toward those two places His courage made him wish that he might find some opposition whereby he might obtain the more glory to his Masters Arms but making his approaches he understood that the Spanish Garison notwithstanding all their Rodomontades had marched out the night before without sound of Trumpet so that instead of fighting all he had to do was to receive testimonies of the inhabitants joy who acknowledging his Majesty for their Protector did willingly receive the Regiment of Champagne into Fumay and that of Normandy into Reveign The Marquess de St. Chaumont finding himself obliged to remunerate their good will by all the favours which he could do them in quartering of the Army setled so good an Order amongst the Souldiers that they never took any thing without paying for it but behaved themselves with great moderation and courtesie The Enemy did not then oblige him to be more active at that time and indeed the season of the year was such in regard of the Snows and Frost that he could not march without difficulty so that his Majesty sent him Order to return and to leave his Forces in Garrison upon the Frontier He returned to spend some time at the Fort whereupon the 10th of February he and the Comte Brissac were created Ministers of State to serve his Majesty in his Counsel the Spaniards who never sleep but when they have nothing to do took the occasion of his absence to return into the Country of the Elector of Treves and to do what they pleased but the King and the invitation of the Spring permitting his return he carried the Army back again and without much ado forced them to quit the Field The next thing he resolved was to assault Freidembourg upon which they had seized whose Garrison offered a thousand violences to Travellers and the adjacent places The Comte de la Suze commanded it to be invested and comming in person before it in the moneth of June he summoned Machinister who commanded it for the Comte d'Embden and upon refusal of a surrender they provided to assault it The Town was won with little resistance and the Castle forced within two daies after there being not above three or four men slain on both parts Thus the Country of Treves was totally reduced unto his Majesty's Possession neverthelesse his Majesty having only secured it for the Arch-Bishop the true Lord thereof caused him to be restored in his Metropolitan City about the beginning of October by the Sieur de Bussilamet The Arch-Bishop indeed finding himself unable to make it good against the Spaniards he desired him to stay with him and command his forces and the Sieur de Bussy having presented the Keys unto him he presently returned them saying I beseech you keep them for his Majesty his Eminence likewise published a Declaration about the end of this year commanding his Subjects to acknowledge the King for their Lord to assist him in his interest to receive his Souldiers into their Cities jointly to defend them and to give unto them the best entertainment the places could afford The principal Obligations of him who taketh a Prince into Protection DOubtlesse it is honourable for a great Prince to undertake the Protection of another unable to subsist by his own force but though it is honourable yet it is not without care if this protection be to his advantage yet is he obliged to recover whatever is taken from him and in fine fairly to restore it To leave him a prey to his enemies were a sign of weaknesse or want of courage or an absolute breach of promise in the first assumption He that for fear of the charge the successe of the War or any other consideration shall neglect it doth not only deprive himself of that honour which the quality of a Protector ascribes unto him but doth likewise cloath himself with shame Moreover what expences soever he is at on such occasions yet he is obliged by Justice to restore all places into the hands of their natural Prince he being only as it were a Depositary and as the Laws of Deposition do not permit the appropriating of any thing to ones self the restoring of them will be as honourable as the detaining of them will be unjust Ptolomy King of Egypt dying committed his son heir to his Crowns then a child unto the protection of the Common-Wealth of Rome who professing a particular observation of their promises were not deficient in resigning the Kingdom into his power upon his first being capable of Government Thus Archadius seeing his son Theodosius very young and unable to secure himself from the power of the Persians so played his Game with Indigertes their King that he undertook his protection and by this means he tied up his Arms by delivering his son into his hands Indigertes receiv'd the Tutillage as an honour and discharg'd it with such fidelity that he preserved Theodosius life and Empire That I may let you see these latter ages want not the like examples Philip of Austria King of Castile leaving his son Charles but of twelve years age requested Lewis the Twelfth by his Will to be his Guardian and to take the Kingdom into his protection The King accepted thereof and in prosecution of his charge was so punctually correspondent to the Trust Philip had reposed in it that he preserved his States against France it self nor would usurp the least whatever provocations Maximilian gave him In fine notwithstanding all restitutions or expences which a King is obliged unto yet ought he never to refuse the protection of a Prince bordering upon his Countries because besides the glory whereof he deprives himself he inforceth the other to throw himself into the protection of some
Holinesse's forces should not lie idle if any enterprize were made against the Churches greatness or the liberties of Italy The Embassies of Obedience from our Kings unto his Holinesse THe Piety of our Kings and their zeal to the Pope have made it a custom to send Extraordinary Embassadours to congratulate them shortly after their promotions to acknowledge them for Fathers truly spiritual to assure them of their obedience in that quality and to recommend unto them the French Church their persons and Kingdomes which God hath given them There are ancient examples thereof and withall instructions yet extant given to Embassadours sent by our Kings which declare this obedience to tend only to congratulation and Complement The truth of this is evident in the Letters which Philip le Bel sent to Pope Benedict the Eleventh by the Sieur de Mercueil Messieur Guillaume du Plessis Chevalâ—er Maistre Pierre de Belle Perche Canon of the Church of Chartres his Embassadors to offer this obedience to his Holiness Lewis the Eleventh indeed for some particular consideration would needs render a little more unto Pope Pius the Second by the Cardinal d' Alby but he was discommended for it by the whole Kingdom The Court of Parliament made great Remonstrances against it both by word of mouth and writing besides the three States of the Kingdom assembled at Tours complained to him of it as may be seen in the papers presented to him by Maâ—stre Jean Durety Doctor of Divinity and Canon of the Church of Paris their Deputy Some Italians I know there are who will needs have this Protestation of obedience to be an homage and a mark of temporal dependance but the truth is they only flatter the Pope upon no grounds For to what end should our Kings have in temporal things any dependance upon the Pope seeing divers of them have acknowledged themselves their Subjects and confessed it in their writings As Pope Gelasius to the Emperor Anastatius Pelagius the First in his profession of Faith sent unto Childebert one of our first Kings and St. Gregory the Great to the Emperour Mauritius The like is to be seen in that of Pope Innocent the Third in one of his Decrees where he saith the Kings of France in temporal things depend upon no one whatever But how could the Popes themselves pretend that any such remporal dependance should be without contradicting the belief of the first Fathers of the Church the Luminaries of our Faith especially of â—erâ—ullian who in his Apology subjecteth Kings unto God alone and of St. Hierom who expounding that of the Royal Prophet Against thee only have I sinned saith this great King useth these terms purposely to shew that there is none but God above Kings I could easily adde the testimonies of many others but I think I shall say enough if I conclude that this Protestation of obedience is offered more out of Christian humility that for any civil obligation or duty as divers Popes have upon their promotions sent unto our Kings the Professions of our Faith in authentick form together with testimonies of their affections Boniface the Eighth sent his seal'd up in Lead like unto that of Pelagius Adon observeth in his Chronicle that Pope Adrian dying in the year 786. Pope Leo who succeeded him sent two Legats to Charlemain to present him with the Keys of St. Peter's confession and the Standard of the City of Rome Stephen the Fifth upon his promotion sent Legats to Lewis the Debonnair with great Presents as Pledges of his friendship There are to be seen in his Majesties Treasury of Records several Bulls which divers Princes have sent unto our King to acquaint them with their Consecration and to assure them of their good Will whereupon Charles de Lorrain Cardinal de Guise performing the obedience to the Pope in the behalf of Henry the Second Anno â—547 amongst other things said unto them that the Popes were ordained by the Laws of the Church presently after their assumption to dispatch Legats unto the Kingdom of France for confirmation of the ancient friendship between them Monsieur Seguyer made Chancellor of France AFter the disgrace which befell the Marquess de Chasteauneuf of which we spake about the end of the last year experience having taught his Majesty to know of what great concern it was not to bestow the Office of Lord Keeper but upon persons very eminently able both for integrity and all other vertues he cast his eys upon Messieur Pierre Seguyer one of the Presidents of the Parliament of Paris to bestow it upon him as a person fitted by Heaven for great imployments His Majesty was not only pleased to send him a bare Commission of Garde Seaux as is commonly done but expedited Letters Patents to assure him of the Office of Chancellor of France after Monsieur de Halygres death well knowing that men of his merit ought to be treated beside the common Road though such was the modesty of that great Minister that he never ascribed that favour to any thing but his Majesties own goodnesse This choice added much to his Majesties glory it was a sufficient testimony of his judgement intrusting the Sword of Justice in his hand who had ever maintained it by his integrity nor wanted any of those qualities requisite in an able man His Prudence had taught his Majesty that chief places ought not to be filled but with persons of an illustrious birth because men of mean descent are more envied the respected neither was he ignorant that this man was born amidst the characters of honour from a Family whose dignities have gone had in hand with their vertues for many ages that he was the Fourth of his name who had the honour to sit upon the Flowers de luce in the quality of President of Mortier in the Parliament of Paris and that there had not been any man in his family for a long time known who had not either obtained or deserved the greatest imployment of the long Robe It was said of the Emperour Coâ—stantine that the moderation of Augustus Caesar the vertue of Traâ—ane the Piety of Antonius were all united in his person to render him worthy of the Empire and true it is the integrity sufficiency knowledge elocution zeal and fidelity for his Majesties service which were eminently conspicuous in Monsieur le Lievtenant Civil his father and in the Messieurs the three Presidents of his name were all united in his Soul to make him appear worthy of the chief place of Justice Besides if he were honourably descended his Majesty was well informed that he was not satisfied with those bare Titles wherewith his Fathers had adorned him but that like the Cedars who though they grow on the tops of Mountains cease not however to raise up their heads his merit and industry had advanced him to the highest degree of virtuous men He was in the common opinion of men reputed for one of the truest maintainers of Justice
wonderfully potent and its Arms though spiritual are more to be feared them Pikes or Muskets The Soul once mastered the body will soon yeeld the one is the inevitable consequence of the other and for this reason is it that the promotion of Bishops hath ever depended on our Kings and that it hath been judged very necessary to elect persons for those imployments who may indeed be able to edifie the people by their Doctrine and example and altogether incapable of indâ—ngering the publick The happinesse of States dependeth much upon Religion and the splendour of Religion doth more depend upon the vigilance and care of Bishops next to the blessing of Heaven the any other thing whatever May they not indeed be called the foundation of it Who doth more effectually fix the people in the fidelity which they ow their Soveraigns in obedience to Magistrates in reverence to Parents in respect to Justice the rule of their conduct Doubtlesse it is then very considerable in Government not to chuse such persons as are incapable of bringing these advantages to a State I shall not in this place say any thing of the obedience they ought to shew to Magistrates but only it is necessary that they be honest men because if licentious they will be apt to do more hurt then good and to neglect the restraining of the people not that I shall approve of chusing such persons who are of an indiscreet zeal for such persons designing to do too much good do oftentimes raise great disorders which themselves are unable to redresse Preachers are so much the more deserving of this promotion because the function of preaching was primitively reserved to the Bishops who communicated it unto Priests only by way of priviledge and that at sundry times in sundry places The Bishops of the East did first grant this power to Priests as may be proved by the examples of Pierius and Chrysostome who while they were yet Priests Preached one in Alexandria the other in Antioch a thing not used in Affrick before St. Austine who during his Priesthood had the liberty of Preaching conferred upon him by Bishop Valerius a thing without President and in Gaul this custom was introduced about an hundred year after the Councel of Vaison The King maketh a Declaration to Depose three Officers two of the Parliament of Paris and one of the Chamber of Accompts from their Charges SHortly after Monsieur le President Seguiers promotion to the Seals the ill conduct of President Cogneux the Sieur Deslandes Councellor of the Parliament and the Sieur de Monsigot Master of the Chamber of Accompts of Paris forced his Majesty to deprive them of their Offices I have inserted in the History of the fore-going years the Rebellious acts in which they ingaged themselves and in this I shall adde that it being a shame for his Majesty and unbefitting the reputation of the affairs of France to suffer the chief Officers of the Parliament of Paris and a Master of the chief Chamber of Accompts in the Kingdom to live abroad in Forraign parts avoiding the punishment due to their Rebellion and with the marks of their authority still about them as if they had been innocent his Majesty resolved to depose them for the more orderly doing whereof he went to the Parliament of sit in the Seat of Justice and publish a Declaration with expounding the Ordinance of Blois where it is said that all guilty of High-Treason particularly his Majesties Officers should never be restored to their Offices Declared that it ought to be understood of Officers condemned of Rebellion or Treason as well by default and contumacy of those who were present at their Tryals there being no reason to suffer those who had had their hands in conspracies and intelligences prejudicial to his Majesties service to injoy their dignities those rays of his Majesties power and moreover that the twenty eighth Article of the Ordinance of Molins more ancient then that of Blois where it is specified that those who are condemned by default and contumacy may have five years time to acquit themselves should not be interpreted in favour of them his Majesty requiring that judgement once pronounced against Traitors though condemned by default or contumacy should after publication be put it execution as to the confiscation of their offices only without being restored either by Letters or otherwise This very Declaration suppress'd the offices of President le Cogneux and the Sieur Deslandes as guilty of High-Treason whereof they were condemned by contumacy they were unworthy of any favour in regard his Majesty had given them a moneths time to recollect themselves and to return into the Kingdom which they had neglected to do Besides the King published his Letters Patents to create the like offices and conferr'd that of the President aâ— Mortier upon the Sieur de Lamoignon formerly President of the third Chamber of Inquests and placed the Sieur de la Hage de Vantelay Councellor of the grand Counsel in that of Counsellor of the Parliament His Majesty caused them to take their Oath in his Presence and then to take their places Monsieur le Comte de Soissons went in his Majesties behalf to the Chamber of Accompts to cause the like Declaration to be published against the Sieur de Monsigot and his Letters Patents by which Le Sieur des Rues was established in the office of Master of Accompts Thus his Majesty outed three Rebellious Officers and taught the rest that they having no Authority but what depended upon his pleasure they should be sure to be deprived of it if once they should be sound unworthy by Revolts Politique Observation VVHen Kings create Magistrates and communicate part of their power to them it is not to exempt them from obedience but to fix their Crowns by new supports and to keep the people by their examples and decrees within the bounds of their subjection To this end only it is that Kings confer their power upon them who as they command their people to make their addresses to them to decide their differences so do they no lesse oblige their Magistrates to preserve them within their bounds by the example of their submissions and the integrity of their judgements If Magistrates ow the second to the people by their places they are no lesse indebted to their Kings in the first with this distinction of obligation that the good of the State invites them to it the Order of Monarchy requireth it and Justice it self commandeth it What presumpion were it for the Stars to indeavour to eclipse the Sun 's light when their own is but the effect of his What a disorder were it if the inferiour Spheres should oppose the motions of the Primum mobile And what likelyhood is there that those Magistrates who receive their Authority from their Princes to support their Crowns and confirm their Subjects in their obedience should flie into Rebellion and indeavour to draw them to follow their examples They
ought to beware that their disobedience do not cause the Flower de luces to fade and that they do not instead of cultivating them with care to render them more beautifull to the French and more respected by strangers indanger them by their ill examples and render themselves unworthy to sit upon them Know they not that their obedience and the integrity of their judgements is the foundation of the peoples submissions The Rebellion of such men ought not to be connived at in regard it may not be tolerated without putting all things into disorder The People are like clay without form in themselves but easily wrought by the Potters In fine they behold most affairs with the eyes of their Magistrates and suffer themselves easily to be directed by their motions they dislike what the other reject and if they should rise against their Soveraign they would make no difficulty to follow them In affairs of this nature Kings are obliged to conform themselves to the example of the Sun who finding the Moon to oppose her light to his and indeavouring to eclipse his light presently depriveth her of all her light and turneth her Christaline into a dark body King ought to re-assume to themselves their Justice which formerly they had intrusted with them and to punish their Rebellions with severity They who are the most mild are forc'd by such crimes to draw their Swords of Justice to prevent the eclipsing of their power to take the Thunder-bolts of severity into their hands and dart them against them to reduce them to nothing Divers Changes of Governours in sundry Provinces made this year THose were not the only Changes which happened this year there were divers others in the governments of Provinces some that they might be intrusted with persons incapable of ingaging in any divisions which were suspected by reason of Monsieur's absence and others for a recompence of several persons of quality which have deserved them and which I cannot passe by unobserved The Marshal de Thoyras Governour of Cazal had given some cause of jealousie though indeed his fidelity was invincible as hath since been seen however that place is of such importance that nothing ought to be hazarded for the preservation of it The King sent the Marquesse de Tavannes in his place and gave the Marshal permission to slay in Italy upon some difficulties which he made upon comming to Court Le Sieur de Malissi Captain of the Regiment des Gardes was at the same time made Governour of Pignerol the Duke de Vantadour was gratified with the Government of Limosin and having surrendred into the Kings hands the Lieutenancy of Languedoc his Majesty divided it amongst four and bestowed it upon the Comte de Tournon the Vice Comte d' Arpajon the Marquesse d' Ambres and the Vice Comte de Polignac Le Comte de Joncac was made Governour and Lievtenant General of Xaintong Angoulmois Aunis and the City of Rochel the Baron de Pont Chasteau Lievtenant General of Low Brittain Le Comte de Palisse Sieur do St. Geran was made Governour of Bourbonnois le Comte de Cheravet of Stenay le Sieur de la Serre first Captain of the Regiment of Picardy of Jamets le Duc de la Valette of the Bishoprick of Mets the Duc de Chaune of Picardy le Duc d'Alvin of Languedoc and the Cittadel of Montpellier le Marquesse de Seneçay of Bourgogne au Bailliage de Masconnois insomuch that there are few years which produce so great changes of government That it is necessary to commit the Government of Provinces and Places into the hands of trusty Persons in times of danger IT is very important when there is any suspicion of civil dissentions to intrust the Government of Provinces and places with persons of fidelity I do much approve of the King of Spain's rule who often changeth his Governours A man must be altogether ignorant of History if he knoweth not the great services which Gonzalvus did the King of Aragon his Master in the Kingdom of Naples However that wise prudent King would not alwaies intrust the Government of that place with him for fear lest in processe of time he might keep it to himself The continuation of the Government of France granted unto Julius Caesar incouraged him to attempt upon the Roman liberty whereupon remembring that nothing had made him so ambitious of commanding as that continuation upon his return to Rome after the Affrick War he ordained that to Praetor should injoy his Office above one year nor no Consul above two The Governour who hath long resided in a Province may make creatures contract frienships an so play his game that he may act the little King and will be apt to ingage himself to some Revolt if Ambition which great men seldom want should once inflame him This made the Dictator Mamercus say the short continuation of Governours is the surest preservative of the publick besides the liberty of changing of Govenours after some few years and substituting others in their places is of great advantage for that a Soveraign may thereby render more persons capable of great affairs then if he should alwaies continue them in the same places The memory of new benefits disposeth men to be gratefull and doubtlesse maketh Kings to be served with more affection Great men long accustomed do so habituate themselves that they look upon their Governments as their Demesne without any sense of obligation to him who permitteth him whereas he who is but lately possessed of them having the favour fresh in his memory indeavoureth to deserve it with more industry and affection This maxime I know wil not very much agree with the sense of most great men but surely their dislike relisheth more of Ambition then reason I may likewise adde that it is little considerable to their Fortunes seeing if they acquit themselves as they ought of a place their merit will be a sufficient recommendation to attain them others It were to be wished that such men in their own concerns were of Quintus Fabius Maximus his humour who having been five times Consul and considering with himself that his grand-father and great grand-father had often been charged with the same Office and how it was very dangerous to continue great Offices in a family was very earnest with the people of Rome to divert them from conferring that honour on his son The Creation of Knights of the Holy Ghost THe King had for many years receiv'd so many proofs of the valour of his Nobility that he could not refuse them the honour of being Knights of his Orders and his Majesty who hath a particular inclination to recompence valour resolved to grant them this honourable reward He was confirm'd in this resolution by Monsieur the Cardinal who represented to him that the French Nobility could not be tied to his service by any stricter Banes then those of honour and that this would not a little augment that courage and fidelity which they had
to a Forraigner were to treat them more favourably then the Princes of the royal family and withall to indanger a loss of their Soveraignty Ambition hath no bounds and a Prince who hath obtained the priviledge of some Soveraignties may be easily wrought upon at least his Successors to pretend to them without and depending upon others so that who so is peccant in this excesse of Liberality what doth he but raise a power against his own and sow the seeds of division in his Kingdom Besides States be not so much for Kings as Kings for their States they are no lesse oblig'd to preserve them in all their dependances then the State is obliged to preserve it self in the obedience they ow them from whence it is that to alienate such rights or any notable part of their Demesne is one of the causes of their deposing in those Kingdomes where it is permitted by the Fundamental Laws as is observed by all those who have written on that Subject and indeed he seemeth to be unworthy of a Crown who neglecteth to preserve it in its intire lustre How the Cardinal de Lorrain came to meet the King at Chasteauthierry where his Majesty stayed to demand Nancy in Deposite IT had been not only commendable but advantagious to Monsieur de Lorrain to have been more concern'd at the seizure at Bar and to have waited upon his Majesty to do him homage and satisfie the just discontents conceived against him by his submissions but fortune contriving to destroy him had cast her Mantle before his eyes so that the continued immoveable in his first designs Whereupon his Majesty about August found himself obliged to go to Chasteauthierry from thence to meet the Army which he had recall'd from the Country of Treves and to carry them before Nancy the better to hinder the Duke of Lorrain's Levies and in case he persisted in his late Procedures to reduce him to such a passe that he might be no more in a condition of giving any jealousie to France or interrupting the forces of its Allies Whiles his Majesty was at Chasteauthierry the Cardinal of Lorrain came to meet him and after some complements and excuses beseeched his leave to make some Propositions unto him He told him that he did much condemn his brothers actions and that he had never had any hand in them both in regard of the respect he owed his Majesty as also because be foresaw the issue could not but be disadvantagious that if his Majesty should continue in the resolution to drive this affair to the utmost he concluded his Brothers ruine inevitable and that for his own particular fortune he should seek no other refuge but that of his royal bounty beseech'd him to receive him into his protection and to permit him to retire into France His Majesty received him very favourably and told him that he should alwaies know how to distinguish betwixt his and his Brothers actions that he was sufficiently inform'd that he had no hand in his Brothers deport and that he should willingly afford him all the proofs of as hearty a good will as the interest of his affairs would permit that he assured him of his protection and that amidst his Brothers disgrace he should be sure to find all the advantage which could be justly desired from his protection The Cardinal de Lorrain would have made hereupon certain Proposals to his Majesty for the accommodation of affairs which his Majesty remitted to Monsieur the Cardinal The same day the Cardinal de Lorrain went to visit Monsieur le Cardinal assured him of Monsieurs marriage proposed to him to break it to put his sister the Princesse Marguerite into his Majesties hands and to cause the homage of the Dutchy of Bar to be payed unto his Majesty in the Dutchesse of Lorrain's name The Cardinal answered him that the King could not give ear to any proposition seeing the breach of that match was not in the power of Monsieur de Lorrain that besides his so little fidelity in observing the three Treaties lately made with him his Majesty had particular information of his evil conduct and could no longer trust him without some more potent means to oblige him to keep his word that his faltrings had three several times constrained his Majesty to raise great Armies to the great and trouble expence of his Subjects which made his Majesty resolve to put a final end to the War that there might be no more trouble in it that the Duke his Brother might not have the boldnesse to intermeddle in any factions of his State as he had formerly done even to the ingaging of Monsieur in a match which did equally offend the dignity of the Crown and Person of his Majesty being managed without his consent against the Laws of the Kingdom and to the countenancing of his invading France and that the only means which could induce his Majesty to trust the Duke his Brother was to Deposit Nancy in his hands that this was the best course he could take seeing it would preserve his Country and that Nancy it self should be assuredly restored unto him if he carried himself for the future as did become him that in case he intended fairly he need not fear any thing but if on the contrary he was resolv'd to persist in attempts against his Majesty it would be to no purpose to treat that his Majesty was positively resolved to admit of no other conditions and that Monsieur de Lorrain ought to make the lesse difficulty to consent thereunto in regard he was despoiled of all his Estates excepting Nancy it self the losse of which would be unavoidable unlesse he gave his Majesty satisfaction that this place indeed was strong but that the Duke being unable to keep the field and without Revenue his Majesty would the more easily force him to surrender it in regard he might manage the War against him at his own charges that to ground his hopes upon the alteration of times was a counsel very pernicious seeing his Majesty was young absolute in his Kingdom and that his cause being just there was reason to hope that God would continue to prosper his Armies with the like happy successe as he had hitherto done Hereupon the Cardinal of Lorrain represented to him that this condition was so hard that he could not advise his brother to accept of it but at the last extremity seeing the chance of War could not reduce him to a worse pass then to see his Captal City taken from him and forced to depend upon anothers Will That he doubted not of his Majesties intention to perform the trust of a Deposit but that the state of affairs being subject to change his enemies might by their ill Offices make his Majesty believe that he had broken the Treaty and consequently give him occasion to detain Nancy that he beseeched the Cardinal to consider what a shame it would be for his brother to deliver up one of the