they are doubtful 1. In Case that a Man pretend to have the King's Commission but doth not shew it me what am I then to do 2. In Case he shew it me under the Privy Seal and another shew the Broad Seal to a Commission to resist him 3. In Case he shew the Broad Seal and I know not whether it be counterfeit or surreptitiously procured 4. In Case that by the fault of Officers or forgetfulness or any other cause one Man should have a Commission to defend and command a Ship or Fort or Country and another shew a Commission of the same date to command and defend the same Ship Fort or Country and to resist any that oppose him Is it unlawful for both of them here to obey the King's Command 5. In case that any shall shew or pretend a Commission for any illegal Act as to take Mens Purses by the High-way to break into their Houses and take their Money and Goods and seize their Estates or kill their Families Or to lay a Tax upon the Country without the Consent of Parliament or to ravish Mens Wives or Daughters or to burn the City or if two or three should shew a Commission to come into the House of Lords or Commons and kill them all in the place c. It is certain that a Sword is Arms and that to fight in a Man 's own Defence is to take up Arms Or if any say it must be the fighting of many together only that is called the Taking up of Arms as that is not to be understood by the words which have no such restriction so no Man knoweth how many it must be that by concurrence must make the Act to be a Taking up of Arms. We have put some of these Cases to Parliament Men and they tell us That in any such Case they would use their Arms to defend themselves But these are single Members What the Houses mean we know not but by the words And no words can be more exclusive of any Exception than these That it is not lawful on any pretence whatsoever Also what if Saul gives Commission to his Armour bearer to kill him Might not a Subject by Arms defend the King and rescue his Life against his Will and Commission And what if a Court of Justice decree a Subject the Possession of his House and Land and require the Sheriff of the Country to put him in possession and to raise the Posse Comitatus to do it if there be resistance And what if the Person to be ejected shew a Commission from the King to keep possession contrary to this Judgment is it unlawful for the Sheriff to obey the Court And the Posse Comitatus of Yorkshire hath been a considerable Army § 394. The Things which increase the Doubt of the Non-subscribers in this Case are these 1. Because if as it is said by some the Laws are the King's Laws and the Acts of his Will as well as his Commissions are Then if his Law and his Commission be contradictory I must need disobey the King which soever I disobey and resist the King's Will which soever I resist We have no Laws but what are Acts of the King's Will and till they are repealed they still express his Will 2. Because that the Laws are made purposely to be the Subjects Rule of Obedience being also the Rule of Judgment in all Courts and being that Act of the King's Will which the Subjects have publick certain Notice of They know that the Laws are indeed the King's Laws and are not counterfeit And they are of universal Obligation But a Seal to a Commission may possibly be counterfeit or the Subject can have no such certifying notice of it 3. And they know that the King is not himself every where present to tell his doubtful Subjects which signification of his Will he owneth and which they should prefer and that he governeth his Kingdom by his Courts and Officers they sit and send forth their Orders in his Name And a known publick Court of Justice seemeth to be a more credible declarer of the King's Will than a Stranger or particular Person who saith that he hath his Commission It is the Form of the Law to be the Act of the Governing Will of the King and the use of his Courts to declare it and expound it and judge by it for his Subjects But a private Commission wanteth these Advantages 4. Because they think that the Law of Nature and the Constitution of the Kingdom must else submit to this Declaration For if two or three or more shew a Commission to kill all the Parliament and fire the City Nature seemeth to allow them Self-defence and Parliaments which are part of the Constitution are vain if they have no better Security for their Lives 5. They find a Statute of King Edward the Third That if any Man bring from the King a Command under the Little Seal or the Great Seal to require any Judge to go against Justice or to contradict it the Judge shall go on as if it signified nothing And the Sheriff's forcible Assistance may be part of his Judgment or the legal Consequent 6. Else no Subject seemeth to have any Security for his Estate or Life nor the Subject any Liberties For if their Estates or Purses be taken away or their Lives assaulted by pretended Commissions or Taxes imposed contrary to Law what remedy have they To say they may question the Instruments at Law is vain and worse as long as that Law whatever it decreeth must submit to a Commission and must never resist it nor use any force of Arms though against a single Man for its own Execution Who will begin a Suit at Law against the King's Will at all if he first know that his Will must not be resisted and that the End will but be his greater ruine 7. They said King Iames asserting in his Writings for Monarchy that a King may not make War against his whole Kingdom In case then that he should do it they are uncertain that the whole Kingdom might not at all resist his commissioned Officers 8. They find the late King Charles the First in his Answer to the Nineteen Propositions of the Parliament asserting a Protecting Power in the Lords and setting up the Laws above his own Will 9. They know that the Laws are made by King and Parliament and Commissions here supposed to be by the King alone And the whole Authority of all parts seemeth more than of one alone 10. They find that it hath been familiar with Lawyers to prefer the Law before the King's Commissions and Parliaments have been of that mind And they are too weak to Condemn them all in their own Faculties 11. They find that the greatest Defenders of Monarchy of all Forreign Lawyers even Barclay and Grotius have instanced in many Cases in which it is as they say lawful by Arms to resist a King And we pretend not to more
Court of Justice declare That the King by his Laws commandeth us to assist the Sheriffs and Justices notwithstanding any Commission to the contrary under the great or little Seal and one shew us a Commission to the contrary which must we take for the King's Authority 8. Whether this extendeth to the Case of King Iohn who delivered the Kingdom to the Pope Or to those Instances of Bilson Barcley Grotius c. of changing the Government putting by the true Heir to whom we are Sworn in the Oath of Allegiance c. if Subjects pretend Commission for such Acts 9. Whether Parliament Judges in Court or private Men may by the King's Authority in his Laws defend their Lives against any that by a pretended Commission invadeth them or their Purses Houses or Companions 10. Whether we must take every Affirmer to have a Commission if he shew it not Or every shewn Commission to be current and not surreptitious though contrary to Law 11. Whether he violateth not this Oath who should endeavour to alter so much of the Legislative Power as is in the Parliament or the Executive in the Established Courts of Justice Or is it meant only of Monarchy as such 12. Doth he not break this Oath who should endeavour to change the Person Governing as well as he that would change the Form of Government 13. If so doth it not also tye us to the Persons of Church-Governours seeing they are equally here twisted and Church-Government preposed 14. Is it the King 's Coercive Government of the Church by the Sword which is here meant according to the Oath of Supremacy Or Spiritual Government by the Keys Or both 15. Is it not the English Form of Church-Government by Diocesans that is here meant and not some other sort of Episcopacy which is not here And doth he not break this Oath who instead of a Bishop over 500 or 1000 Churches without any inferiour Bishop should endeavour to set up a Bishop in every great Church or Market-Town or as many as the Work requireth 16. Seeing Excommunication and Absolution are the notable parts of Spiritual Government and it is not only the Actions but the Actors or Governours that we Swear not to alter and Lay-Chancellors are the common Actors or Governours whether an endeavour to alter Lay-Chancellors Government as some did that procured his Majesty's Declaration concerning Ecclesiastical Affairs be not contrary to this Oath and excluded by any alteration 17. Whether petitioning or other peaceable means before allowed by Law be not any endeavour and a violation of this Oath 18. Whether not at any time c. tye us not to disobey the King if he should command us by Consultation or Conference to endeavour it Or if the Law be changed doth not this Oath still bind us Lastly Whether this following Sense in which we could take it be the true sense of the Oath I A B do Swear That a it is not Lawful upon any pretence whatsoever b to take up Arms against the King c And that I do abhor that Traytorous Position of taking Arms by his Authority against his Person or against those that are Commissionated by him d in pursuance of such Commission And that I will not at any time endeavour any alteration of Government either in Church or State e a In my Opinion b For the Subjects of his Majesty's Dominions c Either his Authority or his Person the Law forbidding both d Whether it be his Parliament Courts of Justice Legal Officers or any other Persons authorized by his publick Laws or his Commission supposing that no contrariety of Laws and Commissions by over-sight or otherwise do Arm the Subjects against each other e I will not endeavour any alteration of State-Government at all either as to the Person of the King or the Species of Government either as to the Legislative or Executive Power as in the King himself or his Parliament or Established Courts of Justice And therefore I declare That I take all the rest of this Oath only in a Sense consistent with this Clause implying no alteration in the Government And I will endeavour no alteration of the Coercive Government of the Church as it is in the King according to the Oath of Supremacy Nor any alienation of the Spiritual Power of the Keys from the Lawful Bishops and Pastors of the Church Nor will I endeavour to restore the Ancient Discipline by removing the Spiritual Government by the Keys out of the Hands of Lay-Chancellors into the Hands of so many able Pastors as the number of Churches and necessity of the work requireth nor any other Reformation of the Church by any Rebellious Schismatical or other unlawful means whatsoever nor do I believe that any Vow or Covenant obligeth me thereto declaring notwithstanding that it 's none of my meaning to bind my self from any Lawful Means of such Reformation nor to disobey the King if at any time He command me to endeavour the Alteration of any thing justly alterable The General Answer was as followeth UPon Serious Consideration of the Act of Parliament Entitled An Act for Restraining of Nonconformists from Inhabiting in Corporations And of the Oath therein mentioned I am of Opinion That there is nothing contained in that Oath according to the true Sense thereof But that it is not Lawful to take up Arms against the King or any Authorised by his Commission or for a private Person to endeavour the Alteration of the Monarchical Government in the State or the Government by Bishops in the Church And that any Person notwithstanding the taking of such Oath if he apprehend that the Lay-Judges in Bishop's Courts as to Sentence of Excommunication for Matters meerly Ecclesiastical or for any other Cause ought to be Reformed or that Bishopricks are of too large extent may safely Petition or use any lawful Endeavour for Reformation of the same For that such Petition or other Lawful Endeavour doth not tend to the Alteration of the Government but to the amendment of what shall be found amiss in the Government and Reformed by Lawful Authority and thereby the Government better Established And I conceive every Exposition of the said Oath upon Supposition or Presumption of an Obligation thereby to any thing which is contrary to the Law of God or the Kingdom is an illegal and a forced Exposition contrary to the intent and meaning of the said Oath and Act of Parliament for it is a Rule nullum iniquum est in Lege praesumendium And an Exposition tending to enjoyn any thing contrary to the Law of God would make the Act of Parliament void which ought not to be admitted when it bears a fair and plain Sense which is no more Than that Subjects ought not to take up Arms against their Lawful King or such as lawfully Commissionated by him and for private Persons to be unquiet in the place wherein they live to the disturbance of the Government in Church or State Iohn Fountain Feb. 6.
not impossible that some will judge him too impudent and unworthy in branding Persons with such ungrateful Characters as do so evidently expose the Memory of the Dead and Living or their Posterity and intimate to disgrace But 1. Matters of Fact notoriously known are speaking things themselves and their Approbation or Dislike from others should be as Publick as the Things themselves Matters of Publick Evidence and Influence are as the Test of Publick Sentiments and of the prevailing temper of those Communities wherein such things were done And can Civilities of Conversation or Interest or Personal Respects and Tenderness be an Equivalent with God to what is expected by him from Bodies Politick or from his faithful Servants in them 2. The Author blames himself as freely and as publickly confesseth and blames his own Miscarriages as he doth any other 3. He spares no Man nor Party which he saw culpable and verily thought reproveable on just grounds Nor is he sparing of fit Commendations nor of moderating his Reprehensions where he saw the Case would bear it 4. He was far from Partiality and addictedness to any Party Good and Evil Truth and Falshood Faithfulness and Persidiousness Wisdom and Folly Considerateness and Temerity c. they were respectively commended or dispraised wherever they were found 5. Though Oliver Cromwell once Protector Dr. Owen and others seem to be sharply censur'd by him in the thoughts of those that valued them yet let the assigned Reasons be considered by the Reader and let him fairly try his own strength in either disproving the Matters of Fact and so impeach the Truth of the History or in justifying what was done and so implead the Criminal Charge or in allaying the Censure by weighing well how much of their reported or arraigned Miscarriages may and ought to be ascribed to meer Infirmity or Mistake or by preponderating their censured Crimes with other worthy Deeds and Characters justly challenging Commendations For as to Oliver Cromwell what Apprehensions and Inducements governed him and what hold they took upon his Conscience and how far he acted in faithfulness thereto as in designed reference to God's Glory to the Advancement of Religion to the Reformation of a debauched Age and to the Preservation of these Kingdoms from Popery Slavery and Arbitrariness the general Fear and Plea of these Kingdoms at that time whether without or with good ground let others judge is not for me here to determine I have heard much of his Personal and Family Strictness and Devotion Of his Appeals to God for the Sincerity of his Designs and Heart from some who have heard him make them as they have credibly told me Of his Encouragement of â—â—â—ious Godliness and of the great Discouragement which Irreligion and Prophâ—neness and Debauchery ever met with from him These Things were good and great But from what Principles they came and by what right from God and Man they were his Rectoral Province and to what ultimate End he really did direct them these Things require deeper Thoughts than mine in order to a sober Judgment on them It is more than I can do to vindicate his Right to Govern and to behead our King and to keep out another but I am alway glad of any thing which may allay the Guilt of Men though I had rather find no Guilt nor any appearance or suspicion of it that shall need Charity or Industry to extenuate or allay it God grant these Kingdoms greater Care and Wisdom for time to come and cause us to sit peaceably orderly obediently submissively and thankfully under the gracious Government of King William our present rightful and lawful Soveraign in so great Mercy to these Kingdoms whom may the most high God long preserve conduct and greatly prosper 6. As to the Relatives and under Agents of Oliver Cromwell I offer these things 1. The Author would not charge them with what they never did 2. Their Disadvantages through the Exigencies Influences and Temptations of their Day ought to be well considered lest otherwise Men be intemperate and excessive in their censorious Reflections on them Things now appear perhaps in a far clearer Light than heretofore 3. Instant Necessities may admit of greater Pleas and Men at a greater distance may not so sitly judge of present Duty or Expediency And 4. there is undoubtedly such a thing as interpretative Faithfulness and Sincerity which so far cheers Mens hearts and spirits resolution and appeals to God although the Principles which bear Men up herein may be and frequently are erroneous and but meer Mistakes 5. We know not all that men can say when calmly heard and fairly dealt with for their own censured Actions by way of Apology or Defence 6. We must consider our own selves as in this World and Body and as liable to equivalent if not the same Dangers and Temptations The sence and provident reach of that Divine Advice Gal. 6. 1. is vastly great and greatly useful and would prevent rigid Constructions if well attended to 7. Oliver Cromwell's Progeny those that are yet alive are chargeable no further with his Crimes than they are approved by them and this I never heard them charged with since 60. I know them not but I have been told that they are serious peaceable useful commendable Persons and make a lovely Figure in their respective though more private Stations 8. As to Dr. Owen 1. It is too well known to need my proof how great his Worth and Learning was How soft and peaceable his Spirit for many of his last years if credible Fame bely him not And perrar'o in melius mendax fama He was indeed both a burning and a shining Light 2. As to the Wallingford-House Affair and the Doctor 's Hand therein our Reverend Author considered him and others as to what he thought culpable and of pernicious Consequence and scandalous Report and Influence as to both the present and succeeding Ages He had no Personal Prejudice against him or others But as both Church and State were so disorderly endangered and affected by what was there consulted and done so Mr. Baxter did so much resent the thing as to think it fit to be recorded and accented with fit aggravations as a Remonstrance to the Crime and as a Warning to the Christian World And he is not the only Person who hath believed noticed and blamed that Matter But that the Doctor is in his great Master's joys is what our Author hath reported his very firm perswasion of in print 9. As to our Brethren the Independants 't is true that no mean Ferment appears to have been upon the Author's Spirit But 1. is he sharper upon them then on the Presbyterians Anabaptists Prelates where he thought or found them culpable 2. What Party did our Author wholly side with 3 What bosom Friend did he ever spare wherein he sound him reprehensible 4. He was so intent upon Orthodox Doctrines Catholick Union Christian Concord and Behaviour and Peaceable Usefulness and
Name of Spiritual and Ecclesiastical Government And so by the Name they seduce Mens minds to think that this is indeed the use of the Keys which God hath put into the Churches Hands 3. Hereby they greatly encourage the Usurpation of the Pope and his Clergy who set up such Courts for probate of Wills and Causes of Matrimony and rule the Church in a Secular manner though many of them confess that directly the Church hath no forcing Power And this they call the Churches Power and Spiritual Government and Ecclesiastical Iurisdiction and say that it belongeth not to Kings and that no King can in Conscience restrain them of it but must protect them in it And so they set up Imperium in Imperio and as Bishop Bedle said of Ireland The Pope hath a Kingdom there in the Kingdom greater than the Kings Against which Ludov. Molinaeus hath written at large in two or three Treatises So that when the Papal Power in England was cast down and their Courts subjected to the King and the Oath of Supremacy formed it was under the Name of Ecclesiastical and Spiritual Power that it was acknowledged to be in the King who yet claimeth no proper Spiritual or Ecclesiastical Power so greatly were these Terms abused and so are they still as applied to our Bishops Courts so that the King is said by us to be Chief Governour in all Causes Ecclesiastical because Coercive Power in Church Matters which is proper to the Magistrate was possessed and claimed by the Clergy And in all Popish Kingdoms the Kings are but half Kings through these Usurpations of the Clergy And for us to Exercise the same kind of Power mixt with the Exercise of the Keys and that by the same Name is greatly to countenance the Usurpers § 352. If it be said That the Church claimeth no Coercive Power but as granted them by the King or that it is the Magistrate that annexeth Mulcts and Penalties and not the Church I answer 1. They perswade the Magistrate that he ought to do so 2. Force is not a meer Accident but confessed by them to be the very Life of their Government It is that which bringeth People to their Courts and enforceth all their Precepts and causeth Obedience to them so that it is part of the very Constitution of their Government And as to Fees and Commutation of Penance Pecuniary Mulcts are thus imposed by themselves 3. Their very Courts and Officers are of a Secular Form 4. The Magistrate is but the Executioner of their Sentence He must grant out a Writ and imprison a Man quatenus excommunicate without sitting in Judgment upon the Cause himself and trying the Person according to his Accusation And what a dishonour do these Men put on Magistrates that make them their Executioners to imprison those whom they condemn inuudita causa at a venture be it right or wrong So much of the Nonconformists Charges against the English Prelacy § 353. By this you may see what they Answer to the Reasons of the Conformists As 1. To the willing Conformists who plead a Iur Divinum they say That if all that Gersom Bucer Didoclavius Blondell Salmasius Parker Baines c. have said against Episcopacy it self were certainly confuted yet it is quite another thing that is called Episcopacy by them that plead it Iure Divino If 1. Bishops of single Churches with a Presbytery under them 2. and General Bishops over these Bishops were both proved Iure Divine yet our Diocesans are proved to be contra jus Divinum 2. To the Latitudinarians and involuntary Conformists who plead that no Church-Government as to the form is of Divine Institution they answer 1. This is to condemn themselves and say Because no Form is of God's Institution therefore I will declare that the Episcopal Form is of Divine Institution for this is part of their Subscription or Declaration when they Profess Assent and Confent to all things in the Book of Common Prayer and Ordination And one thing in it is in these words with which the Book beginneth It is evident to all Men diligently reading holy Scripture and ancient Authors that from the Apostles time there have been these Orders of Ministers in Christ's Church Bishops Priests and Deacons which Offices were evermore had in such reverend estimation c. So that here they declare that Bishops and Priests are not only distinct Degrees but distinct Orders and Offices and that since the Apostles time as evident by Scripture c. when yet many of the very Papists Schoolmen do deny it And the Collect in the Ordering of Priests runs thus Almighty God giver of all good things who by the holy Spirit hath appointed divers Orders of Ministers in the Church So that in plain English they declare That Episcopacy even as a distinct Order Office and Function for all these words are there is appointed by the Spirit of God because they believe that no Form is so appointed 2. That which Mr. Stillingfleet calleth A Form is none of the Substance of the Government it self nor the Offices in the Church He granteth that 1. Worshipping Assemblies are of Divine appointment 2. That every one of these must have one or more Pastors who have power in their Order to teach them and go before them in Worship and spiritually guide or govern them But 1. Whether a Church shall have one Pastor or more 2. Whether one of them shall be in some things subject to another 3. Whether constant Synods shall be held for concord of Associated Churches 4. Whether in these Synods one shall be Moderator and how long and with what Authority not unreasonable these he thinks are left undetermined And I am of his mind supposing General Rules to guide them by as he doth But the Matter and Manner of Church-Discipline being of God's appointment and the Nature and Ends of a particular Church and the Office of Pastors as well as the Form of the Church Universal it is past doubt that nothing which subverteth any of these is lawful And indeed if properly no Form of Government be instituted by God then no Form of a Church neither for the Form of Government is the Form of a Church considered in sensu politico and not as a meer Community And then the Church of England is not of God's making Quest. Who then made it Either another Church made this Church and then what was that Church and who made its Form and so ad Originem or no Church made it If no Church made the Church of England quo jure or what is its Authority and Honour If the King made it was he a Member of a Church or not If yea 1. There was then a Church-Form before the Church of England And who made that Church usque ad Originem If the King that made it was no Member of a Church then he that is no Member of a Church may institute a Church Form but quo jure and with what
his doing and to prove it told me all the Story before mentioned that such a Letter he received from Wolverhampton and being treasonable he was fain to acquaint the King with it And when he saw my Meeting mentioned in the Letter he examined him about them and he could not deny but they were very numerous and the King against his Will sent him to the Bishop of London to see it supprest I told him that I came not now to expostulate or express any Offence but to endeavour that we might part in Love And that I had taken that way for his assistance and his People's good which was agreeable to my Judgment and now he was trying that which was according to his Judgment and which would prove the better the end will shew He expostulated with me for not receiving the Sacrament with him and offered me any Service of his which I desired and I told him I desired nothing of him but to do his People good and to guide them faithfully as might tend to their Salvation and his own and so we parted § 118. As I went to Prison I called of Serjeant Fountain my special Friend to take his Advice for I would not be so injurious to Judge Hale And he perused my â—ittimus and in short advised me to seek for a Habeas Corpus yet not in the usual Court the King's-Bench for reasons known to all that know the Judges nor yet in the Exchequer lest his Kindness to me should be an Injury to Judge Hale and so to the Kingdom and the Power of that Court therein is questioned but at the Common-Pleas which he said might grant it though it be not usual § 119. But my greatest doubt was whether the King would not take it ill that I rather sought to the Law than unto him or if I sought any release rather than continued in Prison My Imprisonment was at present no great Suffering to me for I had an honest Jaylor who shewed me all the Kindness he could I had a large room and the liberty of walking in a fair Garden and my Wife was never so chearful a Companion to me as in Prison and was very much against my seeking to be released and she had brought so many Necessaries that we kept House as contentedly and comfortably as at home though in a narrower room aad I had the sight of more of my Friends in a day than I had at home in half a Year And I knew that if I got out against their Will my sufferings would be never the nearer to an end But yet on the other side 1. It was in the extreamest heat of Summer when London was wont to have Epidemical diseases And the hope of my dying in Prison I have reason to think was one great inducement to some of the Instruments to move to what they did 2. And my Chamber being over the Gate which was knockt and opened with noise of Prisoners just under me almost every Night I had little hope of sleeping but by day which would have been likely to have quickly broken my strength which was so little as that I did but live 3. And the number of Visiters by day did put me out of hope of Studying or doing any thing but entertain them 4. And I had neither leave at any time to go out of Doors much less to Church on the Lord's Days nor on that Day to have any come to me nor to Preach to any but my Family Upon all these Considerations the advice of some was that I should Petition the King but to that I was averse 1. Because I was indifferent almost whether I came out or not and I was loth either to seem more afflicted or impatient than I was or to beg for nothing 2. I had avoided the Court and the Converse of all great Men so many years on purpose that I was loth to creep to them now for nothing 3. And I expected but to be put upon some promise which I could not make or to be rejected 4. I had so many great Men at Court who had profest extraordinary Kindness to me tho' I was never beholden to one Man of them all for more than Words that I knew if it were to be done they would do it without my seeking And my Counsellor Serjeant Fountain advised me not to seek to them nor yet refuse their Favour if they offered it but to be wholly passive as to the Court but to seek my Freedom by Law because of my great weakness and the probability of future Peril to my Life And this Counsel I followed § 120. The Earl of Orery I heard did earnesty and speedily speak to the King how much my Imprisonment was to his dis-service The Earl of Manchester could do little but by the Lord Arlington who with the Duke of Buckingham seemed much concerned in it But the Earl of Lauder dale who would have been forwardest had he known the King's mind to be otherwise said nothing And so all my great Friends did me not the least Service but made a talk of it with no Fruit at all And the moderate honest Part of the Episcopal Clergy were much offended and said I was chosen out designedly to make them all odious to the People But Sir Iohn Babor often visiting me assured me That he had spoken to the King about it and when all had done their best he was not willing to be seen to relaxe the Law and discourage Justices in executing it c. but he would not be offended if I sought my Remedy at Law which most thought would come to nothing § 121. Whilst I was thus unresolved which way to take Sir Iohn Babor desiring a Narrative of my Case I gave him one which he shewed the Lord Arlington which I will here insert and I will joyn with it two other Scripts one which I gave as Reasons to prove That the Act against Conventicles forbad not my Preaching Another which I gave all my Counsellors when they were to plead my Cause about the Error of the Mittimus § 122 The Narrative of my Case The Oath cannot be imposed on me by the Act. First Because I never kept any Conventicle or Unlawful Assembly proved 1. By Conventicles and Unlawful Assemblies for Religious Exercises the Laws do mean only the Meetings of Recusants Separatists or such as Communicate not with the Church of England or such Assemblies as are held in opposition to the Church-Assemblies and not such as are held only by the Conformable Members of the Church in meer Subordination to the Church-Assemblies to promote them But all Meetings which I have held are only of this latter sort The former Proposition is thus proved 1. The Canons give the Sense of the Word Conventicles for it is a Church-Term about Church-Matters But the Canons mention but two sorts of Conventicles one of Presbyters when they meet to make Orders or Canons for Church-Discipline the other of People who meet
the King's Quarters and never were drawn the other way as Dr. Conant lately one of them and others in Oxford and so in other parts XI Some of the Non-conformists were in the King's Army Poor Martin of Weeden lost an Arm in his Army and yet the other Arm lay long with him in Warwick Jail for Preaching XII Almost all the Non-conformists of my acquaintance in England save Independents and Sectaries refused the Engagement and took Cromwell and the Common-wealth-Parliament for Usurpers and never approved what they did nor ever kept their daies of Fasting or Thanksgiving To tell you of the London Ministers prinâ—ed Declarations against the intended Death of the King you will say is unsatisfactory because too late XIII Most of the Non-conformable Ministers of my acquaintance were either boys at School or in the University in the Wars or never medled with it so that I must profess that setting them altogether I do not think that one in ten throughout the Kingdom can be proved to have done any of these things that you name against the King XIV We have oft with great men put it to this trial Let them give leave but to so many to Preach the Gospel as cannot be proved ever to have had any hand in the Wars against the King and we will thankfully acquiesce and bear the Silence of the rest make but this Match for us and we will joyfully give you thanks XV. Who knoweth not that the greatest Prelatists were the Masters of the Principles that the War was raised on Bilson Iewel c. and Hooker quite beyond them all XVI But because all proof must be of individuals I intreat you as to our own Countrey where you were acquainted tell me if you can I say it seriously if you can what ever was done or said against the King by Mr. Ambrose Sparre Mr. Kimberley Mr. Lovell Mr. Cowper Mr. Reignalds Mr. Hickman Mr. Trusham Mr. Baldwin senior Mr. Baldwin junior Mr. Sergeant Mr. Waldern dead Mr. Ios. Baker dead Mr. Wilsby Mr. Brain Mr. Stephen Baxter Mr. Badland Mr. Bulcher Mr. Eccleshall Mr. Read Mr. Rock Mr. Fincher of Wedbury Mr. Wills of Bremisham Mr. Paston c. I pass by many more And in Shropshire by old Mr. Sam. Hildersham old Mr. Sam. Fisher Mr. Talents Mr. Brain of Shreusbury Mr. Barnet Mr. Keeling Mr. Berry Mr. Malden of Newport Mr. Tho. Wright dead Mr. Taylor c. These were your Neighbours and mine I never heard to my remembrance of any one of them that had any thing to do with Wars against the King It is true except Mr. Fisher and some few they were not ejected but enjoyed their places And did not you as well as they If I can name you so many of your Neighbours that were innocent will you tell the King and Parliament and the Papists and Posterity that all the Non-conformists without any exception had their hands stained with the Royal blood What! Mr. Cooke of Chester and Mr. Birch c. that were imprisoned and persecuted for the King What! Mr. Geery that died at the news of the King's Dearh What! Sir Francis Nethersole and Mr. Bell his Pastor who wrote so much against the Parliament and was their prisoner at 〈◊〉 Castle almost all the Wars What may we expect from others when Dr. Good shall do thus I put not in any Excuse for my self among all these It may be you know not that an Assembly of Divines twice met at Coventree of whom two Doctors and some others are yet living first sent me into the Army to hazard my life after Nasby Fight against the Course which we then first perceived to be designed against the King and Kingdom nor what I went through there two years in opposing it and drawing the Soldiers off Nor how oft I Preached against Cromwel the Rump the Engagement but specially their Wars and Fasts and Thanksgivings Nor what I said to Cromwel for the King never but twice speaking with him of which a Great Privy Counselloâ—r told me but lately that being an Ear-witness of it he had told his Majesty But yet while I thought they went on Bilsone's Principles I was then on their side and the Observator Parker almost tempted me to Hooker's Principles but I quickly saw those Reasons against them which I have since published His Principles were known by the first Book before the last came out And I have a friend that had his last in M.S. But I am willing unfeignedly to to be one of those that shall contiue Silenced if you can but procure leave to Preach Christ's Gospel only for those that are no more guilty of the King's blood than your self and that no longer than there is real need of their Ministerial Labour Reverend Sir If you will but so long put your self as in our Case I shall hope that with patience you will read these Lines and pardon the necessary freedom of Your truly Loving friend and obliged Servant Rich. Baxter London Feb. 10. 1673. § 270. Taking it to be my duty to preach while Toleration doth continue I removed the last Spring to London where my Diseases increasing this Winter a flatulent constant Headach added to the rest and continuing strong for about half a year constrained me to cease my Fryday's Lecture and an Afternoon Sermon on the Lord's daies in my house to my grief and to Preach only one Sermon a week at St. Iames's Market-house where some had hired an inconvenient Place But I had great encouragement to labour there 1. Because of the notorious Necessity of the people for it was noted for the habitation of the most ignorant Atheistical and Popish about London and the greatness of the Parish of St. Martins made it impossible for the tenth perhaps the twentieth person in the Parish to hear in the Parish-Church And the next Parishes St. Giles and Clement Daines were almost in the like case Besides that the Parson of our own Parish St. Giles where I lived Preached not having been about three years suspended by the Bishop ab Officio but not a beneficio upon a particular Quarrel And to leave ten or twenty for one untaught in the Parish while most of the City Churches also are burnt down and unbuilt one would think should not be justified by Christians 2. Because beyond my expectation the people generally proved exceeding willing and attentive and tractable and gave me great hopes of much success § 271. Yet at this time did some of the most Learned Conformists assault me with sharp accusations of Schism meerly because I ceased not to Preach the Gospel of Christ to people in such necessity They confess that I ought not to take their Oaths and make their imposed Covenants Declarations and Subscriptions against my Conscience but my Preaching is my sin which I must forbear though they accuse me not of one word that I say They confess the foresaid Matters of fact that not one of a multitude can possibly hear in
Hostility is Disunion and Dissolution Therefore no Head or Soveraign hath power to destroy or sight against his Kingdom nor any Common-wealth or Kingdom against their King or Soveraign Rulers unless in any case the Law of Nature and Nations which is above all Humane Positive Laws should make the dissolution of the Republick to become a Duty As if some Republick should cast off the Essential Principles of Society By Law neither King nor Kingdom may destroy or hurt each other For the Governing Laws suppose their Union as the Constitution and the Common good with the due Welfare of the Soveraign is the end of Government which none have power against But it must be noted that the words are against the King and not against the King's Will for if his Will be against his Welfare his Kingdom or his Laws though that Will be signified by his Commissioners the Declaration disclaimeth not the resisting of such a Will by Arms. 3. And if there be any that assert that the King's Authority giveth them right to take up Arms against his Person or Lawful Commissions it must needs be a False and Traiterous Assertion For if his Person may be Hostilely fought against the Common-wealth may be dissolved which the Law cannot suppose for all Laws die with the Common-wealth And it is a contradiction to be authorized by him to resist by Arms his Commissions which are according to Law For the Authority pretended to be his must be his Laws or Commissions and to be Authorized by his Laws or Commissions to resist his Laws must signifie that his Laws are contradictory when by one we must resist another But so far as they are contradictory both cannot be Laws or Lawful Commissions For one of them must needs nullifie the other either by Fundamental Priority or by Posteriority signifying a Repeal of the other And it must be noted that yet the Trayterous Position medleth not with the Question of taking Arms against the King's Person or Commissioners by the Law of God of Nature or of Nations but only of doing it by his own Authority 4. And that it is not lawful to take Arms against any Commissioned by him according to Law in time of Rebellion and War in pursuance of such Commission is a Truth so evident that no sober Persons can deny it The Long Parliament that had the War did vehemently assert it and therefore gave out their Commissions to the Earl of Essex and his Soldiers to fight against Delinquent Subjects for the King and Parliament 5. And the Oath containeth no more than our not endeavouring to Alter the Protestant Religion established or the King's Government or Monarchy It cannot with any true reason be supposed to tie us at all to the Bishops-much less to the English Disease or Corruption of Episcopacy or to Lay-Chancel lours c. but only to the King as Supreme in all Causes Ecclesiastical and Civil so far as they fall under Coercive Government This is thus proved past denyal 1. The word Protestant Religion as estalished in the Church of England cannot include the Prelacy For 1. The Protestant Religion is essentially nothing but the Christian Religion as such with the disclaiming of Popery aud so our Divines have still professed But our Prelacy is no part of the Christian Religion 2. The Protestant Religion is common to us with many Countreys which have no Prelacy And it is the same Religion with us and them 3. The words of the Oath distinguish the Religion of the Church of England from the Church of England it self and from Government 4. If Episcopacy in general were proved part of the Protestant Religion the English Accidents and Corruptions are not so They that say that Episcopacy is Iure Divino and unalterable do yet say that National and Provincial Churches are Iure Humano and that so is a Diocesane as it is distinct from Parochial containing many Parishes in it And if the King should set up a Bishop in every Market-Town yea every Parish and put down Diocesanes it is no more than what he may do And if by the Protestant Religion established should be meant every alterable mode or circumstance then King-James changed it when he made a new Translation of the Bible and both he and our late Convocation and King and Parliament by their Advice did change it when they added new Forms of Prayer And then this Oath bindeth all from endeavouring to make any alteration in the Liturgie or mend the Translation or the Metre of the Psalms c. or to take the keys of Excommunication and Absolution out of the hands of the Lay-Chancellour's c. which none can reasonably suppose 2. And that our Prelacy is not at all included in the word Government of the Kingdom in Church and State but only the King 's Supreme Government in all Causes Ecclesiastical and Civil is most evident 1. Because it is expressly said The Government of the Kingdom which is all one with the Government of the King For a Bishop or a Justice or a Mayor is no Governour of the Kingdom but only in the Kingdom of a Particular Church City Corporation or Division The summa potestas only is the Government of the Kingdom as a Kingdom And because forma denominat we cannot take the Kingdom to signifie only a Church or City 2. Because else it would change the very constitution of the Kingdom by making all the inferiour Officers unalterable and so to be essential constitutive parts Whereas only the pars Imperans and pars Subdita are constitutive parts of every Kingdom or Republick and the Constitutive pars Imperans is only the summa potestas except where the mixture and fundamental Contract is such as that Inferiour Officers are woven so into the Constitution as that they may not be changed without it's Dissolution which is hardly to be supposed even at Venice Tbe Oaths between the summa potestas and the Subject are the bonds of the Commonwealth their Union being the form that must not be dissolved But to make Oaths of Allegiance or Unchangeableness â—each to the Inferiour Magistrates or Officers is to change the Government or Constitution 3. And so it destroyeth the Regal power in one of it's chief properties or prerogatives which is to alter inferiour Officers who all receive their power from the Supreme and are alterable by him even by the Majestas which hath the Legislative powers And this would take away all the King's power to alter so much as a Mayor Justice or Constable For mark that Government of the Kingdom in Church and State are set equally together without any note of difference as to alteration If therefore it extend to any but the Supreme even to inferiour Officers it were to extend to them as Governing the State even to the lowest as well as the Church But this is a supposition to be Contemned 4. And if the Distinction should be meant de personis Imperantibus and should
years importuned me to let him Print it 1. The sharp execution of the Law had then brought Multitudes into Prison and Poverty 2. Nonconformists both Presbyterians and Independents had taken the Corporation Oath and Declaration and Communicated in the Parish Churches for to make them capable of Trust and Office in the City And because it seâ—m'd to tend to their protection and advantage we heard of no noise made against them by the Independents but they admitted them as their Members to their Communion as before I was against their taking the Declaration but not against their Communicating but I medled not with them At last when the Earl of Shaftsbury was broken and gone and the City Power and Common Council subdued to the will of the King the foresaid Communion in publick was more freely blamed by the Independents and Anabaptists and some few hot Scots Men. And the private Church Meetings were so much supprest and the prisons so full that my Conscience began to tell me that I should be guilty of injuring the truth the Church and the Souls and Bodily welfare of my brethren if I should by silence harden them against publick worship Specially the Case of the Countrey moved me wherein a great part of the Kingdom scarce two hundred men in a whole Country can have the liberty of any true Church Worship besides Parochial I remembred the Case of the Old Nonconformists against the Brownists and the Writings of Mr. I. Ball Paget Hildersham Bradshaw Gifford Brightman Ames c. I could not but remember what work the separating party had made in England and Scotland in my days from 1644. till 1660 against Government Religion and Concord I saw what I long foresaw each extreme party growing more extreme and going further still from one another And so great a Change is grown on London that the Terms which we offered the Bishops for Concord 1660 are now abhorred as Antichristian I saw multitudes like to be Imprisoned and Ruined for refusing their Duty as if it were sin and disgracing Religion by fathering these Errours on it The Conformists seeing the Errour of the Separatists derided them all and were confirmed in the Justification of all their Conformity thinking that it was but a just differing from a crazed Company of Fanaticks Those that imprisoned and ruined both them and the rest of the Nonconformists thought they did God service by it against an unruly sort of Men The Common people were made believe that this was the true Complexion of all the Dissenters from whatever the Law Commanded The distance growing wider and great sufferings increasing hard thoughts of those by whom Men suffered all real Love did seem to be almost utterly destroyed and Neighbours dwelt together like unplacable Enemies And worst of all Men were frightened to think that they must rather give over all Church Worship than they must Communicate with the best Ministry in the Parish Churches and so the main body of the Land would live like Atheists who can have no other Church-Worship but the Parochial For the Nonconformists Churches were in almost all Countries so suppressed that no considerable Numbers could enjoy them And by this means the Papists were like to have their Wills The Protestants must be told that Recusancy is all their Duties And going to the Publick Churches a sin And who can for shame drive Papists to sin And if thus they could draw all Protestants to forsake the said Churches they would like a deserted City and Garrison'd Fort be open and ready for their possession And while the Papists and Malignants are studying how to cast out all the Godly Conforming Ministers that the Ductile remainder might be prepared for Popery the separating part of the Independents and Anabaptists and some few hot Scotch Presbyterians go before them and tell all the People that it is unlawful to hear them and to own them as Ministers or Churches and to have Communion with them in the Liturgy or Sacraments Even when the rigour of Prosecutors hath brought it to that pass that they must have such or none as to Church worship Seeing so many in prison for this Error to the dishonour of God and so many more like to be ruin'd by it and the separating party by the temptation of suffering had so far prevailed with the most strict and zealous Christians that a great Number were of their mind and the Non-conformable Ministers whose Judgment was against this separation durst not publish their dislike of it partly because of sharp and bitter Censures of the Separatists and who took them for Apostates or Carnal Temporizers that communicated in publick and partly for fear of Encouraging Persecution against the Separatists and partly for fear of losing all opportunity of teaching them and some that had no hope of any other friends or maintenance or Auditors thought they might be silent On all these accounts I that had no gathered Church nor lived on the Contribution of any such and was going out of the world in pain and Languor did think that I was fittest to bear men's Censures and to take that reproach on my self which my brethren were less fit to bear who might live for farther Service And at the Importunity of the Bookseller I consented to publish the Reasons of my Communicating in the Parish-Churches and against Separation Which when it was coming out a Manuscript of Dr. Owen's who was lately dead containing Twelve Arguments against such joyning with the Liturgie and publick Churches was sent me as that which had satisfyed Multitude I thought that if this were unanswered my labour would be much lost because that party would still say Dr. Owen's Twelve Arguments confuted all Whereupon I hastily answered them but found after that it had been more prudent to have omitted his Name For on that account a swarm of revilers in the City poured out their keenest Censures and three or four wrote against me whom I answered I will not name the men that are known and two of them are yet unknown But they went on several Prineiples some Charged all Communion with the Liturgie with Idolatry Antichristianity and perjury and backsliding One concealed his Judgment and quarrel'd at by-words And another turned my Treatise of Episcopacy against me and said it fully proved the Duty of Separation I was glad that hereby I was called to explain that Treatise lest it should do hurt to mistakers when I am dead and that as in it I had said much against one extream I might leave my Testimony against the other I called all these writings together a Defence of Catholick Communion And that I might be Impartial I adjoyned two piece against Dr. Sherlock that ran quite into the contrary Extreames unchurching almost all Christians as Schismaticks I confess I wrote so sharply against him as must needs be liable to blame with those that know not the man and his former and latter Virulent and ignorant Writings § 81. About this time
that Power which they convey to others first in themselves to convey at least in ordinando pares but are only media applicandi legem ad personam Ad 3 um To your Third Argument I answer Invaders of the Ministerial Office may unjustly take Encouragement hence but no just Encouragement is given them The best things are Occasions of encouraging Men in Sin e. g. God's Mercifulness Christ's Satisfaction the Preaching of Free-Grace c. To your Question if this be sufficient why do we not give them the Right Hand of Fellowship I answer They despise or neglect God's Order and therefore deserve not the Hand of Fellowship If God bid them go and work in his Vineyard but for Order's sake go in at this Door he that will not go in at this Door is a disobedient Servant and not to be owned till he reform But if God himself do nail up this Door there needs no express Dispensation for our not going in at it for nemo tenetur ad impossibile nisi ipse sit Causa culpabilis impossibilitatis Nor is it necessary that it be expressed that we go in at another Door for the Command of going to labour in the Vineyard is not abrogated by the locking up of that Door seeing as it was opened non ut fiat opus directly sed ut sic fiat so it is nailed up non ne fiat sed ne sic fiat and therefore the Command requires us to go in at another If by Law every Physician that Practiceth in London must be approved by the Colledge he deserves to be punisht and not taken for a Physician that will profess and practice it without the Approbation of the Colledge and every wise Patient will fear least he be Conscious of such Unworthiness as that he dares not venture a Tryal or at the best he is a disobedient Subject But if the Colledge of Physicians be dead or dissolved any worthy Man may profess and practice without their Approbation and as the law of Nature binds him to do Good so the Obligation that limited him is ipso facto dissolved cessante materia where you say that this extream necessity is their Case I answer Nothing more untrue They slight and despise Ordination they may be ordained if they would submit themselves to tryal if they be found fit But they will not Their false Imaginations create no necessity but a necessity of laying them by and receiving the Truth which is imposed on them by God or if they will call it a Necessity that is imposed on them by their Error it is but a Necessity of not being ordained while they judge it sinful which yet is none because they are still bound to lay by that Conceit but not a Necessity of being Ministers in the mean time without it Besides that as it is a Necessity of Suspension 〈◊〉 Forbearance and not of Acting so it is themselves that are the culpable Cause 〈◊〉 it and exculpa propria nemini debetur commodum If Vaux think he must blow up the Parliament and Ravailliack that he must stab a King doth this necessitate them Such a Necessity as every wicked Man brings on himself of sinning by a Custom in Sin which aggravates and not excuseth his Fault which is evident when the Case is made plain by God and only their Negligence or sinful Prejudice hindereth them from Recovery out of their Error For the Grant that you desire I say I am loath to yield that Christ hath no known Ministry on Earth that I may keep out Invaders To your Case about Apostacy I answer There are many other Cases that may necessitate an Entrance into the Ministry without Ordination besides universal Apostacy 1. So great an Apostacy as was in the Arrian Prevalency 2. Such unlawful Ingredients as are in the Romish Ordination 3. The Death or the violent Proscription of the Ordainers in one Kingdom For if all that are found to work in the Vineyard to exercise the Ministry must but go to another Land for it Poverty Weakness Magistrates Prohibition may so restrain them that not one of a Hundred could enter when God doth by the Churches Necessity call to it Much less could all the World travail for Ordaination to some Corner of the Earth As for the Churches Officers which you mention that went along in Reformation it 's true of Presbyters they were the Leaders but so few Bishops out of England that the Reformed Churches were forced to go on without their Ordination But to this Day there is a necessity of Preaching without Ordination by legitimate Church Guides in many Parts of the World and I doubt not but it is the great Sin of many that it is neglected I suppose did you consider well but the Sence of the Law Natural and Supernaturally revealed you would not be so inclinable to turn Seeker nor to expect new Miracles Apostles or Revelations upon the Supposition you make and for all your Words if it came to the Practice I do not believe that you have so hard a Heart so unmerciful a Nature as to leave this one Nation much less all the World to that apparent danger of Everlasting Damnation and God's publick Worship to be utterly cast out if I can but prove that the Succession of Legitimate Church Ordination is interrupted Ad 4 um To your Fourth Argument I answer I am as far from believing Imposition of Hands essential to Ordination as any of the rest The Bishop that was last save one in this Diocess was so lame of the Gout that he could not move his Hand to ones Head and though his Chaplain did his best to help him yet I could not well tell whether I might call it Imposition of Hands when I saw it Yet I never heard any on that Ground suspect a nullity in his Ordination Nor do I think that a Bishop loseth all his Power of Ordination if he loss his Hands or the Motion of them 1. Imposition of Hands was an old Custom in a Superiors Act of Benediction or setting a part to Office and conveying Power and not newly instituted by Christ but continued as a well known Sign and therefore not of such Necessity as you imagin 2. The End will shew much the degree of Necessity If it be evident that the End was but the Solemnizing of the Work by a convenient Ceremony then it is not essential to Ordination or Authorizing But c. Ergo 3. God did not lay such a stress on Ceremonies no not under the Ceremonial Law no not on the great initiating Sign and Seal of Circumcision without which Men were entered and continued in his Church for Forty Years in the Wilderness Your Argument is Christ hath revealed to his Church that it is his Mind or Will that his Church's Officers be set apart by Imposition of Hands Ergo It followeth that Imposition of Hands is necessary and essential to their Seperation Answ. Negatur sequela It follows a praecepto only
by the Sword if they pleased not the Court So that they presently voted it a Breach of their Priviledges and an Effect of the King 's evil Counsellors and published their Votes to awaken the People to rescue them as if they were in apparent Danger The King being disappointed publisheth a Paper in which he chargeth the Members with Treason as stirring up the Apprentices to tumultuous Petitioning c. But confesseth his Error in violating their Priviledges § 46. 4. And another thing which hastened the War was that the Lord Digby and some other Cavaliers attempted at Kingston upon Thames to have suddenly got together a Body of Horse which the Parliament took as the beginning of a War or an Insurrection and Rebellion But the Party was dissipated before they could grow to any great Strength and the Parliament voted him a Delinquent and sent to apprehend him and bring him to Justice with his partakers But he sled into France and when he was there the Parliament intercepted some of his Letters to the King advising him to get away from London to some place of Strength where his Friends might come to him which they took as an Advise to him to begin a War Thus one thing after another blew the Coals § 47. 5. But of all the rest there was nothing that with the People wrought so much as the Irish Massacree and Rebellion The Irish Papists did by an unexpected Insurrection rise all over Ireland at once and seized upon almost all the Strengths of the whole Land and Dublin wonderfully escaped a Servant of Sir Iohn Clotworthy's discovering the Plot which was to have been surprised with the rest Octob. 23. 1641. Two hundred thousand Persons they murdered as you may see in the Earl of Orary's Answer to a Petition and in Dr. Iones's Narrative of the Examinations and Sir Iohn Temple's History who was one of the resident Justices Men Women and Children were most cruelly used the Women ript up and filthily used when they killed them and the Infants used like Toads or Vermin Thousands of those that escaped came stript and almost famished to Dublin and afterwards into England to beg their Bread Multitudes of them were driven together into Rivers and cast over Bridges and drowned Many Witnesses swore before the Lords Justices that at Portdown-bridge a Vision every Day appeared to the Passengers of naked Persons standing up to the middle in the River and crying out Revenge Revenge In a word scarce any History mentioneth the like barbarous Cruelty as this was The French Massacree murdered but Thirty or Forty Thousand but Two Hundred Thousand was a Number which astonished those that heard it This filled all England with a Fear both of the Irish and of the Papists at home for they supposed that the Priests and the Interest of their Religion were the Cause In so much that when the Rumour of a Plot was occasioned at London the poor People all the Countries over were ready either to run to Arms or hide themselves thinking that the Papists were ready to rise and cut their Throats And when they saw the English Papists join with the King against the Parliament it was the greatest thing that ever alienated them from the King Hereupon the Parliament was solicitous to send help to Dublin lest that also should be lost The King was so forward to that Service that he prest the Parliament that he might go over himself The Parliament liked that worst of all as if they had been confident that ill Counsellors advised him to it that he might get at the Head of two Armies and unite them both against the Parliament and by his Absence make a Breach and hinder the Proceedings of the Houses Those that came out of Ireland represent the woful Case of it and the direful Usage of the Protestants so as provoked the People to think that it was impossible that any Danger to them could be greater than their Participation of the like The few that were left at Dublin got into Armes but complained of their Necessities and the multitude of their Enemies So that an Hundred were used to fight against a Thousand And to increase the Flame some Irish Rebels told them that they had the King's Commission for what they did which though the soberer part could not believe yet the credulous timerous vulgar were many of them ready to believe it And the English Souldiers under Sir Charles Cootes the Lord Incheguin c. send over word that it was the common Feast of the Irish that when they had done with the handful that was left in Ireland they would come over into England and deal with the Parliament and Protestants here These Threatnings with the Name of Two hundred thousand murdered and the Recital of their monstrous Cruelties made many thousands in England think that nothing could be more necessary than for the Parliament to put the Countrey into an armed Posture for their own Defence And that side which the Papists of England took they could hardly think would be their Security § 48. Things being thus ripened for a War in England the King forsaketh London and goeth into the North in Yorkshire he calleth the Militia of the Country which would join with him and goeth to Hull and demandeth entrance Sir Iohn Hotham is put in trust with it by the Parliament and denieth him entrance with his Forces The Parliament nameth Lord Lieutenants for the Militia of the Several Countries and the King nameth other Lord Lieutenants by a Commission of Aray and each of them command the said Lord Lieutenants to settle the Militia The Parliament publisheth their Votes to the People That the King misled by evil Counsel was raising a War against his Parliament The Lord Willouhby of Parham in Lincolnshire the Lord Brook in Warwickshire and others in other Counties call in the Country to appear in Arms for the Parliament The King's Lords call them in to appear for the King both King and Parliament published their Declarations justifying their Cause The Parliament chooseth the Earl of Essex for their General and resolveth the raising of an Army as For the Defence of the King and Parliament and the Liberties of the Subjects against evil Counsellors and Delinquents They publish a Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdom first and a Declaration of the Causes of their taking up Arms afterward which two contain most of the Reasons of their Cause The King answereth them and goeth to Nottingham and there setteth up his Standard to Summon his Subjects to his Aid The Lord Brook and the Earl of Northampton had some skuffling in Warwickshire The Earl of N. with some Forces assaulted Warwick Castle kept by Major Iohn Bridges and Coventry City kept by Col. Iohn Barker and was repulst from both A Party assaulted Mr. Puresoyes House and burnt the Barns where Mr. George Abbot with a few of his Servants repulst them At Nottingham there were but about Two thousand came
in to the King's Standard whereas the Londoners quickly fill'd up a gallant Army for the Earl of Essex and the Citizens abundantly brought in their Money and Plate yea the Women their Rings to Guildhall to pay the Army Hereupon the King sent to the Parliament from Nottingham the Offer of a Treaty with some General Proposals which in my Opinion was the likeliest Opportunity that ever the Parliament had for a full and safe Agreement and the King seemed very serious in it and the lowness of his Condition upon so much Trial of his People was very like to have wrought much with him But the Parliament was perswaded that he did it but to get time to fill up his Army and to hinder their Proceedings and therefore accepted not of his Offer for a Treaty but instead of it sent him Nineteen Proposals of their own viz. That if he would Disband his Army come to his Parliament give up Delinquents to a Legal Course of Justice c. he should find them dutiful c. And the King published an Answer to these Nineteen Propositions in which he affirmeth the Government to be mixt having in it the best of Monarchy Aristocracy and Democracy and that the Legislative Power is in the King Lords and Commons conjunct and that the Lords are a sufficient skreen to hinder the King from wronging the Commons and to keep off Tyranny c. And he adhereth only to the Law which giveth him the power of the Militia Out of this Answer of the King 's to these Nineteen Proposals some one drew up a Political Catechism wherein the Answers of every Question were verbatim the words of the King's Declaration as if therein he had fully justified the Parliaments Cause The great Controversie now was the present power of the Militia The King said that the Supreme Executive Power and particularly the Power of the Militia did belong to him and not to the Parliament and appealed to the Law The Parliament pleaded that as the Execution of Justice against Delinquents did belong to him but this he is bound by Law to do by his Courts of Justice and their Executions are to be in his Name and by a Stat. Edw. 3. if the King by the Little Seal or the Great Seal forbid a Judge in Court to perform his Office he is nevertheless to go on Also that for the Defence of his Kingdoms against their Enemies the Militia is in his power but not at all against his Parliament and People whom Nature it self forbiddeth to use their Swords against themselves And they alledged most the present danger of the Kingdoms Ireland almost lost Scotland disturbed England threatned by the Irish and the Ruine of the Parliament sought by Delinquents whom they said the King through evil Counsel did protect And that they must either secure the Militia or give up the Protestant Religion the Laws and Liberties of the Land and their own Necks to the Will of Papists and Delinquents § 49. And because it is my purpose here not to write a full History of the Calamities and Wars of those Times but only to remember such Generals with the Reasons and Connexion of Things as may best make the state of those Times understood by them that knew it not personally themselves I shall here annex a brief Account of the Country's Case about these Differences not as a Justifier or Detender of the Assertions or Reasons or Actions of either Party which I rehearse but only in faithfulness Historically to relate things as indeed they were And 1. It is of very great moment here to understand the Quality of the Persons which adhered to the King and to the Parliament with their Reasons A great part of the Lords forsook the Parliament and so did many of the House of Commons and came to the King but that was for the most of them after Edghill Fight when the King was at Oxford A very great part of the Knights and Gentlemen of England in the several Counties who were not Parliament Men adhered to the King except in Middlesex Essex Suffolk Norfolk Cambridgeshire c. where the King with his Army never came And could he have got footing there it 's like that it would have been there as it was in other places And most of the Tenants of these Gentlemen and also most of the poorest of the People whom the other called the Rabble did follow the Gentry and were for the King On the Parliaments side were besides themselves the smaller part as some thought of the Gentry in most of the Counties and the greatest part of the Tradesmen and Free-holders and the middle sort of Men especially in those Corporations and Countries which depend on Clothing and such Manufactures If you ask the Reasons of this Difference ask also why in France it is not commonly the Nobility nor the Beggars but the Merchants and middle sort of Men that were Protestants The Reasons which the Party themselves gave was Because say they the Tradesmen have a Correspondency with London and so are grown to be a far more Intelligent sort of Men than the ignorant Peasants that are like Bruits who will follow any that they think the strongest or look to get by And the Freeholders say they were not enslaved to their Landlords as the Tenants are The Gentry say they are wholly by their Estates and Ambition more dependent on the King than their Tenants on them and many of them envied the Honour of the Parliament because they were not chosen Members themselves The other side said That the Reason was because the Gentry who commanded their Tenants did better understand Affairs of State than half-witted Tradesmen and Freeholders do But though it must be confessed That the Publick Safety and Liberty wrought very much with most especially with the Nobility and Gentry who adhered to the Parliament yet was it principally the differences about Religious Matters that filled up the Parliaments Armies and put the Resolution and Valour into their Soldiers which carried them on in another manner than mercenary Soldiers are carried on Not that the Matter of Bishops Or no Bishops was the main thing for Thousands that wished for Good Bishops were on the Parliaments side though many called it Bellum Episcopale And with the Scots that was a greater part of the Controversie But the generality of the People through the Land I say not all or every one who were then called Puritans Precisions Religious Persons that used to talk of God and Heaven and Scripture and Holiness and to follow Sermons and read Books of Devotion and pray in their Families and spend the Lord's Day in Religious Exercises and plead for Mortification and serious Devotion and strict Obedience to God and speak against Swearing Cursing Drunkenness Prophaneness c. I say the main Body of this sort of Men both Preachers and People adhered to the Parliament And on the other side the Gentry that were not so precise and
for them it might have emboldned their Enemies against them and that if the permitting of Petitioners to crowd to them too boldly and speak too unmannerly can be called the raising of a War when they fought with none but were assaulted themselves then the calling up of the Army from the North was much more so and so they were not the Beginners Or had they been the Beginners it had been lawful being but to bring Delinquents to Justice as the Sheriff himself may in Obedience to a Court of Justice But the Irish Flames which threatned them were kindled before all these 3. To the third they said that the Parliament are Subjects limitedly and not simply as the King is not an absolute but a limited King viz. limited by the Laws and Constitutions of the Government they are Subjects to him according to Law but not subject to Arbitrary Government against Law Their Propriety is excepted in their Subjection and they have certain Liberties which are not subject to the Will of the King And also they said That as the Sheriff is a Subject and a Court of Justice Subjects and yet may resist the King's Letters even under the Broad-Seal and his Messengers or armed Men that act illegally because the Law which hath his Authority and the Parliament's enable them so to do so also may the Parliament which is his highest Court of Justice And they said that as they have a part in the Legislative Power they have part in the Summa Potesâ—â—as and so far are not Subjects And they said that the bare Title of Supreme is no Argument against the Constitution of a Kingdom though it be expressed in an Oath For the King is stiled the Supreme Governor of France and yet the Oath of Supremacy doth not bind us to believe that no French Man may lawfully â—ear Arms against him 4. They say to the fourth That they wholly grant it that though Religion may be the end of a lawful War yet not of a Rebellion nor may any Reformations be performed by any Actions which belong not to the Places and Callings of the Performers But where the means are Lawful Religion and Reformation are lawful Ends. 5. To the fifth they said That they agree with all good Christians and Protestants that true Authority may not be resisted by any Subject But all Protestants or most agree with them that a limited Governor which hath not Authority to do what he lists may perform an Act of Will which is no Act of Authority and that the Parliament was the highest Judicature and that it was Rebellion in them that resisted the Parliament in their legal prosecution of Delinquents and Defence of the Land and themselves and that Paul Rom. 13. determineth not at all whether the Emperors or the Senate was the higher Power and that the Resisters of the Parliament are the condemned Breakers of that Order and Command 6. To the sixth they said that they Charge nothing on the King but what their Eyes behold viz. That he hath forsaken his Parliament and raiseth Arms against them and protecteth Delinquents And this they mention but as Matter of Fact for the culpability they charge upon his evil Counsellors and Instruments For the King being no Subject is liable to no Accusations in any of his 〈…〉 Irish the Papist and those guilty Persons who would ruine all to 〈…〉 Justice whom they accuse and not the King And whateve◠〈…〉 King 's Declarations say Ship-money hath been imposed the Judges have been 〈◊〉 the German Horse were to have been brought in the Northern Army 〈◊〉 have been brought up against the Parliament the House was invaded and 〈◊〉 Members demanded a Guard was set upon them and their Destruction 〈◊〉 Enemies was powerfully endeavoured 7. 〈◊〉 the seventh they said That for the supreme legislative Authority to defend 〈◊〉 and the Land and for the King's Courts of Justice to prosecute Delinâ—◠〈◊〉 though against the King's Will is no dishonour to the Protestant Religion 〈◊〉 any thing like the Papists Doctrine and Practices of Rebellion nor any Justification of them If it were then the very Constitution of our ancient Government or Kingdom would it self be a dishonour to our Religion 8. To the last they say That Patience is our Duty so far as we are called to Sufferings and God is â—o be trusted in the way which he hath appointed us But if the Irish Rebels had foretold the Parliament and Justices of their Insurrection and then exhorted them to Patience and Non-resistance and trusting God or if a Thief that would rob us to exhort us to be patient and not resist he doth but exhort us to be guilty of his Sin 〈◊〉 Protestants Patience was that which pleased the Irish or if a King must be brought in as a Party the French Mens Patience in the Parisian Massacre pleased Charles IX and the Executioners And if in all Countries the Protestants would let the Papists cut their Throats and die in the Honour of Patience it would satisfie those bloody Adversaries who had rather we died in such Honour than lived without it But if such Patience would be a poor Excuse for a Father that sought not to preserve his Children much less for the Paliament that stand still while Papists and Delinquents subvert both Church and State These were their Answers to their Accusers in those Points § 54. The Sum of those Reasons which satisfied many that adhered to the Parliament were these which I will but briefly name 1. As to the Danger of the State the Matters of Fact did make it seem undeniable to them Ship-money they judged not of according to the Sum but they thoughtâ— Propriety was thereby destroyed and Parliaments cast aside and made unnecessary And they saw that this Parliament was called upon the Scots and then called Discontented Lords importunity after many Parliaments had been dissolved in displeasure and after they had been long forborn And the calling up of the Northern Army and the demanding of the Members made Multitudes think that the ruine of the Parliament was the great Design and their ungrateful beginning and proceedings made this seem credible so that I met with few of that sort that doubted of it But above all the Two hundred thousand kill'd in Ireland affrighted the Parliament and all the Land And whereas it is said that the King hated that as well as they They answered that though he did his hating it would neither make all those alive again nor preserve England from their threatned Assault as long as Men of the like malignity were protected and could not be kept out of Arms nor brought to Justice 2. The End of the War did much prevail with them For they thought that to master and destroy the Parliament was to leave the People hopeless as to any Security of their Propriety or Liberties or any Remedy against meer Will For there is no other Power that may relieve them And if Parliaments
but the Earl was a Person of great Honour Valour and Sincerity yet did some Accuse the Soldiers under him of being too like the King's Soldiers in Profaneness lewd and vitious Practices and rudeness in their Carriage towards the Country and it was withal urg'd that the Revolt of Sir Faithful Fortescue Sir Richard Greenvile Col. Urrey and some others was a satisfying Evidence that the irreligious sort of Men were not to be much trusted but might easily by Money be hired to betray them 2. And it was discovered that the Earl of Essex's Judgment and the wisest Mens about him was never for the ending the Wars by the Sword but only to force a Pacificatory Treaty He thought that if the King should Conquer the Government of the Kingdom would be changed into Arbitrary and the Subjects Propriety and Liberty lost And he thought that if he himself should utterly conquer the King the Parliament would be tempted to encroach upon the King's Prerogative and the Priviledges of the Lords and put too much Power in the Gentries and the People hands and that they would not know how to settle the State of the Kingdom or the Church without injuring others and running into Extreams and falling into Divisions among themselves Therefore he was not for a Conquest of the King But they saw the Delay gave the King advantage and wearied out and ruined the Country and therefore they now began to say that at Edghill at Newbury and at other times he had never prosecuted any Victory but stood still and seen the King's Army retreat and never pursued them when it had been easie to have ended all the Wars 3. But the chief Cause was that Sir H. Vane by this time had increased Sectaries in the House having drawn some Members to his Opinion and Cromwell who was the Earl of Manchester's Lieutenant General had gathered to him as many of the Religious Party especially of the Sectaries as he could get and kept a Correspondency with Vane's Party in the House as if it were only to strengthen the Religious Party And Manchester's Army especially Cromwell's Party had won a Victory near Horncastle in Lincolnshire and had done the main Service of the day at the great â—ight at York and every where the Religious Party that were deepliest apprehensive of the Concernment of the War had far better Success than the other sort of Common Soldiers These things set together caused almost all the Religious sort of Men in Parliament Armies Garrisons and Country to before the new modelling of the Army and putting out the looser sort of Men especially Officers and putting Religious Men in their steads But in all this Work the Vanists in the House and Cromwell in the Army joined together out-witted and over-reacht the rest and carried on the Interest of the Sectaries in Special while they drew the Religious Party along as for the Interest of Godliness in the general The two Designs of Cromwell to make himself great were 1. To Cry up Liberty of Conscience and be very tender of Men differing in Judgment by which he drew all the Separatists and Anabaptists to him with many soberer Men. 2. To set these self-esteeming Men on work to arrogate the Glory of all Successes to themselves and cry up their own Actions and depress the Honour of the Earl of Manchester and all others though Men of as much Godliness at least as they so that they did proclaim the Glory of their own Exploits till they had got the fame of being the most valiant and Victorious Party The truth is they did much and they boasted of more than they did And these things made the new modelling of the Army to be resolved on But all the Question was how to effect it without stirring up the Forces against them which they intended to disband And all this was notably dispatcht at once by One Vote which was called the Self-denying Vote viz. That because Commands in the Army had much pay and Parliament Men should keep to the Service of the House therefore no Parliament Men should be Members of the Army This pleased the Soldiers who looked to have the more pay to themselves and at once it put out the two Generals the Earl of Essex and the Earl of Manchester and also Sir William Waller a godly valiant Major General of another Army and also many Colonels in the Army and in other parts of the Land and the Governour of Coventry and of many other Garrisons and to avoid all Suspicion Cromwell was put out himself When this was done the next Question was Who should be Lord General and what new Officers should be put in or old ones continued And here the Policy of Vane and Cromwell did its best For General they chose Sir Thomas Fairfax Son to the Lord Ferdinando Fairfax who had been in the Wars beyond Sea and had fought valiantly in Yorkshire for the Parliament though he was over-powered by the Earl of Newcastle's Numbers This Man was chosen because they supposed to find him a Man of no quickness of Parts of no Elocution of no suspicious plotting Wit and therefore One that Cromwell could make use of at his pleasure And he was acceptable to sober Men because he was Religious Faithful Valiant and of a grave sober resolved Disposition very fit for Execution and neither too Great nor too Cunning to be Commanded by the Parliament And when he was chosen for General Cromwell's men must not be without him so valiant a Man must not be laid by The Self-denying Vote must be thus far only dispensed with Cromwell only and no other Member of either House must be excepted and so he is made Lieutenant General of the Army and as many as they could get of their Mind and Party are put into Inferiour Places and the best of the old Officers put into the rest But all the Scotch-men except only Adjutant Crey are put out of the whole Army or deserted it § 70. And here I must digress to look back to what I had forgotten of the Scots Army and the Covenant When the Earl of Newcastle had over-powered the Lord Fairfax in the North and the Queen had brought over many Papists Soldiers from beyond Sea and formed an Army under General King a Scot and the King had another great Army with himself under the Command of the Earl of Forth another old Scottish General so that they had three great Field Armies besides the Lord Goring's in the West and all the Country Parties the Parliament were glad to desire Assistance from the Scots whose Army was paid off and disbanded before the English Wars The Scots consented but they offered a Covenant to be taken by both Nations for a resolved Reformation against Popery Prelacy Schism and Prophaneness the Papists the Prelatists the Secfaries and the Prophane being the four Parties which they were against This Covenant was proposed by the Parliament to the Consideration of the Synod at Westminster
Reputation of his Word and Cause Major General Skippon fighting valiantly was here dangerously wounded but afterwards recovered The King's Army was utterly lost by the taking of Leicester for by this means it was gone so far from his own Garrisons that his Flying Horse could have no place of Retreat but were utterly scattered and brought to nothing The King himself fled to Lichfield and it is reported that he would have gone to Shrewsbury his Council having never suffered him to know that it was taken till now and so he went to Rayland Caâ—â—â—◠〈◊〉 which was a strong Hold and the House of the Marquess of 〈◊〉 a Papist where his Dispute with the Marquess was said to be which Dr. Baâ—ly published and then turned Papist and which Mr. Christopher Cartright continued deâ—ending the King Fairfax's Army pursued to Leicester where the wounded Men and some others stayed with the Garrison in a day or two's time the Town was re-taken And now I am come up to the Passage which I intended of my own going into the Army § 73. Naâ—â—by being not far from Coventry where I was and the noise of the Victory being loud in our Ears and I having two or three that of old had been my intimate Friends in Cromwell's Army whom I had not seen of above two Years I was desirous to go see whether they were dead or alive and so to Naseby Field I went two days after the sight and thence by the Armies Quarters before Leicester to seek my Acquaintance When I found them I stayed with them a Night and I understood the state of the Army much better than ever I had done before We that lived quietly in Coventry did keep to our old Principles and thought all others had done so too except a very few inconsiderable Persons We were unfeignedly for King and Parliament We believed that the War was only to sive the Parliament and Kingdom from Papists and Delinquents and to remove the Dividers that the King might again return to his Parliament and that no Changes might be made in Religion but by the Laws which had his free consent We took the true happiness of King and People Church and State to be our end and so we understood the Covenant engaging both against Papists and Schismaticks And when the Court News-book told the World of the Swarms of Anabaptists in our Armies we thought it had been a meer lye because it was not so with us nor in any of the Garrison or County-Forces about us But when I came to the Army among Cromwell's Soldiers I found a new face of things which I never dreamt of I heard the plotting Heads very hot upon that which intimated their Intention to subvert both Church and State Independency and Anabaptistry were most prevalent Antinomianism and Arminianism were equally distributed and Thomas Moor's Followers a Weaver of Wisbitch and Lyn of excellent Parts had made some shifts to joyn these two Extreams together Abundance of the common Troopers and many of the Officers I found to be honest sober Orthodox Men and others tractable ready to hear the Truth and of upright Intentions But a few proud self-conceited hot-headed Sectaries had got into the highest places and were Cromwell's chief Favourites and by their very heat and activity bore down the rest or carried them along with them and were the Soul of the Army though much fewer in number than the rest being indeed not one to twenty throughout the Army their strength being in the Generals and Whalleys and Rich's Regiments of Horse and in the new placed Officers in many of the rest I perceived that they took the King for a Tyrant and an Enemy and really intended absolutely to master him or to ruine him and that they thought if they might fight against him they might kill or conquer him and if they might conquer they were never more to trust him further than he was in their power and that they thought it folly to irritate him either by Wars or Contradictions in Parliament if so be they must needs take him for their King and trust him with their Lives when they had thus displeased him They said What were the Lords of England but William the Conquerour's Colonels or the Barons but his Majors or the Knights but his Captains They plainly shewed me that they thought God's Providence would cast the Trust of Religion and the Kingdom upon them as Conquerours They made nothing of all the most wise and godly in the Armies and Garrisons that were not of their way Per fas aut nefas by Law or without it they were resolved to take down not only Bishops and Liturgy and Ceremonies but all that did withstand their way They were far from thinking of a moderate Episcopacy or of any healing way between the Episcopal and the Presbyterians They most honoured the Separatists Anabaptists and Antinomians but Cromwell and his Council took on them to joyn themselves to no Party but to be for the Liberty of all Two sorts I perceived they did so commonly and bitterly Speak against that it was done in meer design to make them odious to the Soldiers and to all the Land and that was 1. The Sots and with them all Presbyterians but especially the Ministers whom they call Priests and Priestbyters and Drivines and the Dissemby-men and such like 2. The Committees of the several Countries and all the Soldiers that were under them that were not of their Mind and Way Some orthodox Captains of the Army did partly acquaint me with all this and I heard much of it from the Mouths of the leading Sectaries themselves This struck me to the very Heart and made me Fear that England was lost by those that it had taken for its Chiefest Friends § 74. Upon this I began to blame both other Ministers and my self I saw that it was the Ministers that had lost all by forsaking the Army and betaking themselves to an easier and quieter way of Life When the Earl of Essex went out first each Regiment had an able Preacher but at Edg-hill Fight almost all of them went home and as the Sectaries increased they were the more averse to go into the Army It s true that I believe now they had little Invitation and its true that they must look for little Welcome and great Contempt and Opposition besides all other Difficulties and Dangers But it is as true that their Worth and Labour in a patient self-denying way had been like to have preserved most of the Army and to have defeated the Contrivances of the Sectaries and to have saved the King the Parliament and the Land And if it had brought Reproach upon them from the Malitious who called them Military Levites the Good which they had done would have wiped off that blot much better than the contrary course would do And I reprehended my self also who had before rejected an Invitation from Cromwell When he lay at Cambridge long before with that
famous Troop which he began his Army with his Officers purposed to make their Troop a gathered Church and they all subscribed an Invitation to me to be their Pastor and sent it me to Coventry I sent them a Denial reproving their Attempt and told them wherein my Judgment was against the Lawfulness and Convenience of their way and so I heard no more from them And afterward meeting Cromwell at Leicester he expostulated with me for denying them These very men that then invited me to be their Pastor were the Men that afterwards headed much of the Army and some of them were the forwardest in all our Changes which made me wish that I had gone among them however it had been interpreted for then all the Fire was in one Spark § 75. When I had informed my self to my sorrow of the state of the Army Capt. Evanson one of my Orthodox Informers desired me yet to come to their Regiment telling me that it was the most religious most valiant most succesful of all the Army but in as much danger as any one whatsoever I was loth to leave my Studies and Friends and Quietness at Coventry to go into an Army so contrary to my Judgment but I thought the Publick Good commanded me and so I gave him some Encouragement whereupon he told his Colonel Whalley who also was Orthodox in Religion but engaged by Kindred and Interest to Cromwell He invited me to be Chaplain to his Regiment and I told him I would take but a days time to deliberate and would send him an Answer or else come to him As soon as I came home to Coventry I call'd together an Assembly of Ministers Dr. Bryan Dr. Grew and many others there being many as I before noted fled thither from the Parts thereabouts I told them the sad News of the Corruption of the Army and that I thought all we had valued was like to be endangered by them seeing this Army having first conquered at York where Cromwell was under Manchester and now at Naseby and having left the King no visible Army but Gorings the Fate of the whole Kingdom was like to follow the Disposition and Interest of the Conquerours We have sworn to be true to the King and his Heirs in the Oath of Allegiance All our Soldiers here do think that the Parliament is faithful to the King and have no other purposes themselves If King and Parliament Church and State be ruined by those Men and we look on and do nothing to hinder it how are we true to our Allegiance and to the Covenant which bindeth us to defend the King and to be against Schism as well as against Popery and Prophaneness For my part said I I know that my Body is so weak that it is like to hazard my Life to be among them and I expect their Fury should do little less than rid me out of the way and I know one Man cannot do much upon them But yet if your Judgment take it to be my Duty I will venture my Life among them and perhaps some other Ministers may be drawn in and then some more of the Evil may be prevented The Ministers finding my own Judgment for it and being moved with the Cause did unanimously give their Judgment for my going Hereupon I went strait to the Committee and told them that I had an Invitation to the Army and desired their Consent to go They consulted a while and then left it wholly to the Governour saying That if he consented they should not hinder me It fell out that Col. Barker the Governour was just then to be turned out as a Member of Parliament by the Self-denying Vote And one of his Captains was to be Colonel and Governour in his place Col. Willoughby Hereupon Col. Barker was consent in his discontent that I should go out with him that he might be mist the more and so gave me his consent Hereupon I sent word to Col. Whalley that to morrow God willing I would come to him As soon as this was done the elected governour was much displeased and the Soldiers were so much offended with the Committee for consenting to my going that the Committee all met again in the Night and sent for me and told me I must not go I told them that by their Consent I had promised and therefore must go They told me that the Soldiers were ready to mutiny against them and they could not satisfie them and therefore I must stay I told them that I had not promised if they had not consented though being no Soldier or Chaplain to the Garrison but only preaching to them I took my self to be a Free-man and I could not break my word when I had promised by their Consent They seemed to deny their Consent and said they did but refer me to the Governour In a word they were so angry with me that I was fain to tell them all the truth of my Motives and Design what a case I perceived the Army to be in and that I was resolved to do my best against it I knew not till afterward that Col. William Purefoy a Parliament Man one of the chief of them was a Confident of Cromwells and as soon as I had spoken what I did of the Army Magisterially he answereth me Let me hear no more of that If Nol. Cromwell should hear any Soldiers speak but such a word he would cleave his crown You do them wrong it is not so I told him what he would not hear he should not hear from me but I would perform my word though he seemed to deny his And so I parted with those that had been my very great Friends in some displeasure But the Soldiers threatned to stop the Gates and keep me in but being honest understanding Men I quickly satisfied the Leaders of them by a private intimation of my Reasons and Resolutions and some of them accompanied me on my way § 76. As soon as I came to the Army Oliver Cromwell coldly bid me welcome and never spake one word to me more while I was there nor once all that time vouchfaced me an Opportunity to come to the Head Quarters where the Councils and Meetings of the Officers were so that most of my design was thereby frustrated And his Secretary gave out that there was a Reformer come to the Army to undeceive them and to save Church and State with some such other Jeers by which I perceived that all that I had said but the Night before to the Committee was come to Cromwell before me I believe by Col. Purefoy's means But Col. Whalley welcomed me and was the worse thought on for it by the rest of the Cabal § 77. Here I set my self from day to day to find out the Corruptions of the Soldiers and to discourse and dispute them out of their mistakes both Religious and Political My Life among them was a daily contending against Seducers and gently arguing with the more Tractable and
of the true Religion and the Liberties of the Kingdom otherwise than we did For as they extended the word true Religion further than we did including the Form of Church Government in Scotland so they seem to understand it Conjunctione inseparabili and to prefer the Defence of Religion before the Defence of the King whereas we understood it Conjunctione seperabili and though in meer estimation we preferred Religion before King or Kingdom yet in regard of the Duty of Defence we thought the King must be restored and defended though legally he would have brought in worse than Prelacy Though we did not think that he might do it illegally and therefore that he could not govern Arbitrarily nor take away the Peoples fore-prized Propriety or Liberty nor change the Form of the Government of the Commonwealth But those that thought otherwise said That there is no power but from God and therefore none against him or above him and therefore none against or above his Laws which how true soever seemeth not at all to decide our Case For though it follow never so much that such Acts against God are not Acts of Authority yet the same Person that hath not Authority to do this may have Authority in other matters and may be our rightful Governour and therefore must be obeyed in all things lawful though not in this and his Person defended And therefore how they could refuse to receive the King till he consented to take the Covenant I know not unless the taking of the Covenant had been a Condition on which he was to receive his Crown by the Laws or Fundamental Constitution of the Kingdom which none pretendeth Nor know I by what power they can add any thing to the Coronation Oath or Covenant which by his Ancestors was to be taken without his own Consent But in their Zeal for the Church the Scots did cause the King when he was come over to them not only mutat is mutandis to take the Covenant but also to publish a Declaration to the World that he did it voluntarily and heartily and that he lamented the Sins of his Father's House acknowledging the Guilt of the Blood of the late Wars c. In all which it seemed to me and many others that they miscarried divers ways 1. In imposing Laws upon their King for which they had no Authority 2. In forcing him to dishonour the Memory of his Father by such Consessions 3. In tempting him to speak and publish that which they might easily know was contrary to his heart and so to take God's Name in vain 4. And in giving Cromwell occasion to charge them all with dissimulation § 103. What Transactions there were between the King and the Scots for the Expediting of his Coronation and what Preparations were made for an Army to defend him and what Differences among the Parties hereabouts I shall not describe there being enow of them that were upon the place who can do it better But to return to England as soon as they understood what the Scots had done the Sectaries in England reproached them as Fools and Hypocrites that by such a Pageantry mockt themselves and would make the People believe that the King was turned Presbyterian and was a Cordial Covenanter when they had forced him to say and do that which they might well know he did abhor And they presently resolve to invade the Scots to keep them from invading England and not to stay till they came in upon this Land as heretofore So that Cromwell is in Scotland with his Army before they were well setled in their Affairs This much increased the alienation of the Peoples hearts from the Cromwellians for though they might suppose that the Scots intended to bring the King into England yet few believed that he might begin with them by an Invasion it being too much to have resisted them at home § 104. When the Soldiers were going against the King and Scots I wrote Letters to some of them to tell them of their Sin and desired them at last to begin to know themselves it being those same men that have so much boasted of Love to all the Godly and pleaded for tender dealing with them and condemned those that persecuted them or restrained their Liberty who are now ready to imbrue their Swords in the Blood of such as they acknowledge to be Godly and all because they dare not be perjured or disloyal as they are Some of them were startled at these Letters and O blindness thought me an uncharitable Censurer that would say that they could kill the Godly even when they were on their march to do it For how bad soever they spake of the Cavaliers and not without too much desert as to their Morals they confessed that abundance of the Scots were godly Men. And afterward those that I wrote to better understood me § 105. At the same time the Rump or Commonwealth who so much abhorred Persecution and were for Liberty of Conscience made an Order that all Ministers should keep their days of Humiliation to fast and pray for their Success in Scotland and that we should keep their Days of Thanksgiving for their Victories and this upon pain of Sequestration so that we all expected to be turned out but they did not execute it upon any save one in our parts For my part instead of praying and preaching for them when any of the Committee or Soldiers were my hearers I laboured to help them to understand what a Crime it was to force men to pray for the Success of those that were violating their Covenant and Loyalty and going in such a Cause to kill their Brethren And what it was to force Men to give God thanks for all their Bloodshed and to make God's Ministers and Ordinances vile and serviceable to such Crimes by forcing Men to run to God on such Errands of Blood and Ruine And what it is to be such Hypocrites as to persecute and cast out those that preach the Gospel while they pretend the advancement of the Gospel and the liberty of tender Consciences And what a means it was to debauch all Consciences and leave neither tenderness nor honesty in the World when the Guides of the Flocks and Preachers of the Gospel shall be noted to swallow down such heinous Sins My own Hearers were all satisfied with my Doctrine but the Committee Men look sowre but let me alone And the Soldiers said I was so like to Love that I would not be right till I was shorter by the Head Yet none of them ever medled with me farther than by the Tongue nor was I ever by any of them in those times forbidden or hindered to preach one Sermon except only one Assize-Sermon which the High Sheriff had desired me to preach and afterward sent me word to â—orbear as from the Committee saying That by Mr. Moor's means the Independent Preacher at the Colledge the Committee told him that they desired me to forbear and not
The Uniting of the Churches upon the Primitive Terms and the tollerating not of all but of tollerable Differences is the way to Peace which almost all Men approve of except those who are uppermost and think they have the Reins in their own hands And because the side which is uppermost are they that have their Wills therefore the Churches had never a settled Peace this Thousand years at least the true way of Settlement and Peace being usually displeasing to them that must give Peace to others But this way hath the mark of being the best in that it is the only way which every Sect acknowledge for the second and next the best and is it which all except the predominant Party liketh But Wisdom is justified of her Children § 149. To consummate the Confusion by confirming and increasing the Division the Independants at last when they had refused with sufficient pervicacy to associate with the Presbyterians and the Reconcilers too did resolve to shew their proper strength and to call a General Assembly of all their Churches The Savoy was their Meeting-place There they drew up a Confession of their Faith and the Orders of their Church Government In the former they thought it not enough expresly to contradict St. Iames and to say unlimitedly That we are justified by the Righteousness of Christ only and not by any Works but they contradicted St. Paul also who faith That Faith is imputed for Righteousness And not only so but they expresly asserted that we have no other righteousness but that of Christ. A Doctrine abhorred by all the Reformed and Christian Churches and which would be an utter shame to the Protestant Name if what such Men held and did were indeed imputable to the sober Protestants I asked some honest Men that joyned with them Whether they subscribed this Confession and they said No. I asked them why they did not contradict it and they said that the meaning of it was no more than that we have no other Righteousness but Christ's to be justified by So that the Independant's Confessions are like such Oaths and Declarations as speak one thing and mean another Also in their Propositions of Church Order they widened the breach and made things much worse and more unreconcileable than ever they were before So much could two Men do with many honest tractable young Men and had more Zeal for separating Strictness than Iudgment to understand the Word of God or the Interest of the Churches of the Land and of themselves § 150. But it hath pleased God by others that were sometime of their way to do more to heal this Breach than they did to make it wider I mean the Synod of New-England who have published such healing Propositions about stated Synods and Infants Church Membership as hath much prepared for a Union between them and all other moderate Men And some One hath strenuously defended those Propositions against the opposition of Mr. Davenport a dissenting Brother I take this to be more for healing than the Savoy Propositions can be effectual to divide because the New-England men have not blemished their Reputation nor lost the Authority and Honour of their Judgments by any such Actions as the leading Savoyers have done § 151. When the Army had brought themselves and the Nation into utter Confusion and had set up and pull'd down Richard Cromwell and then had set up the Rump again and pull'd them down again and set up a Council of State of themselves and their Faction and made Lambert their Head next under Fleetwood whom they could use almost as they would at last the Nation would endure them no longer nor sit still while the world stood laughing them to scorn as acting over the Minster Tragedy Sir George Booth and Sir Thomas Middleton raised Forces in Cheshire and North-Wales but the Cavaliers that should have joyned with them failed them almost all over the Land a few rose in some places but were quickly ruined and came to nothing Lambert quickly routed those in Cheshire Sir Arthur Haselrigge with Col. Morley get into Portsmouth which is possessed as for the Rump Monk declareth against them in Scotland purgeth his Army of the Anabaptists and marcheth into England The Rump Party with Haselrigge divided the Army at home and so disabled them to oppose Monk who marcheth on and all are afraid of him and while he declareth himself against Monarchy for a Commonwealth he tieth the hands of his Enemies by a lie and uniteth with the City of London and bringeth on again the old ejected Members of the Parliament and so bringeth in the King Sir William Morrice his Kinsman and Mr. Clarges were his great Advisers The Earl of Manchester Mr. Calamy and other Presbyterians encouraged and perswaded him to bring in the King At first he joyned with the Rump against the Citizens and pull'd down the City Gates to master them but at last Sir Thomas Allen then Lord Mayor by the perswasion of Dr. Iacomb and some other Presbyterian Ministers and Citizens as he hath oft told me himself invited Monk into the City and drew him to agree and joyn with them against the Rump as they then called the Relicts of the Parliament And this in truth was the Act that turned the Scales and brought in the King whether the same men expected to be used as they have since been themselves I know not If they did their Self-denial was very great who were content to be silenced and laid in Gaols so they might but bring in the King After this the old Excluded Members of the Parliament meet with Monk He calleth them to sit and that the King might come in both by him and by them He agreeth with them to sit but a few days and then dissolve themselves and call another Parliament They consented and prepared for the King's Restoration and appointed a Council of State and Dissolved themselves Another Parliament is chosen which calleth in the King the Council of State having made further preparations for it For when the Question was Whether they should call in the King upon Treaty and Covenant which some thought best for him and the Nation the Council resolved absolutely to trust him Mr. A. especially perswading them so to do And when the King came in Col. Birch and Mr. Prin were appointed to Disband the Army the several Regiments receiving their Pay in several places and none of them daring to disobey No not Monk's own Regiments who brought in the King Thus did God do a more wonderful Work in the Dissolving of this Army than any of their greatest Victories was which set them up That an Army that had conquered three such Kingdoms and brought so many Armies to destruction cut off the King pull'd down the Parliament and set up and pull'd down others at their pleasure that had conquered so many Cities and Castles that were so united by Principles and Interest and Guilt and so deeply engaged as much
their own Infirmity nor yet the nature of Pastoral Government which ought to be Paternal and by Love nor do they know the way to win a Soul nor to maintain the Churches Peace 23. My Soul is much more afflicted with the thoughts of the miserable World and more drawn out in desire of their Conversion than heretofore I was wont to look but little further than England in my Prayers as not considering the state of the rest of the World Or if I prayed for the Conversion of the Jews that was almost all But now as I better understand the Case of the World and the method of the Lord's Prayer so there is nothing in the World that lyeth so heavy upon my heart as the thought of the miserable Nations of the Earth It is the most astonishing part of all God's Providence to me that he so far forsaketh almost all the World and confineth his special Favour to so few That so small a part of the World hath the Profession of Christianity in comparison of Heathens Mahometans and other Infidels And that among professed Christians there are so few that are saved from gross Delusions and have but any competent Knowledge and that among those there are so few that are seriously Religious and truly set their hearts on Heaven I cannot be affected so much with the Calamities of my own Relations or the Land of my Nativity as with the Case of the Heathen Mahometan and ignorant Nations of the Earth No part of my Prayers are so deeply serious as that for the Conversion of the Infidel and Ungodly World that God's Name may be sanctified and his Kingdom come and his Will be done on Earth as it is in Heaven Nor was I ever before so sensible what a Plague the Division of Languages was which hindereth our speaking to them for their Conversion nor what a great Sin Tyranny is which keepeth out the Gospel from most of the Nations of the World Could we but go among Tartarians Turks and Heathens and speak their Language I should be but little troubled for the silencing of Eighteen hundred Ministers at once in England nor for all the rest that were cast out here and in Scotland and Ireland There being no Employment in the World so desirable in my Eyes as to labour for the winning of such miserable Souls which maketh me greatly honour Mr. Iohn Eliot the Apostle of the Indians in New-England and whoever else have laboured in such work 24. Yet am I not so much inclined to pass a peremptory Sentence of Damnation upon all that never heard of Christ having some more reason than I knew of before to think that God's dealing with such is much unknown to us And that the Ungodly here among us Christians are in a far worse Case than they 25. My Censures of the Papists do much differ from what they were at first I then thought that their Errours in the Doctrines of Faith were their most dangerous Mistakes as in the Points of Merit Justification by Works Assurance of Salvation the Nature of Faith c. But now I am assured that their mis-expressions and mis-understanding us with our mistakings of them and inconvenient expressing our own Opinions hath made the difference in these Points to appear much greater than they are and that in some of them it is next to none at all But the great and unreconcilable Differences lye in their Church Tyranny and Usurpations and in their great Corruptions and Abasement of God's Worship together with their befriending of Ignorance and Vice At first I thought that Mr. Perkins well proved that a Papist cannot go beyond a Reprobate but now I doubt not but that God hath many sanctified Ones among them who have received the true Doctrine of Christianity so practically that their contradictory Errours prevail not against them to hinder their Love of God and their Salvation but that their Errours are like a conquerable Dose of Poyson which Nature doth overcome And I can never believe that a Man may not be saved by that Religion which doth but bring him to the true Love of God and to heavenly Mind and Life nor that God will ever cast a Soul into Hell that truly loveth him Also at first it would disgrace any Doctrine with me if I did but hear it called Popery and Antichristian but I have long learned to be more impartial and to dislike Men for bad Doctrine rather than the Doctrines for the Men and to know that Satan can use even the Names of Popery and Antichrist against a Truth 26. I am deeplier afflicted for the disagreements of Christians than I was when I was a younger Christian. Except the Case of the Infidel World nothing is so sad and grievous to my thoughts as the Case of the divided Churches And therefore I am more deeply sensible of the sinfulness of those Prelates and Pastors of the Churches who are the principal Cause of these Divisions O how many millions of Souls are kept by them in ignorance and ungodliness and deluded by Faction as if it were true Religion How is the Conversion of Infidels hindered by them and Christ and Religion heinously dishonoured The Contentions between the Greek Church and the Roman the Papists and the Protestants the Lutherans and the Calvinists have wofully hindered the Kingdom of Christ. 27. I have spent much of my Studies about Terms of Christian Concord and have over and over considered of the several ways which several sorts of Reconcilers have devised I have thought of the Papists way who think there will be no Union but by coming over wholly to their Church and I have found that it is neither Possible nor desirable I have thought and thought again of the way of the moderating Papists Cassander Grotius Balwin c. and of those that would have all reduced to the state of the Times of Gregory the First before the Division of the Greek and Latin Churches that the Pope might have his Primacy and govern all the Church by the Canons of the Councils with a Salvo to the Right of Kings and Patriarchs and Prelates and that the Doctrines and Worship which then were received might prevail And for my own part if I lived in such a state of the Church I would live peaceably as glad of Unity though lamenting the Corruption and Tyranny But I am fully assured that none of these are the true desirable Terms of Unity nor such as are ever like to procure an Universal Concord And I am as sure that the true Means and Terms of Concord are obvious and easie to an impartial willing mind And that these three Things alone would easily heal and unite all the Churches 1. That all Christian Princes and Governours take all the Coercive Power about Religion into their own hands though if Prelates and their Courts must be used as their Officers in exercising that Coercive Power so be it And that they make a difference between the approved
yield to us for Concord that seeing both together we might see what probability of success we had And the King promised that it should be so § 95. Hereupon we departed and appointed to meet from day to day at Sion Colledge and to consult there openly with any of our Brethren that would please to join with us that none might say they were excluded Some City Ministers came among us and some came not and Divers country Ministers who were in the City came also to us as Dr. Worth since a Bishop in Ireland Mr. Fulwood since Archdeacon of Totnes c. But Mr. Matth. Newcomen was most constant in assisting us § 96. In these Debates we found the great inconvenience of too many Actors though there cannot be too many Consenters to what is well done For that which seemed the most convenient Expression to one seemed inconvenient to another and that we that all agreed in Matter had much ado to agree in Words But after about two or three Weeks time we drew up the following Paper of Proposals which with Archbishop Usher's Form of Government called his Reduction c. we should offer to the King Mr. Calamy drew up most with Dr. Reynolds Dr. Reynolds and Dr. Worth drew up that which is against the Ceremonies I only prevailed with them to premise the four first Particulars for the countenancing Godliness the Ministry Personal Profession and the Lord's Day They were backward because they were not the Points in Controversy but yielded at last on the Reasons offered them About Discipline we designedly adhered to Bishop Usher's Model without a Word of alteration that so they might have less to say against our Offers as being our own and that the World might see that it was Episcopacy it self which they refused and that they contended against the Archbishop as well as against us and that we pleaded not at all with them for Presbytery unless a Moderate Episcopacy be Presbytery Yet was there a Faction that called this Offer of Bishop Usher's Episcopacy by the Name of the Presbyterians impudent Expectations I also prevailed with our Brethren to offer an Abstract of our larger Papers lest the reading of the larger should seem tedious to the King which Abstract verbatim as followeth at their Desire I drew up and have here after adjoined The first Address and Proposals of the Ministers May it please Your most excellent Majesty WE your Majesty's most Loyal Subjects cannot but acknowledge it as a very great Mercy of God that immediately after your so wonderful and peaceable Restoration unto your Throne and Government for which we â—less his Name he hath stirred up your Royal Heart as to a zealous Testimony against all Prophaneness in the People so to endeavour an happy composing of the Differences and healing of the sad Breaches which are in the Church And we shall according to our bounden Duty become humble Suitors at the Throne of Grace that the God of Peace who hath put such a thing as this into your Majesty's Heart will by his heavenly Wisdom and holy Spirit to assist you therein and bring your Resolutions unto so perfect an Effect and Issue that all the good People of these Kingdoms may have abundant Cause to rise up and bless you and to bless God who hath delighted in you to make you his Instrument in so happy a Work That as your glorious Progenitor Henry VII was happy in uniting the Houses of York and Lancaster and your Grandfather King Iames of blessed Memory in uniting the Kingdoms of England and Scotland so this Honour may be reserved for your Majesty as a Radiant Jewel in your Crown that by your Princely Wisdom and Christian Moderation the Hearts of all your People may be united and the unhappy Differences and Misunderstandings amongst Brethren in matters Ecclesiastial so composed that the Lord may be one and his Name one in the midst of your Dominions In an humble Conformity to this your Majesty's Christian Design we taking it for granted that there is a firm Agreement between our Brethren and us in the Doctrinal Truths of the reformed Religion and in the substantial parts of Divine Worship and that the Differences are only in some various Conceptions about the ancient Form of Church-Government and some particulars about Liturgy and Ceremonies do in all humble Obedience to your Majesty represent That in as much as the ultimate end of Church-Government and Ministry is that Holiness of Life and Salvation of Souls may be Effectually promoted we humbly desire in the first place that we may be secured of those things in Practice of which we seem to be agreed in Principles 1. That those of our Flocks who are serious and diligent about the matters of their Salvation may not by Words of Scorn or any abusive Usages be suffered to be reproachfully handled but have Liberty and Encouragement in those Christian Duties of exhorting and provoking one another unto Love and good Works of building up one another in their most holy Faith and by all religious and peaceable means of furthering one another in the ways of eternal Life they being not therein opposite to Church-Assemblies nor refusing the guidance and due Inspection of their Pastors and being responsible for what they do or say 2. That each Congregation may have a learned orthodox and godly Pastor residing amongst them to the end that the People might be publickly instructed and edified by preaching every Lord's Day by Catechising and frequent Administration of the Lord's Supper and of Baptism and other Ministerial Acts as the Occacasions and the Necessity of the People may require both in Health and Sickness and that effectual Provision of Law be made that such as are Insufficient Negligent or Scandalous may not be admitted to or permitted in so Sacred a Function and Imployment 3. That none may be admitted to the Lord's Supper till they competently understand the Principles of Christian Religion and do personally and publickly own their baptismal Covenant by a credible Profession of Faith and Obedience not contradicting the same by a contrary Profession or by a Scandalous Life And that unto such only Confirmation if continued in the Church may be administred And that the Approbation of the Pastors to whom the catechising and instructing of those under their Charge do appertain may be produced before any Person receive Confirmation which Course we humbly conceive will much conduce to the quieting of those sad Disputes and Divisions which have greatly troubled the Church of God amongst us touching Church-Members and Communicants 4. That an effectual Course be taken for the Sanctification of the Lord's Day appropriating the same to holy Exercises both in publick and private without unnecessary Divertisements it being certain and by long Experience found that the Observation thereof is a special means of preserving and promoting the Power of God liness and obviating Prophaneness Then for the Matters in Difference viz. Church-Government
within four or five days I happened to find Sir Ralph Clare with the Bishop again and shewed him the hands of Sixteen hundred Communicants with an offer of more if they might have time all very earnest for my Return Sir Ralph was silenced as to that point but he and the Bishop appeared so much the more against my Return § 155. The Letter which the Lord Chancellour upon his own offer wrote for me to Sir Ralph Clare he gave at my request unsealed and so I took a Copy of it before I sent it away as thinking the chief use would be to keep it and compare it with their Dealings and it was as followeth To my noble Friend Sir Ralph Clare These SIR I Am a little out of Countenance that after the discovery of such a desire in his Majesty that Mr. Baxter should be setled at Kidderminster as he was heretofore and my promise to you by the King's Direction that Mr. Dance should very punctually receive a Recompence by way of a Rent upon his or your Bills charged here upon my Steward Mr. Baxter hath yet no fruit of this his Majesty's good intention towards him so that he hath too much reason to believe that he is not so frankly dealt with in this particular as he deserves to be I do again tell you that it will be very acceptable to the King if you can perswade Mr. Dance to surrender that Charge to Mr. Baxter and in the mean time and till he is preferred to as profitable an Imployment whatever Agreement you shall make with him for an Annual Rent it shall be paid Quarterly upon a Bill from you charged upon my Steward Mr. Clutterbucke and for the exact performance of this you may securely pawn your full Credit I do most earnestly intreat you that you will with all speed inform me what we may depend upon in this particular that we may not keep Mr. Baxter in suspense who hath deserved very well from his Majesty and of whom his Majesty hath a very good Opinion and I hope you will not be the less desirous to Comply with him for the particular Recommendation of SIR Your very affectionate Servant Edw. Hyde § 156. Can any thing be more serious and cordial and obliging than all this For a Lord Chancellour that hath the Business of the Kingdom upon his hand and Lords attending him to take up his time so much and often about so low a Person and so small a thing And should not a Man be content without a Vicaridge or a Curatship when it is not in the power of the King and the Lord Chancellour to procure it for him when they so vehemently desire it But O thought I how much better a Life do poor Men live who speak as they think and do as they profess and are never put upon such Shifts as these for their present Conveniences Wonderful thought I that Men who do so much over-value worldly Honour and Esteem can possibly so much forget futurity and think only of the present day as if they regarded not how their Actions be judged of by Posterity For all this extraordinary favour since the Day that the King came in I never received as his Chaplain or as a Preacher or upon any account the value of one farthing of any Publick Maintenance so that I and many a hundred more had not had a piece of bread but for the voluntary Contribution whilst we preached of another sort of People Yea while I had all this excess of favour I would have taken it indeed for an excess as being far beyond my expectations if they would but have given me liberty to preach the Gospel without any Maintenance and leave me to beg my Bread § 157. And this bringeth to my remembrance the Motion which I oft made to my Brethren when they were oft admitted to the King and thought themselves in so great favour and had Bishopricks and Deaneries offered them and the Ministers of the Land had such high Expectations I motioned to them that now while the World would blush at the denial we might Petition for a bare Liberty to preach for nothing in the Publick Churches at those hours of the Lord's Day and those days of the week when the Ministers that are put into our Places are vacant and are not there But the Brethren thought this was to come down our selves before they took us down But the time quickly came when we would have been glad of this much § 158. A little after this Sir Ralph Clare and others caused the Houses of the People of the Town of Kidderminster to be searcht for Arms and if any had a Sword it was taken from them And meeting him after with the Bishop I desired him to tell us why his Neighbours were so used as if he would have made the World believe that they were Seditious or Rebels or dangerous Persons that should be used as Enemies to the King He answered me That it was because they would not bring out their Arms when they were commanded but said they had none whenas they had Arms upon every occasion to appear with on the behalf of Cromwell This great disingenuity of so ancient a Gentleman towards his Neighbours whom he pretended kindness to made me brake forth into some more than ordinary freedom of reproof and I answered him That we have thought our Condition hard in that by Strangers that know us not we should be ordinarily traduced and misrepresented but this was most sad and marvellous that a Gentleman so Civil should before the Bishop speak such words against a Corporation which he knew I was able to confute and are so contrary to truth I asked him whether he did not know that I publickly and privately spake against the Usurpers and declared them to be Rebels and whether he took not the People to be of my mind and whether I and they had not hazarded our Liberty by refusing the Engagement against the King and House of Lords when he and others of his Mind had taken it He confessed that I had been against Cromwell but they had always on every occasion appeared in Arms for him I told him that he struck me with admiration that it should be possible for him to live in the Town and yet believe what he said to be true or yet to speak it in our hearing if he knew it to be untrue And I professed that having lived there Sixteen years since the Wars I never knew that they once appeared in Arms for Cromwell or any Usurpers and challenged him upon his word to name one time I could not get him to name any time till I had urged him to the utmost and then he instanced in the time when the Scots Army fled from Worcester I challenged him to name one Man of them that was at Worcester Fight or bare Arms there or at any time for the Usurpers And when he could name none I told him that all that
they confuted our Proofs We told them that the End being to satisfy tender Consciences and procure Unity those tender Consciences did themselves profess that without some Alteration and that considerable too they could not be satisfied and Experience told them that Peace and Unity could not without it be attained But still they said that none was necessary and they would yield to all that we proved necessary And here we were lest in a very great Strait If we should enter upon Dispute with them we gave up the End and Hope of our endeavours If we refused it we knew that they would boast that when it came to the setting to we would not so much as attempt to prove any thing unlawful in the Liturgy nor durst dispute it with them Mr. Calamy with some others of our Brethren would have had us refuse the Motion of disputing as not tending to fulfil the King's Commands We told the Bishops over and over that they could not choose but know that before we could end one Argument in a Dispute our time would be expired and that it could not possibly tend to any Accommodation And that to keep off from personal Conference till within a few Days of the Expiration of the Commission and then to resolve to do nothing but wrangle out the time in a Dispute as if we were between jeast and earnest in the Schools was too visibly in the sight of all the World to defeat the King's Commission and the Expectations of many Thousands who longed for our Unity and Peace But we spoke to the Deaf they had other Ends and were other Men and had the Art to suit the means unto their Ends. For my part when we faw that they would do nothing else I persuaded our Brethren to yield to a Disputation with them and let them understand that we were far from fearing it seeing they would give us no hopes of Concord but withal first to profess to them that the Guilt of disappointing his Majesty and the Kingdom lay not upon us who desired to obey the King's Commission but on them And so we yielded to spend the little time remaining in disputing with them rather than go home and do nothing and leave them to tell the Court that we durst not dispute with them when they so provoked us nor were able to prove our Accusations of the Liturgy § 193. When this was resolved on we spent many Hours with them about the Order of our Disputation I offered them to spend one half of the time in the Opponents part if they would promise to do the like the other half of the time when we had done that our Disputation might be on equal Terms They refused this and answered That it belonged to us only to argue who were the Accusers and not at all to them who were on the Defence I told them it was we that are the Defendants against their Impositions They command us to do such and such things or else we shall be excommunicate silenced imprisoned and undone We desend our selves against this cruelty by calling upon them to shew their Authority from God for such Impositions Therefore we still call upon them to prove that God hath authorised them to any such thing And if they refuse this they do give up their Cause We offered first to prove the unlawfulness of their Impositious if they would afterward prove the lawfulness of them or their Power so to impose them On these Terms we stood with them about two Days and they would not yield to prove any thing at all At last I oft declared to them that we would do our part and prove their Impositions unlawful whether they would do their part or on but with an open Declaration that we took them for Deserters of their Cause At last Dr. Pierson alone undertook that he would dispute for their Part when we had performed ours and we accepted of his Undertaking § 194. Upon this seeing it was to be all done in Writing the rest of the Commissioners on both sides did choose three of a Party to manage the Dispute that the other might withdraw themselves because they had no more to do The Bishops chose Dr. Pierson Dr. Gunning and Dr. Sparrow The other side chose Dr. Bates Dr. Iacomb and my self for I never medled with the choice of any only I would â—ain have had Mr. William Moses Mr. Gibbons and Mr. Matthew Pool into the Commission that I might have had their help in Disputing because they were very quick ingenuous Men and I could not prevail The rest of our Brethren presently withdrew and not a Man of them came near us any more as supposing it contrary to the Agreement But the Bishops came some of them from day to day indeed on the second day they asked whether any more them the Disputants might be present And I answered them That we cared not how many of them were present And after that others that were not in the Commission asked whether they might be present and I told them the same So that there came Dr. Pory Dr. Crowther and almost the Room full of them with two or three Scholars and Lay-men that as Auditors came in with us Mr. Miles Mr. Tillotson c. § 195. When I began our first Argument to prove their Impositions sinful Bishop Cosins was offended at the Word sinful and told me that I condemned all the Churches of Christ who all of them imposed some Gesture or other as much as that came to and what intollerable Boldness was it in us to charge all the Churches of Christ with Sin I answered him 1. That many of the reformed Churches did not impose any such thing on their Terms that is to reject all from the Ministry and Communion that conformed not 2. It was no Arrogance nor Uncharitableness to charge all the Church and World with Sin But he that saith he hath no Sin is a Lyar In many things we offend all It is the Priviledge of the Triumphant Church to be without Sin This they stormed at and yet could not tell how to deny it Bishop Lany said That justified Persons have no Sin and are no Sinners because Iustification taketh it away But when I answered him by opening the Nature of Justification and shewing that it took not away the Sin it self but the Guilt which is the Obligation to Punishment he was confounded and unsaid all again and knew not what he said I told him that he might see how near we came to him I confessed that if the Controversy were but de Nomine and he took Justification as some do for Sanctification or a Change of our Qualities and Actions then I granted him that it took away Sin it self but not perfectly and therefore Sin still remained Here he and some more said that no Man before me ever took Justification in any such Sence and they laughed at me I answered that I was glad to hear him say so
for my fear that he symbolized with the Papists was abated now I perceived that he knew not what they held And Dr. Gunning answered against him and said that the Papists do so use the Word I went on and told him That I also granted that a Man for a certainspace might he without any Act of Sin end as I was proceeding here Bishop Morley interrupted me according to his manner with vehemency crying out what can any Man be for any time without Sin And he founded out his Aggravations of this Doctrine and then cryed to Dr. Bates what say you Dr. Bates is this your Opinion Saith Dr. Bates I believe that we are all Sinners but I pray my Lord give him leave to speak I began to go on to the rest of my Sentence where I lest to shew the Sense and Truth of my Words and the Bishop whether in Passion or Design I know not interrupted me again and mouthed out the odiousness of my Doctrine again and again I attempted to speak and still he interrupted me in the same manner Upon that I sat down and told him that this was neither agreeable to our Commission nor the common Laws of Disputation nor the Civil Usage of Men in common Converse and that if he prohibited me to speak I desired him to do it plainly and I would â—â—sist and not by that way of interruption He told me I had speaking enough if that were good for I spake more than any one in the Company And thus he kept me so long from uttering the rest of my Sentence that I sat down and gave over and told him I took it for his Prohibition At last I let him talk and spake to those nearer me which would hear me and told them that this was it that I was going to say That I granted Bishop Lany that it was possible to be free from acting Sin for a certain time that so he might have no matter of Objection against me and that the Instances of my Concession were these 1. In the time of absolute Infancy 2. In the time of total Fatuity or Madness as natural Ideots that never had the use of Reason 3. In the time of a Lethargy Carus or Apoplexy or Epilepsie 4. In the time of lawful sleep when a Man doth not so much as dream amiss And whether any other Instances might be given I determined not But as I talked thus Bishop Morley went on talking louder than I and would neither hear me nor willingly have had me to have been heard Behind me at the lower end of the Table stood Dr. Crowther and he would consute me and I defended Dr. Lany in that Ieroboam made Israel to Sin What gather you thence quoth I that they had no Sin but that or never sumed before He answered yes and with a little Nonsence would defend it that Israel sinned not till then When I had proved the contrary to him in the general Acceptation of the Word Sin I told him that if he took the Word Figuratively the Genus for a Species I granted him that they sinned not that Species of Sin which Ieroboam taught them which is in the Text emphatically called Sin If he meant that they sinned no Sin of Idolatry or no National Sin till then It was not true and if it were it was nothing to our Question which was about Sin in the General or indefinitely He told me they Sinned no National Sin till then I asked him whether the Idolatry the Unbelief the Murmuring c. by which all the Nation save Caleb and Ioshua fell in the Wilderness and the Idolatry for which in the time of the Judges the Nation was conquered and captivated were none of them National Sins I give the Reader the Instance if this Odious kind of Talk to shew him what kind of Men we talkt with and what a kind of Task we had § 196. And a little further touch of it I shall give you When I beg'd their Compassion on the Souls of their Brethren and that they would not unnecessarily cast so many out of the Ministry and their Communion Bishop Cosins told me that we threatned them with Numbers and for his part he thought the King should do well to make us name them all A charitable and wise Motion To name all the Thousands of England that dissented from them and that had sworn the Covenant and whom they would after Persecute § 197. When I read in the Preface to our Exceptions against the Liturgy That after twenty years Calamity they would not yield to that which several Bishops voluntarily offered twenty Years before meaning the Corrections of the Liturgy offered by Archbishop Usher Archbishop Williams Bishop Morton Dr. Prideaux and many others Bishop Cosins answered me That we threatned them with a new War and it was time for the King to look to us I had no shelter from the Fury of the Bishop but to name Dr. Hammond and tell him that I remembred Dr. Hammond insisted on the same Argument that twenty Years Calamity should have taught Men more Charity and brought them to repentance and Brotherly Love and that it is an Aggravation of their Sin to be unmerciful after so long and heavy Warnings from God's Hand He told me if that were our meaning it was all well And these were the most logical Discourses of that Bishop § 198. Among all the Bishops there was none who had so promising a Face as Dr. Sterne the Bishop of Carlisle He look'd so honestly and gravely and soberly that I scarce thought such a Face could have deceived me and when I was intreating them not to cast out so many of their Brethren through the Nation as scrupeled a Ceremony which they confess'd indifferent he turn'd to the rest of the Reverend Bishops and noted me for saying in the Nation He will not say in the Kingdom saith he lest he own a King This was all that ever I heard that worthy Prelate say But with grief I told him that half the Charity which became so grave a Bishop might have sufficed to have helpt him to a better Exposition of the Word Nation from the Mouths of such who have to lately taken the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy and sworn Fidelity to the King as his Chaplains and had such Testimonies from him as we have had and that our case was sad if we could plead by the King's Commission for Accommodation upon no no better Terms than to be noted as Traytors every time we used such a Word as the Nation which all monarchical Writers use § 199. Bishop Morley earnestly pleaded my own Book with me my fifth Disput. as he had done before the King And I still told him I went not from any thing in it He vehemently aggravated the mischiefs of Conceived Prayer in the Church and when I told him that all the Action of Men would be imperfect while Men were imperfect and that the other side also had its
that Christ should have no one Witness that would ever scruple or contradict them either among the Orthodox or the Hereticks as far as any Records of Antiquity do make known § 300. 7. The seventh Controversie is about their own practice in Administrations and Church Discipline And 1. that they must Ministerially deny the Sacrament of Baptism to all Children whose Parents will not have them use the Cross they say that it is the Church that refuseth them by Law and not they who are by the Law disabled from receiving them 2. The same they say of their refusing to give the Lord's Supper to any that will not kneel in the Reception of it They say that it is better to Administer the Sacraments to some than to none at all which they must do if they refuse not them that kneel not 3. And for the giving of the Sacraments of Baptism and the Lord's Supper to the unworthy for all are forced to use them they say that the Infants of all in the Church have right to Baptism at least for their Ancestor's sake and for the Godfathers and Godmothers or the Churches sake And for the Lord's Supper they have power to put away all that are proved impenitent in notorious Scandal § 301. Having told you what the Conformists say for themselves as faithfully as will stand with brevity before I proceed I think it best to set down here the words 1. Of the Covenant 2. Of the Subscription and Declaration 3. Of the Oath of Canonical Obedience before your Eyes that while the Subject of the Controversie is before you the Controversie it self may be the better understood And I suppose the Reader to have all the Books before him to which we are required to Assen◠〈…〉 The Solemn League and Covenant WE Noblemen Barons Knights Gentlemen Citizens â—â—â—gesses Ministers of the Gospel and Commous of all 〈◊〉 in the Kingdoms of Scotland â—England and Ireland by the Pâ—â—vidence of God living under one King and being of one Reformed Religion having before our Eyes the Glory of God and the Advancement of the Kingdom of our Lord and Saviour Iesus Christ the Honour and Happiness of the King's Majesty and his Posterity and the true Publick Liberty Safety and Peace of the Kingdoms wherein every ones private Condition is included And calling to mind the trâ—atherous and bloody Piots Conspiracies Attempts and Practises of the Enemies of God against the true Religion and Professors thereof in places especially in these three Kingdoms ever since the Reformation of Religion and how much their Rage Power and Presumption are of late and at this time increased and exercised whereof the deplorable Estate of the Church and Kingdom of Ireland the distressed Estate of the Church and Kingdom of England and the dangerous Estate of the Church and Kingdom of Scotland are present and publick Cestimonies We have now at last after other means of Supplication Remonstrance Protestations and Sufferings for the preservation of our selves and our Religion from utter Ruine and Destruction according to the Commendable Practice of these kingdoms in former times and the Example of God's People in other Nations after mature Deliberation resolved and determined to enter into a Mutual and Solemn League and Covenant Wherein we all Subscribe and each one of us for himself with our Hands lifted up to the most high God â—o swear 1. THat we shall sincerely really and constantly through the Grace of God endeavour in our several Places and Callings the Preservation of the Reformed Religion in the Church of Scotland in Doctrine Worship Discipline and Government against our Common Enemies The Reformation of Religion in the Kingdoms of England and Ireland in Doctrine Worship Discipline and Government according to the Word of God and the Example of the best Reformed Churches And shall endeavour to bring the Churches of God in the three Kingdoms to the nearest Conjunction and Uniformity in Religion Confession of Faith Form of Church Government Directory for Worship and Catechizing That we and our Posterity after us may as Brethren live in Faith and Love the Lord may delight to dwell in the midst of us 2. That we shall in like manner without respect of Persons endeavour the Extirpation of Popery Prelacy that is Church-Government by Archbishops Bishops their Chancellors and Commistaties Deans Deans and Chapters Arch-deacons and all other Ecclesiastical Officers depending on that Hierachy Superstition Heresie Schism Prophaneness and whatsoever shall be found to be contrary to sound Doctrine and the power of Godliness lest we partake in other mens sins and thereby be in danger to receive of their plagues And that the Lord may be one and his Name one in the three Kingdoms 3. We shall with the same sincerity reality and constancy in our several Uocations endeavour with our Estates and Lives mutually to preserve the Rights and Priviledges of the Parliaments and the Liberties of the Kingdoms and to preserve and defend the King's Majesties Person and Authority in the preservation and defence of the true Religion and Liberties of the Kingdoms That the world may bear witness with our Consciences of our Loyalty and that we have no thoughts or intentions to diminish his Majesties just Power and Greatness 4. We shall also with all faithfulness endeavour the discovery of all such as have been or shall be Incendiaries Malignants or evil Instruments by hindring the Reformation of Religion dividing the King from his People or one of the Kingdoms from another or making any faction or Parties amongst the People contrary to this League and Covenant That they may be brought to publick Trial and receive Condign Punishment as the degree of their Offences shall require or deserve or the Supream Iudicatories of both Kingdoms respectively or others having power from them for that effect shall â—udge convenient 5. And whereas the happiness of a blessed Peace between these Kingdoms denied in former times to our Progenitors is by the good Providence of God granted unto us and hath been latlely concluded and setled by both Parliaments We shall each one of us according to our place and interest endeavour that they may remain conjoyned in a firm Peace and Union to all Posterity and that Iustice may be done upon the wilful Opposers thereof in manner expressed in the precedent Article 6. We shall also according to our Places and Callings in this common Cause of Religion Liberty and Peace of the Kingdoms assist and defend all those that enter into this League and Covenant in the maintaining and pursuing thereof And shall not suffer our selves directly or indirectly by whatsoever Combination Perswasion or Terrour to be divided and withdrawn from this blessed Union and Conjunction whether to make defection to the contrary part or to give our selves to a detestable indifferency or neutrality in this Cause which so much concerneth the Glory of God the Good of the Kingdoms and Honour of the King But shall all the days of our
Lives zealously and constantly continue therein against all Opposition and promote the same according to our power against all Lets and Impediments whatsoever And that we are not able our selves to suppress or overcome we shall reveal and make known that it may be timely prevented or removed All which we shall do as in the sight of God And because these Kingdoms are guilty of many Sins and Provocations against God and his Son Iesus Christ as is too manifest by our present Distresses and Dangers the Fruits thereof We profess and declare before God and the World our unfeigned desire to be humbled for our own Sins and for the Sins of these Kingdoms especially that we have not as we ought valued the inestimable benefit of the Gospel that we have not laboured for the purity and power thereof and that we have not endeavoured to receive Christ in our hearts nor to walk worthy of him in our lives which are the Causes of other Sins and Transgressions so much abounding amongst us And our true and unfeigned purpose desire and endeavour for our selves and all others under our power and charge both in publick and in private in all Duties we owe to God and Man to amend our Lives and each one to go before another in the Example of a real Reformation That the Lord may turn away his Wrath and heavy Indignation and establish these Churches and Kingdoms in Truth and Peace And this Covenant we make in the presence of Almighty God the Searcher of all hearts with a true intention to perform the same as we shall answer at that great Day when the Secrets of all hearts shall be disclosed Most humbly beseeching the Lord to strengthen us by his Holy Spirit for this end and to bless our Desires and Proceedings with such Success as may be Deliverance and Safety to his People and encouragement to other Christian Churches groaning under or in danger of the Yoke of Antichristian Tyranny to ioyn in the same or like Association and Covenant to the Glory of God the Inlargement of the Kingdom of Iesus Christ and the Peace and Tranquility of Christian Kingdoms and Common-wealths The Oath and Declaration imposed upon the Lay-Conformists in the Corporation Act the Vestry Act c. are as followeth The Oath to be taken I. A. B. do declare and believe That it is not lawful upon any pretence whatsoever to take up Arms against the King and that I do abhor that Traiterous Position of taking Arms by his Authority against his Person or against those that are Commissioned by him So help me God The Declaration to be Subscribed I. A. B. do declare That I hold there lyes no Obligation upon me or any ot her Person from the Oath commonly called The Solemn League and Covenant and that the same was in it self an unlawful Oath and imposed upon the Subjects of this Realm against the known Laws and Liberties of this Kingdom All Vestry Men to make and Subscribe the Declaration following I. A. B. do declare That it is not lawful upon any pretence whatsoever to take Arms against the King and that I do abhor that Traiterous Position of taking Arms by his Authority against his Person or against those that are Commissioned by him And that I will Conform to the Liturgy of the Church of England as it is now by Law established And I do declare That I do hold there lyes no Obligation upon me or any other Person from the Oath commonly called The Solemn League and Covenant to indeavour any Change or Alteration of Government either in Church or State and that the same was in it self an unlawful Oath and imposed upon the Subjects of this Realm against the known Laws and Liberties of this Kingdom The Declaration thus Prefaced in the Act of Uniformity Every Minister after such reading thereof shall openly and publickly before the Congregation there assembled declare his unfeigned Assent and Consent to the use of all things in the said Book contained and prescribed in these words and no other I. A. B. do here declare my unfeigned Assent and Consent to all and every thing contained and prescribed in and by the Book Instituted The Book of Common Prayer and Administration of the Sacraments and other Rites and Ceremonies of the Church according to the use of the Church of England together with the Psalter or Psalms of David pointed as they are to be sung or said in Churches and the Forms or Manner of Making Ordaining and Consecrating of Bishops Priests and Deacons The Declaration to be Subscribed I. A. B. d◠declare That it is not lawful upon any pretence whatsoever to take Arms against the King and that I abhor that Trayterous Position of taking Arms by his Authority against his Person or against those that are Commissionated by him and that I will Conform to the Liturgy of the Church of England as it is now by Law established And I do declare that I do hold there lyes no Obligation upon me or any other Person from the Oath commonly called The Solemn League and Covenant to endeavour any Change or Alteration of Government either in Church or State and that the same was in it self a◠unlawful Oath and imposed upon the Subjects of this Realm against the known Laws and Liberties of this Kingdom The Oath of Canonical Obedience EGo A. B. Iuro quod praestabo Veram Canonicam Obedientiam Episcopo Londinens◠ejusque Successoribus in omnibus licitis honestis § 302. II. The Nonconformists who take not this Declaration Oath Subscription c. are of divers sorts some being further distant from Conformity than others some thinking that some of the forementioned things are lawful and some that none of them are lawful and all have not the same Reasons for their dissent But all are agreed that it is not lawful to do all that is required and therefore they are all cast out of the Exercise of the Sacred Ministry and forbidden to preach the Word of God § 303. The Reasons commonly given by them are either 1. Against the Imposing of the things forementioned or 2. Against the Using of them being imposed Those of the former sort were given into the King and Bishops before the Passing of the Act of Uniformity and are laid down in the beginning of this Book and the Opportunity being now past the Nonconformists now meddle not with that part of the Cause it having seemed good to their Superiours to go against their Reasons But this is worthy the noting by the way that all that I can speak with of the Conforming Party do now justifie only the Using and Obeying and not the Imposing of these things with the Penalty by which they are Imposed From whence it is evident that most of their own Party do now justifie our Cause which we maintained at the Savoy which was against this Imposition whilst it might have been prevented and for which such an intemperate Fury hath
to put up to God in all which they are meer Executioners of other Mens Judgments as a Cryer or such other Messenger § 316. 2. The second Charge against this Diocesan Prelacy is That it introduceth a New Humane Species or Presbyters or Spiritual Officers instead of Christ's which it destroyeth that is a sort of meer Subject Presbyters that have no power of Government but meerly to Teach and Worship That this is a distinct Species is proved in that 1. It wanteth an essential part which the other Species hath 2. From the Bishop's own profession who in the beginning of the Book of Ordination Subscribed to do declare it plainly determined in Scripture viz. That Bishops Priests and Deacons are three distinct Orderâ— which word Orders is the common term to signifie a Species of Church Officers distinct from a meer degree in the same Order or Species That this Office is New is proved 1. In that Scripture or Antiquity never knew it 2. Dr. Hammond Annot. in Act. 11. and in his Latin Book against Blondell Dissertat professeth that it cannot be proved that the word Bishop Presbyter or Pastor signifieth in all the Scripture any other than a proper Bishop or that there was any such as we now all Presbyters in Scripture times And in his Answer to the London Ministers he saith That for ought he knoweth all his Brethren of the Church of England are of his mind So that Presbyters that had no Governing Power were not in Scripture times And though he says that the other sort came in before Ignatiu's time yet 1. He saith not that this sort had no Government of the Flock but that they were under the Bishop in Government so that yet they are not the sort that we are speaking of 2. And he doth not prove any more § 317. 3. A third Charge which they bring against our Prelacy is That it destroyeth the Species or Form of particular Churches instituted by Christ The Churches which Christ instituted are Holy Societies associated for Personal holy Communion under their particular Pastors But all such Societies are destroyed by the Diocesan Frame Ergo it is destructive of the Form of particular Churches instituted by Christ. The distinguish between Personal Local Communion of Saints by Pastors and their Flocks and Communion of hearts only and Communion by Delegation or Deputies 1. We have Heart-Communion with all the Catholick Church through the World 2. Particular Churches have Communion for Concord and mutual Strength in Synods by their Pastors or Deputies 3. But a holy Communion of Souls or individual Persons as Members of the same particular Church for publick Worship and a holy Life is specifically distinct from both the former as is apparent 1. By the distinct end 2. The distinct manner of Communion yea and the matter of it And that this Form of Churches or Species is overthrown by this Prelacy they prove The Churches of Christ's institution were constituted of Governing Pastors and a Flock governed by them in Personal holy Communion every Church having its proper Pastor or Pastors But such Churches as are thus constituted are destroyed by our Frame of Prelacy Ergo The Major is confessed de facto by Dr. Hammond ubi supra as to Scripture times and sufficiently cleared in my Treatise of Episcopacy Ignatius his Testimony alone might suffice who saith That to every Church there was one Altar and one Bishop with the Presbyters and Deacons his Fellow Servants A Church of one Altar and of a thousand Altars A Church that is for Personal Communion and a Church that hath no Personal Communion with her Pastor or Bishop or with one of a hundred of her Fellow-Members a Church which is a Church indeed and that which is no Church but only a part of a Church are more than specifically distinct for indeed the Name is but equivoeally applied to them as distinct Natures or Societies Every Church univocally so called in sensu politico as a governed Society hath its pars gubernaâ—s and pars gubernata to constitute it But so have not our Parish Churches as such indeed as Oratories and Schools as instructed and worshipping Societies they have their Parochial Heads but as governed Societies they have no Heads proper to themselves nor any at all as Churches but as parts of a Church For the Diocesan is Head of the Diocesan Church as such and not of a Parochial Church as such but only as a part of the Diocesan Church And as it is no Kingdom which hath no King so it is no Political Church which hath no Governour or Pastor So that Diocesans destroy particular Churches as much as in them lyeth Unless any will say that as one King as he is persona naturalis may be three or twenty Kings as persona civilis as related to several Kingdoms and so one Bishop as persona naturalis may yet be a thousand Ecclesiastical Persons as Pastor of so many Churches But this being ridiculous and yet said by none that I have heard of I shall not stand to confute it But were it so yet a Pastor that never seeth or speaketh to his People nor hath any personal Communion in Worship with them and this according to the Constitution it self is not of the same sort with a Scripture Pastor 1 Thess. 5. 12 13. Hebr. 13. 17 c. which labour among them and preach to them the Word of God and watch for their Souls c. And consequently the Churches constituted by them are not of the same Species It is one Office personally to Teach Oversee Rule and Worship with them and another to do none of these to one of a thousand but to send the Churchwardens a Book of Articles § 318. 4. A fourth Charge is That it setteth up a New Church-Form which is unlawful instead of that of Christ's institution that is a Diocesan Church consisting of many hundred Parishes which none of them are Churches according to the Diocesan Frame but parts of one Church It hath been shewed that this Diocesan Church is of another Species than the Parochial one being for personal Communion which the other is uncapable of the far greatest part of the Members never seeing their Pastor nor knowing one another any more than if they lived in several parts of the World And that this Church Form is new is proved already that is that there was no Diocesan Church having many stated Congregations and Altars much less many hundreds and all under one only Bishop or Governour either in Scripture time or two hundred years after excepting only that in Alexandria and Rome some shew of more Assemblies than one under one Bishop appeared a little sooner Here note That it is not an Archbishop's Church that we are speaking of who is but the General Pastor or Bishop having other Bishops and Churches under him but it is a Church infimae Speciei commonly called a particular Church which hath no other Churches or Bishops under it
him 3. That executively it is to be done by every one in their places the Pastors giving or denying the Sacraments c. and the People holding or refusing Communion or Company with Men according as they are judged by the Church I think there is no Controversie among us about these § 325. 3. And therefore the Work will resolve us of the place viz. That the Execution must be in that place where he had or desired Communion or was capable of it And therefore that the Iudgment should be by those that being upon the place have fullest opportunity to know the Persons and the Case Even by those Pastors who labour amongst the People that are over them in the Lord 1 Thess. 5. 12 13. who have the rule over them and preach to them the Word of God Hebr. 13. 7 17 24. and not by those that are strangers to them § 326. 4. And as to the Manner all Divines are agreed That it is not to be like the proceedings of a Civil Court where there is no more to be done but examine the Cause and pass the Sentence and execute it by Corporal Penalties and Mulcts But 1. That it is to be managed by grave Divines the Physicians of Souls for the saving of the Sinner if it may be with great seriousness and light and weight of Scripture Argument convincing the Erroneous terrifying the Secure with the terrours of the Lord reproving and admonishing and perswading the penitent Offender and all this with Love and Compassion and due Patience and restoring the Penitent with Tenderness and Consolation and necessary Caution From all which it is evident That one single Person thus dealt with in case of Heresie may hold the Pastor or Bishop many days time and one gross Sinner may hold him many hours time before this Work can be done as the Nature and Ends of it do require 2. And it is to be done by the meer Keys of the Kingdom of Christ by managing God's Word by particular Application to the Case and Conscience of the Sinner and not by outward Force of Penalties § 327. 5. And all this is apparent in the Ends of it which is 1. That Churchâ—Communion may be a Communion of Saints 2. That the Sinner may be saved and converted to that end 3. Or however that others may be warned by his sad Example 4. And that the unbelieving and ungodly World may see the Excellency of Christian Religion and not be hardened in their Infidelity and Impietyâ— 5. And so that Christ and the Father by him may be honoured in his holiness among the Sons of Men These are the Ends of Church-Discipline § 328. 3. And as you see what the Discipline is that is to be Exercised so the Number of Persons on whom it is to be exercised may be gathered from what is said in the beginning where is shewed 1. How many hundred Parishes are in a Diocess 2. How many hundred or thousand Souls in a Parish unless the very smallest 3. And how many Hereticks Atheists Papists Infidels or Swearers Cursers Railers Drunkards Fornicators and other scandalous Sinners there are proportionably in most Parishes I leave to the judgment of every faithful Pastor that ever tried it by a particular knowledge of his Flock § 329. 4. And lastly who they be that are to Exercise all this Discipline I have shewed before even one Court or Consistory in a whole Diocess with the inconsiderable subserviency of the Arch-Deacon's Court For the Rural Deans do nothing in it and are themselves scarce known and the Pastor and Churchwardens do nothing but present Men to the Courts and execute part of their Sentences § 330. All this being laid together the impossibility of Christ's Discipline in our Churches is undeniable 1. Because by this Computation there must stand at once before the Court many thousand Persons to be at once examined convinced reproved exhorted or a great Multitude at least whenas they can speak but to one at once 2. Because the second Admonition which should be before two or three is there before an open Judicature which is not suited to the appointed End so that really our Controversie with the Diocesans is the same in effect as if it were controverted whether a thousand or six hundred Schools shall have as many governing School-masters or whether one only shall govern all these Schools and the rest of the School-masters have only power to â—each and not to govern were it only whether one should have a general Inspection over the rest that they may be punished for Malc-administration we should not be so far disagreed for though we might question whether Christ ever made or allowed any such Officer besides the Magistrate yet if the Work were but done by any we should judge it more tolerable Or the Controversie is as if it were questioned whether all the Diocess should have any more than one Physician that should have any power to prescribe any Government to the Patients and all the rest should only read general Lectures of Physick to them and be his Apothecaries to carry them his Prescripts and Medicines which were to question whether most shall have any Physician or none and whether the People shall have their Lives sacrificed to the mad Ambition of some one Man that would be their only Physician Shifting may deceive the unexperienced but let any Minister in England be but so faithful as to know all his Flock and regard their Souls and he can never deny that this is the true Case For my own part the Lord knoweth that I did with too much remisness exercise some Discipline a few years when I had liberty in one Country Parish upon one of the most Reformed People in the Land and that with the help of many Fellow-Ministers and of many of the People in their places and the countenance and presence of three Justices of the Peace and yet I found the burden too great for me and that one half of that Parish would have been enough It is in this as in Military Discipline or Navigation The Judgment of that Man that never tried it is of very little value in the Case Do but try the Government of one Parish in the Scripture way and we shall not differ § 331. And the Nonconformists further prove that our Prelacy maketh this Discipline morally impossible thus Were it not morally impossible some one godly Bishop in England would have executed it as Christ appointeth But no one godly Bishop in England doth or ever did so execute it Ergo The Major will not be denied of a Moral Impossibility or at least of a difficulty next it That which no one Man no not the wisest or the best ever did may well be called morally impossible or neer it And that England hath had some such Bishops we are not so uncharitable as to question when we remember Hooper Farrar Latimer Cranmer Ridley Iewel Grindall Hall and many more And I never met with
Non-Subscribers to speak de materia necessaria 2. The Text expresly limiteth the indulgence to a daughter in the family or a wife and doth not extend it to the stronger Sex 3. It limiteth it to Families where the Ruler is still at hand and extendeth it not to Kingdoms 4. It doth not prove the Obligation null from the beginning but only dissolved afterward by the Father's or Husband's dispensation as many Verses express 5. Therefore to pretend a parity of reason for a King 's dispensing with his Subjects Vows is a bare pretence and unproved and disproved 6. If it would hold then it is in the power of Kings to save all their Subjects from the guilt of Perjury by dispensing with all their Vows 7. This Law in Numbers is no further in force than it appeareth to belong to the Law of Nature or of Christ For as Moses's Law it dy'd with Christ and was nailed to his Cross Though the general equity of it be still of force 8. How many Thousands in this Land and Scotland never knew of the King's Declaration against the Covenant How then could that dispense with their Vows which they never knew of nor possibly could know of being in the Parliaments Garrisons or Quarters 9. What 's this to all those that took it when the King was dead and therefore could not dispense with their Oaths 10. What is this to the King himself who took it long after his Father's Death over whom no man had a dispensing Power 11. What 's this to all those that took it after the present King had taken it and published a Declaration for it Did not this then confirm the Obligation Though for my part I am one of those that think that the Scots did ill unmannerly disobediently unlawfully inhumanly foolishly in forcing the King to take the Covenant against his will and to publish so harsh a Declaration against his Father's Actions contrary to his own Iudgment Yet it is his open Declarations and not his secret Unwillingness which his distant Subjects could take notice of So that this reason seemeth strongly to make against the pleaders of it because of the King 's confirming Act. § 378. 6. The sixth Reason is That the People cannot lawfully endeavour the change of Church Government without the King Answ. 1. Cannot the Subjects petition and the Parliament speak and vote without him and petition him also 2. Cannot a Bishop lawfully advise the King to do it if the King ask his Advice 3. Cannot the Subjects endeavour it if the King command them Are they all bound to disobey the King if he should command their Service for the Change of Prelacy into the Primitive Episcopacy Their Place and Calling is to do it when the King commandeth them And so many of them understood and took it And it seemeth too near a kin to Rebellion to say that no Subject must obey the King in such a matter though he swear it If you say This is never like to be I answer No Man knoweth what Change the Mind of Kings as well as other Men may admit And they that read the King's Declaration in Scotland thought they had a visible proof of it 4. And what 's all this to the King 's own Act who took it himself whom we must also by our Subscription disoblige § 379. 7. The seventh Reason answereth this That the King took not the same Covenant mentioned in the Act of Uniformity but another Answ. This is so thin a shift that the King himself doth not own it but saith That his Enemies drove him to it against his will As if mutatis mutandis the various Names and Cases of Persons made an Oath or Covenant not to be the same Because it 's said in the beginning We Noble men Knights c. and not We the King and Nobles they suppose another Name or Person maketh it specifically another Covenant Or because the Article of protecting the King's Person belonged not to him to take § 380. 8. Another Reason is That the King was forced to it Answ. The more to be blamed are they that did it then But all the World acknowledgeth that the Will of Man cannot be forced absolutely and that a voluntary Act though caused by necessity or terrour is moral and that a Promise made to Man much more a Vow to God in materia licita though forced by a Robber that would take away ones Life may yet be Obligatory A Man that may choose whether he will vow or die is bound by his Vow if he choose it before Death Though yet the choosing it may possibly be his sin § 381. 9. Mr. Fullwood's great Reason is That the King was pre-engaged to take the Corporation Oath as Heir of the Crown and consequently engaged to Episcopacy and consequently he was not obliged against it by the Covenant Answ. 1. If he were not obliged to take the Crown he was not obliged to take that Oath If he were obliged under the Peril of a Sin to take the Crown then Charles the Fifth and other Princes that have laid down Crowns or refused them have sinned unless some peculiar Reason be here brought But this is not affirmed by any That a Prince may not lawfully refuse a Crown unless when it would hazard the Happiness of the Kingdom 2. He might have taken the Crown with an alteration of that Oath Who ever said That the King and Parliament have not power to change that Oath who can change the Laws 3. Who can prove that it is any violation of that Oath or wrong to the liberties of the Church which the King sweareth to preserve to change the Prelacy into the Primitive Episcopacy by taking down Lay-Chancellors and restoring Pastoral Power c. any more than it was to take down Abbots and to cast out the Pope and to subject the Clergy to the Magistrate who before were much exempt All these seem to be much more against the Liberties of that which was called the Church when this Oath was formed than the shewing Mercy to Prelates and the whole Land by reducing them to a lawful rank can be 4. Do any Casuists in the World teach such Doctrine That a former Oath is null because some Conveniencies required the taking of a later 5. If this hold true then God's Law which is former and higher than all having first made it as many Non-Subscribers think a sin to cherish the Diocesan Frame at all and consequently to swear to do it the question is Whether the Obligation to swear the upholding of them or the Obligation not to swear it were the greater § 382. To Mr. Fullwood's further Reason is That it is injustice to cast out so many Men from their possessed Dignities and Estates and therefore no Vow can oblige any to it Answ. 1. If indeed it were so then the Vow extending but to our Places and Callings cannot bind us to it But is it any Injustice to make a Law
against Prelacy in Specie and to let their Places and Honours die with them The Government may be so altered without putting out any Man if none be put in to succeed them when they die 2. And what if the King continue them as Church-Magistrates only to do what his own Officers may do to keep the Churches Peace as Justices and continue their Baronies and their Lands and Places in Parliament and only reform the pretended Spiritual Power of the Keys would not this have been a taking down of Prelacy without the wrong of any 3. Or what if he had taken down all their Power and given them a Writ of Ease and therewith left them durante vita their Estates and Honours Would this have been any injury to them 4. If Prelacy be as sinful as the Non-Subscribers foregoing Arguments would prove can it be injustice to save a Man from Sin and Hell and to save all the Churches from such Calamity for some fleshly abatements that follow to a few Persons 5. Was it injustice to put down the Abbots Or cannot King and Parliament do good by Laws to the Church or Commonwealth whenever a single Person or a few do suffer by it 6. Especially where the Maintenance is Publick and given for the Work and the Work is for the Publick Good Doth any Prince scruple the removing of an intolerable Pilot or Captain from a Ship Or an intolerable Minister from the Church Or an intolerable Officer from the Court though it be to his loss For my part I never accused them for casting out so many Hundred Ministers from their Livings or Benefices upon supposition that it be no wrong to Christ and Mens Souls to cast us out of the Church but should rather justifie it § 383. 11. The last and not the weakest Reason against the Obligation of the Covenant is That if it were lawful before for subjects to petition and Parliament Men to speak and vote against Prelacy yet now it is not because by this Act the Parliament hath made it unlawful Answ. 1. The Parliament doth only declare their sense of a thing past that no Man is bound and not enact by a Law that no Man shall henceforth be bound 2. If it had been otherwise all Protestants confess that neither Pope nor any Earthly Power can dispense with Oaths and Vows 3. They do not so much as prohibit all Men to endeavour an alteration of Government in the Church but only forbid them to say That they are bound to it by the Covenant 4. They have allowed Subjects to petition for the change of Laws so they do it but ten at a time 5. The Parliament is not by any Man to be accused of such a Subversion of Liberties and of Parliaments Priviledges and of the Constitution of the Kingdom as to forbid Subjects petitioning and all Parliament Men speaking and to disable the King and Parliament from changing a Law when they see cause If they should do any of this the Charges now brought against the Long Parliament would teach and allow us to suppose all to be null 6. If the Laws of God be against Prelacy those oblige above all Humane Laws And he that should forbid another to save him or his Neighbour when he is drowning doth not by that prohibition make the saving of them unlawful before God § 384. Now to the Latitudinarians addition of Reasons de modo sensu 1. They say that the Act extendeth not to the King at all when it biddeth us subscribe that there is no Obligation on me or any other person for Laws being made for Subjects are to be interpreted only of Subjects unless when the King is named To this it is easily answered That they distinguish not between the King as the Subject of a Law and the King as the Object of my Assertion or Belief It 's true that the Law speaketh of Subjects only whenever it speaketh of the Duty of Subjects and the King is no Subject But it is as true that the Law speaketh of the King only whenever it speaketh of the Prerogatives of the Crown and Soveraignty and as the Object of the Subjects Acts of Loyalty The question is not here Who is commanded by this Act but who is obliged by the Covenant or Vow And if I be commanded to say that no person is obliged without any limitation I can with no reason except the King whom the Law excepteth not Princes may be obliged by Vows as well as others and their Obligations may be the Subject of our Assertions and Belief § 385. 2. The second Reason is Because the King's Government is part of that whose alteration is declared against therefore be can be none of the any other persons Answ. 1. So the Prelates are the Persons whose Government is here mentioned and yet no doubt they are included in the any other persons as their Chancellors Commissaries Deans c. 2. If the King may be included when it is said That no Man must extirpate Monarchy no not the King much more when it is said That no Man may extirpate Prelacy for there the reason of the Objection faileth § 386. 3. They further say That the Act meaneth only that no Man is bound by the Vow to endeavour against Law as by Rebellion Sedition Treason c. and not that Subjects may not petition Parliament Men speak or King and Parliament alter the Law which they prove because it was taking up Arms and illegal Actions only that the old Parliament was blamed for Answ. This one pretence hath drawn abundance of laudable Persons to Subscribe but how unsatisfactory it is may thus appear 1. Why then could it never be procured to have the word unlawfully put into the Act when it was know that in that sence none of us would have scrupled it 2. All Casuists agree that Universal Terms in or about Oaths and Vows must not be understood any otherwise than Universally without apparent cogent Reason On such Terms as these else a Man may take any Oath in the World or disclaim any The Parliament hath exactly tyed Subscribers to the particular words and they long deliberated to express their own sence And they say neither I nor any other person and now cometh an Expositor and saith The King is not the any other person What! Is he no Person or is he not another Person So they say no Obligation lieth on us to endeavour and the Latitudinarian saith That I may endeavour it and that they mean no Endeavour but unlawful This contradictory Exception and Exposition is against all common Use and Justice and such as will allow a Man to cheat the State by saying or unsaying any thing in the World 3. We have many a time told some Latitudinarians how this matter may be soon decided if they will The Parliament hath past another Act with the self same words in it making it Confiscation for any Man to say That he or any other person is
could be And their Arguments as many though I thought not so good Many Books came out against hearing Common Prayer and against hearing any of the present Parish Ministers One said to be by Mr. Iohn Godwin and another by one Mr. Brown of Worcestershire a fervent injudicious honest Fifth-Monarchy-man and many more that made the Common Prayer to be no less than Idolatry Because it was not prescribed by the Scripture they said it is false Worship and false Worship they said was one Species of Idolatry by which arguing they would have made every fault in any of our Prayers or other Worship to be Idolutry For Scripture prescribeth not any disorder or other fault in Prayer but forbiddeth it and so they may on the same account call it false Worship and Idolatry But many honest People were led to depart too far from the Parish Assemblies and from Charity and Unity it self by such weak reasonings as these Yea many turned Quakers because the Quakers kept their Meetings openly and went to Prison for it cheerfully and because they would not joyn with the late imposed Ministry and Worship which was so bad in their esteem that their hearts rose against any Debate in which we would but question it When I hear men cry out against us as dangerous Schismaticks even when we deny not Communion with the conformable Parish Ministers meerly because we cease not preaching when the Magistrates and Prelates command us so to do notwithstanding the notorious necessity of the People it bringeth to my thoughts two remarkable Passages there met with The first of the Eastern Churches Alexandria Antiâ—ch Câ—sares c. which stuck to their old Pastors in private Meetings and refused the new obtruded Bishops suspected of Arrianism notwithstanding the Emperour Valens his Prohibition and his contrary Commands and his personal violent Impedition The like was done in Constantine's time The second is of many Bishops in Africa who by Gensericâ—â— were forbid to preach and when they obeyed him not their Tongues were cut out And God by a Miracle justified their Disobedience to the King and they spake as well as when they had their Tongues Among many Historians who report this I remember two credible ones who profess that they saw and heard the men speak themselves after the cutting out of their Tongues One is Victor Uticensis and as I remember the other is Aenaem Gazem § 434. I confess some of those that were for Separation from the Parish Churches spake so plausibly that it was no wonder that most of the Religious sort followed them They said that 1. We have but lately sworn in the Covenant against Superstition and for a Reformation and shall we all so soon return to Liturgies and Ceremonies c. at the Will of Man 2. As Conformity so Separation is now another thing than it was when the old Non-conformists wrote against the Brownists the Churches being far more polluted 3. We are commanded to avoid them that walk disorderly and not to bid them good speed that bring false Doctrine and not to eat with them c. And Cyprian saith That it belongeth to the People to avoid a bad Pastor and that if they do it not they must not think themselves innocent though Synods cast them not out And what sin say they can be more heinous than to break their Vows with God so solemnly and in such dreadful Expressions made and to Subscribe under their Hands That neither Prince nor People in Three Kingdoms ought to reform such a corrupted undisciplin'd Church no not though they have Sworn to endeavour it and not only to be Perjured themselves but to justifie Three Kingdoms in the Guilt of Perjury to dishonour our Nation before all the World and teach them to name it Insula Perfidorum the Perjured Island To declare openly for the absolute Slavery of the Kingdoms whose Liberty their Ancestors preferred before their Lives declaring that it is not lawful by Arms to save my Purse or Throat from Thieves if they say they have the King's Commission for it â—or shew it To Assent and Consent unfeignedly to all the Corruptions imposed on them To make all this a Ministerial Sin by Publishing or Reading it before all the Congregation To turn to all this unfaithfully without ever Debating the Case with the ablest that differed from them or else going on when they were Silenced in Conference and had nothing to say Are these men for us to hold Communion with 4. God will be worshipped with the best and curseth them that offer him the blind and lame when they have better in their Flocks 5. The Churches are not only undisciplined but the Pastors by Subscription justifie it and compel by cruel Persecution all Men to Communicate with them thrice a year both the Good against their Consciences and the Bad against the Word of God to their Condemnation And shall we Communicate with such § 435. To these sad and heavy Accusations we answered 1. The Covenant bound us to our best to reform but did not bind us to sin that is to forsake all Christian Churches among us and all Publick Worship when we cannot reform as we desire As I am bound to amend all the Disorders and Faults of my own Prayers but not to give over praying till I can amend them Nay the Covenant bindeth us to come to the Assemblies in that it bindeth us against Schism Prophaneness and whatsoever is against sound Doctrine and Godliness 2. I confess that Conformity is not the same thing as it was in the Brownists time But yet the Difference is not so great as to make Separation lawful now which was unlawful then In one great Point the Case of the Church was worse then than it is now in that the multitude of the People being new turned from Popery by the bare Will of the Queen and Parliament were far more ignorant than now they are when the Gospel hath made the People much more understanding and reformed insomuch that in some few great Towns and Parishes a considerable part of the People are zealous Professors of Religion that daily worship God in their Families 3. There is a great deal of Difference between God's Commands to a Church to cast out and avoid particular Sinners by way of Disciplinary Reformation and a particular Person 's avoiding whole Churches and that before the Neighbouring Churches have in any Synod declared them unfit for our Communion The former may be found but any Command for the latter you will hardly find in Scripture but contrarily it was the practice of Schismaticks and Hereticks For how can you proceed in Christ's method of Admonition with such whole Churches At least till they are notoriously Heretical or intolerably corrupt and obstinate therein you cannot avoid them The Churches of Corinth Galatia Ephesus Sardis Laodicea Thiatyra c. had foul Corruptions and are commanded to execute Discipline on the Members but no Members commanded to forsake the Churches
that Traytorous Positon of taking Arms by his Authority against his Person or against those that are Commissionated by Him in pursuance of such Commission And that I will not at any time endeavour any alteration of Government either in Church or State The Reasons of Men's refusal to take this Oath were such as these following 1. Because they that were no Lawyers must Swear not only that they think it is unlawful but that it is so indeed 2. Because they think that this setteth a Commission above an Act of Parliament And that if one by a Law be made General or Admiral during Life another by a Commission may cast him out And though the Law say He shall be guilty of Treason if he give up his Trust to any upon pretence of a Commission Yet by this Oath he is a Traytor if he resist any one that hath a Commission 3. Because they fear they are to Swear to a contradiction viz. to set the King 's bare Commission above a Law which is the Act of King and Parliament and yet not to endeavour the Alteration of Government which they fear least they endeavour by taking this Oath 4. Because they think that by this means the Subject shall never come to any certain Knowledge of the Rule of his Duty and consequently of his Duty it self For it is not possible for us to know 1. What is to be called a Commission and what not and whether an illegal Commission be no Commission as the Lawyers some of them tell us and what Commission is illegal and what not and whether it must have the broad Seal on only the little Seal or none 2. Nor can we know when a Commission is counterfeit The King's Commanders in the Wars never shewed their Commissions to them that they fought against at least ordinarily There was a Collonel of the King 's since his coming in that brought a Commission Sealed with the broad Seal to seize on all the Goods of a Gentleman in Bishopsgate-street in 〈◊〉 by which he carried them away But the Commission being proved counterfeit he was hanged for it But a Man that thus Seizeth on any Gentleman's Money on Goods may be gone before they can try his Commission if they may not resist him But the Parliament and Courts of Justice are the Legal publick Notifiers of the King's mind and by them the Subjects can have a regular certain notice of it So that if the Parliament were concluded to have no part in the Legislative Power but the King 's meer will to be our Law yet if the Parliament and Courts of Justice be erected as the publick Declarers of his will to the People they seem more regardable and credible than the words of a private unknown Man that saith he hath a Commission 5. And they think that this is to betray is to the King and give the Chancellour or Lord-Keeper power at his pleasure to depose him from his Crown and dispossess him of his Kingdoms For if the King by Law or Commission shall settle any Trusty Subject in the Government of Navy or Militia or Forts and command them to resist all that would disposseâ—â— them yet if the Lord Chancellor have a design to depose the King and shall Sealâ—â— Commission to any of his own Creatures or Confidents to take possession of the said Forts Garisons Militia and Navy none upon pain of Death must resist them but â—e taken for Traytors if they will not be Traytors yea though it were but whilst they send to the King to know his Will And when Traytors have once got possession of all the Strengths the detecting of their stand will be too late and to Sue them at Law will be in vain And he that remembreth That our Lord Chancellor is now banished who lately was the chief Minister of State will think that this is no needless fear 6. And they think that it is quite against the Law of God in Nature which obligeth â—s to quench a Fire or save the Life of one that is assaulted much more of our selves against one that would kill him and that else we shall be guilty of Murder And according to the preper Sense of this Oath If two Foot-boys get from the Lord Chancellor a Commission to kill all the Lords and Commons in Parliament or to set the City and all the Country on Fire no Man may be Force of Arms resist them Lords and Commons may not save their Lives by force not the City their Houses And by this way no Man shall dwell or travel in safety while any Enemy or Thief may take away his Life or Purse or Goods by a pretended Commission and if we defend our selves but while we send to try them we are Traytors and few have the means of such a Tryall 7. They think by this means no Sheriff may by the Posse Comitatus execute the Decrees of any Court of Justice if 〈◊〉 can but get a Commission for the contrary 8. They think that Taxes and Subsidies may be raised thus without Parliaments and that all Men's Estates and Lives are at the meer will of the King or the Lord Chancellor For if any be Commissioned to take them away we have no remedy For to say that we have our Actions against them in the Courts of Justice is but to say that when all is taken away we may cast away more if we had it For what good will the Sentence of any Court do us if it pass on our side as long as a Commission against the Execution of that Sentence must not be resisted unless a piece of Paper be as good as an Estate 9. And they think that by this Oath we Swear to disobey the King if at any time he command us to endeavour any alteration of the Church-Government as once by this Commission to some of us he did about the Liturgy 10. And they think that it is a serving the Ambition of the Prelates and an altering of the Government to Swear never to endeavour any alteration of Church-Government yea and to put the Church-Government before the State-Government and so to make the Prelacy as unalterable as Monarchy and to twist it by an Oath into the unalterable Constitution of the Government of the Land and so to disable the King and Parliament from ever endeavouring any alteration of it For if the Subjects may not at any time nor by any means endeavour the King will have none to execute his Will if he endeavour it And if Divines who should be the most tender avoiders of Perjury and all Sin shall lead the way in taking such an Oath who can expect that any others after them should scruple it And it was endeavoured to have been put upon the Parliament 11. And they think that there is a great deal in the English Diocesian Frame of Church-Government which is very sinful and which God will have all Men in their places and callings to endeavour to reform
as that the Bishop of the lowest degree instead of ruling one Church with the Presbyters ruleth many hundred Churches by Lay-Chancellors who use the Keys of Excommunication and Absolution c. And they take it for an Act of Rebellion against God if they should Swear never to do the Duty which he commandeth and so great a Duty as Church-Reformation in so great a Matter If it were but never to pray or never to amend a fault in themselves they durst not Swear it 12. This Oath seemeth to be the same in Sence with the Et caetora Oath in the Canons of 1640. That we will never consent to an alteration of the Government by Arch-Bishops Bishops Deans c. And one Parliament voted down that and laid a heavy charge upon it which no Parliament since hath taken off 13. As the National Vow and Covenant seemeth a great Snare to hinder the Union of the Church among us in that it layeth our Union on an exclusion of Prelacy and so excludeth all those learned worthy Men from our Union who cannot consent to that Exclusion so the laying of the Kingdoms and Churches Union upon the English Prelacy and Church-Government so as to exclude all that cannot consent to it doth seem as sure an Engine of Division We think that if our Union be centered but in Christ the King of all and in the King as his Officer and our Soveraign under him it may be easie and sure But if we must all unite in the English Frame of Prelacy we must never Unite § 15. Those that take the Oath do as those that Subscribe resolve that they will understand it in a lawful Sense be it true or false and so to take it in that Sense To which end they say that nullum iniquum est in Lege praesumendum and that all publick Impositions must be taken in the best Sense that the Words will bear And by force and stretching what words may not be well interpreted But the Nonconformists go on other grounds and think that about Oaths Men must deal plainly and sincerely and neither stretch their Consciences nor the Words nor interpret universal Terms particularly but according to the true meaning of the Law-givers as far as they can understand it and where they cannot according to the proper and usual signification of the Words And the Parliament themselves tell us That this is the true Rule of interpreting their Words Beyond which therefore we dare not stretch them § 16. And therefore 14. They dare not take the Oath because if it be not to be taken in the proper or ordinary Sense of the Words then they are sure that they cannot understand it for it doth not please the Parliament to expound it And Oaths must be taken in Truth Judgment and Righteousness and not ignoranatly when we know that we understand them not § 17. The Lawyers even the honestest are commonly for a more stretching Exposition And those that speak out say That an illegal Commission is none at all But we our selves go further than this would leads us for we judge That even an illegally commissioned Person is not to be resisted by Arms except in such Cases as the Law of Nature or the King himself by his Laws or by a contrary Commission alloweth us to resist him But if Commissions should be contradictory to each other or to the Law we know not what to Swear in such a case § 18. But because much of the Case may be seen in these following Questions which upon the coming out of that Act I put to an able worthy and sincere Friend with his Answers to them I will here Insert them viz. Serjeant Fountain Queries upon the Oxford Oath We presuppose it commonly resolved by Casuists in Theology from the Law of Nature and Scripture 1. That Perjury is a Sin and so great a Sin as tendeth to the ruin of the Peace of Kingdoms the Life of Kings and the Safety of Mens Souls and to make Men unfit for Humane Society Trust or Converse till it be repented of 2. That he that Sweareth contrary to his Iudgment is Perjured though the thing prove true 3. That we must take an Oath in the Imposer's Sense as near as we can know it if he be our Lawful Governour 4. That an Oath is to be taken sensu strictiore and in the Sense of the Rulers Imposing it if that be known if not by the Words interpreted according to the common use of Men of that Profession about that subject And Vniversals are not to be interpreted as Particulars nor must we limit them and distinguish without very good proof 5. That where the Sense is doubtful we are first to ask which is the probable Sense before we ask which is is the best and charitablest Sense and must not take them in the best Sense when another is more probable to be the true Sense Because it is the Truth and not the Goodness which the Vnderstanding first considereth Otherwise any Oath almost imaginable might be taken there being few Words so bad which are not so ambiguous as to bear a good Sense by a forced Interpretation And Subjects must not cheat their Rulers by seeming to do what they do not 6. But when both Senses are equally doubtful we ought in Charity to take the best 7. If after all Means faithfully used to know our Rulers Sense our own Vnderstandings much more incline to think one to be their meaning than the other we must not go against our Vnderstandings 8. That we are to suppose our Rulers fallible and that it 's possible their decrees may be contrary to the Law of God but not to suspect them without plain cause These things supposed we humbly crave the Resolution of these Questions about the present Oath and the Law Qu. 1. Whether upon any pretence whatsoever refer not to any Commissionated by him as well as to the King himself 2. Whether not lawful extendeth only to the Law of the Land or also to the Law of God in Nature 3. Whether I Swear that it is not lawful do not express my peremptory certain Determination and be not more than I Swear that in my Opinion it is not lawful 4. What is the Traytorous Position here meant for here is only a Subject without a Praedicate which is no Position at all and is capable of various Praedicates 5. If the King by Act of Parliament commit the Trust of his Navy Garrison or Militia to one durante vita and should Commissionate another by force to eject him whether both have not the King's Authority or which 6. If the Sheriff raise the Posse Commitatus to suppress a Riot or to execute the Decrees of the Courts of Justice and fight with any Commissioned to resist him and shall keep up that Power while the Commissioned Persons keep up theirs which of them is to be judged by the Subjects to have the King's Authority 7. If a Parliament or a
Authority yet upon four other grounds it is lawful to take up Arms against his Army 1. Because as Willius and other Politicians say the Majestas realis is in the People 2. Because some Lawyers say That the People of England have as Hooker and Bâ—lson calls them fore-prized Liberties which they may defend and the Parliament hath part of the Legislative Power by the Constitution of the Kingdom 3. Because the Law of Nature and Charity requireth the Defence of our Selves Posterity and Country 4. And because Scripture requireth the same They that will say That the Oath hath left all these Pleas or Evasions for Fighting against the King's Armies do make it utterly useless to the ends for which it was intended and make the Authors to have been strangely blinded 2. Note That he takes the Word Lawful to extend to all Laws of Nature Scripture or whatever And 3. That he takes these Words It is not Lawful to mean no more than I judge or think it is not Lawful As if all our Parliament Men with the Learned Bishops had not had Wit enough to have said so if they had meant so but said one thing and meant another 4. I confess I stick not much on the Fourth Quaere but its plain that the Subject named is capable of various Predicates yea of contrary and of taking Arms may be applied to an opertet a litet a factum est yea or a non licet though the licet I doubt not is their Sense 5. Note That the Answer to the Fifth is a meer putting off the Answer For the Question is Whether the Act of Parliament or the private Commission be more Authoritative And he answereth That which is Lawful which implieth that he was not willing to speak out 6. Note that he plainly concludeth that a Sheriff hath the King's Authority to resist by the Posse Comitatus the King 's Commissioned Officers that would hinder him from Executing the Decrees of a Court of Justice And doth not this either cross the intent of the Imposers or give up the whole Cause Doth it not grant that either it is lawful by the King's Authority given to the Sheriff by the Law c. for him by Arms to resist the King's Commissioners Or else that they be resisted as not Commissioned because their Commission is unlawful And what did the Parliament's Army desire more If a Sheriff by the Sentence of an inferiour Court may raise Arms against the King's Army as not Commissioned you will teach the Parliament to say That their Judgment is greater than an inferiour Court's 7. And it is possible That Commissions may be contrary of the same date who then can know which is the Traytor 8. The Seventh is a putting off the Answer like the Fifth 9. Note especially that of the Eighth Quaere which implyeth divers Instances of Cases in which Grotius Barclay Bilson c. say That it is Lawful to take Arms against the King he seemeth wholly to grant it and maketh it but like a Cavil to suppose that those Cases ever came into the Parliament's Thoughts And I am much in that of the good Man's Mind But if they will Swear me to an Universal while they forget particular Exceptions that will not make the Oath Lawful to me For 1. It is not certain to me That they would have excepted those things if they had remembred them 2. Much less can I tell which and how many things they would have excepted 3. And how could the wit of Man devise Words more exclusive of all Exceptions than to say It is not Lawful on any pretence whatsoever Are those in the Eighth Quaere no pretences whatsoever I dare not thus stretch my Conscience about an Oath when I know that the Authors were Learned Crasty willing to extend it far enough and Men that understood English and spake in a matter of their own Concernment and Employment Therefore by any pretence whatsoever I cannot think that they meant to exclude so many Pretences as the Eighth Case speaks of 10. Note also That he alloweth Parliaments Judges or private Men even by the King's Authority in his Laws to defend their Lives their Houses Estates Purses and Companions against such as are Commissioned to Surprize them Which is because he taketh such to be really no Commissions And so the Parliament and their Army would say in a Word That the King's Commissions to his Armies were no Commissions But this which the Lawyers wholly rest on I think in my Conscience was so contrary to the Imposers Sense that if it had been then mentioned they would have expresly put in some Words against it And if an illegal Commission be no Commission then there are not two sorts of Commissions one legal and the other illegal unless speaking Equivocally And this comes up to what Richard Hooker and the long Parliament said viz. That the King can do no wrong because if it be wrong it is not to be taken for the King's Act. 11. Note also That a Commission must be shewn if required and an illegal one is null And which of the Parliament's Souldiers ever saw the Commissions of those whom they Fought against Not one of many Thousands And was this think you the meaning of the Imposers of the Oath that it should be left to Men's Liberty to take an illegal Commission for none If this were declared who of all the Parliament's Army would not take this part of the Oath 12. To the Eleventh he answereth That the Oath is against altering Monarchy which none doubts of But whether the Power of Parliaments or Courts of Justice be included the good Man thought it not best to understand 13. He thinks that by Government is meant only the Species Monarchy and not the Person of the King as being sufficiently secured elsewhere whereas there is no such limitation in the Words but that he is to be esteemed a Changer of the Government who would depose the King and set up an Usurper 14. But if it do secure the King's Person as I think it doth and should do he thinks it extendeth not to the Persons of the Church-Governours because by Law they may be altered But 1. Here is no difference made in the Oath unless it be that the Government of the Church is put before that of the State 2. Therefore the Question is Whether this Oath be not contrary to those former Laws and do not settle the Bishops and Chancellors as fast as the King As to the plain Sense of the Words I find no difference And as to the meaning of the Law-makers it is hard otherwise to know it seeing they are of so many minds and various degrees of Capacity among themselves 15. And it is here confessed That the Clergy-Government is included yea and that the Oath meaneth the English Species and yet he thinketh that it prohibiteth not lawful Endeavours to make more Bishops and to take down Lay-Chancellors whereas 1. Chancellors are
ride them And all that never had skill to tame them or that had ever catch'd a fall by them were on this side Others said it was not lawful to use an Ass but yet they would have none denyed liberty herein save only that the Boys that see him should have leave to hoot The third sort preferred Horses but yet would have every Man have liberty to use a Horse or an Ass as he pleased and none to have liberty to hoot at them or openly deride them on either side The Matter came before the Judges The first sort confessed that Horses made a fairer shew but that was their Hypocrisie and that they went swiflier but it was to the Rider's overthrow And said what need you more than all our Experience when all we have been cast by them to the hazard of our Lives And we only are the King 's best Subjects and therefore by casting us you would depose the King and whatever you pretend you are Traytors and this lyeth at the bottom For no Subjects no King and if we must ride on Horses we shall be no Subjects long And â—o have some use Horses and some Asses will breed Factions and endless Divisions amongst us and what a ridiculous Monster will it make the Kingdom They that use Horses will still be deriding them that ride on Asses c. The other answered them 1. That the main cause of their misfortunes came from their own unskilfulâ—â—ss and disuse who had not Patience to learn to ride nor Humility to confess their unskilfulness And that it were better for the Kingdom that those that have more skill to â—ame Colâ—s and ride Horses were suffered to furnish the King and Kingdom with that nobler Breed than to dishonour it and wrong so many to serve the ignorance or slaggishness of some The first urged their Experience and the latter urged their contrary Experience till the Judge being a wise Man would have fain seen the Experience of the latter sort and have permitted them to ride a while before them But the other urged Will not all our past Experience warn you Will you yet be guilty of those Men's Blood The Judge answered It will be but the Rider's and none of yours Why pretend you to be more careful of their Lives than they are of their own even when you would have them Imprisoned or Banished So it came to the Tryal but the Accusers would needs choose the Horses and they chose none for the Tryal but unbroken Colts The other only desired that either they might have time to break these Colts first at their own peril or else might be tryed with such as they themselves had broken But the other cryed out Do you not hear now my Lord the impudence and unreasonableness of these brazen-faced Villains that will never be content Did not we tell you That nothing would satisfie them if you granted their Desires You have granted them a Tryal and now if they may not have their own Terms they are as unquiet as before Are these Fellows fit to be suffered in a peaceable Common-wealth But the King himself interposed as wiser than them all and said I will try them both on Colts and Horses so it came to the open Tryal and it so strangely happened that all the tamed Horses were ridden in a blameless Order and the Colts themselves cast not one of their Riders but only some time kick'd and bit at those that came too near them and strove a little against the Bit. This Experience had like to have carried it for Horses for the Judge said I see now it is but the Accusers fault that they have sped worse And the Defendents said We confess my Lord that Colts are Colts and must have labour and also that some Horses are too hot mettled and we are contented that you lay by those few if they prove untameable but not to banish all Horses and their Riders for their sakes This Motion seemed reasonable to some and I am persuaded it had prevailed but for two unhappy Arguments at the last 1. Said the Accusers my Lord you see that these Horses even the best ridden of them all are Factious They make a difference between the King's Subjects they will be ruled indeed but it is only by these Fellows that are used to them they would quickly cast Vs off if we should ride them And then they say it is our unskilfulness when it is nothing but their seditious unruly humour My Lord We can name you as worthy Men and skilful Riders as any are in the World that have been cast by Horses And moreover it appeareth That Nature never made them for Man's use for they have not their Gentleness as the Asses have by nature but only by much force and use And who knoweth not forced things will quickly return like an unstringed Bow to their natural state which here is nothing but unruly fierceness And besides when in all Ages it must cost so much ado to tame them with the hazard of Men's lives Men will at last be weary of so much pains as well as we 2. But if all this will not do in a word if you banish them not you are not Caesar's Friend for we can tell you of a Horse that once cast an Emperor to the loss of his life who was as good and as skilful a Rider as any in the World This last Word stopt the Defendent's Mouths For though they whispered among themselves 1. That the main fault was in the Riders that should have better tamed that Horse for the Emperor 2. And that a Man in white was seen to put Nettles under the Horses Tail and continually to keep and prick in his side and to beat him on 3. That many thousand Irish-Men frighted him with Guns and Fire-balls 'till he was not himself 4. That it was an extraordinary fierce natur'd Horse 5. The Accusers themselves were the unskilful Riders who first spoiled them 6. That it hath been revenged already by the Blood of many who had the last Hand in spoiling the Horse 7. That they abhor the Thoughts of the Action as well as the Accusers and are content that as strict Laws be made as may be for skilful Riders and for a careful choice for the King 's own Saddle with more such like yet this was so tender a Point that very few of the Defendents durst speak out and so And here also the defendents fell into differences among themselves when the point of necessity some that had pleaded most for Horses would make use of Asses rather than none And others for it called them Turn-Coats and the Servants of Tyranny But how the Controversie is like to end I told you before I have but one word to say for expounding my Parable that by Horses I do not mean Non-conformists unless as any of them fall under another Genus It is serious Religious Persons that I mean who are scorned as Puritans Zealots and Precisians
Persecution and hoped ere long to stand on his own Legs and then they should see how much he was against it By this means many score Nonconformable Ministers in London kept up Preaching in private Houses Some 50 some 100 many 300 and many 1000 or 2000 at a Meeting by which for the present the City's Necessities were much supplied For very few burnt Churches were yet built up again about 3 or 4 in the City which yet never moved the Bishops to relent and give any Favour to the Preaching of Nonconformists And though the best of England of the Conformists for the most part were got up to London alas they were but few And the most of the Religious People were more and more alienated from the Prelates and their Churches § 192. Those that from the beginning thought they saw plainly what was doing lamented all this They thought that it was not without great Wit that seeing only a Parliament was trusted before the King with the People's Liberties and could raise a War against him Interest ruling the World it was contrived that this Parliament should make the severest Laws against the Nonconformists to grind them to dust and that the King should allay the Execution at his pleasure and become their Protector against Parliaments and they that would not consent to this should suffer And indeed the Ministers themselves seemed to make little doubt of this But they thought 1. That if Papists shall have liberty it is as good for them also to take theirs as to be shut out 2. And that it is not lawful for them to refuse their present Liberty though they were sure that Evil were design'd in granting it 3. And that before Men's desigâ—s can come to ripeness God hath many ways to frustrate them and by drawing one Pin can let fall the best contrived Fabrick But still remember that all Attempts to get any Comprehension as it was then called or abatement of the Rigour of the Laws or Legal Liberty and Union were most effectually made void § 193. At this time there was Printed in Holland the Thesis or Exercise Performed at the Commencement for the Degree of Dr. of Law by one of the King's Subjects a Scots-Man Rob. Hamilton In which he largely proveth the Necessity of a standing Treasury in a Kingdom and the power of the King to raise it and impose Tributes without the People's Consent and Dedicating it to the King and largely applying it to England he sheweth that Parliaments have no Legislative Power but what the King giveth them who may take it from them when He seeth Cause and put them down and raise Taxes according to his own Discretion without them And that Parliaments and Mâ—gna Charta are no impediments to him but Toys and that what Charter the former Kings did grant could be no Band on their Successors forgetting that so he would also disoblige the People from the Agreements made by their Predecessors as e. g. that this Family successively shall rule them c. with much more Whom Fame made to be the Animater of this Tractate I pass by § 194. There was this Year a Man much talk'd of for his Enterprises one Major Blood an English-man of Ireland This Man had been a Soldier in the old King's Army against the Parliament and seeing the Cause lost he betook himself towards Ireland to live upon his own Estate In his way he fell in Company with the Lancashire Ministers who were then Writing against the Army and against all violence to King or Parliament Blood being of an extraordinary Wit falls acquainted with them and not thinking that the Presbyterians had been so true to the King he is made the more capable of their Counsel so that in short he became a Convert and married the Daughter of an honest Parliament Man of that Countrey And after this in Ireland he was a Justice of Peace and Famous for his great Parts and upright Life and success in turning many from Popery When the King was Restored and he saw the old Ministers Silenced in the Three Kingdoms and those that had Surprized Dublin-Castle for the King from the Anabaptists cast aside and all things go contrary to his Judgment and Expectation being of a most bold and resolute Spirit he was one that plotted the Surprizing of the D. of Ormond and of Dublin Castle But being deâ—ected and prevented he fled into England There he lived disguised practising Physick called Dr. Clarke at Rumford When some Prisoners were carried to be put to Death at York for a Plot he followed and Rescued them and set them free At last it was found to be He with his Son and three or four more that attempted to Surprize the D. of Ormond and to have carried him to Holland where he had a Bank of Money and to have made him there to pay his Arrears Missing of that Exploit he made a bolder Attempt even to fetch the King's Crown and Jewels out of the Tower where pretending Friendship to the Keeper of it He with two more his Son and one Perrot suddenly Gagg'd the old Man and when he cryed out he struck him on the Head but would not kill him and so went away with the Crown But as soon as ever they were gone the Keeper's Son cometh in and finds his Father and heareth the Cafe and runs out after them and Blood and his Son and Perrot were taken Blood was brought to the King and expected Death but he spake so boldly that all admired him telling the King How many of his Subjects were disobliged and that he was one that took himself to be in a State of Hostility and that he took not the Crown as a Thief but an Enemy thinking that lawful which was lawful in a War and that he could many a time have had the King in his power but that he thought his Life was better for them than his Death lest a worse succeed him and that the number of Resolute Men disobliged were so great as that if his Life were taken away it would be revenged That he intended no hurt to the Person of the D. of Ormond but because he had taken his Estate from him he would have forced him to restore the value in Money and that he never Robb'd nor shed Blood which if he would have done he could easily have kill'd Ormond and easily have carried away the Crown In a word he so behaved himself that the King did not only release and pardon him but admit him frequently to his presence Some say because his Gallantry took much with the King having been a Soldier of his Father's Most say That he put the King in fear of his Life and came off upon Condition that he would endeavour to keep the discontented Party quiet § 195. Mr. Bagshaw in his rash and ignorant Zeal thinking it a Sin to hear a Conformist and that the way to deal with the Persecutors was to draw all the People as far from
Constitutive Essential Part of the Kingdom But we are not willing accordingly to Swear Subscribe or Covenant to every petty Officer in the Kingdom nor to approve of every Law Custom or Exercise of Government in it tho we would live peaceably under what we approve not And if a Law were made that he shall be Banished as an Overthrower or Vnderminer of the Government who would not so Covenant or Subscribe Houses and Lands would be cheaper than they are and the King have fewer Subjects than he hath For I am not acquainted with one Conscionable Man that I think would Subscribe it And why should all the King's Subjects be bound more strictly to the Human Part of Church Government than of State or Civil Government and to approve of Lay-Chancellours than of Civil Officers Or of the matter of Canons than of Civil and Common and Statute Laws 3. If it be a Crime to know it is a Crime to Iudge or to use our Reason and Observation If it be not it is no Crime for us to know that Clergy-Pride imposing a multitude of things small and doubtful on the Churches as the Conditions of Ministry and Communion and forcing Magistrates Ministers and People to consent to many unnecessary things in their Humane part of Government Liturgies and Ceremonies hath been so great an Engin of Schism and Blood and Confusions in the Roman Church as assureth us that it is no desirable thing that by us any thing like it should be consented to 4. And it is no Crime in us to be sure that if Subscribing to all the present Church-Government Liturgy and Ceremonies be the thing that shall be necessary to our Ministry and Union and Communion our present Dissentions and Divisions will not be healed unless by Killing or Banishing the Dissenters and as Tertullian speaketh Making solitude and calling it Peace 1. Prop. His Majesty's Subjects Legal Commission any other of his Subjects Stic c Deleatur Answ. 1. We did not think that it had been your meaning that we must make our selves Judges of the Case not only of all his Majestie 's Subjects but of all others in the World If the Judges will give it us under their Hands that it is not lawful upon any pretence whatsoever for the Subjects of any Prince on Earth to take Arms against any King of England or any Commissioned by him or that it is not possible for any War against us in any Age on any pretense whatever to be Lawful or else that they are sure that all the Kingdoms on Earth are so Constituted as that no where any Subjects may on any pretence take Arms against their Kings we shall accordingly submit to their Judgment But seeing Papists and Protestants Lawyers and Divines even Monarchical and Conformable say the contrary it were not modesty in us that are ignorant of Matters of Law to say that they are all mistaken till we are instructed to know it to be so For our parts we must profess our selves not acquainted with the Constitution of every Kingdom in the World 2. If Legal must be obliterated we shall our selves quietly submit to the Exercise accordingly and suffer from any one that saith he is Commissioned to hurt us if it be required of us But we are not skill'd in Law and thefore cannot say that all others are bound to do the like To deal plainly seeing Legal must be obliterated we understand not what the word Commission meaneth Whether it must have the King 's Broad-seal or the Lesser-seal or his Name only Whether the Commission and Seal must be shewed to those that are not to resist or proved to be Currant and how But that which causeth us to forbear subscribing is 1. We have taken the Oath of Allegiance and think that the King's Subjects are bound to defend his Life Crown and Dignity And we fear left by this the Lord Chancellour if not others may have power at his Pleasure to Depose the King that is to Seal Commissions to Confederates to take Possession of all his Navy Forts Garrisons Arms if not his House and Person and no man must resist them 2. We are not certain that a Commission can Repeal all that Law of Nature who obligeth a Man to preserve the Life of his Parents or Children or Neighbour We have not indeed any reason to fear that our King should grant such a Commission But who can deny but that it 's possible for some King or other to do it And seeing we know not when a Commission is counterfeit if two or three men come to my House and say they have a Commission to Kill my Father Mother Wife and Children and my self and shew it or if they Assault me and my Company on the High-way and shew a Commission to take our Purses and Kill us we are not sure that God will excuse us from the Duty of defending the Lives of our Parents Children and Friends Or if half a dozen should come to the Parliament and shew a Commission presently to kill them all or Burn the City and Kill all the Citizens or Kingdom we are not wise enough to know that neither Parliament City nor Kingdom may resist them And we find Parliaments so conceited that they have Propriety in Life and Goods and that none may at pleasure take them away and lay Taxes without their consent and that we fear if we should plainly say that whatever Taxes are laid or Estates or Goods or Persons seiz'd on or Decrees of Judges rejected by such Execution it were unlawful for the Sheriff or any others to resist they would trouble us for so saying And if an Admiral General or Lieutenant should be made by Act of Parliament Durante Vita and Authorized to resist any that would dispossess him we are not so Wise as to know whether he may not resist one to whom the Chancellour Sealeth a Commission to dispossess him And though we are confident that the Person of the King is inviolable yet if King Iohn did deliver up his Kingdom to the Pope we are not sure that the Kingdom might not have resisted any of the Pope's or any Foreign Prince's Agents if they had been Commissioned by the King to seize upon the Kingdom Or that no Subjects of any Foreign Prince may be resisted if they should come against us by such a Commission Had we the Judgment of the Judges in this Case we should submit as far as any reason could require us But tho we justify not Barclay Grotius Bishop Bilson and others of the contrary mind we must confess our selves not wise enough to Condemn them 1. Prop. Nor by any other unlawful means to endeavour Reformation Stric d Deleatur Vnlawful Ans. 1. Here we may see how many minds the Conformists are of or how unjustly all that I have debated the Case of Subscription with do affirm That by not endeavouring any Alteration is meant only not endeavouring by unlawful meanst which is here contradicted by a
one Mind in every word circumstance ceremony and mode of Worship and Discipline upon Christian conscientious terms Either they must absolutely believe as the Rulers bid them or not If yea then most Turks Heathens Papists are in the right that be of the Religion of their Rulers If not some bounds and Rules must shew them the difference how far Obedience is to be given And the Subjects must be the Discerners whether the Case falls under those Qualificationt or not As e. g. whether it be Sin against God And when all the Men and Women in a Kingdom have a Multitude of Words circumstances and ceremonies and modes to try by such Rules they will never be of one Mind about them who would be of one Mind in a few plain things And then you come and make their Disobedience to be one of the greatest Crimes deserving Excommunication Imprisonment and ruin so that you make such a National Church to be a trap for Men's undoing and Damnation 5. As for what you say of the Foreign Churches their Country-men say that it is not all one to impose the necessary Discharge of Men's plain undeniable Duty and to impose the Humane Work which you can describe But I am a stranger to them and am bound to receive nothing against another till I hear both Parties speak nor am I concerned in the Case as not being bound to justifie them any more than you If it be as you say no wonder if they have the distractions and calamities and Divisions which render them the objects of compassion The Serpent that beguiled Eve hath long ago tempted almost all the Churches from the Ancient Christian Simplicity in Doctrine Discipline and Worship which is the only way of common Concord 6. But yet besides the Catholick Church we hold particular Churches being Christian Assemblies to be of Christ's Institution And it is impossible there to worship God without the determination of many Circumstances and Modes Some Translation some Metre of Psalms some Tune some Time and Place some Pastor some Utensils must be chosen And he that will herein depart from the Common chosen Circumstance departeth therein himself from their Communion But yet such may serve God acceptably in another Assembly and may live in Christian Love and Peace though they Sing not in the same Tune or Gesture or use nor every Ceremony alike And this is nothing to the making of new Symbols Oaths Subscriptions or other things not necessary in genere and that by the Officers of National Humane Church and this not only to be done and quietly born but approved Your Way is the most proper Engine to tear in pieces all the Churches in the World or reduce them to a Spanish Humane Obedience For if a particular Parish-Church did not so much as tye Men to a Ceremony but mere Determinations which must some way be made If the Priest stood at the Church door and said You shall not enter unless you will Subscribe or Say or Swear that we are infallible in all that we do or that there is no Sin no Fault nothing contrary to God's Will and Word nothing but what you Assent and Consent to in all our Translations of Scripture in all our Versions Tunes Words Gestures Circumstances I would never enter into that Church though I will gladly and peaceably joyn with them if they will let me alone without such Obligations to justifie all they do One would think this should have been past Controversie before this day among the Prudent Pastors of the Churches Strict Still supposing that neither they nor we require any thing that may not be submitted to without sin Answ. Upon that Supposition we have no Controversie with you Then what need any of this adoe But who shall be the Judge If you must and that absolutely then it is all one to us whether it be sin or no sin for to us it will be none if we do as you bid us But then why do Protestants condemn Papists who do as they are bidden And why do our Articles condemn them that say All Men may be saved in the Religion they are bred in when they all do as they are bidden even they that defie Christ. But if you hold not to this what shall we do Are we our selves the discerning Judges Then we protest before God and Men that we take the things that we deny Conformity to to be sins and very heinous sins and very far from things indifferent If you say that we must obey you till we are past doubt and certain that 't is sin I Answer 1. It 's too few things that Man's Understanding reacheth to a certainty in What if I verily think that I see reason to take that which a Bishop or Church Commanded to be Blasphemy Perjury Treason Murder Heresie c. but I am not certain and past doubt Must I then do it Then a Man that can be but sufficiently ignorant or doubtful may stick at no Commanded Wickedness Some other Rule therefore than this must be found out If you say That we have no reason to take any thing commanded for sin and you think you confute all our Objections I Answer 1. So all Imposers think or most And so we are as confident that our Reason is good and that we see the gross Errors of your Answers And all this is but to say that no Man is to be Tolerated in your Church that is not in every thing in the Right and that in your Judgments Suppose you were Infallible so are not all the Subjects And if their Reason be bad and yours good all that is no more than to say That They Err or are Mistaken And if no Man shall be Tolerated with you that Erreth and that in as great a Matter as a Circumstance or Ceremony no two Men in the World must hold Communion on such Terms I am confident I study as hard as you I am confident I am as impartial and willing to know the Truth I have far less than you to tempt me to the contrary And yet I verily think Conformity to me would be a heinous Sin Nay I am past doubt of it if that will serve Give us but leave to publish our Reasons freely and you shall see whether we have any Reason But if yet I be mistaken Shall your National-Church have never a Member Tolerated that is as ignorant and bad as I Hold to that and try the Issue whether your Church will be as numerous as you are Strict And Churches abroad both have been and will be our Compurgators and I wish the Presbyterians of England and Scotland would be content to stand to the Judgment of all the Tresbyterian Churches abroad whether they may not without sin conform to all that by our Church is required of them Nay whether they can refuse to Conform without sin Ans. Content I and all of my mind profess that we will accept your offer But we wish as sincerely that you
dare not desert it lest we shortly appear before our Judge in the guilt of sacriledge perfidiousness against Christ and the people's Souls But we are forbiden to exercise it unless we will do that which we profess as Men that are passing to our final Doom we would readily do were it not for fear of God's displeasure and our Damnation Deprivation of all Ministerial maintenance with heavy Mulcts on such as have not money to pay and long Imprisonments in the Common Goals with Malefactors and banishment to those that shall survive them and that into remote parts of the World were the penalties appointed for us by your Laws Voluminous reproaches are published against us in which our Superiours and the World are told that we hold that things indifferent are made unlawful by the Commands of lawful Governours and that we are guilty of Doctrines inconsistent with the Peace and Safety of Societies and that we are moved by Pride and Covetousness as if we were proud of Men's Scorn and covetous of sordid Want and Beggery and ambitious of a Gaol and that we are Unpeaceable Disloyal Odious and Intolerable Persons Lest we should seem over-querulous and our Petitions themselves should prove offensive we have been silent under Twelve years sufferings by which divers Learned and holy Divines have been hastened home to Glory hoping that Experience would have effectually spoken for us when we may not Speak for our selves And did we believe that our own pressures were the greatest consequent Evil and that the People's knowledge and piety and the allowed Ministers Number sufficiency and Diligence were such as made our Labours needless and that the History of our Silence and Sufferings would be the future Honour of this Age and the future Comfort of your Souls and theirs that instigate you against us before our Common Judge we would joyfully be silent and accept of a Dismission But being certain of the contrary we do this once adventure humbly to tender to Your Majesty and Your Parliament these following Requests 1. Because God saith That he that hateth his Brother is a Murderer and hath not Eternal Life We humbly crave leave once to Print and Publish the true State and Reasons of our Nonconformity to the World to save Mens Souls from the guilt of unjust Hatred and Calumny And if we err we may be helped to Repentance by a Confutation and the Notoriety of our shame 2. That in the mean time this Honourable House will appoint a Committee to consider of the best means for the Healing our Calamitous Divisions before whom we may have leave at last to speak for our selves 3. That these annexed Professions of our Religion and Loyalty may be received as from Men that better know their own Minds than their Accusers do and who if they durst deliberately Lie should be no Nonconformists 4. That if yet we must suffer as Malefactors we may be punished but as Drunkards and Fornicators are with some Penalty which will consist with our Preaching Christ's Gospel and that shall not reach to the hurt or danger of many Thousand Innocent People's Souls till the Re-building of the Burnt-Churches the lessening of great Parishes where one of very many cannot hear and worship God and till the quality and number of the Conformable Ministers and the knowledge piety and sobriety of the people have truly made our Labours needless and then we shall gladly obey your Silencing Commands And whereas there are commonly reckoned to be in the Parishes without the Walls above Two hundred thousand persons more than can come within the Parish Churches they may not be compelled in a Christian Land to live as Atheists and worse than Infidels and Heathens who in their manner publickly worship God The Profession of our Religion I A. B. Do willingly profess my continued resolved consent to the Covenant of Christianity which I made in my Baptism with God the Father Son and Holy Ghost forsaking the Devil the World and the sinful Lusts of the Flesh And I profess my Belief of the Ancient Christian Creeds called The Apostles The Nicene and The Constantinopolitane and the Doctrine of the Blessed Trinity fullier opened in that ascribed to Athanasius And my Consent to The Lord's Prayer as the Summary of Holy Desires and to The Decalogue with Christ's Institutions as the Summary Rule of Christian Practice And to all the Holy Canonical Scriptures as the Word of God And to the Doctrine of the Church of England professed in the 39 Articles of Religion as in sence agreeable to the Word of God And I renounce all Heresies or Errours contrary to any of these And I do hold that the Book of Common Prayer and of Bishops Priests and Deacons containeth in it nothing so disagreeable to the Word of God as maketh it unlawful to live in the Peaceable Communion of the Church that useth it The Profession of our Loyalty and Obedience I do willingly and without Equivocation and Deceit take the Oaths of Allegiance and the King's Supremacy and hold my self obliged to perform them I detest all Doctrines and Practices of Rebellion and Sedition I hold it unlawful for any of His Majesty's Subjects upon any pretence whatsoever to take Arms against the King His Person Authority Dignity or Rights or against any Authorized by his Laws or Commissions And that there is no Obligation on me or any other of his Subjects from the Oath Commonly called The Solemn League and Covenant to endeavour any change of the present Government of these His Majesty's Kingdoms nor to endeavour any Reformation of the Church by Rebellion Sedition or any other unlawful means The Overplus as a remedy against Suspicion We believe and willingly embrace all that is written in the Holy Scriptures for the power of Kings and the Obedience of their Subjects and the sinfulness of Rebellion and Resistance And concerning the same we consent to as much as is found in any General Council or in the Confession of any Christian Church on Earth not respecting Obedience to the Pope which ever yet came to our knowledg or as is owned by the Consent of the Greater part of Divines Politicians Lawyers or Historians in the Christain World as far as our Reading hath acquainted us therewith II. To the King 's most Excellent Majesty The Humble Petition of some Citizens of London on the behalf of this City and the Adjoyning Parishes Sheweth THat the Calamitous Fire 1666 with our Houses and Goods Burnt down near 90 Churches few of which are yet Re-edifyed And divers Parishes whose Churches yet stand are so great that it is but a small part of the Inhabitants that can there hear whereby great Numbers are left in ignorance and as a prey to Papists and other Seducers and which is worse to Atheism Infidelity and Irreligiousness And if many of their ancient ejected silenced Pastors who for refusing certain Subscriptions Declarations Promises Oaths and Practices are called Nonconformists had not through
intend only Bishops and King by Church and State 1. It would suppose that King and Parliament do take Bishops and King for two coordinate Heads in governing the Kingdom 2. And that they set the Bishops before the King which is not to be supposed 5. And to put all out of question the Oath is but Conform to former Statutes Oaths Articles of Religion and Canons 1. The Statutes which declare the King to be only Supreme Governour of the Church I need not cite 2. The Oath of Supremacy is well known of all 3. The very first Canon is that the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and all Bishops c. shall faithfully keep and observe all the Laws for the King's Supremacy over the Church of England in causes Ecclesiastical And the 2d Canon is to condemn the dangers of it And the 36. Canon obligeth all Ministers to subscribe that the King's Majesty under God is the only Supreme Governour of this Realm as well in all spiritual and Ecclesiastical things or causes as temporal And as the Parliament are called the Representative of the People or Kingdom as distinct from the Head so the 139. Canon excommunicateth all them that affirm that the Sacred Synod of this Nation in the Name of Christ and by the King's Authority Aslembled is not the true Church of England by Representation So that they claim to be but the Representative of the Church as it is the Body distinct from the Head Christ aud the King as their chief Governour 4. And all that are Ordained are likewise to take the Oath of Supremacy I do utterly testify and declare in my Conscience that the King's Highness is the only Supreme Governour of this Realm as well in all Spiritual or Ecclesiastical things or Causes as Temporal 5. And It is also inserted in the Articles of Religion Art 35. And it is added expositorily Where we attribute to the Queen's Majesty the Chief Government by which title we understand the minds of some slanderous folks to be offended we give not to our Princes the Ministring either of God's Word or of the Sacraments but that only prerogative which we see to have been given always to all Godly Princes in holy Scriptures by God himself that is that they should rule all Estates and Degrees committed to their Charge by God whether they be Ecclesiastcal or Temporal and restrain with the Civil Sword the Stubborn and evil Doers Here it is to be noted that though no doubt but the Keys of Excommunication and absolution belong to the Pastors and to the Civil Magistrate yet the Law and this Article by the word Government mean only Coercive Government by the Sword and do include the power of the Keys under the title of Ministring the Word and Sacraments Church Guidance being indeed nothing else but the Explication and Application of God's word to Cases and Consciences and administring the Sacraments accordingly So that as in the very Article of Religion Supreme Government appropriated to the King only is contradistinguish'd from Ministring the Word and Sacraments which is not called Government there so are we to understand this Law and Oath And many Learned Men think that Guidance is a fitter name than Government for the Pastor's Office And therefore Grotius de Imper. Sum. Pot. would rather have the Name Canons or Rulers used than Laws as to their Determinations Though no doubt but the name Government may be well applyed to the Pastor's Part so we distinguish as Bilston and other judicious men use to do calling one Government by God's Word upon the Conscience and the other Government by the sword as seconding Precepts with enforcing penalties and Mulcts § 301. While this Test was carrying on in the house of Lords and 500 pounds Voted to be the penalty of the Refusers before it could come to the Commons a difference fell between the Lords and Commons about their priviledges by occasion of two Suits that were brought before the Lords in which two Members of the Commons were parties which occasioned the Commons to send to the Tower Sir Iohn Fagg one of their Members for appearing at the Lords Bar without their consent and four Counsellours Sir Iohn Churchill Sergeant Pemberton Sergeant Pecke and another for pleading there And the Lords Voted it Illegal and that they should be released Sir Iohn Robinson Lieutenant of the Tower obeyed the Commons for which the Lords Voted him a Delinquent And so far went they in daily Voting at each other that the King was fain to Prorogue the Parliament Iune 9. till October 13. there appearing no hope of Reconciling them Which rejoiced many that they rose without doing any further harm § 302. Iune 9. Keting the Informer being commonly detested for prosecuting me was cast in Gaol for Debt and wrote to me to endeavour his Deliverance which I did and in his Letters saith Sir I assure you I do verily believe that God hath bestowed all this affliction on me because I was so vile a wretch as to trouble you And I assure you I never did a thing in my Life that hath so much troubled my self as that did I pray God forgive me And truly I do not think of any that went that way to work that ever God would favour him with his mercy And truly without a great deal of mercy from God I do not think that ever I shall thrive or prosper And I hope you will be pleased to pray to God for me c. § 303. A while before another of the chief Informers of the City and my Accuser Marishall died in the Counter where his Creditors laid him to keep him from doing more harm Yet did not the Bishops change or cease Two more Informers were set on work who first assaulted Mr. Case's Meeting and next got in as hearers into Mr. Read's Meeting where I was Preaching And when they would have gone out to fetch Justices for they were known the doors were lockt to keep them in till I had done and one of them supposed to be sent from Fullum stayed weeping Yet went they straight to the Justices and the week following heard me again as Informers at my Lectures but I have not yet heard of their Accusation § 304. But this week Iune 9. Sir Thamas Davis notwithstanding all his foresaid Warnings and Confessions sent his Warrants to a Justice of the Division where I dwell to distrein on me upon two Judgments for 50 pounds for Preaching my Lecture in New-street Some Conformists are paid to the value of 20 pounds a Sermon for their Preaching and I must pay 20 pounds and 40 pounds a Sermon for Preaching for nothing O what Pastors hath the Church of England who think it worth all their unwearied Labours and all the odium which they contract from the People to keep such as I am from Preaching the Gospel of Christ and to undo us for it as far as they are able though these many years they do not for they cannot
Being an able judicious faithful man and one that lamented the intemperance of many self conceited Ministers and people that on pretence of vindicating free grace and providence and of opposing Arminianism greatly corrupted the Christian Doctrin and Schismatically oppugned Christian love and concord hereticating and making odious all that spake not as erroniously as themselves many of the Independents inclining to half Antinomianism suggested suspicions against Dr. Manton Dr. Bates Mr. Howe and my self and such others as if we were half Arminians On which occasion I Preached two Sermons on the words in Iude They speak evil of what they understand not Which perhaps may be published § 18. This year 1678. dyed Mr. Gabriel Sanger a Reverend faithful Nonconformist sometimes Minister at Martin's in the fields And this day on which I write this I Preached the Funeral of Mr. Stubbs a holy Excellent Man which perhaps may be published if it can be licensed § 16. Mr. Long of Exeter wrote a book against the Non-conformists as Schismaticks on pretense of confuting Mr. Hale's book of Schism and in the end cited a great deal of my writings against Schism and let fall divers passages which occasioned me to write the Letter to him which is inserted in the Appendix No. 5. § 29. Some young Gentlemen wrote me a Letter desiring me publickly to resolve this Case The King Laws and Canons command us to joyn in the publick Parish-Churches and forbid us to joyn in private Meetings or unallowed with Non-conformists Our parents command us to joyn with Non-conformists in their Meetings and forbid us to hear the Conformists in publick which yet we think lawful which of these must we obey I answered the Case in the Pulpit and drew it up in writing and have inserted it among other papers with the end No. 6. § 21. My Bookseller Nevil Simons broke which occasioned a clamour against me as if I had taken too much money of him for my books When before it was thought he had been one of the richest by my means and I supposed I had freely given him in meer charity the gains of above 500 pounds if not above 1000 pounds Whereupon I wrote a Letter to a Friend in my own necessary Vindication which see also at the end No. 7. § 22. The controversie of Predetermination of the acts of sin was unhappily shared this year among the Non-conformists on the occasion of a sober modest book of Mr. How 's to Mr. Boil against an objection of Atheistical men And two honest self-conceited Non-conformists Mr. Dauson and Mr. Gale wrote against him unworthily And just-now a second book of Mr. Gale's is come out wholly for Predetermination superficially and inperficially touching many things but throughly handling nothing falsely reporting the sense of Augustin or at least of Prosper and Fulgentius and notoriously of Iansenius c. and passing divers inconsiderable reflections on some words in my Cath. Theol. Especially opposing Strangius and the excellent Theses of Le Blank with no strength or regardable Argument Which inclineth me because he writeth in English to publish an old Disput in English against Predetermination to sin written 20 years ago and thought not fit to be published in English but that an antidote against the porson of Mr. Gale's Book and the scandal that falls by it on the Nonconformists is made necessary Mr. Gale fell sick and I supprest my answer lest it should grieve him And he then dyed § 23. A paper from Mr. Polehill an excellent learned Gentleman occasioned the answer which perhaps may be published § 24. Continued backbitings about my Judgment concerning justification occasioned me to write the summ of it in two or three sheets with the solution of above thirty controversies unhappily rais'd about it § 25. One Mr. Wilson of Lancashire long importuned me by a friend to write somewhat against needless Law-suits and for the way of voluntary reference and arbitration which I did in a Sermon on 1 Cor. 6. Is there not a wise Man among you which is lost by the Bookseller § 26. I wrote an Answer to Mr. Iohnson Alias Terret his Rejoynder against my book of the Churche's visibility But Mr. Iane the Bishop of London's Chaplain refused to License it But at last when the Papists grew odious he Licensed it and my Methodus Theologiae And the former is Printed but by the Bookseller's means in a Character scarce legible § 27. About Oct. 1678. Fell out the murder of Sir Edmond Berry Godfrey which made a very great change in England One Dr. Titus Oats had discovered a Plot of the Papists of which he wrote out the particulars very largely telling how they fired the City and contriving to bring the Kingdom to Popery and in order thereto to kill the King He named the Lords Jesuits Priests and others that were the chief contrivers and said that he himself had delivered to several of the Lord 's their Commissions that the Lord Bellasis was to be General the Lord Peter Lieutenant General and the Lord Stafford Major General the Lord Powis Lord Chancellor and the Lord Arundel of Warder the chief to be Lord Treasurer He told who were to be Arch Bishops Bishops c. And at what Meetings and by whom and when all was contrived and who were designed to kill the King He first opened all this to Dr. Tongue and both of them to the King and Council He mentioned a multitude of Letters which he himself had carried and seen or heard read that contained all these contrivances But because his father and he had once been Anabaptists and when the Bishops prevailed turned to be Conformable Ministers and afterward he the Son turned Papist and confessed that he long had gone on with them under many Oaths of Secrecy many thought that a man of so little Conscience was not to be believed But his Confessions were received by some Justices of the Peace and none more forward in the Search than Sir Edmund Bury Godfrey an Able Honest and diligent Justice While he was following this Work he was suddenly missing and could not be heard of Three or Four Days after he was found kill'd near Marybone-Park It was plainly found that he was murthered The Parliament took the Alarm upon it and Oates was now believed And indeed all his large Confessions in every part agreed to admiration Hereupon the King Proclaimed Pardon and Reward to any that would confess or discover the Murder One Mr. Bedlow that had fled to Bristow began and confessed that he knew of it and who did it and named some of the Men the Place and Time It was at the Queen's House called Somerset-House by Fitz-Gerald and Kelley Two Papist Priests and Four others Berry the Porter Green Pranse and Hill The Priests fled Pronse Berry Green and Hill were taken Pranse first confest all and discovered the rest aforesaid more than Bedlow knew of and all the Circumstances and how he was carried away and by whom
doubt that neither the Episcopal Presbyterian nor Independant way alone will well settle the Church But that each of the three Parties and those called Erastians have somewhat of the Truth in peculiar and somewhat of Faultiness and if ever the Church be well setled it must be by taking the best and leaving out the worst of every party and till that can be done we must bear with what we cannot amend Octobo 9. 1688. Mr. J BEcause your Friend refuseth Conference though I promised secrefie and a loving Debate I will for your sake answer your Questions my self which I take to be these Two I Whether you ought not presently to fix your self in a particular Church and not continue any longer occasional Communion with many II. What Church you should be a fixed Communicant in I. As to the First I know not well what is meant by fixed Membership by the Author of the Writing which you shewed me you must be a fixed Member of Christ and the Church Universal or else you are no fixed Christian But as to particular Pastors and Congregations Order and Concord and Edification are the general Rules which tell you where to fix and how far 1. You ought not to commit any real Sin for Communion with any Church 2. Though you may and must join with faulty Assemblies and Worship yet you must not justifie their Faults nor profess your Consent to them nor promise that you will never endeavour any Amendment of them 3. There must be no Self-obliging unnecessarily Liberty is not so contemptible a thing that we should cast it away for nought much less must you bind your self contrary to God's Providence or without excepting Alterations by it 4. Your Church-Membership as to particular Congregations must have no greater fixedness than your Habitation and other Obligations You may remove your Congregational Relation when you remove your Dwelling and none can hinder you from removing both when your Interest requireth it Suspect them that would make you their Propriety II. As to the Second where you should fix 1. You are in your Father's House under his Government and must obey him in all lawful things and must not go against his Consent 2. You are a Member of a Christian Family and no Scripture tells us of the Members of one Christian Family being of divers Churches nor alloweth it 3. Scripture knoweth no particular Churches but what were bounded by Neighbourhood and Cohabitation except Hereticks There were never Churches gathered out of Churches then nor two approved Churches of the same Language in the same Bounds 1. I do hereby undertake to prove against any Disputer that there is no Form so agreeable to God's Word as this following 1. A Christian Kingdom consisting of a Christian King or supreme Power and particular confederate Churches being the Burgesses and peaceable Unbelievers that tolerated Aliens or Catechumens 2. A reformed Episcopacy Successors to the Evangelists that without the Sword or Force had the Care of many Churches 3. Reformed Parish-Churches consisting of Godly Pastors and professed Christian Cohabitants the incapable being Catechumens which made the old Nonconformists declare that they were so far from being against Parish-Churches that their Lives would be a burden to them if they were not restored to them The first Church State that Christ himself made was the Platform of a Christian Kingdom Church offering to make Iudaea such setting Twelve Apostles over the Twelve Tribes and Seventy two Disciples the Number of their great Council and so would have gathered all Ierusalem's Children to himself as a Hen gathereth her Chickens Mat. 23. which they refusing he declared that the Kingdom of God should be taken from them and given to a Nation that would bring forth the fruit thereof and so they were cut off for their Unbelief and we graffed in to the same Olive or political State the Mosaical Law only changed for Christ's Law And as all the Prophets foretold this that Christ's Church should be a Davidical Kingdom so after Two Hundred Ninety Four Years Tryal it was set up and the Pagan Empire Babylon did fall and Christ reigned by Christian Emperors and his enemies were made his Footstool and the Kingdoms of the World became the Kingdoms of the Lord and of his Christ consisting of Churches confederate for Unity and the Nations brought in their Glory to it and the Fulness of the Gentiles came in and all the Israel of God were saved Iudaea becoming the most Christian Nation in the World And Heaven and Earth rejoiced at the Fall of Babylon and this new Ierusalem's iniâ—ial Sâ—aâ—e And sure it is such a Kingdom-Church which those expect that talk of the future Thousand Years Reign of Christ. As Teachers are under him as Prophet and Priests as he is Priest so are Christian Kings as he is King and bad Kings are no more Reason against his Institution than bad Teachers and Priests 2. There are Three Sorts of Pastors or Bishops in Christ's Church I. Such as were to gather many Churches out of Infideâ—s and to set Elders or fixed Bishops over them and then oversee both the Elders and People Such Christ made the Apostles whose Office was partly extraordinary and temporary and is so far only ceased and partly ordinary and continued and so Christ promised to be with them to the end of the World And such were Evangelists sent forth with and by the Apostles to gather and oversee many Churches and Pastors Such were Titus Timothy Luke Mark Barnabas Silas and many more God never recalled this Order of Ministers if any say he did it lyeth in them to prove it This was the first sort of Pastors II. The Second Sort were the fixed Elders which these ordained in every Church who were all Bishops over the Flocks and so called but under the general Ministers who yet had none of them any forcing Power by the Sword these two God instituted III. The Third Sort between these Two was a President Pastor in every particular Church like the President of a Colledge who had some moderating guiding Power among the rest of the Elders This was set up to avoid Division among the Elders every Church having usually many and received even in some of the Apostles Days and never rejected for a Thousand Years 3. Particular Churches in Scripture Times were distinguished by the places of their Neighbourhood as I said before and there were never two Churches in the same Bounds except Hereticks and Men of divers Languages From this it is plain that the most Divine From of Government is 1. A Christian Kingdom 2. With Reformed General Ministers 3. And Reformed Parish-Churches having fixed Pastors and where it may be our Chief c. Moreover as to your fixing the Churches in Question with you I suppose are not the Papists the Quakers the Familists c. But the Episcopal the Presbyterian the Independent and the Separatist if not the Anabaptists also I. The Episcopal are of Two Sorts
Conformists and Nonconformists The Episcopal Conformists are of Two Sorts some lately sprung up that follow Archbishop Laud and Dr. Hammond hold that there are no Political Churches lower than Diocesan because there are no Bishops under them and so that the Parish-Churches are no Churches properly but part of Churches nor the Incumbants true Bishops but Curates under Bishops nor the Foreigners true Ministers or Churches that have no Diocesan Bishops This Party called themselves the Church of England 1658 1659. When we knew but of Four or Five Bishops left alive who Dr. Hammond said with that Party of the Clergy were of his Mind And these seemed uppermost in 1660 and 1661. and were the men whom I disputed with in my Treatise of Episcopacy The other Episcopal Conformists are they that follow the Reformers and hold the Doctrine of the Scripture as only sufficient to Salvation and as explicatory of it the Thirty Nine Articles the Homilies Liturgy Book of Ordination Apology c. These take the Parish-Pastors for true Rectors and the Parish-Churches for true Churches but subordinate to the Diocesans and to be ruled by them But the Laws have imposed on them some Declarations and Subscriptions which they think they may put a good Sense on though by stretching the Words from their usual Signification The Bishops and Deans are chosen by the King indeed and by the Prebends in shew The Incumbant are chosen by Patrons ordained by Diocesans with Presbyters and accepted by Consent of the Communicants of the Parish The Episcopal Government is managed partly by the Bishops and partly by Lay-Civilians and Surrogates The Episcopal Nonconformists are for true Parish-Churches and Ministers reformed without swearing promising declaring or subscribing to any but sure clear necessary things desiring that the Scripture may be their Canons disowning all persecuting Canons taking the capable in each Parish for the Communicant and Church and the rest for Hearers and Catechized Persons desiring that the Magistrate be Judge whom he will maintain approve and tolerate and the Ordainers Judges whom they will ordain and the People be free Consenters to whose Pastoral Care they will trust their Souls desiring that every Presbyter be an Overseer of the Flock and every Church that hath many Elders have one Incumbent President for Unity and Order and that Godly Diocesans may without the Sword or Force have the Oversight of many Ministers and Churches and all these be confederate and under the Government of a Christian King but under no Foreign Jurisdiction though in as much Concord as is possible with all the Christian World And they would have the Keys of Excommunication and Absolution taken out of the Hands of Lay-Men Chancellors or Lay Brethren and the Diocesans to judge in the Synods of the Presbyters in Cases above Parochial Power That this was the Judgment of the Nonconformists that treated for Peace in 1660. and 1661. is to be seen in their printed Proposals in which they desired Archbishop Usher's Model of the Primitive Episcopacy joined with the Synods of Presbyters II. The Presbyterians are for Parish-Churches as aforesaid guided by Elders some teaching and some only ruling and these under Synods of the like Class without Diocesan or Parochial Superiors and all under a National Assembly of the same as the Supreme Church Power III. The Independants are for every Congregation to have all Church Power in it self without any superior Church-Government over them whether Bishops or Synods yet owning Synods for voluntary Concord Of these some are against local Communion with the aforesaid Churches and for avoiding them by Separation some as if they were no Churches and had no true Ministers some for Forms of Prayer some for faulty Communicants some for Episcopal Ordination and some for subscibing and some for all these and many other pretended Reasons But some Independants are for occasional Communion with the other Churches and some also for stated Communion in the Parish-Churches for which you may read Mr. Tomes's the chief of the Anabaptists in a full Treatise and Dr. Thomas Goodwin on the first of the Ephesians earnest against Separation as the old Nonconformists were Now which of all these should you join with I affirm that all these except the Separatists are parts of the Church of England as it is truly essentiated by a Christian Magistracy and confederate Christian particular Churches All are not equally sound and pure but all are parts of the Church of England Liturgies and Ceremonies and Canons and Chancellors are not essential to it as a Church or Christian Kingdom But it is now a Medly less concordant than is desirable but you are not put upon any such Disputes whether you will call the present Church of England Roman as denominated from the King that is the Head or whether you will say that King and Parliament conjunct are that Head and so it is yet Protestant because the Laws are so or whether you will denominate it materially Protestant because the Clergy and Flocks are so your Doubt is only what Congregation to join with I answer That which all your Circumstances set together make it most convenient to the publick good and your own Though I hold not Ministerial Conformity lawful I take Lay-Communion in any of these except the Separatists to be lawful to some Persons whose case maketh it fittest But I judge it unlawful for you to confine your Communion to any one of them so as to refuse occasional Communion with all save them 1. The Parish-Churches have the Advantage of Authority Order and Confederacy and the Protestant Interest is chiefly cast upon them therefore I will not separate from Lay-Communion with them though they need much Reformation 2. You must not go against your Father's Will no nor divide the Family without necessity The same I say of your Husband when you are married 3. The Nonconforming Episcopal and Presbyterians have not such Churches as they desire but only temporarily keep Meetings like to Chappels as Assistants to others till Parishes are reformed 4. I think it a stated sinful Schism to fix as a Member of such a Church and Pastor as is of the Principles of the Writing which you shewed me I. Because they grievously slander the Parish-Churches and Ministers as none and their Worship and Government as far worse than it is II. Because they Renounce local Communion with almost all the Body or Church of Christ on Earth by renouncing it on a Reason common to almost all III. Because they separate from such Churches as Christ and his Apostles joined with and so seem to condemn Christ and his Apostles as Sinners Christ ordinarily joined with the Iews Church in Synagogues and Temple-Offices when the High-Priest bought the Place of Heathens and the Priests Pharisees and Rulers were wicked Persecutors and the Sadduces Hereticks or worse he sent Iudas as an Apostle when he knew him to be a Theif or a Devil The Apostles neither separated nor allowed Separation from
and Men cannot be Pastors against their wills and the will of their Diocesans That I contradict my Treatise of Episcopacy in denying this With more like this To which I say I. If the Parish Congregation were but part of a Church you might joyn with it as a part as well as with part of an Independent Church And they that can hear a Lay-man with the Separatists might hear the Ministers thereâ— II. Whether I contradict my self or not is nothing to your Cause and Conscience I undertook not when I wrote that none should wilfully or ignorantly misunderstand me The formal Notion of a National Church is nothing but a Christian Kingdom The Matter is Christian Rulers and Subjects and as ordered Confederate particular Churches England hath been such for many Ages Here from the Reformation they owned the Sovereign Power as the Head of the Political National Church as Christ is of the Universal under him They owned Parish-Churches under Diocesans and true Ministers therein Their Books shew their Judgment their Articles Apology Homelies Liturgy Ordination Canons c. These Books are still owned by the Church But at last a new sort of Bishops rose up that would have made the Parish Churches to be no proper Churches but like Chappels under the Diocesan These called themselves the Church of England when there were but about four or five Bishops left alive who Dr. Hammond said were of his mind Some such domineered afterward and would have set up that way but never prevailed either to retract the Churches Books and Laws nor to get the major part of the Clergy to own them Now all the vain question here is Which of these two Parties shall be called The Church of England Neither of them alone They are two disagreeing parts of it I argued against the last professing not to do it against the first which your Counseller would take no notice of And what 's all this to you If you will not be of the National or Diocesan Church you may be of a Parish Church III. I proved that if all the Bishops and Parliament had said The Parish Ministers are no true Pastors this would not have made them none though they might be guilty of deposing them as far as they could no more than it would make the Nonconforming Ministers and Churches to be none Because we all take the Office as instituted by Christ and Men to be but investing Servants to him having no power to alter it And as in the Marriage the Husband shall have power over the Wife though he that marry them say Nay so shall an ordained Elder be a true Pastor though the Ordainer say Nay IV. I proved that the old Church Books and Doctrine are in force still by Law and the Kingdom and Church are sworn or bound not to endeavour any alteration in the Government of the Church Therefore not to put down the Parish Ministry and Churches Therefore this is the Sence of the Church of England though not of the new Faction that usurped that Name V. Though a Man cannot be a Pastor against his will yet he may be one without his knowledge if by Errour he think he is none For he may consent to all the Office while he thinks it is not all and denieth the Name If a Man think that a Deacon may do all essential to a Pastor and so that he is but a Deacon he is nevertheless a Pastor if he consented to the Work Many thousands are Christians that think they are not and do truly consent to Christianity while they think they do not And why may it not be so also to the Ministry VI. But our Case needeth none of these Reasons For where there is all that is essential to true Pastors and Churches there are true Pastors and Churches But by God's great mercy in many thousand Parishes in England there is all that is essential to true Pastors and Churches Therefore they are such When you will call me to dispute it with any Denier I will fully prove to you That there is great need of Reformation 1. That the Church of England as it is a Christian Kingdom containing Confederate Churches under a Christian King and Laws is that very Form that Christ offered to settle in Iudea and did settle by Constantine 2. That if the Diocesans be good Men and lawfully chosen as they are meer Successours of Timothy and Titus and others that had the oversight of many Churches and Pastors by the Word they are righter than the Opposers 3. That the Incumbents of the Parish-Churches have a valid Ordination by such Bishops and Presbyters righter than the Dividers 4. That many thousands of such Pastors are Men of competent Abilities and many of greater Ministerial Abilities than most of us Nonconformists yea that no known Nation under Heaven hath in so small a compass so many able Ministers as England And that to deny it and separate is great ingratitude towards God 5. That Parish Bounds are a laudable Distribution of Churches the capable Members being Communicants and the rest Catechumens 6. That the ordinary Communicants in multitudes of Parishes are Membrs that have all that is essential to Church-Membership 7. That the Pastors have power from God for all their Work and Mens denial even the Ordainers nullifieth not that Power when they are in general ordained Presbyters 8. That by the Law of the Land they have all Power essential to Pastors They may keep from Communion all that are not Confirmed and there have owned their Baptismal Covenant or are ready and desirous so to do and therefore may try their readiness This is required by the Liturgy And they may deny the Sacrament to all that live in scandalous Sin And they must prosecute such to the Bishops Courts The Law calleth them Rectors Rulers and they own themselves for such And even the Canons that are their worst restraints do own the same and so do the rest of the Church-Books and Laws that they all subscribe to and promise not to alter Ask them whether they take not themselves for true Pastors if you would know whether they consent to be such 9. Though some late Innovators that called themselves The Church of England would as far as they could have nullified in some part the Parish Ministry and Churches and the Canons themselves do sinfully limit the Exercise of their Power the Cause of our Calamities yet this nullifieth not the Office and Churches the Essential Power being setled both by God's Laws and the Churches and the restraint of Exercise nulleth not the Power 10. That to Exclude any from Communion that are Baptized and at Age have owned their Christianity and are not proved by sufficient witnesses to have nullified that Profession by Apostasie Heresie or a wicked or scandalous Life is Church Tyranny and Injustice of which all are guilty that do it or desire it 11. That if this Discipline be neglected by the Ministers sinful Sloth or by the
the Transgressors of it and the Curse of what Covenant it was that Christ redeemed us from in being made a Curse for us For touching these things I confess my self not well resolved The hanging on the Tree was but a Temporal Curse and was not all that Christ redeemed us from And when you have a fitting Opportunity I pray you return them to Your obliged Servant Will. Allen. London May 27. 1671. Those of the Separation that are more moderate do blame Mr. Bagshaw and think you need not answer him and his Temper is to have the last word If you think otherwise a calm Answer will be best Dear Sir I Received your Preface by which you have been pleased to add unto all former Obligations wherein I stand bound I have moved Mr. Simmons about printing the Copy acquainting him with your Preface but not with the Author of the Papers but I perceive he hath no mind to undertake it since when I have not spoken to any other Sir It hath been sometimes on my thoughts to draw up some thing against Separation more then what is in my Retractation at least to be published after my death if surviving Friends should think fit but have â—orborn to publish any thing of that nature hitherto partly to avoid suspition of strengthening the hand of Severity against the Separatists to the doing of hurt to whom I would not be in the least accessary and likewise to avoid the suspition of being acted therein by Carnal Motives However something I have now prepared and herewith sent you presuming yet once more to give you the trouble at your leisure of casting your eye upon it And do pray that you will please to correct or direct me to correct what needs correction and to give me advice whether it will be best to make it publick or to forbear I confess I have been induced to do what I have done at this time upon occasion of the Indulgence as conceiving it not less necessary nor less seasonable to say no more than it was before And your motion of reprinting my Reâ—ractation had its share in inclining me to this present Undertaking As I have been taken in the Snare of Separation for a time so I was in that of Anâ—inomianism about 37 or 38 years ago not long after my first coming to London as not being able to withstand the Insinuations of it and yet to retain the Opinion of the Imputation of Christ's Righteousness in that Notion of it in which I had been instructed and never fully recovered my self till I heard Mr. Iohn Goodwin The Experience of what I suffered my self and occasioned others to suffer by my running into those Errours hath put me upon doing more to warn others against them or recover them out of them then otherwise I should have thought fit for me to have done You may perceive in part how frail my memory was by my often blottings and interlinings Excuse me for this time and you are never like to be troubled with any of my Papers more whether I live or die The good God that hath out of good will to the World made you so meet to be serviceable to it continue you long in it and still strengthen you to succeed and prosper you in his Word So prays Your very much obliged Servant Will. Allen. London Iune 29. 1672. I live next the Green-Man in Prince's-street by Stocks-Market and not at the Bottle in the Poultrey Dear Friend I This Day received and read your Book and knowing so well the Author's Experience Judgment and Sincerity it hath made a great change upon my Judgment viz. Whereas I once thought that some Mens Usage of this poor Kingdom and Christ's Ministers and the false Reports and Representations made of them did shew not only Charity but common Honesty and Humanity by which the civil differ from others to be with such Men very low I find now my better Thoughts of those Men much revived by finding that so good a Man as you can in any Measure in such a time and place so far mistake the case as you have done But long Experience hath acquainted me with more of the Cause than perhaps you have observed your self That is 1. All Mens Capacities are narrow and we cannot look every way at once Our thoughts are like a Stream of Water which will run but one way at once and carry down all that 's moveable in that Stream When you were for Anabaptistry and Separation it 's like the Stream of your Thoughts run all that way and you studied more what was for you than what was against you and now the Sense of your Error hath turned your Thoughts the contrary way I may judge by the Effects that you think more what may be said against Nonconformity than what may be said for it 2. And Experience makes me take it for granted that to judge hastily before they fully understand or hear the Cause is the common Disease of Man's depraved Intellect which few are cured of in any great Degree I would not be guilty of it while I blame it if my Frailty can avoid it and therefore I will suppose that you have more Reasons for what you say that I yet understand and shall only as a Learner desire you to help me to understand them And 1. Seeing almost all your Book is against Anabaptistry and Separation I desire you to acquaint me why you entituled it An Address to the Nonconformists when it is certain that the ignorant Multitude who have some such Thoughts already will hence be more persuaded that the Nonconformists are commonly for Separation which being a Calumny I suppose you thus indirectly propagate it for some Reason which I know not Falshood and Hatred are so befriended by common corrupted Nature that they need no Books to be written to encourage them If a Philosopher wrote against Manicheism and called it An Address to the Christians Or a Papist wrote against Anabaptistry and Separation and called it An Address to the Protestants the Intimation were unjust Quest. 2. Will not the Conformists think that you prevaricate in pretending to plead for a National Church p. 101. and when you explain your self speak but of a Church Inorganical that is equivocally and ineptly so called seeing forma denominat and the Word Church in the common Controversy about National Provincial Diocesan Churches is taken for an Ecclesiastical Polity and Society and not for a meer Community A Family without a Master a School without a Schoolmaster a Kingdom without a King and a Church without a Pastoral Regiment are equivocal improper Denominations a materia when you knew that the Nonconformists have long asked which is the true constitutive Ecclesiastical Head of this National Church When you were upon the Subject it would have done well to have told them for an accidental Head the King they confess as much as others Quest. 3. When you plead so much for Parish-Churches are you therein
what that meaneth I will have mercy and not sacrifice You shall answer for your own Souls Neither Parents nor Princes have an absolute or a destroying Power over them nor any that divesteth you of the Charge or Government of your selves Prudence therefore in such Cases must look to Order to Publick Good and to your own Edification and preserve all as far as you are able and God will accept you if you do your best though interess'd Factions â—e offended with you XXI It is a great Doubt among Casuists Whether and when the Breach of Humane Laws oblige Men to any other than Humane Penalties So far as God is offended and his Law broken by the breach of Mans so far Punishment from God also is deserved but no further And a Council at Toletum hath an express Canon that lest Subjects by the Churches Laws should have their Souls ensnared in Guilt towards God it is declared that their Provincial Canons bind only ad poenam non ad culpam to bear the Penalty but not to conclude men Sinners The Expressions want skill but the Meaning is manifest XXII The Persons belief that an evil Course is lawful maketh it not lawful to him The esse is before the scire If God's Law have forbidden or commanded Man's Errour may ensnare himself in sin but cannot change the Law of God XXIII Some that I love and honour that have heretofore been ensnared in Anabaptistry and Separation in the sense of their Errour as is usual warp to the contrary Extream and fear not the dreadful guilt of perswading Christ's faithful Ministers to lay by the Sacred Office which they are devoted to yea and would blind us to believe there is no need save only to speak to particular persons privately whereby they should be a year in speaking to those whom they may speak to in an hour and few be able to do it and perhaps be thrust out with wrath by the Parish Ministers as creeping into Houses to seduce silly women or reproached and suspected for it They say truly that he that hath gone their former way of unjust Separation is like one that an travel seeth here a Leg and their an Arm lye in his way and therefore should fear to go on in danger But I tell them further he that readeth Church History and Councils what work Church Tyranny and striving to be greatest hath made with Kings and Kingdoms Churches and Families and the Blood of an hundred thousand Christians for about a thousand years at least is like one that in his travel seeth here a hundred Carkasses and there an hundred and there a stream of Blood and there a City ruined and there a good King surrendring his Crown as an Act of Penance as Ludovicus Pius did and there the Streets covered with the Blood and Carkasses of Monks and others and then cast into the Rivers by the wars and broils of contending Bishops as at Antioch c and if this Man will go on he overcometh another kind of warning than here a Leg and there an Arm Read but the History throughly and judge But what will not Ignorance make men say XXIV Some think that if Sacramental Communion only were left free it would alone heal most of our English differences I confess I that think Men may be forced to hear and be catechized do think the great Priviledges of Sacramental Communion and a sealed Pardon should be given to none by Cramming or as a Drench I mean to none against their wills none but Volunteers or Consenters being capable of so great Benefits according to Christ the Donor's mind But this requireth many Cautions and belongeth not to the Case in hand Numb VII A Letter of Mr. Baxter's about the Case of Nevil Symmons SIR I Think not the Confuting of any of the Calumnies that are cast upon me by Backbiters whether from Ignorance or Envy worth any great care or labour were it not for the sake of the Guilty themselves and others whom they may draw into the same Guilt or hinder from profiting by my Labours in the Calling that God hath placed me in But I will not despise all these so much as not to think them worthy the labour of a few Lines It is not long since some Gentlemen at a Coffee-House affirmed That I had kill'd a Man in cold Blood with my own Hand that is a Tinker beating his Kettle at my Door and disturbing me in my Studies I pistoll'd him and was tired at Worcester for my Life But these Gentlemen were so ingenuous as to ask Forgiveness and confess their Fault and one of them openly to my Vindication Though Dr. Boreman Parson of St. Giles's in the Fields that in a printed Pamphlet led the way never did so Yet lived three or four years Suspended or supposing himself Suspended and so died Another caracterized Iames 3. reporteth that I am so hot a Disputant that at a Gentleman's Table I threw the Plate at him that I disputed with The whole Story feigned nor did I ever know the least occasion for the Report The greatest Reproach that 's laid on me is by Conformists for not Conforming or not giving over my Preaching and Ministry And if they accuse me for not turning Papist and for not giving over Prayer as they did Daniel it would have the same effect with me But now comes a new one my Sufferings are my Crimes my Bookseller Nevil Symmons is broken and it is reported that I am the Cause by the excessive Rates that I took for my Books of him and a great Dean whom I much value foretold that I would undo him Of all Crimes in the World I least expected to be accused of Covetousness Satan being the Master of this Design to hinder the Success of my Writings when I am dead it is part of my warfare under Christ to resist him I tell you therefore truly all my Covenants and Dealings with Booksellers to this day When I first ventured upon the publication of my Thoughts I knew nothing of the Art of Booksellers I did as an act of meer kindness offer my Book called The Saints Rest to Thomas Underbill and Francis Tyton to print leaving the Matter of Profit without any Covenants to their Ingenuity They gave me Ten pounds for the first Impression and Ten pounds apiece that is Twenty pounds for every after Impresion till 1665. I had in the mean time altered the Book by the Addition of divers Sheets Mr. Underhill dieth his Wife is poor Mr Tyton hath Losses by the Fire 1666. They never gave me nor offered me a Farthing for any Impression after nor so much as one of the Books but I was fain out of my own Purse to buy all that I gave to any Friend or poor Person that asked it This loosening me from Mr. Tyton Mr. Symmons stept in and told me That Mr. Tyton said he had never got Three pence by me and brought witness Hereupon I used Mr. Symmons only When I
great Difficulties and Sufferings exercised their Compassion to the people's Souls in Preaching and Visiting the Sick they had been yet more miserable destitute and forsaken Your Petitioners being sensible that Christians professing the Belief of a Life to come and that the holy Scriptures should not by such Judgments as our Plagues and Flames be hardened against God but be awakened to Repentance and Holiness of Life and that so Great and Honourable a City should not after all turn worse than Infidels and Heathens who are taught by Nature publickly to Worship God do humbly request that till the Great Parishes have Capacious Churches or Chappels and the ruined Churches are re-built and furnished with able Conformable Ministers those Protestant Nonconformists who will Teach the people where others do not may not be therefore punished or be forbidden and the Souls of many Thousands which are hasting to another World be deprived of such necessary helps the Preachers being responsible for whatever they speak or do amiss This Necessary Compassion to this famous City even to the Souls of Men which we humbly crave will more oblige Your Majesty's Loyal Subjects to Pray for the Continuance of Your Prosperous Reign III. To the King 's most Excellent Majesty The humble Profession of Gratitude and Subjection of some Ejected Silenced Ministers of Christ on the behalf of themselves and many others May it please Your Majesty WE Your Majesty's Subjects Dedicated to the Sacred Office from which we must not Perfidiously and Sacrilegiously alienate our selves once vainly hoped that the Established Publick Ministry might have received Men of our Size of Science and Conscience till all the Churches had been furnished with Wiser Better Men But God for our Sins and Trial and Men we know not why have otherwise decreed We choose not this Calling nor our costly Nonconformity as the way of Wealth or Worldly Honour Nor ever expected that God should make us a Golden-Bridge to Heaven Nor desire to be Lords over God's Flock or Rule them by Constraint remembring who said But with you it shall not be so Gain is not our Godliness or Church-Glory but Godliness our Gain We like not Dives's Choice so well as Mary's But yet could gladly have escaped both Lazarus and Martha's straits and have served God without distraction We have Flesh that is not in love with Suffering nor ambitious to live on Alms It is Divine Relief that must keep those Men's Consciences from a timerous or treacherous surrender which are besieged by Sixteen years Poverty and Reproach and from the Prophaneness of selling their Birth-right for a Morsel But though Sensibility of our Brethren's Sufferings be not Impatient Murmuring yet it is a more Grievous Burden which constraineth us at last to Speak viz. That so great a part of our maturest Age in which by the experience of good and evil our own and others we should have been far wiser and sitter to serve God in his Church than we were in unexperienced Youth should be so far lost as it hath been as to the Work to which we were Ordained That Unheard we should be supposed so Erroneous or Criminal as that no Punishment of our Bodies can give satisfaction without the suffering of the Souls of Men by our forbearing to Preach the Word of Life That while with grieved Souls we must see the sad Divisions aâ—d Sidings that Prevail and the doleful advantages that Satan hereby getteth for the ruine of Piety Love and Peace and the increase of Atheism Infidelity and Maliciousness and Confusion and every evil work and are told so loudly by our notorious Necessity that all our Endeavours conjunct would be too little When we have foreseen and foretold all this and used our most earnest Requests and Endeavours to have prevented it We must yet be defamed by Tongues and Press as the Authors and Fomenters of it and as men of Unsociable and unruly humours and of Unpeaceable Schismatical and seditious Principles That being thus rendered odious we are made uncapable of Publick or Private use to Multitudes whose Lives declare their need of help That many whom we must honour and reverence are hereby drawn into the guilt of Calumny and Injury to the Church as well as to us whose Case and Reasons as to the New Conformity they never understood or heard That so many Men's minds and Zeal and Parts should be so ill imployed on all sides as to be raking in the bleeding Wounds which they are obliged to the uttermost of their Diligence to heal That while Preachers are against Preachers and Heavenly Love and Joy is turned into Envying and Strife We should go for the Men that blow the Coals and rob Your Majesty of the Honour and Joy of Ruling an Unanimous Ministery and a Peaceable Loyal Unsuspected People We must not be guilty of setting so light by Your Majesty's Interest and Your judgment of us and Favour to us and the Interest of the Church and the People's Souls as to remain still silent under all this And with greatest reverence of God we must profess That if the faithful search of our Consciences should shew us that all this is caused by any self-seeking or willfulness of ours and that we were not still willing at the dearest rate except sinning which is no way to Peace to close these Wounds but preferred any Worldly Interest before the Peace and Harmony of Souls we should take it to be Kin to Iudas's Sin and should tremble to think how quickly a revenging God would judge us and what a dismal entrance upon Eternity such guilty Souls are like to have But tho sense and conscience thus complain it is but the introduction to our thankful acknowledgment of the favours which your Majesty hath vouchsafed us Your Clemency protection and forbearance hath revived our comforts which consist in that work which is the business of our Lives Our Loyal fidelity shall express our gratitude more than words And because some in this also would render us suspected we take it for our Duty to profess that tho we take not and digest not as easily as is expected all Subscriptions Declarations and Oaths which are of late imposed It is not from any Principle of Disloyalty For we firmly hold that every Soul must be subject to the Higher Powers not only for Wrath but Conscience sake And that Honour and Obedience in Lawful things and patience under wrongful pressures is our Duty to our Rulers In short we know not of one word in Scripture one Canon of any General Council one Confession of any Christian Church on Earth which speaketh more for subjects Submission and peaceable obedience to Kings than we do heartily acknowledge And we believe that no vow or Covenant of our own can disoblige us from any part of this obedience or warrant us to Rebel We would not have the King of Rome the pretended vicar of the King of Kings to be King over your Majesty or your Kingdoms The
world's Experience lowdly telleth us that Clergymen are fitter to be kept by the Sword in Peace and Quietness than to be trusted with the Sword and we would not have Kings be made their Executioners For we are past doubt that the Controversies and Contentions of the Worldly Tyrannical and the self-conceited Clergy have been many hundred years more Calamitous to the Christian World than the most bloody Wars We are our selves so far from desiring Grandeur and Dominion that we would not be so much as the Pastors of any but Consenters and wish that the Clergie's State were such as neither starved or straitened the diligent Labourers nor so tempted and invited Ambitious Worldly minds as that such being the seekers must usually be the Masters of the Church who are likest to be Enemies to the holy Doctrine which condemneth them We long we pray we groan for the Concord of the Christian World And we are sure that whoever shall be the blessed and honoured Instruments of that work must do it by breaking dividing Engines and making the primitive simplicity the terms of Vnion even a few plain certain necessary things while the Sword of the Magistrate constraineth the turbulent to peace and mutual forbearance in the rest We are not for cruelty to any We greatly approve of your Majesties Aversness to persecution But we believe that it is the Learning Godliness and Concord of the Ministry which shall be publickly settled by your Laws which must be the chief means of preserving Religion Loyalty and Peace and therefore must deeply resent it that we are rendered so unserviceable in that kind and that well meaning men should so long misunderstand our cause and judge defame and use us as if we were the hinderers of that sweet agreement which our Souls most earnestly desire and would purchase by any Lawful price In summ the belief of the Heavenly Glory through Christ kindling the Love of God and Man and teaching us to live Soberly Righteously and Godly and the Government of Magistrates keeping all in peace upon these terms is the Religion and State that we desire And the grief of our Souls for the present Divisions doth call up our thankful remembrance that once by your Majesty's favour we were Commissioned to speak for our selves about the old Conformity and to treat with your Bishops for such Alterations as were necessary to our Concord And that your Majesty published so Gracious a Declaration of Ecclesiastical Affairs as had it lived had prevented our present fractions yea that your House of Commons gave your Majesty the publick Thanks for your healing means Tho now some take all our Divisions and Distractions to be a smaller evil than the Terms of that your Majesty's Declaration would be And if ever your favour allow us to speak for our selves also as to the New Conformity and to open to the world the matter and reasons of our Nonconformity we cannot doubt but it would much abate the Censures and Injuries of Multitudes that understand us not and consequently abate their guilt and all unbrotherly Distances and Schisms and Men's unthankful dislike of your Majesty's Clemency And so far as God by your Majesty's favour shall open our Lips that our mouths may shew forth his praise we shall be obliged to greater thankfulness to your Majesty and to pray for your pious and prosperous Reign and that we may all live a quiet and peaceable Life in all Godliness and Honesty as becometh your Majesty's Loyal Subjects § 289. While the said two Bishops were fraudulently seeming to set us on this Treaty their cause required them outwardly to pretend that they would not have me troubled but understand I was still the first that was haunted after and persecuted And even while I was in this Treaty the informers of the City set on work by the Bishops were watching my preaching and contriving to load me with divers convictions and fines at once And they found an Alderman Justice even in the Ward where I preached sit for their Design one Sir Thomas Davis who understood not the Law but was ready to serve the Prelates in their own way To him Oath was made against me and the place where I preached as for two Sermons which came to threescore pounds fine to me and fourscore to the owner of the place where we assembled But I only was sought after and prosecuted § 290. The Reader must here understand the present case of the City as to such things The Execution of these Laws that were to ruine us for preaching was so much against the hearts of the Citizens that scarce any could be found to execute them Tho the Corporation Oath and Declaration had new moulded the City and all the Corporations of the Land except some few as Taunton c. which were utterly dissolved by it yet were the Aldermen for the most part utterly averse to such Imployment so that whenever an Informer came to them tho they forfeited an 100l every time that they refused to execute their Office yet some shifted out of the way and some plainly denyed and repulsed the Accusers and one was sued for it And Alderman Forth got an Informer bound to the behaviour for breaking in upon him in his Chamber against his will Two fellows called Strowd and Marishal became the General Informers in the City and some others under them In all London notwithstanding that the third parts of those great Fines might be given the Informers very few would be found to do it And those two were presently fallen upon by their Creditors on purpose and Marishal laid in the Compter for Debt where he remained for a considerable time but Strowd keeping a Coffee-House was not so deep in debt but was bailed Had a Stranger of another Land come into London and seen five or six poor ignorant sorry Fellows unworthy to have been inferiour Servants to an Ordinary Gentleman hunting and insulting over the ancient Aldermen and the Lord Mayor himself and all the Reverend faithful Ministers that were ejected and eighty nine Churches were destroyed by the Fire and in many Parishes the Churches yet standing could not hold a sixth or tenth part of the People yet those that Preached for nothing were prosecuted to utter ruin with such unwearied eagerness sure he would have wondered what these Prelates and Prosecutors are and it may convince us that the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 given in Scripture to some Men translated false Accusers is not unmeet When Men pretending to be the Fathers of the Church dare turn loose half a dosen paltry silly Fellows that know not what they do to be to so many Thousand Sober Men as Wolves among the Sheep to the distraction of such a City and the disturbance of so many thousand for worshipping God How lively doth this tell us that Satan the Prince of the Aereal Powers worketh in the Children of Disobedience and that his Kingdom on Earth is kin to Hell as Christ's