bountifull as that it may be term'd Extravagance for this vertue of Liberality ought to be used with order and measure without Detriment to the Crown and Royal Dignity †L. 3. tit 10. lib. 5. Recop To lay up the better to employ is not Avarice but premeditated Liberality To give inconsiderately is either Vanity or Folly By this Parsimony King Alphonso the Wise rais'd the Monarchy and lost the Crown by his profuse Extravagance one of the principal Complaints the Kingdom made against him was That he had given the Empress Marthâ— thirty thousand Marks of Silver to redeem her Husband Baldwin whom the Sultan of Aegypt retain'd Prisoner in which he was more vain than prudent King Henry the Second found the damage of having weakned the power of his Crown by his too great Bounty and therefore revok'd it by his last Will. Time and Opportunity ought to guide Princes in their Liberality sometimes it ought to be moderated when the Expences of War and the publick Necessities are great and to be apply'd to avert Dangers and to facilitate Designs in which he saves most who spends most for he who gives by little and little spends his Money without attaining his end War is avoided and Victory and Peace purchased by Liberality 9 Prov. 22. 9. The Prodigality of a Prince may be corrected by committing the management of his Treasures to thrifty frugal Ministers as may his Avarice by generous ones 'T is necessary sometimes to let a Prince see the summ of his Liberality for Grants are made sometimes without consideration and if the Prince kept an account of his Expences he would doubtless moderate them and 't is not always Liberality to grant Gratuities for Avarice is often vanquish'd by Importunity or sometimes weary with contending grants them through Despair 'T is natural to all Princes to give to those who have most I know not whether through Fear or Esteem of Power This that great Courtier Ioseph well understood when calling his Father and Brothers into Aegypt and offering them in Pharaoh's name all the Good of that Kingdom 10 Gen. 45. 18. he bid them bring with them all the Riches and Goods that they had 11 Ibid. ver 20. knowing that if they came rich the King would be more liberal to them so that he who expects Bounty from a Prince must not represent to him his Poverty and Misery There are no more ready means to have than to have 12 Luke 19. 26. EMBLEM XLI THE Motto of this Emblem has been famous to all Antiquity Some attribute it to Bias to Pythagoras Thales and Homer but I think 't is more reasonably ascrib'd to the Delphick Oracles for it seems rather a Divine than Humane Sentence fit to be engraven on all the Crowns Sceptres and Rings of Princes To this is reduc'd the whole Science of Government which consists in avoiding Extreams and loves the middle where Vertue keeps its Sphere 'T was ask'd Socrates Which was the properest Vertue for a young Man and he answer'd Nothing to Excess by which he comprehended all To this Motto the body of the present Emblem seems well suited Corn lay'd by the violence of unseasonable Rain when gentle Dews were sufficient 1 Magni animi est magna contemnere prudentis est mediocria malle quam nimia ista enim utilia sunt illa quòd superfluunt nocent Sic sâ—â— getem nimia sternit ubertas sic Rami onere franguntur sic ad maturitaâ—em non pervenit nimiâ— foecunditas Sen. Epist. 39. Honours by being too great suit ill with Subjects and rather disgrace than adorn them There are some favours so out of season that they pass for Injuries What avails it for the Prince to do a benefit if by his austere Looks and rugged Words he seems as 't were to throw it at one or does it so unseasonably that it does no kindness The Benefit and Favour is lost and the hand abhorr'd that gave it Which made King Alphonso the Wise say That Rewards should be given so â— propos that they may be beneficial to the Receiver †L. 1. tit 21. p. 2. As there are errors in Excess of Rewards and Favours so there is also in Punishments Such an exact Rigour better becomes a Minister of Justice than a Prince he is not at his Liberty but the Prince has the Keys of the Law in his own hand 'T is not Justice which is too severe nor Mercy which is not moderate and so of other Vertues The same Moderation a Prince out to observe in the arts of Peace and War so guiding the Chariot of the Government as they did in the Games of old that the Wheels may not touch the Goals for so they would be broken the art of the ancient Racers consisted in measuring the distance so exactly as to pass as near as possible without touching eitheâ— end What a Prince ought to take most care of is the Moderation of his Passions governing them with such Prudence that he may neither desire hope love or fear with too much Ardour and Violence rais'd by the Will not by Reason The desires of private persons may be easily accomplish'd but those of Princes not for those are proportion'd to their conditions and these are usually greater than the force of their Grandure tending always to Extreams Almost all Princes either ruin themselves or run into great inconveniences through Excess of Ambition mans desire being unlimited and the possibility of things very narrow it rarely happens that the first are measured by the latter or that there is any Justice between them Hence Princes seek pretences to rob their Neighbours nay their greatest Friends aspiring ever at the enlargement of their State without measuring their bodies with their Strength and their Government with Humane Capacity which cannot maintain all that may be acquired The Grandure of Empires lies upon their own Shoulders and are always ready to fall oppress'd with their own weight Let Princes therefore endeavour to maintain their States which either Succession or Election has given them and if any just occasion shall offer of enlarging them let them make use of it a God's name but with such caution as the Event shall shew to Prudence Ambition is not less dangerous in the Excess of its Fears than of its Desires especially in that which is acquired by Violence Fear suggests no means which are not immediately made use of for its preservation There is none of the line of the party wrong'd or any one who has the least pretension to the State though never so remote but is fear'd Tyranny usually proposes nothing less than a general ruin Thus Mucianus practis'd killing the Son of Vitellius 2 Mansuram discordiam â—btendens â—i semina belli restrinxisset Tac. â— ann The same also is taughâ— in the School of Machiavell whose Scholars forgetting the Example of David who sought out Saul's Relations that they might partake of his Mercy
XXXVI THE expert and prudent Seaman is not always carried at the Pleasure of the Wind but rather by 〈◊〉 Benefit of it so disposes the Sails of his Ship that 〈◊〉 arrives at the desired Port and with the same Wind 〈◊〉 at which he pleases of two opposite Shores withâ—â— endangering his Voyage But when the Heaven 's calm by the help of Sails and 〈◊〉 he out strips even the Wind it self With no less 〈◊〉 and Diligence the Prince ought to Steer the Vessel of 〈◊〉 State in the tempestuous Sea of his Reign so attenâ—â—vely observing all Storms that he may with Prudence and Valour make use of the same in their time and place He is a Pilot to whose Conduct the Life and Safety of all is committed nor is any Ship more hazardous than a Crown exposed to so many Winds of Ambition so many Rocks of Enemies and Storms of People King Sancho the Brave needed all his Industry to arm himself against Fortune and secure the Right of his Crown Almost the whole Science of Politicks consists in knowing how to discern Times and make use of them A Storm sometimes bringing a Ship sooner into Harbour than a Calm He who can break the force of ill Fortune renders it favourable and one that knowing a Danger yields to it and gives it time at length surmounts it When the Sailor finds there is no contending with the Billows he strikes Sail and abandons himself to them and because his Resistance would rather add force to the Wind uses some narrow Creek to rest his Ship in and shelter it from the Waves Something must be granted Dangers if one would escape them Iames the First King of Arragon was sensible of the Aversion his Noblâ—s and People had to him and that it was by no means convenient to increase their Fury by an untimely Opposition but rather to give it time to sink of it self as Rivers do whose Waters in a Tempest swell and overflow their Banks voluntarily suffer'd himself to be play'd upon and as it were imprisoned till he restored all things to their former Calmness and Tranquility and reinstated himself in the Throne The same discreet Moderation Queen Mary used when by siding with the Grandees and satisfying their Ambition she preserved the Crown of Castile during the Minority of her Son Ferdinand the Fourth †Mar. Hist. Hisp. Did the Sailor think it a dishonour to yield to a Storm and were resolved with Sails and Oars to withstand it his Ruin would be inevitable Constancy consists not in unseasonable struggling bâ—â— in hoping and so enduring Danger without letting Fortune get the upper hand of one In such Cases the Glory is to escape safe What seems Baseness of Mind in them is afterwards Magnanimity crown'd with Success When King Alphonso the Wise saw himself deprived of his Kingdom putting his whole Confidence in the King of Morocco's Assistance made no difficulty to beg of Alphonso de Guzman Governor of St. Lucar de Barameda who upon some Disgust had retired to that Prince's Court that forgetting all former Injuries and remembring their ancient Amity and his Nobility he would stand his Friend and endeavour to be an Instrument of that King 's supplying him with Men and Money Which Letters are to this Day kept in that most Illustrious and Ancient House Nevertheless Kings ought not to yield to their Subjects violence unless in Cases of Extremity for he very little consults his Authority who debases himself by too much Condescention The dishonourable Terms King Ferdinand the Holy constrain'd by his Non-age made the House of Zara no way appeased them Nor could Isabella reclaim Alphonso Carillo Bishop of Toledo though she honour'd him with a Visit at Alcala I confess in desperate Cases prudence is wont to try all ways that Chance can render possible It is great Courage and Strength of Reason on Occasions of that Nature to restrain the Spirits and weigh the present Necessity and greatness of the Danger against such means as may contribute more to the State 's Preservation No one was ever more Jealous of his Grandeuâ— than Tiberius yet he dissembled the Boldnâ—sâ— of Lentulus Germanicus who having the Command of the German Legions was so audacious as to write to him with Threats not to send him a Successor covenanting as 't were to let his Prince enjoy the Empire provided he were continued in his Province 1 Reputante Tiberio publicum sibi â—dium extremam aetatem magisque fama quam vi stare res suaâ— Tac. 6. Ann. and he who could not put up the Emulation of his Sons took this slight patiently Not but he knew the ill Consequence of letting such Disobedience go unpunished but if he opposed it he consider'd he should incurr the publick Odium that he was now in Years and in a State where his Affairs depended more upon Reputation than Strength Subjects would be little beholding to the Valour of the Prince who governs them if he should presently in ill Fortune submit to Necessity and on the other side as little to his Prudence if when that Fortune can't be overcome he will however withstand it Courage should be moderated by Prudence and Address and what cannot be effected by Strength should be the Work of Art and Industry 'T is no less glorious to avoid than to surmount a Danger To fly it always is Sloth to expect Ignorance or Surprize to despair Cowardice Men of Courage make Head against Fortune her self The Princeâ—s Duty and End is not lightly to contest with his State upon the Billows but to conduct it to the Haven of Preservation and Safety That is esteemed valiant Wisdom which draws Benefit out of Adversity as also that which by struggling compasses its Ends sooner Kings the Masters of Times and Things are always followed never led by them There 's no Building but whose Ruins with what Addition Industry is wont to make may Erect a more stately Fabrick Nor any State so intirely abandon'd by Fortune that Valour cannot preserve and even advance provided it consult Prudence upon Events and know how to make right use of them or at least to turn them to its Advantage Ferdinand the Catholick and Lewis the Twelfth of France had divided between them the Kingdom of Naples and the great Captain knowing the Circle of a Crown to have but one Center and that Empire admits of no Companion endeavoured immediately to get his Master's Share into his Hands that in Cafe of after Disputes which he foresaw would arise between those two Kings he might be the more at leasure and use them afterwards to disposses the King of France of his Part as in Effect it happned Accidents it is true have some force but we increase or diminish them according to our Carriage under them Our Ignorance gives Divinity and Power to Fortune in that we lightly resign our selves to her Vicissitudes Did we change our Customs and Measures as oft as she does the Times she
Alexandria without his leave 8 Acerrimè increpuit quod contra institutum Augusti non sponte Principis Alexandriam introisset Tac. 2. ann but for the greater Security and the better to keep the Minister in obedience 't would be convenient to allow a little more Authority to the Magistracy of the Province for there are no Curbs stronger than that nor more ready to oppose the Faults of the Governor Mean and abject Spirits such as have no Ambition of Glory or thirst for Preferments are fit for no Employ The chief Quality which God found in Ioshuah to introduce him into the management of Affairs was that he had a great Spirit 9 Numb 27. 18. But yet the Courage should not be so great as to repine at his being born a Subject and not be contented with his Condition for the Loyalty of such is in great Danger because they aspire always to the highest step which if they attain not 't is either for want of Power or Wit besides they soon flag in their Zeal for the Publick and Obedience to their Prince Great Spirits are not less dangerous at least if they are not docile and modest for being very positive and conceited of their own Opinions they are apt to slight Commands and believe that all should be governed at their Pleasure A person is as troublesome for his good Qualifications as for his having none at all for there is no satisfying him who presumes too much upon his Merit Tiberius never desired great Vertues in Offices of Trust and hated Vices too for from one he feared Danger to himself from t' other Scandal to the Government 10 Neque enim imminentes virtutes sectabatur rursus vitia oderat ex optimis periculum sibi à pessimis dedecus publicum metuebat Tac. 1. ann Nor are those fit for Ministers who are rich and of great Families for having no need of the Prince and flowing in plenty of all things they won't expose themselves to Perils and Toils nor can nor will they be under Command 11 Qui in affluentia fortunae virium opum amicorum aÌ„lioruamque talium constituti sunt Reginaeque obâ—dire norunt Arist. 4. Pol. c. 11. Whence Sosibius Britannicus us'd to say Princes can't endure Riches in the Commons 12 Auri vim atque opes Principibus infensas Tac. 11. ann When a Prince shall have made Choice of a Minister with all due Circumspection let him seemingly put an entire Confidence in him but always keep an Eye upon his Actions and Intelligences and if they are any ways suspicious let him be removed to another Post where he will want opportunity to make a party to execute his ill Designs for there is more prudence and kindness in preventing a Crime than in forgiving it when committed if Germanicus's Victory and the Soldiers Applause pleas'd Tiberius on one hand on t' other they made him jealous and uneasie 13 Nuntiata ea Tiberium laetitia curaque affecere Tac. 1. ann And understanding the Commotions in the East he was glad of a Pretence ea expose him to Dangers by making him Governour of those Provinces 14 Ut to specie Germanicum suetis Legionibus abstraheret novâ—sque Provineiis impositum dolo simul casibus objectaret Tac. 2. ann Now if any Minister is to be removed it should be done under the pretence of Honour and before the Reasons are known with such prudence as mayn't give him Reason to mistrust the Princes disgust for as fear of being cheated is the way to be cheated so Suspicion of Loyalty makes Traytors for which Reason Tiberius having a mind to recall Germanicus to Rome did it under a pretence of a Triumph which he design'd him 15 Acriùs modestiam ejus aggreditur alterum Consulatum offerendâ— Tac. 2. ann offering him other Preferments of which Princes are very liberal when they would free themselves from their Jealousies If a Subject once loses the Respect he owes his Prince after Confidence will never secure him Sancbo the first King of Leon pardoned Count Gonzalo for having taken up Arms against him endeavouring to reconcile him by his Favours but those by which he thought to have oblig'd him only gave him opportunity to poyson him When Princes are concerned with one another there is no Obligation of Friendship or Affinity a sufficient Reason for their trusting each other Don Ferdinand the great King of Castile and his Brother Garcias of Navarre were at difference he as he lay sick at Nacar had a design to seize his Brother who came to pay him a Visit but his Design not succeeding he had a mind to dissemble his Intent by visiting his Brother who caused him to be apprehended * Mar. Hist. Hisp. Revenge and State-Policy is of greater Force than Friendship or Consanguinity The same befel Don Garcias King of Galicia for having trusted his Brother Alonso King of Castile the most irreconcileable falling out is that between Relations and dearest Friends 16 Difficiles fratrum dissentiones qui valdè amâ—nt valdè edio habent Arist. 7. Pol. c. 6. and perfect Hatred is the result of perfect Love from all which we may infer how difficult a thing 't is for a Prince to trust himself in the hands of his Enemies it cost the King of Granada his Life for going though with a Pass port to ask assistance from King Peter the Cruel Lewis Forza Duke of Milan was more cautious refusing an Interview with the King of France unless in the midst of a River or upon a broken Bridge A true piece of Italian Policy not to trust where they have once shew'd a Jealousie for which Reason the Italians were much admir'd at the Interview between the great Captain and King Ferdinand the Catholick as also at that between the same King and the King of France his Enemy In some Cases Confidence is more safe and necessary to gain peoples Affections than Distrust Don Alonso VI. having lost his Kingdom of Leon liv'd retir'd at the Court of the King of Toledo who was a Moor when upon the Death of Don Sancho his Sates recalled him to his Throne with the greatest privacy imaginable fearing lest if it should come to be known by the Moors they might retain him by force he like a prudent and grateful Prince discovered the whole Affair this Confidence so oblig'd the Barbarian King who before understood the Intrigue and design'd to seize him that he not only let him go free but also furnished him with Money for his Voyage See the power of Gratitude which disarms even the most savage Spirits * Mar. Hist. Hisp. Distrusts between Princes can't be cur'd by Satisfactions or Excuses but by their contrary if time won't heal them diligence never will these are a kind of wounds which the Probe and the Hand does but more exulcerate and a sort of apparent Jealousies which are an Introduction to Infidelity EMBLEM LII
as St. Augustine explains it * St. August lib. 5. de Civ Dei cap. 12. stray'd from their first Institution in which private Persons were Poor but the Publick Rich. Of which Horace complains †Lib. 2. Ode 15. Non it a Romuli Praescriptum intonsi Catonis Auspiciis c. Great Princes relying too much upon their own Power lay aside all Care of laying up Treasure or of preserving what they already have not considering that if the Necessity of their Affairs should require Money they must be oblig'd to oppress their Subjects with Taxes to the great hazard of their Fidelity and the greater the Kingdom is there will be need of greater Expence and Charge Princes are Briareus's who what they receive with fifty Hands spend with a hundred nor is any Kingdom rich enough to supply the Extravagance of one Clouds in one Hour spend all the Vapours which they have been many Days in collecting Those Riches which Nature had for many Ages hoarded up in the close Treasury of the Earth were not sufficient for the extravagant Prodigality of some of the Roman Emperors And this Extravagance is usual to Successors who find the Treasury filled to their Hands For they spend that carelesly and lavishly which they never knew the trouble of acquiring they soon pull down the Banks of the Treasury and drown their State in Pleasure and Luxury In less than three Years time Caligula squander'd away Sixty Six Millions of Gold though then One Crown was as much as Two now Power is self-will'd and foolish and should therefore be corrected by Prudence for without that Empires would soon fall to Ruine that of Rome seem'd to decline from the Time that the Emperors began to squander away its Treasures The World is wholly ruled by Arms and Riches Which is represented in the present Emblem by a Sword and Golden Bough which a Hand holds over a Globe to intimate that by both these the World is govern'd alluding to Virgil's Story of Aeneas who by the help of both these conquer'd even Hell it self and subdued its Monsters and Furies The Sword wounds most whose edge is Gold and Valour without Conduct and Magazines without Treasuries are insignificant A Prince ought therefore to consider before he declares War whether he is sufficiently furnish'd with these Means to prosecute it For which Reason 't will be convenient that the President of the Treasury should be one of the Council that he may give an Account of the State of the Revenue and what Grounds they have to proceed upon Power ought to be cautious and circumspect and diligently consider of what it undertakes Prudence does the same in the Mind as the Eyes do in the Head without that Kingdoms and States would be blind And Polyphemus who having once lost his Eye by the Cunning of Vlysses in vain threw Stones about and storm'd for Revenge so will they vainly squander and throw away their Treasure and Riches What prodigious Summs have we seen spent in our Times upon some vain Fear in countermining Enemies Designs in raising Armies and making War which might have been avoided by a Friendly Composition or by Dissimulation How much in Subsidies and Taxes ill apply'd and in other Necessary Expences by which Princes thinking to make themselves Powerful have found the contrary The Ostentations and Menaces of Gold extravagantly and unseasonably squander'd away render themselves ineffectual and the second are less than the first for one weakens the other Strength lost is soon recruited but Riches once spent are hard to be recover'd They ought not to be us'd but upon absolute Necessity Aeneas did not first shew the Golden Bough but offer'd to force his Passage with his Sword The Chief unsheath'd his shinning Steel prepar'd Though seiz'd with sudden Fear to force the Guard But when he found that neither Force nor Fair Means could oblige Charon to waft him over the Golden Bough was produc'd which had been hitherto conceal'd 8 Prov. 21. 14. At the sight of which the angry God was pacified * Dryden ' s Virgil. If neither Piety nor Heaven's Command Can gain his Passage to the Stygian Strand This fatal Present shall prevail at least Then shew'd the Golden Bough conceal'd within her Vest. No more was needful for the Gloomy God Stood mute with Awe to see the Golden Rod c. Let Princes therefore take Care to keep those Eyes of Prudence upon their Scepters clear and quick-sighted not disdaining Oeconomy which is the Safety and Preservation thereof Princes being as 't were the Fathers of their People The Great Augustus condescended as we have said before for the Good of the Publick to take the Accompts of the Empire with his own Hand Spain had had long since the Universal Empire of the World if it had been less Extravagant in War and more Regular and Methodical in Peace but through a certain Negligence the usual Effect of Grandeur it has suffer'd those Riches which should have render'd it Invincible to be made use of by other Nations We purchase them of the simple Indians for Toys and Baubles and afterwards we our selves as silly as they permit other Nations to Export them leaving us Brass Lead or some such worthless Commodities in their stead 'T was the Kingdom of Castile which by its Valour and Prowess erected our Monarchy yet others triumph and that suffers not knowing how to make good Use of the vast Treasures which are brought to them So Divine Providence in a manner levels and equals States giving to the Great Ones Strength without Industry and to the Little Industry to acquire Strength But lest I should seem only to discover Wounds and not heal them I will prescribe some Remedies not drawn from the Quintessence and Nicety of Speculation which are approv'd at first when new but afterwards rejected by Experience but such as Natural Reason shall suggest and such as Ignorance slights as vulgar The chief Wealth and Riches of Nations are the Fruits of the Earth no Mines in the World being richer than Agriculture This the Aegyptians knew who made the lower End of their Scepters like a Plow-share to intimate that its Power and Grandeur was founded upon that The fertile Sides of Vesuviâ—s are richer than Potosus with all its Gold 'T is not by Chance that Nature has so liberally imparted the Fruits of the Earth to All and hid Gold and Silver in the very Bowels of the Earth It made those common and expos'd them upon the Superficies of the Earth on purpose for Man's Nourishment 9 Maxima pars hominum è terra vivit fructibus Aristor Polit. lib. 1. c. 5. and hid these in the Bowels thereof that they might not easily be dug out and refined knowing they would prove the Bane and Ruine of Mankind Spain was in former times so rich almost only from the Fruits of the Earth that Lewis King of France coming to Toledo in the time of
purpose to the Lion she has given Claws to the Eagle Talons to the Elephant a Trunk to the Bull Horns to the Bear Fangs to the Porcupine sharp Quills she has made Adders and Vipers formidable by their Poison for their Defence consists in our Danger and their Security in our Fear For which Reason she has cloathed almost all Beasts with a thick Skin for their Defence the Crocadile with a Breast-Plate Serpents with a Coat of Mail Scorpions with Scales She has given all an Aspect terrible and a Voice horrible and dreadful Let therefore Savage War be for them not for Man in whom Reason is predominate over Rage Nature has hid Iron Steel Gold and Silver in the Bowels of the Earth lest Men should make ill Use of them but Revenge or Injustice has found them even there some for the Instruments and some for the Price of Murther 5 Video serrum ex iisdem tenebris esse prolatum quibus Aâ—rum Argentum ne aut instrumentum in caedes mutuas deesset aut Pretium Senec. Great Abuse of Mankind to employ Gold and Silver to the Destruction of Life which was given for its Preservation But because many Men as we have said more Savage than the very Beasts themselves are more sway'd by Lust and Ambition than Reason and so unjustly covet to oppress and govern others War became necessary for Natural Defence for there being two Methods of deciding Matters one by Justice the other by Force which is common to all Animals when the one can't be us'd the other must 6 Nam cum duo sint genera disceptandi unum per disceptationem alterâ—â— per vim cumque illud proprium sit hominis hoc belluarum confugiendum eâ—â— ad posterius si â—ti non licet superiori Cicero provided the Cause and Intention be just and the Authority of the Prince be lawful in which also nothing should be resolv'd on without due Deliberation So the Athenians us'd to consult their Orators and Philosophers about the Legality of their Wars for 't is in our Power to begin but not to end them he who undertakes them in haste will repent at leisure War says King Alphonso ought to be well weigh'd e're 't is begun that it may be agreeable to Reason and Iustice for from hence proceed three great Advantages The first is That God favours those who do so The second is That they themselves are more encourag'd upon Confidence of their Iustice The third is That those who know it if they are Friends join more chearfully if Enemies they have the less hopes of Success * L. 2. tt 23. p. 2. War ought not to be undertaken for slight and frivolous Matters such as were those which mov'd Xerxes to bring War upon the Greeks and the Lumbards to make an Irruption into Italy That Prince is a Tyrant who wages War for another State but he Just and Commendable who does it for the Defence of his own or the Recovery of unjust Usurpations in such case especially where Justice cannot be obtained otherwise or where it is more securely decided by the Sword than the Book so subject to Deceit and Cavil 7 Castrensis jurisdictio secura obtusior plura manu agens calliditatem fori non exerceat Tac. in Vit. Agric. The Success of War is a Just Judge giving the Right of Victory to him to whom it belongs King Philip II. was so desirous to clear his Right to the Crown of Portugal upon the Death of King Sebastian that after having had the Opinions of many Divines and Lawyers and his Army being then upon the Frontiers he stopp'd to conferr with them further about it A Prince who desires gradually to raise his Fortune may do it by War provided he has just Occasion But he who is already in quiet Possession of a competent Greatness ought diligently to consider how he engages himself in War and to endeavour as much as possible to avoid it by honourable Means without loss of Authority and Reputation for if he loses them the Refusal will rather kindle it The Emperor Rodolphus I. us'd to say That 't was more commendable to Govern a State well than to Enlarge it 'T is not less Glorious for a Prince to preserve Peace with his Sword than to Conquer in War Happy is that Kingdom in which the Reputation of Arms maintains Plenty and where Lances support the Vines and Olive-Trees where Ceres is protected by Bellona's Head-piece The greater the Courage is the more averse 't is to War as knowing to what it must be obliged Many times Cowards advise and promote it and the Brave act it 8 Sumi Bellum etiam ab ignavis tenuâ—ssimi cujusque Periculum geri Tac. 4. Annal. If War is commenc'd for the sake of Peace what need of that when we may enjoy this The Choice of it ought not to proceed from the Will but from Force or Necessity 9 Paâ—em habere debet Voluntas Bellâ—m Necessiâ—â—s De August Epist. 207. Tom. 2. The Ancients feign'd that Pallas was born out of the Head of Iupiter to intimate that War ought to proceed from Prudence not from the Perverseness of the Mind Sebastian King of Portugal who carried it into Africk more by the impulse of his Courage than Counsel with his Blood imprinted on those Sands the Truth of this Precept The Bees don't chuse an armed King that he mayn't be given to War and neglect the Government of his own State for foreign Conquests If Francis King of France and Gustavus King of Sweden had duly consider'd this the first had not been taken at Pavia nor the last kill'd at Lutzen Ambition of Rule is that which begins the Ruine of many States This Hanibal knew at last when he told Scipio That ' t would have been better had the Gods given Men more modest Thoughts that the Romans might be content with Italy and the Carthaginians with Africk Great Princes ought to carry on War with their utmost Power and Vigour that they may the sooner end it as the Romans did for the Protraction of it is both chargeable and dangerous The Enemy is also thereby disciplin'd and forewarn'd and encouraged Power without Vigour loses its Esteem For these Reasons two Wars ought not to be commenc'd at the same time for the Forces being divided they can't be ended so soon nor is any Power sufficient to maintain 'em long nor Subjects capable to Command them The Romans ever endeavoured as do the Turks at this day not to be engaged in two Wars at a time Upon this were grounded the Threats of Corbulo to the Parthians telling them That all the Empire enjoy'd a firm Peace and that they had only that War 10 Tac. 15. Annal. EMBLEM LXXV MEDEA to facilitate the Conquest of the Golden Fleece sowed Serpents Teeth in Colâ—hos whence immediately sprang Troops of armed Men who falling together by the ears destroyed one another So some
Experience of many who establish Wisdom XXX Fulcitur experientiis 214 This will teach him to maintain his Crown with Reputation XXXI Existimatione nixa 225 Not to depend on popular Opinion XXXII Ne requaesiveris extra 234 Nor be discompos'd at Change of Fortune XXXIII Semper Idem 240 To Endure and Hope XXXIV Ferendâ— sperandâ— 250 To draw Felicity from Adversity XXXV Interclusa respirat 255 To Saiâ— with every Wind. XXXVI In contraria ducet 259 Of two Evils to â—huse the Least XXXVII Minimum eligendum 266 How a Prince ought to behave himself towards his Subjects and Strangers LET him make himself belov'd and fear'd by all Men XXXVIII CUM Blandimento rigore 273 Being the Altar to which they flee for Succour XXXIX Omnibus 279 Let his Ability be the Measure of his Liberality XL. Quae tribuunt tribuit 286 Let him avoid Extreams XLI Ne quid nimis 291 Mixing Pleasure with Profit XLII Omne â—ulit punctum 299 That he may know how to reign let him learn to dissâ—mble XLIII Ut sciat regnare 303 And not discover his Designs XLIV Nec à quo nec ad quem 310 Nor rely too much on his Majesty XLV Non Majestate securus 316 But think always he may be deceiv'd XLVI Fallimur opinione 319 By the specious Pretenders to Vertue XLVII Et juvisse nocet 329 No less than Flatterers XLVIII Sub luce lues 337 How a Prince ought to behave himself towards his Ministers of State LET their Authority be only dependent XLIX LUMINE Solis 349 That they may be always subject to his Dâ—spleâ—sure as well as Favour L. Jovi Fulmini 3â—6 LET his Confidence be always Vigilant LI. â—IDE Diffide â—â— For Evil Ministers are most dangerous in the highest Posts LII Magis quam in terra nocâ—â—s 10 Herein they exercise their Avaâ—ice LIII Custodiunt non carpunt 18 And desire rather to depend oâ— themselves than the Prince LIV. A se pendet 23 Counsellors are the Eyes of the Scâ—pter LV. His praevide provide 29 Secretaries are the Compass LVI Qui à secretis ab omnibus 4â— They are both Wheels in the Clock of Government but not the Hand LVII Uni reddatur 49 Then let him give them all sorts of Honour without Prejudice to his own LVIII Sine detrimento lucis siâ—â— 57 How a Prince ought to behave himself in the Government of his States and Kiâ—gdoms COunsel and Strangth are necessary to preserve-them LIX CUM Arte cum manu 65 For let him be assured that if they increase not they will diminish LX. Vel ascendit vel descendit 84 Let him know well all the Strings of his Government and take Care that the greater Strings agree with the less LXI Mâ—jora minoribus consonant 94 Without discovering the Artifice of their Harmony LXII Nulli patet 100 Let him consider the Beginning and End of his Resolutions LXIII Consule utrique 107 Let him be slow in Consultation and quick in Execution LXIV Statuâ— exequere 112 Let him correct Errours before they multiply LXV Ex uno errorâ— multi 116 Let him see that his Countrey be well Peopled and breed up Subjects fiâ— for the Magistracy LXVI Ex fascibus fasces 121 Let him not over-burthen them with Taxes LXVII Amputat non excindit 132 Let him encourage Trade and Commerce which are the Poles of Common-wealths LXVIII His Polis 145 Keeping to himself the Power of War and Peace by his Sword and his Purse LXIX Ferâ—o Auro 1â—â— Let him not divide his State between his Children LXX Dum scinditur frangor 165 Industry overcomes all things LXXI Labor omnia vincit 170 Rest renews Strength LXXII Vires alit 176 How a Prince ought to behave himself in the internal and external Disorders of his States SEditions are appeas'd by Câ—lerity and Division LXXIII COmpressâ— quiescunt 182 War ought to be 〈◊〉 taken to acquire Peace LXXIV In fulcrum pacis 193 Hâ— who sâ—ws Discord reaps Wars LXXV Bellum colligit qui discordiaâ— seminat 199 Which are caused by the ill Intentions of Ministers LXXVI Intrat lux exit flamma 205 And by the Interviews of Princes LXXVII Praesentia noceâ— 209 Let a Prince 〈◊〉 of specious Pretences LXXVIII Formosa superné 212 Which ought to be deludâ—d by others of the same kind LXXIX Consilia consiliis â—rustrantur 219 By being in a Readiness against a Ruptâ—â—â—e LXXX In arena ante arenam 223 And considering his Strength LXXXI Quid valeant vives 230 Plâ—cing his Glory and Bravery in Arms. LXXXII Decus in armis 243 For upon the Exercise of them depends the Preservation of his States LXXXIII Qffendunt defendunt 253 Let him act more by Counsel than Force LXXXIV Plura consilio quam vi 258 Avoiding middle Counsels LXXXV Consilia media fugiâ—da 262 Let him personally assist in the Wars of his State LXXXVI Rebus adest 268 Always remembring that his Arms flourish most when God is of his side LXXXVII Auspice Deo 275 That he ought to adjust his Will to his Divine Decrees LXXXVIII Volentes trahimur 281 That Concord overcomes all things LXXXIX Concordiae cedunt 287 That the best Stratagem is Diversion XC Disjunctis viribus 293 That he ought not to confide in reconciled Friends XCI Solidari non potest 298 That Protection is generally Pernicious XCII Protegunt at destruunt 304 That Leagues with Hereticks are dangerous XCIII Impia foedera 309 That the Mitre ought to sâ—ine equally all the World over XCIV Librata refulget 315 Neutrality neither makes Friends nor gains Enemies XCV Neutri adhaerendum 323 How a Prince ought to behave himself in Victories and Treaties of Peace IN Victory let him be always mindful of Adversity XCVI Memor adversae 334 Making use of the Spoils to augment his own Strength XCVII Fortior Spoliis 343 And concluding Peace under the Shield XCVIII Sub Clypeo 348 For the Pleasures of Peace are the Fruit of War XCIX Merces Belli 354 How a Prince ought to behave himself in his old Age. LET him consider that his last Actions Crown his Government C. QUI legitimè certaverit 360 And Prognosticate what his Successor will be CI. Futurum indicat 374 And that he is equal to the râ—st of â—â—â—kind in the Pâ—ngs of Death CII â—udibria Mortis  OF THE EDUCATION OF A PRINCE EMBLEM I. VAlour is born not acquired 't is an intrinsick Quality of the Soul which is infused with it and immediately exerts it self The very Mothers Womb was a Field of Battel to the Two Brothers Iacob and Esau 1 And the Children â—â—ruggled together within her Gen. 25. 22. Of Thamar's Twins one by Nature more daring when he could not be Born before his Brother broke however the Ligature and thrust out his Hand as if he would snatch the Eldership from him 2 And it came to pass when she travailed that the one put oâ—â—â— his haâ—d first Genes 38. 28. A great
things says K. Alphonso a Prince will be oblig'd to take to his assistance one who does understand them and he may experience what King Solomon said That he who entrusts his secret with another makes himself his slave whereas he who can keep it â—imself is Master of himself which is infinitely requisite in a Prince For the Office of a King requires a great understanding and that too illustrated with Learning for without doubt says K. Alphonso in the same Law no man can acquit himself of an Office of such importance as this at least without great understanding and wisdom whence he who scorns the favours of Knowledge and Education will be scorn'd by God who is the Author of them Other Sciences have been divinely infused into many none but Solomon was ever inspired with Politickss For Tilling ground Agriculture prescribes certain Rules the Art of Taming wild Beasts has also its Methods but 't is easier to command any Animal than Man 't is necessary therefore that he be endued with an extraordinary portion of Wisdom who has Men to govern 5 Omni animali facilius imperabiâ— quam homini ideo sapientissimum esse oportet qui hominibus regere veâ—it Xenoph. The different Customs and Dispositions of Subjects canâ—t without considerable Sagacity Application and Experience be discovered and consequently no man requires Wisdom more than a Prince 6 Nullâ—s est cuâ— sapientia magis conveniat quam Principi cujus doctrina omnibus debet prodesse subditis Veget. T is that makes Kingdoms happy Princes feared and reverenced Then was Solomon so when the World became acquainted with his Knowledge renders a Prince more formidable than Power 7 Wisd. 5. 26. A wise King says the holy Spirit is the upholding of the people But an unwise King destroyeth them 8 Eccl. 10. 3 All which shews how barbarous the Opinion of the Emperour Licinius was who cryed out upon the Sciences as a publick Plague Philosophers and Orators as Poison to a Commonwealth nor does that of the Goths appear less absurd who found fault with Athalaricus's Mother for instructing him in good Letters as if he was thereby rendred incapable of publick Business Silvius Aeneas had quite other sentiments of them when he said they were Silver in the Commonalty Gold in the Nobility and in the Prince Jewels Alphonso of Naples upon hearing once a certain King say That Learning did not become a Prince Replyed immediately That 's spoke rather like a Beast than a man 9 Eam vocem bâ—vis esse non â—ominis Panorm lib. 4. Well therefore said K. Alphonso †lib. 16 c. 5. p. 2. That a King ought to be assiduous in Learning the Sciences for by them he will learn the Office of a King and know better how to practise it Of Iulius Caesar 't is related that he would have the Statuary form him standing upon a terrestrial Globe with a Sword in one Hand in the other a Book with this Motto Ex utroque Caesar thereby intimating that as well his Learning as his Arms was instrumental in getting and preserving to him the Empire Lewis the XIth of France did not esteem Learning at this rate for he would not permit his Son Charles the 8th to apply himself to it because he found himself thereby so obstinate and opinionative as not to admit the Counsel of any which was the reason why Charles proved afterwards unfit to govern and suffered himself to be led by the Nose by every one not without great Dishonour to himself and detriment to his whole Kingdom Extreams therefore in that as in all other things are to be avoided supine Ignorance breeds Contempt and Derision besides it is exposed to a thousand Errours on the other side excessive Application to Studies distracts the Mind and diverts it from the Care of Government The Conversation of the Muse is very pleasant and agreeable and no oâ—â— would without Reluctancy exchange it for the Fatigâ—â— and Trouble of Audiences and Consultations Alphonâ—â— the Wise knew the Causes of Earthquakes but coulâ— not regulate the Commotions of his Kingdoms thâ— Coelestial orbs his Ingenuity penetrated yet knew noâ— how to defend the Empire offered and Crown haereditary to him The Sultan of Egypt upon his famâ— sent Embassadours to him with very considerable presents in the mean time almost all the Cities of Castilâ— revolted Thus it usually happens Princes too mucâ— addicted to the Studies of Wisdom advance their Reputation among Foreigners and lose it with their Subjects Their Learning is admired by those to these sometimes prejudicial for Men of mean parts are generally better Governours than men of ingenuity 10 Hebetiores quam acutiores ut plurimum melius Rempub. administrant Thucyd. lib. 3. A Mind too intent upon Speculation is usually slow in Action and fearful in Resolution for of necessity many different and contrary Reasons must occur to such a Person which either wholly take away or obstruct the liberty of his Judgment If an Eye looks upon Objects by the Sun 's Light reflected it clearly and distinctly sees them as they are whereas if it be fixed directly against the Sun's Rays 't is so dazled with too much lustre that it can't so much as distinguish the Colours and Figures of them It happens thus to Wits those who too eagerly apply themselves to the Studies of Wisdom and Learning are less fit for publick business Right Reason never judges better than when free and disengaged from the Disputations and Subtilties of the Schools nor without Reason did the wise K. Solomon call that the worst of Travails which himself had tryed 11 I gave my Heart to search out by Wisdom concerning all things that are done under Heaven This sore Travail hath God given to the Sons of Men to be exercised with â—â—â—les 1. 13. For there are some of the liberal Sciences which to have a superficial Knowledge of is commendable but to make them ones whole Business and desire to attain a Perfection in them very prejudicial 12 Sunt enim quaedam ex liberalibus scientiis quos usque ad aliquid discere honestius sit penitus vero illis tradere atque usque ad extremum persequi velle valde noxium Arist. lib. 8. Pol. Wherefore 't is very convenient that prudence moderate a little that desire of knowledge which is usually most vehement in the best Wits as we read Agricola's Mother did who cooled the heat of her Sons Mind when in his youth he seem'd to follow the study of Philosophy more eagerly than was allowable for a Roman and Senatour 13 sed in prima juventa studium Philosophiae acrius quam concessum Rom. â—c senatâ—ri hausisse ni prudentia matris incensum ac flagrantem animum coercuisset Tac. in vâ—t Agr. As in Vices so in Learning there is excess 14 Retinuitque quod dâ—fficillimum est ex sapientia modum Ibid. and this is as hurtful to the
to delude with its Artifices 'T is a Victory truly worthy a Prince to conquer Frauds and Cheats with Ingenuity Lyes with Truth To lye is a slavish Vice and consequently very unbecoming the generous Mind of Princes who above all Men should endeavour to render themselves like God who is Truth it self 2 Excellent Speech becometh not a Fool much less do lying â—ipâ— a Pâ—ince Prov. 17. 7. Whence Kings says King Alphonso who keep its place upon Earth and to whom it particularly belongs to guard it ought to take special care not to contradict it by falsity if a King should once give himself to Lying he will not be believed even when he speaks truth and will farther give incouragement to others to follow his Example This inconveniency Tiberius experimented who often pretending to restore Liberty and the Consular Government to the Commonwealth and to remit the Management of Affairs to others caused the People to mistrust him when he meant really and honestly 3 Ad vana toties irrisa revolutus de reddenda Repâ—â— utque consules seâ— quis alius regimen susciâ—eret â—â—ro quoque honesto fidem dempsit Tâ—c 4 Aâ—n The greater Monarchs are they are the more exposed to Vanity and Lyes 4 Câ—ncta mâ—gâ—is impeâ—iis objectaâ—i solitus Tâ—c 4. Ann. The Rays of a plentiful Fortune easily contract the Clouds of Detraction In great Empires all things have the worst Construction put upon them and are obnoxious to Reproaches What open Force can't do Calumny by secret Mines attempts in which thing he that hath the Rule over others has need of great Courage not to change his Course or suffer himself to be stopt by the Clamours of Cavillers This constancy and firmness of Mind has always eminently appeared in the Kings of Spain to whom it has been in a manner natural to despise Envy and Calumny by which means alone many Clouds of that Nature have been dispelled which as Majesty raises so it also by the force of Truth dissipates as the Sun's Heat does Vapours What infamous Libels what manifest Falsities what forg'd Stories what Calumnies have malicious Men often spread against the Spanish Monarchy Nor for all this could that Envy be able to cast the least Blemish upon its so just Administration of the Kingdoms 't is possessed of in Europe because that is open to the World and visible to all Among other things by new contriv'd Devices and studied Lyes to render its Government odious and so make the Rebellious Princes less desirous of a Reconciliation I know not what Author under the Name of the Bishop of Chapa has published a Book wherein he gives a large Account of the Inhumane and Barbarous Usage the Indians received from the Spaniards and that those Lyes might have a more easy Credit the Book was first spread about in Spain as Printed at Sevil afterwards Translated into other Languages An ingenious Invention indeed and accute piece of malice and of more consequence than perhaps can be believed for upon some easy Minds it had very ill Effect though most of the more prudent soâ—â— soon discovered the Cheat in as much as all those things are abundantly confuted by the extraordinary Zeal for Religion and Justice the Spanish Nation always with great Constancy exercises and maintains all over the World nor is it unlike its self in the Indies only I won't however deny but at the first Invasion of America some things happened not altogether to be approved but this was only by their fault who thinking this Known World too little for their vast Minds had the boldness by the Permission rather than Command or Choice of their King to try their Fortune in other Parts and discover New Countries hitherto unknown where they found a barbarous People Idolatrous to Superstition more Savage than Beasts who brutally lived on Man's Flesh whose Inhumanity was incorrigible but by force and utmost rigour But it was not long before their Catholick Majesties provoided a Remedy against these Disorders for they sent to those Coasts Commissaries to punish those severely they found had been guilty and to maintain entire Justice among the Indians they gave afterwards many Paternal Orders for their Preservation of which it was none of the least to exempt them from those severe Labours they daily underwent in the Mines and in other things before the Discovery of those Countries They sent besides Divines with great Zeal to teach them the Mysteries of the Christian Faith founded Bishopricks at their own Expences and those of the Crown and maintained Religious Convents for the benefit of that new planted Church without suffering them from the time those vast Countries fell into the Spaniards hands even in the absence of their new Masters to want any any thing which 't is a King's Duty to supply his Subjects withal In which the Government of this State and the Vigilance of its Ministers may in a manner seem to surpass that of the Sun it 's self of the Moon and Stars and the Influence they have over things below for but a few hours in which the Sun's presence lightens one Hemisphere the other is in Confusion while Malice cloaths and covers its self with the Darkness of Night and under the Mask as it were of that Obscurity commits Murders Robbeâ—ies Adulteries and every thing that 's ill the Sun's providence not being able to prevent them though indeed even in the Night he spreads some Twilight above the Horizon or in the interim leaves the performance of his Office to the Moon as his Vicegerent and the Stars as his Ministers and communicates to them the Authority of his Rays From this our World the Kings of Spain govern that other in Justice Peace and Religion with the same Political Happiness the Kingdoms of Castile enjoy to their satisfaction But least the Envious and Enemies of the Spanish Monarchy should triumph with these their Artifices and that all the Calumnies of that Book may be entirely overthrown let us suppose all those Evils which Malice has feigned the Indians to have suffered to be true and compare them to what have been really undergone in our own time in several Wars as well against Genoa as in Germany Burgundy and Lorrain and 't will appear clearer than light that that lye comes far short of the truth of these What cruel Torments have Tyrants ever invented against Innocence which in these our times we have not seen put in practice not against inhumane and barbarous People but civilized Nations and those not always Enemies but even their own Members without respect to Propinquity of Blood or Piety towards their Country How often have we seen Auxiliary Forces turn their Weapons upon them that sent them Defence been more bloody than open Offence Protection become immediate Destruction Friendship Hostility Not a stately Edifice not a Sacred Place has been spared by Fire and Sword In a little time we have seen an infinite number
in them he chose rather to die gloriously in the Arms of his Fidelity than those of his â—nemies and what in all appearance was like to cost him his Life in a wonderful manner charm'd his Enemies who admiring his Bravery and Resolution by a Hook drew him out of the Citadel alive using him with great Civility and carefully dressing the Wounds he had receiv'd during the Siege †Mar. Hist. Hisp. Such is the force of Valour that it captivates even Enemies Courage has given life to more than Fear I know not what Divinity attends and rescues it from Dangers When Ferdinand the Holy besieg'd Sevil Garcias Perez de Vargas a Citizen of Toledo with another being separated from their Company were passing along the River Guadalquivir when on a sudden they spy seven Moorish Horse making towards them His Comerade advises him to retire but Garcias not to incurr the â—gnomity of Cowardice by a dishonourable Flight pulls down the Vizer of his Helmet brandishes his Sword and advances by himself The Moors knowing his ' Person and admiring his Resolution let him pass without attacking him Thus his Heroick Valour sav'd him for had he fled with his Companion the Enemy had in all probability pursued and took him Prisoner It requires a Mind free and disingag'd to examine Dangers first in the Report and afterwards in the Quality of them In the Rumour because those are generally esteem'd greatest which are farthest off The People hear and tremble at them and seditiously spread and increase them rejoycing at their own Misfortunes because unusual or out of Disaffection to the present Government It is therefore the Prince's part to appear firm and to disperse such idle Apprehensions As upon those Reports which were spread in the time of Tiberius of the Revolt of the Provinces of France Spain and Germany he never betrayed the least discomposure nor chang'd his Residence nor way of living as well knowing the levity of such Reports 2 Tanto impensius in securitatem compositus neque loco neque vultu mutato sed ut solitum per illos dies egit altiâ—â—dine animi an competerat modica esse vâ—lgatis leviora Tac. 3. Hist. If once a Prince surrender to Fear he will be ever after uncapable of resolving For then prudent Counsels and popular Rumours will be receiv'd with equal credit As they were by Vitellius in the Civil War with Vespasian 3 Quia in metu consilia prudentium vulgi rumor juxta audiunâ—â— Ibid. Dangers imminent appear greatest being cloath'd by Fear with horror and by Presence magnified and we by endeavouring to escape them fall into others abundantly greater which though they seem at a distance we afterwards find too near 'T is idle to imagine we can avert them by interposing a little time Many have vanished by being resisted on the contrary Opposition has encreasâ—d others and they have prov'd real which were only imaginary As it happened to the Syrians Army before Samaria 4 2 Kings 6. 7. Fear of danger has destroy'd more than Danger it self What vain Apprehension can do We have within these few Years seen at a publick Bull-fight at Madrid when a suddain Bruit being raisâ—d of some danger in the place where they fought struck Confusion and Terror into all though not one knew the Reason The confus'd Flight of some increased the Consternation and because none would stay to know the certainty many ran into the Jaws of Death by the same way they took to escape it and the Consequence had been much worse had not the Constancy of Philip the Fourth whom every ones Eyes were upon unmov'd at the Commotion and Rumour rais'd the trembling Spirits of his Subjects except the Prince in Dangers and Misfortunes of this Nature can repress the Peoples fears Counsels are confounded all Command and none Obey To be too cautious in avoiding Dangers is sometimes the utter Ruin of States Frederick Count Palatiâ—e had not lost his and his Electorate had not fear after his Defeat given Wings to him to abandon all For he might easily have retired to Prague or some other place with the Remnant of his Forces and compounded with the Emperor so by making choice of the lesser Evil have escap'd the greater We are oftentimes deluded by fear so disguised that we take it for Prudence and Constancy for Raâ—â—ness We sometimes boggle and are at a stand what to resolve and in the interim the Danger steals on us All things are not to be fear'd nor is Deliberation always required for between Prudence and Precipitation Valour often designs noble Actions The Great Captain having entered the River Garillan with his Army was reduc'd to such Streights that his Soldiers mutined and deserted and when his Officeâ— advised him to Retreat he answered This I have resolv'd with my self rather to gain Ground though 〈◊〉 enough for a Grave than give back a step might I live an hundred Years An Heroick Sentence worthy the Courage and Prudence of so Great a Man Hâ— well knew that without Rashness there was no hopeâ— in the Case he then was but weighing the Dangâ—â— against the Credit of his Arms the only support of 〈◊〉 Faction in the Kingdom which entirely depended upon the Success of that Expedition he chose rather to put all to the risque of one Battel and maintain his Repute than to lose by degrees with dishonouâ—â— How often for want of a timely Incision have we 〈◊〉 Wounds fester and spread Some Dangers vanish of themselves others are increased by negligence and wast Kingdoms insensiblyâ— and make them perish as it were by a Consumptionâ— Some are unknown of these one can't be too Caâ—tious for that they surprise before a Remedy can be provided Others are known but slighted by these negligence and too much confidence are usually suâ—ferers No Danger though never so inconsiderable should be despised for Time and other Accidents often augment them and Valour consists not so much in â—â—nquishing as in diverting Dangers To live in sight â—â—ereof is as bad as to suffer them 5 Nemo mortalium juxta viperam secures somnos sapit quae etsi non percutiat certe solicitat tutius est perire non posse quam juxta periculâ—m 〈◊〉 periisse Sanct. Hier. Nor is the Confidence we put in another's Clemency less treacherous when to decline one Danger we fall into a greater as when we surrender our selves at Discretion to an Enemy we consider in him only the generosity of Pardon not the force of Revenge or Ambition we measure his Compassion by our Grief and Affliction and are apt to persuade our selves that we can move him to relieve us When Iames the Third King of Majorca was too weak for his Brother-in-Law Peter the Fourth of Arragon who upon I know not what pretence would dispossess him of his Dominions he put himself into his Hands thinking this Submission would obtain what his Arms could not but that King was
deceiv'd by the Flattery of the people that he believ'd they could not bear his absence from Rome though for never so small a time and that his presence comforted them in their Adversity 15 Vidisse civium moestos vultus audire secretas quarimonias quod tantum aditurus esset iter cujus ne modicos quidem egressus tolerarent sueti adversum fortuit a aspectu Principis refâ—veri though he was really so odious that the Senate and Nobility were in doubt whether he was more cruel in his Absence than his Presence 16 Senatus Primatâ—â— in incerto erant procul an coram atrocior haberetur Tac. 15. ann There are other ways to know Flattery but few Princes care to make use of them it being so agreeable to their inclinations and nature and so we see Coiners punish'd but not Flatterers though the last are most guilty these gild and counterfeit our Money those our Vices putting them off even to our selves for Vertues This is a great fault which is still decry'd yet still maintain'd in the Courts of Princes where Truth appears not without danger especially with haughty and passionate Princes 17 Contumacius loqui non est tutum apud aures superbas offensioni proniores Tac. 4. ann Bernardo de Cabrera lost his life for his friendly advice in some affairs to Peter the IVth of Arragon notwithstanding his signal Services and his having been his Tutor He who advises or informs another seems to accuse his Actions and Judgment which Princes won't endure for they think he don 't sufficiently respect them who talks to them freely Gutierrez Fernandez of Toledo with an honest and well-meaning Sincerity told King Peter the Cruel what he thought of his Government and advis'd him to moderate his Severity which meritorious Advice the King took for such a crime that he caus'd him to be beheaded for it * Mar. hist. Hisp. A Prince looks upon him as his Judge who observes his Actions nor can he endure him who finds fault with them The danger is in admonishing a Prince what he should do not what he would do 18 Nam suadere Principi quod oporteat multi laboris periculi Tac. 1. hist. which is the reason Truth is so timorous and Flattery so audacious But if any Prince would be so generous as to think it base and mean to be coax'd by Flattery and look upon it as a contempt for others to pretend to impose upon him by false praises and speak more of his Grandure than his Person 19 Etiam ego tu simplicissimè inter nos hodie loquimur caeteri libeâ—tius cum fortunâ quam nobiscum Tac. 1. hist. he would soon be rid of this sort of cattle by arming himself with severity for none will dare attempt a stanch and severe Prince who fathoms the truth of things and has learnt to contemn vain Honours Tiberius with the same composure of countenance heard the freedom of Piso and the Flattery of Gallus 20 Audiente hâ—c Tiberio ac silente Tac. 2. ann And though he dissembled so well he knew the Flattery as he did that of Ateius Capito considering their Thoughts not their Words 21 Intellexit haec Tiberius ut erant magis quam â—t dicebantur Tac. 3. ann Let a Prince also publickly gratifie those who shall be so ingenuous as to tell him Truth Thus Clisthenes the Tyrant of Sicily did who erected a Statue to one of his Counsellors who contradicted his Triumph by which he wonderfully gain'd the hearts of his Subjects and encouraged his other Counsellors to speak their Sentiments more freely King Alphonso the Twelfth being once advising about an affair of great moment with his Sword in his right hand and his Sceptre in his left spoke to this effect Come says he speak all your minds freely and frankly advise me what you think for the glory of this Sword and the advantage of this Scepter * Mar. hist. Hisp. Happy that Kingdom in which Counsel is neither embarrass'd by Respect nor aw'd by Fear All men know the baseness of Flattery but they know too the inconveniencies of Truth and see more danger from this than that Who would not speak with more sincerity and zeal to Princes were they all of the same temper with Iohn the Second King of Portugal who when one petition'd for some vacant Office reply'd That he had long since promis'd it to a faithfull Servant who never spoke to please but to serve him and the State †Mar. hist. Hisp. But this generous Sincerity is very rarely to be found Princes being usually of King Achab's mind who calling a council of Prophets would have Micah excluded because says he he doth not prophecy good concerning me but evil 22 1 Kings 22. 8. For this reason Ministers often run great Risques who through zeal are too forward in telling their Thoughts of future dangers that they may be seasonably prevented For Princes had rather not know them than fear them their ears are prepar'd for the soft Harmony of Musick but can't bear the jarring sounds of impending dangers Whence they chose for their Counsellors and Confidents such as will tell them nothing but what they approve of 23 After their own Lusts they shall heap to themselves teachers 2 Tim. 4. 3. and not what God inspires as the Prophet Micah did 24 And Miâ—ah said as the Lord liveth even what my God saith that will I speak 2 Chron. 18. 13. What wonder then if without the light of Truth they lose their way and are lost Would these Tell-truths be guided by Prudence doubtless a Prince would more value Truth than vain and empty Flattery but there are few who use it seasonably or with that Modesty and Address that is requisite For all that are free are morose and offend Princes with the asperity of their Looks especially when arm'd with Truth for some Vertues are odious such as obstinate Severity and a Spirit not to be gain'd by favours For Princes think themselves slighted when they see those measures which are usually taken to obtain their favour are contemn'd thinking he who does not study to acquire them neither acknowledges himself their Subject nor has occasion for them The Superiour uses the Lancet or incision Knife of Truth to cure the distempers of the inferiour but this only a caustick which without pain benumbs and wears away the parts infected in the Superiour To be troublesome with unseasonable and improper Truths is rather Malice than Zeal rather Sauciness that Admonition God himself uses singular Prudence and Caution in revealing them for though he might have told Pharaoh and Nebuchadnezzar their future Calamities by Ioseph and Daniel yet he chose rather to do it by Dream when the Senses were â—ull'd and Majesty buried in Sleep and even then not clearly but by Figures and Hieroglyphicks that there might be some time allow'd for their Interpretation to avoid
14 Non ex rumore statuendum multos in Provinciis contra quem spes aut metus de illis fuerit egisse excitari quosdam ad meliora Magnitudine râ—rum hebescore alios Tac. 3. ann much safer was the Diligence of King Philip the II. who carefully observed his Nurseries and took particular notice what Plants were like to bear when transpanted into the civil or Ecclesiastical Government and had private Informations of their Behaviour in their Youth before Ambition could disguise their Vices whether they grew streight and upright or crooked and had certain Characters of the Vertues and Vices of the chief of his Subjects whence he never made an ill Choice and in his time flourished Persons truly valuable especially in Ecclesiastical Preferments for he thought it better to make Choice of such as he knew would not deserve Punishment than to punish them afterward 15 Officiis ac administrat â—onibus potiùs non peccaturos quam damnare cum peccassent Tac. in vit Agr. Happy is that Kingdom where there is no room for Ambition Petitions Prayers nor Attendance and where even concealed Vertue has no need of a Petition or Recommendation to be known to the Prince who of himself knows the Merits of his Subjects this was formerly spoken in Tiberius's Commendation 16 Quia sine Ambitione aut proximorum Precibus ignotos etiam ac ultro accitos Mâ—nificentia juver at Tac. 4. ann An auricular Commendation depends upon others but an ocular one not that may be deceived this rot that only informs the mind this both informs and moves too nay as 't were forces to Punishment or Rewards Some Countreys have chosen their Ministers by Lots which in some Cases is not improper to decline Envy and avoid Contention and Emulation often the grounds of Tumults and Seditions But when a fit person is to be chosen for the Administration of Justice or Command of the Army upon whom the Government and publick Safety is to depend a matter of that Concern ought not to be decided by the uncertainty of Chance but to pass the Tryal of a due Election For the Lot or Dye weigh's not Qualifications Desert and Reputation as Counsels do where all things are examined by weight and measure 17 Sorte urna mores non disecrni suffragia existimationem senafus reperta ut an eujusque vitam famamque penitrarent Tac. 4. Hist. and though all Counsels are usually guided by Interest a Prince may make a good Choice if he takes Care privately to inform himself of the Parties Qualifications and Vertues as also the ends which his Councellors propose in promoting them For when a Prince blindly approves all Proposals these above-mentioned Inconveniencies will attend but when his Counsellors see that he examines them and that he does not always admit the Persons propos'd but chooses others more sufficient they will advise with greater Care and Deliberation EMBLEM LIII THE Thebans represented the Integrity of Ministers especially those of Justice by a Statue without hands for when they are shut they are the Emblem of Avarice when open its Instruments This Garden represents the same thing by these Statues without Arms which are at the corners of each Walk like those in the Walks at Rome nor are there any better Guards than these for they have eyes to watch the Flowers but want Arms to gather them if all Ministers were like these Statues the Exchequer would be more secure and Nations better governed especially Commonwealths whose Revenues are looked upon as common every Magistrate believing it no Crime to make his fortune out of them one accuses t'other to excuse himself and all wink at one another and this Vice being like Fire which with the same matter that should quench it is nourished and burns fierce 1 Eccles. 5. 9. so they the more they get the more they desire 2 Eccles. 14. 9. and Avarice once glutted with the publick Treasure then Attacks private persons whence they wholly confound the principal end of Society which is common Perservation Where Avarice reigns Peace and Quiet is banished all things are in disorder and confusion nothing but Jars Seditions and Civil Wars the Forms of Government are changed and Empires run to Ruine as most have been lost upon this account Avarice drove the Phoenicians out of Spain * Mar. Hist. Hisp. that made the Oracle of Apollo foretell the downfall of the Common-wealth of Sparta God warn'd Moses to choose persons into places of Trust who hated Covetousness 3 Exod. 18. 21. 'T is impossible that State should be govern'd well whose Ministers are covetous for how can he who Plunders every Body rightly administer Justice How will he procure Plenty whose whole Gain is starving others How can he love the Kingdom who thinks of nothink but robbing on 't How can he whose mind runs upon nothing but filling his Chests mind Affairs of State How will he indeavour to merit Rewards who is his own Pay-Master Nothing succeeds well when Self-interest manages For Interest is preferr'd before Duty or Honour Nothing great or glorious is enterpriz'd without a desire of Glory which a mean abject covetous Spirit has no value for There is scarce any Crime but proceeds from Avarice or Ambition 4 Plâ—raque eorâ—m quae hâ—mines injuste faciunt per Ambitionem Avaâ—iâ—â—am commit tuntur Aristoâ— 2. Pol. cap. 7. Nothing makes Rebels sooner than the fraud and corruption of the Ministers They are first moved by their particular Damages then by the common Injustice then by Envy against those who commit it and so by Hatred to the Prince that suffers it if he knows it not they accuse him of Incapacity if he tolerates it they say he 's remiss and negligent if he permits it he 's an Accomplice if he wishes it to the end that the Authors being glutted like Spunges he may take occasion to squeeze 'em afterwards he is a Tyrant O unhappy Prince and State wherein the Ministers don't thrive but by their Ruine Nor would I have Ministers so nice as to 〈◊〉 â—eâ—sents in general 't is incivility to receive none many Sâ—â—â—dness all Covetousness Avarice in Princes is the ruin of States 5 Prov. 29. 4. for the people can't bear to see their Estates in danger in the hands of him whom they choose to preserve 'em so that seeing this pretended Defender of his Countrey the first that Arms himself against it they streight look out for another In short what can a Subject hope for from a covetous Prince For this Vice even Children hate their Parents Where there is no Prospect of Interest there is no Love nor Obedience that Government is Tyrannick which respects Self-interest more than the publick Good King Alphonso the Wise for this Reason said That a King ought not to covet abundance of Riches only to fill his Treasury and not do good with them for 't is impossible but he who does so must
be granted to none else for he exposes Loyalty to evident Danger who grants any one a Power too absolute The Royal Crown put upon a Subjects Head tho' but in jest will make him proud and think himself above what he is The mind of a Subject should not experience this Royal Grandeur and Glory of reigning for afterwards abusing it he usurps it and that it mayn't return to him from whom he had it he Plots and contrives his Ruine the Divine Writ in one Chapter gives us Examples of Kings put to Death by the hands of their Subjects for having raised them too high Solomon for all his Wisdom fell into this misfortune and ran the same Risque for having made Ieroboam President of all the Customs of the House of Ioseph 2 1 Kin. 11. 28. and we read that he had the Impudence to lift up his hand against his King 3 1 Kin. 11. 26. Let Princes then take it for a Maxim of State not to promote one too much above others or if they are oblig'd to it let it not be one but several that they may Balance one another and mutually keep each other in their Devoir by a reciprocal Examination of one anothers Actions and Designs 4 Est autem omnis Monarchiae cautio communis neminem facere nimis magnum aut certè plusquam unum facere ipsi enim inter se quid quisque agat observant Arist. 5. Pol. c. 11. The Emperour Ferdinand II. did not sufficiently observe this piece of Policy when he gave the absolute Command of his Armies and Provinces to the Duke of Fridland whence sprang so many misfortunes and amongst the rest the loss of that great Man which was meerly the effect of too much Power Let not Princes be deceived by the Example of Pharaoh who committed all his Power into the hands of Ioseph who preserv'd his Kingdom 5 Gen. 41. 40. for Ioseph was the Emblem of Christ and there are very few Ioseph's to be found now adays Each would depend upon himself and not upon the Body which this present Emblem represents by a Branch encircled with a wicker Basket filled with Earth such as Gardiners use where it by degrees takes root and so being cut off insensibly becomes a Tree independant of the Stock without the least respect to its Greatness This Example shews the Danger in making Governments of Provinces perpetual for Ambition having once taken root claims 'em as its Property he who is so accustom'd to command will afterwards scarce be brought to obey France shews us many Examples of this written in its own Blood Even God's Ministers in the Kingdom of Heaven are liable to slip 6 Job 4. 18. the Perpetuity of great Offices is an Alienation from the Crown the Scepter will be useless and of no force and will stand in awe of that very Power it has been so prodigal of Liberality will want a Dowry and Vertue a Reward The Minister becomes a Tyrant in the Government which he is sure of for Life that Prince whom he sees preserves his Authority he respects as his Master but him who does not he despises and at last rebells against him Therefore Iulius Caesar limited the Pretorship to one Year and the Consulship to two And the Emperour Charles V. advised his Son Philip II. not to continue Ministers in Office too long especially in places Military to give the greatest to persons of mean Fortune and Embassy's to the rich thereby to weaken ' em The Bravery of the great Captain in Italy made King Ferdinand the Catholick suspect him so that he recall'd him and if he did not then wholly mistrust him at least he would no longer hazard his Loyalty by the Continuation of the Vice-Royship of Naples And though that great Politician Tiberius continued Ministers in Posts all their Life-time but this was upon such Tyrannick Considerations as ought not to enter into the Thoughts of a prudent and just Prince 7 Id morum Tiberii suit continuare Imperia ac plerosque ad fine◠vitae in eisdem exercitibus aut Iurisdictionibus habere Tac. 5. ann Princes ought therefore to take advice from Nature the Mistress of true Politicks who does not allow its Celestial Ministers of light a perpetual Authority and Government of the World but certain fixt Seasons as we may see in the Motion and Reigns of the Planets that they mayn't lose the right of disposing of 'em and to prevent the usurping her Authority and Power besides she considers that the Earth would be ruined if it should always be governed by the Melancholy of Saturn or the heat and fury of Mars or the severity of Iupiter or the subtilty of Mercury or the levity of Venus or the inconstancy of the Moon In removals of this Nature great Care ought to be taken that Ministers should not take it to be a slur upon their Reputation to be removed from greater to lesser Places for since there are not many that Minister would be of no use who when he has been employ'd in the highest would refuse to Officiate in lower Places and though Reason requires that Rewards should be equal to Deserts yet in this Point the Subjects reason should be guided by the Princes interest when his Service or the publick Advantage is in the Case not that he ought to be put into any inferior Post out of Contempt or Disgrace for so the importance of the Negotiation makes amends for the meannes◠of the Office If any Offices may be continued long they are Embassies◠for their Business is only to intercede not Command not to give Orders but to negotiate at their Departure all Acquaintance with their native Countrey dies and all Intimacy with the Prince with whom they negotiate and his Ministers cease Forts and Garrisons which are as it were the Keys of the Kingdom should be at the immediate Power and Disposal of the Prince King Sancho was ill advised when by reason of the Minority of his Son Don Alonso III. he order'd those of the Nobility who were Governours of Cities to remain till his Son was fifteen years old which occasioned many grievous Calamities to that Kingdom As for other Offices let 'em be but for a time for their too long continuance makes the Ministers proud and endangers their Loyalty This Tiberius knew though he did not practise 8 Superbire homines etiam annua designatione quid si honorem per quinquennium agitent Tac. 2. ann Vertue is tired by Industry and Expectation yet should not Offices be of too short continuance so as the Minister can reap no benefit or experience in 'em or so as to make him too ravenous like Hawks in Norway because of the shortness of the day but in troublesome and dangerous times publick Offices and places of Trust ought to be continu'd longer least they should upon removal be conferr'd upon raw unexperienced Persons So Augustus did upon the defeat of Quintilius Varus
But this Doctrine of Ministers being continued in Offices but for a time must not be understood of those supream Offices of the Princes Counsel or of Justice But on the contrary they ought to be fixt and continued because of the advantage of their Experience and Knowledge of Affairs depending These kinds of Offices are in Governments like the Poles in the Heavens about which the lesser Orbs move so that if they should be chang'd or removed the whole Universe would be endanger'd by the disorder of its natural Motions Solon knew this Inconveniency in the four hundred Senatours which were yearly Elected by Lot at Athens and therefore he established a Senate of Sixty worthy Men who were called Areopagites and while this continu'd the Republick flourished 'T is moreover very dangerous to commit the Government of Kingdoms during the Minority to persons who have any Pretentioâ—s thereto though never so unjust so it fell out in Arragon by the Imprudence of those who committed the Government to Sancho Duke of Roussillon until King Iames I. came to age Those Persons who have no manner of Pretention to the Crown either by Birth or any other Cause often thirst after it how much more then those who in Pictures and Images see their Ancestours brows incircled with it This Age as well as the pass'd gives us many deplorable Examples of Relations who have treacherously usurped Kingdoms which they were entrusted with Those of the Royal Blood are more prone to Tyranny in that they never want means to accomplish their Designs Few can be perswad'd of the Justice of that Law which prefers Birth to Vertue and every one thinks he better deserves a Crown than another and if this Reason should be of force in any one he is in danger from his Favourites who hoping to participate of his Grandeur strive to procure it by violent means and to raise Jealousies amongst his Relations If King Philip had any Jealousie of Don John of Austria they flow'd from this Spring A glorious Example of this Policy we find in the Infant Ferdinand refusing the Crown which was the Right of his Nephew Don John II. by which generous Recusance of that Crown on Earth he merited many more in Heaven The generous Loyalty which the Infants of that Name have paid the Kings of their Race is of an ancient Date Nor do we find less in this present Infant towards the present King whose Respect and Obedience is more like that of a Subject than of a Brother The heavenly Spheres pay not a more ready Obedience to the first mover than his Highness does to his Majestys Will. O truly Noble Prince whose glorious Birth though the greatest in the World is yet the least of his Excellencies the Effect of Divine Providence that in a time of such troublesome and tedious Wars which strain'd the very Axle-tree and Poles of the Government to raise us up an Atlas to support it by his Valour Conduct and Prudence EMBLEM LV. ARISTOTLE the better to instruct Alexander the Great in the Qualities of Counsellours compared them to Eyes which comparison Don Alonso the Wise makes use of in his Books of Laws Nor is this thought new for the Kings of Persia and Babylon call'd 'em their Eyes their Ears and their Hands according to the Offices in which they officiated The seven Spirits God's Ministers sent all over the Earth were the Eyes of a Lamb without spot or blemish 1 Apoc. 5. 6. A Prince who ought to see and comprehend so many Affairs should be all Eyes and all Ears 2 Superior debet esse totus mens c totus oculus S. Antioc Hom. 5. and because he can't be so he must make use of the Eyes and Ears of other Whence there is no Prince though never so prudent and intelligent but haâ— occasion for Ministers and to make use of them as his Eyes Ears and Hands 3 Nam Principes ac Reges nunc quoque multos sibi oculos multas aâ—res multas item manus atque pedes faciunt Arist. Pol. 5. c. 12 This is not of small advantage to him if he knows how to make a right use on 't for by thiâ— means he sees with every Body's eyes hears with their Ears and takes advise from them all 4 Hâ—â— enim ratione omnium oculis cernet omnium auribus audiet omnium denique consiliis in unum tendentibus consultabit Sines ad Arcad The Aegyptians meanâ— this by the Eye which they placed upon their Scepter for Counsels are the Eyes by which we inspect Futurity 5 Consilium oculus futurorum Arist. lib. 6. de Regim This Ieremiah seem'd to allude to when he said Virgaâ— vigilantem ego video 6 â—erem 1 11. Vid. Version Vulgar For this Reason in this present Emblem you see a Scepter full of Eyes to give the Prince to understand that he ought to inspect all Affairs of the Government by his Ministers nor is it to be wonder'd at that we place the Ministers in the Scepter for formerly their Names were engrave on the Crowns of the Emperours and Kings of Spain nor without Reason for they shine brighter than the Diadems themselves This Emblem of Eyes sufficiently shews the Qualifications that a Minister ought to be endued with For as the Sight extends to all things far and near so should the active Spirit of the Counsellour inspect all things present past and future that he may make a right Judgment of things and give a true Opinion of all Affairs which can't be done without much Reading great Experience and a continual Commerce with foreign Countries For if the Counsellours ben't perfectly versed in the Princes Nature and the Manners and Genius of the people they 'll ruine both themselves and the Government 7 Morum animorâ—mque Provincie nisi sâ—â—gneri qui de ea consulant perdant se Râ—mpub Cicero And to know this requires use for the Eyes don't know things which they have never seen he who has had Experience and Knowledge of things will readily find Expedients and Remedies 8 Eccles 3. 4. There is such a correspondence between the Eyes and Heart that the Affections of the one immediately strikes the other when this is sad they weep when this glad they smile if the Counsellour has not a particular Esteem for his Prince he will take but little care of his Affairs and is therefore very little to be trusted so said King Alphonso the Wise * L. 5. tit 9. p. 2. That Councellours ought to be the Princes true Friends otherwise he would be in great Danger for those who hate a Person will never advise him cordially The Eye won't suffer the Finger to touch its inside but upon its approach immediately sculks within the Lids how wise and learn'd soever the Minister is in his Counsels if he is easie and free of his Secerts if he suffers his Finger to probe his Heart he
the Inconveniencies and Remedies of which I have set down elsewhere The Court is also a great Cause of the want of People for as a hot Liver draws all the natural Heat to it self leaving other parts of the Body spiritless and faint so the Pomp Ease Delight Profit and hopes of Reward at Court allure the Minds of most especially of the Artificers and Tradesmen who think it a more pleasant and easie Life to serve some Person of Quality than to toil at their own Trade the Nobility also invited by the Prince's Presence or the Charms of the Court leave their Estates in the Countrey for a Court Life whence not being able to look after them but spending their Revenuâ—s upon extravagant and unnecessary Expences their Estates become pooâ— and uninhabited whereas they would have been rich and populous had their Lord resided there The Emperor Iustiâ—â—n prudently reflected upon these Inconveniencies and appointed an Officer on purpose to prevent them 16 Invenimâ—â— enim quia populatim Provinciâ— suis habitatoribus spolrâ—â—â—â— Magno vero haec nostra civitas populosâ— est turbis diversorâ—â—â— hâ—minum maxima Agricolarum suas civitates culturas relinquentiam Auth de Quaest. King Iohn II. also order'd that all the Nobility at his Court should at certain times visit their own Estates as also the Emperor Trojan did before him Birth-right also especially in Spain is very prejudicial to Propagation for the eldest Brother Claims the whole Estate which King Theodorick thought very unjust 17 Iniquum est enim ut de una substantia quâ—bus competit aequa successio alii abundantèr affuant alii paupert atiâ— râ—commâ—dâ—â—â—gemiscunt Cass. lib. 1. Epist 7. so that the youngest not having wherewithal to maintain a Family instead of marrying either shut themselves into Convents or turn Soldiers For this Reason Plato call'd Riches and Poverty the ancient Plagues of Commonwealths knowing that almost all their misfortunes proceeded from an unequal Distribution of Riches If the Citizens had all an equal Dividend State would undoubtedly flourish more But though the advantage redounding from hence wouâ—d be great the Preservation of the Nobility by means of Fieâ—â— would not be less for by that means they would be in a Capacity to serve the Prince and State so that those may be allowed to the ancient Nobility not to the modern by making a Law that all Relations to the fourth Degree should be joynt Heirs if not of the whole yet of the greatest part of the Estate 18 Commodum est etiam 〈…〉 donatiâ—â—e sed jure cognitionis tradantur Arist l. 5. pol. 8 thus the Inconveniencies of Legacies and Gifts would be prevented which are more the Effects of Vanity than a design to serve the Publick as also of that religious Prodigality which observing neither Bounds nor Proximity of Blood gives all to the Church not leaving so much as Subsistence to Brethren or any other Relations whence Families become Extinct the Royal Revenues are exhausted the People impoverish'd and unable to pay Taxes the Power of those who are exempted is increased and the Authority of the Prince diminished This Moses considering 19 Exod. 36. 5â— forbid by Edict any one from offering any more towards the Work of the Sanctuary 20 Exod. 36. 6. though God himself was the Author of those Offerings and thâ—y were offer'd through pure Devotion 21 Exod. 35. 29. the Republick of â—eâ—ice have made very prudent Provisions against this 'T is necessary also that a fit time should be observed in Marriages for if too late the Succession is endanger'd and the Government would be too much expos'd to the Incontinency of Youth And if soon the Children being almost of the same Age with their Fathers would soon forget their Duty and grudge 'em the time they live EMBLEM LXVII THE Policy of our Times presupposes Malice and Fraud in all things and therefore arms it self with greater without any regard to Religion Justice or Honour It thinks nothing disallowable that is advantageous but as these Practices are now common they must need justle and confound one another to the Detriment of the publick Tranquility and without obtaining their propos'd Ends. But let a Prince cautiously avoid such Doctrine and learn rather of Nature the Mistress of true Policy without Malice Fraud or any ill Practice there being none so certain firm and solid as that which she observes in the Government of Vegetables and Animals more especially that which she dictates to every Man by his Reason Particularly to Shepherds and Husbandmen for the Preservation of their Flocks and improvement of their Ground Hence may be 't is that those Kings who have been chosen from the Crook or the Plow have made the best Governours Though the Shepherd whose Office is almost the same of a Prince's 1 Jerem. 23. enjoys the Benefit of the Wool and the Milk of his Flock yet 't is with such moderation that he neither draws Blood from their Duggs nor shears their Skin so close as to leave 'em wholly expos'd to the Inconveniences of cold and heat So a Prince says King Alphonso ought more to value the common Good of his People than his own particular Interest for the common Good and Riches of his Subjects are as it were his own * L. 19. tiâ— 2. p. 3. The Husbandman cuts not down the Body of the Tree for his Domestick occasions but only Lops the Branches and not all of them neither but leaves enough to sprout out and serve his Occasions the next Year but the Farmer is not so careful who is for making the best of his Farm while his Lease continues not caring how much he impoverishes his Ground for his Landlord 2 Alitèr utimur propriis alitèr commodatis Quint. de Orat. This is the difference between a lawful Prince and a Tyrant in respect of Taxes and Impositions This having an unjust Title and fearing soon to be dethron'd makes the best use of his time stocking up all by the Roots fleaing instead of shearing his Flock instead of feeding them he gluts himself 3 Ezek. 34. 2. and instead of defending them leaves them a naked Prey to every Wolf 4 John 10. 12. But a just and lawful Prince in imposing Taxes considers the Justice of the Cause the Quantity Quality and Occasion and also Proportions them to his Subjects Estates and Persons treating his Kingdom not as a Body which is to die with him but to remain to his Posterity knowing that though Princes are Mortal States are Eternal 5 Principes mortales Rempub. aeternam esse Tac. 3. ann and since he expects a new Crop from his Kingdom every Year he preserves it carefully as his best Treasury which he may make use of upon urgent Occasions for as King Alphonso said in one of his Laws borrowing his Thought from a Precept of Aristotle to Alexander the Great The best and most lasting Treasure of a
them though never so small thinking that they will be perpetual Queen Mary gain'd the Hearts of her Subjects and preserv'd their Loyalty in the most difficult times by remitting the Excise which her Husband King Sancho IVth had laid upon Provisions 'T is difficult to perswade People to part with their Money to maintain a foreign War nor can they easily apprehend how much it conduces to their Interest to keep War from their own Doors and maintain it in foreign States and how much safer is the Defence of a Shield than that of a Helmet that being farther distant from the Head The Purblind Mobb can seldom see so far They weigh rather the present Burthen than the future Benefit not thinking all the Riches of the Kingdom will be afterwards too little to make good the Damage they have suffer'd by their obstinate Negligence 15 Plerumque accidit ut quae provinciae pecuniae parcendo â—mota pericula contemnunt incumbentibus demum malis desperatâ— sâ—pe remedio graviora sentiant detrimâ—nta Paul Jov. It requires therefore all the Prudence and Dexterity of a Prince to make them know their Interest In raising Taxes Care ought always to be taken not to oppress the Nobility for Exemption from Taxes being the chief Distinction between them and the Commons they can't brook to see themselves degraded and their Privileges violated which were acquir'd by the Valour and Vertue of their Ancestors This was the Reason why the Nobility of Castile took up Arms against Henry III. who tax'd 'em at fiâ—e Marvedees of Gold apiece towards the Charge of the War Neither should Taxes be laid upon such things as are absolutely necessary for Life but rather upon Toys Curiosities Pride and Vanity for so besides correcting Luxury they would fall in the greatest measure upon the Rich and would be Encouragement to Husbandmen and Tradesmen which part of the Government ought most to be cherished and supported so the Romans laid great Taxes upon the Spices Pearls and Jewels which were imported from Arabia as Alexander Severus did upon those Offices which tended more to Debauchery than Use and Necessity 't is the readiest way to Reformation to inhance the Price of Vanity There are no Taxes paid more easily than those which are laid upon Commodities imported for the greatest part of them is paid by Foreigners wherefore in England the Royal Revenue is very prudently raised from these kind of Taxes the Kingdom it self being Exempt The greatest Inconveniency in raising Taxes and Excise is in the Collectors and Receivers who are often more burthensome than the Taxes themselves for there is nothing that the Subjects take more grievously than the violence and importunity of these sort of Men in collecting their Money 'T is an Observation that only Sicily endur'd them with Patience God himself complains of them by the Prophet Isaiah that they oppress'd his People 16 Isa. 3 12. Vid. In Egypt some Prophet was always President of the Customs for they thought it not safe to trust 'em to any but God's immediate Servant but now they are committed to Pedlars and Broakers who wreck a Ship in Port which had escaped the Fury of the Wind and Sea 17 Portus nostros navis veniens non paveseat ut certum nautis possit esse naufragium si manus non incurrereâ—t exigentium quos frequenter plus affligunt damna quam solent naufragia Cassiod lib. 4. Ep. 19. like Robbers plundering Travellers of their Goods and Money What wonder therefore that Trade decays and that Riches and Merchandice are not imported if they are expos'd to such as these who plunder 'em by Authority what Wonder I say That the People complain of Taxes if for one Shilling that comes to the King ten goes to the Collectors and Receivers for this Reason when in the Parliament of Guadalâ—jara the Kingdom of Castile offer'd to raise 150000 Ducats it was upon Condition that they themselves should keep Books of the Receipts and Disbursements of it that they might know what was imployed to the publick Interest and how it was expended without trusting it to the Management of those who had the Government of the Kingdom during the Kings Minority For the same Reason the People of France propos'd to King Henry II. that if he would discharge his Collectors they would themselves pay in their Assessments where-ever he should Order which the King had agreed to had not some of his Ministers disswaded him The Kingdoms of Castile have often offer'd the same thing nay and also to pay off the Crown Debts but 't was judg'd that it would be a Diminution to the Royal Authority to be instructed and tutor'd by the Kingdom and besides that such a Power could not be without Danger But I believe the true Reason was that the Court was unwilling to lose so many beneficial Offices and such ready means of getting Money A Prince's Credit consists not in the Administration but in the Possession of Riches The Roman State was not less careful of their Authority than any other yet by Reason of the Trouble and Charge of Collecting it order'd each Province to Collect and pay in their own Taxes taking Care to keep the Officers in their Duty that they might not oppress the People through Avarice and Extortion in this Tiberius took particular Care 18 Ne Provinciae nobis oneribus turbarentur utque vetera sinâ— a varitia â—ut crudelitate Magistratuum tolerarent Tac. lib. 4. ann Modesty in the Collecting of one Tax obliges the People more readily to grant others EMBLEM LXVIII THE Ingenious Greeks included in certain pretty Fables as the Aegyptians in Hieroglyphicks not only all Natural Philosophy but also Moral and Politick either to hide them from the Vulgar or else that they might be the better imprinted in their Minds by these pleasant and delightful Fictions So to represent the Power of Navigation and the Riches thereby acquir'd they feign'd that the Ship Argo which was the first that durst venture upon the main Ocean obtained the famous Fleece which instead of Wool yielded Gold for which glorious Exploit it was consecrated to Pallas the Goddess of War and placed amongst the Constellations as a Reward of such dangerous Voyages shewing the World that by the Help of Oars and Sails they might make Way through Mountains of Waves and by the Assistance of the Wind carry Arms and Merchandise all the World over This Morality and the Preferment of that Ship to the Skies occasion'd me to draw two in this present Emblem as the Poles of the Globe Terrestrial to shew that Navigation is the Support of the World by Commerce and Arms These Poles are Movable but in their Motion consists the Stability of Empires There 's scarce any Monarchy which has not receiv'd its Rise and Preservation from thence If the Grandeur of Spain were not supported by both those Poles the Mediterranean and Ocean it would soon fall For 't is evident that Provinces
these seeing I have lost my Children and am desolate a Captive and removing to and fro and who hath brought 〈◊〉 these Behold I was left alone these where had they â—een 12 Isai. 49. 21. 'T would be also conducive that if as the Romans formerly establish'd Garrisons at Constantinople Rhodes â—pon the Rhine and at Cadiz as in the four principal Angles of the Empire so now the Spaniards should erect Military Orders in several Places in the Mediterranean and Ocean who might Cruise about the Seas and clear them of Pyrates and secure our Trade with other Nations These Badges of Honour and Nobility are sufficient Rewards for Vertue and Valour and the Presidency of these Orders are rich enough to give a Beginning to so Glorious and Royal an Undertaking But if their Revenues should not suffice nor the Crown be willing to be depriv'd of so many Noble Posts the Administration of which is invested in it by the Apostolick See some Ecclesiastical Rents might be apply'd to that use This was the Advice of King Ferdinand the Catholick who would have Constituted the Knights of St. Iames at Oran and the Orders of Alcantara and Calatrava at Bugia and Tripoli having obtained leave of the Pope to convert the Revenues of the Convenâ—â— del Villar de Venas St. Martin in the Diocese of Saint Iames and that of Oviedo to that use But by reason of the War which soon after broke out in Italy this Design was not accomplish'd or perhaps because God reserv'd the Glory of this Institution for some other King Nor is the State-Objection against Intrusting such Potent Offices to the Nobility of force Military Orders were 't is true the Occasion of so many Rebellions in Castile yet now when the Power of our King is enlarg'd by the addition of so many Crowns thaâ— Inconveniency is not to be fear'd especially if these Orders were setled out of Spain and the Presidency of them Ingrafted as it were in the Crown EMBLEM LXIX DIvine Providence would not suffer this Monarchy of the World to be one moment without Gold and Iron one to preserve and the other to defend it For if it did not create them at the same time with the World yet did the Sun the Second Governor of all things immediately after its Creation operate in Purifying and Refining the Mineral Matter and locking it up in Mountains as in publick Treasuries where also Mars after the Matter was harden'd and reâ—in'd into Iron and Steel erected his Armory Arms are the Hands of Governments and Riches their Blood and Spirit And if these don't supply the Hands with Strength and they again preserve and defend them the whole Body will soon fall and be expos'd to Ruine and Violence Pliny tells of a sort of Ants in India which instead of Grains of Corn heap up Grains of Gold Nature has not granted those laborious Animals the Use of this Metal yet it would have them like Masters inform every Government of the Importance of laying up Treasure And though it be the Opinion of some Statesmen That hoarding up Riches serves for nothing but to invite Enemies as Hezekiah found when he had shewn his Treasure to the Embassadors of Assyria 1 2 King 20. 13. and as the Egyptians knew who for this Reason employ'd all their Royal Revenues in Building yet are their Reasons invalid and these two Examples of no force For 't was not Hezekiah's shewing his Riches that brought the War upon him but his Vanity and Pride in putting his Trust in them more than in God 'T was this that made Isaiah prophesie That he should lose all that he had 2 Ibid. ver 17. Nor did the Egyptians employ their Treasure in Building through fear of losing it but through Vain-glory and a design to amuse the Peoples Minds as we shall observe in its proper place If a Prince amasses Treasure through Avarice not making use of it when Occasion requires to defend his Country and offend his Enemy and to save Charges leaves his State unprovided of Arms and Men he will soon invite his Enemies to forge Keys to open his Chests and plunder him of his Riches But if he applies those Treasures to the Use and Service of his State he will at once strike an Awe and Respect into his Enemies For Riches are the Nerves of War 3 Sed nihil aquâ— fatigabat quam pecuniarum conquisitio eos esse belli civilis nervos dictitans Tac. 2. Hist. 'T is they procure Friends and Allies In a word A Full Exchequer does more Execution than Artillery Fleets or Armies When thus apply'd hoarding Riches and Moderation of Expences are not Avarice but Prudence as was that of King Ferdinand the Catholick who while living was call'd Miserable and Covetous but after his Death was clear'd of that Aspersion he leaving behind him but a very inconsiderable Summ whatever he hoarded he used to expend upon the Fabrick of the Kingdom placing his Glory not in spending but in having what to spend It must be observ'd That Treasures are sometimes collected with a true and Heroick Design to execute some Great and Glorious Action yet does this by degrees dwindle into Avarice and the Ruine of States happens before the Treasury is open'd for their Relief Man's Mind is easily taken with the Love of Riches and is wholly possess'd with a desire of obtaining them Nor is it sufficient that these Treasures be divided among the whole Body of the State as Chlorus in Eutropius desired 4 Melius publicas opes à privatis haberi quam intra unum claustrum asservari Eutrop. For Riches secure the Prince but endanger the People Cerealis told the People of Treves That their Riches were the chief Cause of their Wars 5 Penes quos Aurum opes praecipuae bellorum causae Tacit. 6. Hist. When the Publick is Poor and private Persons Rich Misfortunes arrive before they can be prevented Counsels are prejudiced for the People avoid those Resolutions which seek to redress the Publick Grievances at the Expence of particular Persons so that they can very difficultly be induced to make War Aristole for this Reason blam'd the Constitution of the Common-wealth of Sparta it having no Publick Treasury 6 Male eâ—iam circa pecunias publicas constitutum est apud illâ—s quia neque in publiâ—o habent quicquam magna bella gerere coacti pecunias agre conâ—erunt Arist. l. 2. c. 6. Pol. And if the People are more intent upon their own private than the Publick Interest with how much Regret will they be induced to remedy the Grievances of the Publick at their own particular Expence 7 Privato usui bonum publicum postponitur Tac. 6. Annal. The Republick of Genoa feels this Inconveniency And Plato ascribes the Ruine of that of Rome to no other Cause in an Oration which Sallust says he made in the Senate against the Accomplices of Cataline's Conspiracy having
prudently Enacted by the Kingdom of Arragon That all their Kings thenceforward should take an Oath not to alter any thing about the Coin This is the Duty of a Prince as Pope Innocent III. wrote to the same King Peter when his Subjects began to rebell against him Of which this seems to be the Reason That the Prince is subject to the Law of Nations and as Publick Trustee ought to take care that there be no Alteration in the Nature of the Coin which consists in Matter Form and Quantity nor can any Kingdom be constituted where that is not pure But not to be wholly silent in a Matter so Important to Government I 'll mention Two things First That Money is then Just and Convenient when the Coin or Stamp adds nothing to the Intrinsick Value of it and when the Gold and Silver have the common Alloy of other Nations for this will prevent its being Exported The other is That it should be of the same Weight and Value with that of other Nations permitting also the Currency of Foreign Coin Nor will it at all derogate from the Prince's Authority since the Coin serves only to shew the Weight and Value of it And this seems most commodious iâ— those Kingdoms which hold Correspondence and Trade with many Nations EMBLEM LXX EMPIRE admits of no Companion nor can Majesty be divided For it is impossible that each should Command and Obey at the same time especially since Power and Accidents cannot be so nicely shar'd between them both nor Ambition so equally balanced but that one will desire to be above the other or that Envy and Emulation will disturb their Agreement * Lucan Rivals in Empire still mistrustful are Nor can Authority a Part'ner bear It seems next to an Impossibility that the Orders and Commands of two Governors should not thwart one another Moses and Aaron were Brothers and yet when God made them Part'ners he thought it necessary to be in the Mouth of one and in the Mouth of the other and to teach them what to do lest any Dissention should arise between them 1 Exod. 4. 15. A Republick has but one Body and should therefore be guided but by one Soul 2 Vnum esse Reip. Corpus atque unius animo regendum Tac. 3. Annal. A King will hardly entertain even a depos'd Prince within his Kingdom This was the King of Portugal's Excuse for not admitting King Peter when depos'd by his Brother Henry Nothing but Matrimony which unites Bodies and Souls and the singular Prudence of King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella could have prevented the Inconveniencies of their Joint-Reign in the Kingdom of Castile For Power and Concord are very rarely found together 3 Quanquam arduum sit eodem loci potentiâ—â—â— concordiam esse Tac. 4. Annal. And though there was some Consent and Union in the Joint-Empire of Dioclesian and Maximinian yet was not that without its Troubles and Inconveniencies for which Reason the Roman Consuls used to Command by Turns But if there be occasion for more Princes than One 't is better to have Three for the Authority of One will check the Ambition of the other Two There can be no Faction where there is no Equality which was the Reason why the Triumvirates of Caesar Crassus and Pompey and of Anthony Lepidus and Augustus continued for sometime The Kingdom was well govern'd during the Minority of King Henry III. by his Three Guardians * Mar. Hist. Hisp. l. 15. c. 12. Upon which Consideration King Alphonso the Wise propos'd That during the Nonage of Kings the Administration of Affairs should be committed to One Three Five or Seven Which not being observ'd in the Minority of Alphonso XI the Kingdom of Castile felt great Commotions from the Government of the two Infants Iohn and Peter which at last oblig'd the Royal Council to take upon 'em the Administration Though Empires are always violent and of short continuance which are divided and depend not upon one as it happen'd to Alexander's which vast as it was ended with his Life for that after him 't was divided among many That which the Moors had founded in Spain had lasted longer had it not been divided into many Kingdoms This is represented in this present Emblem by a Crown'd Tree which signifies a Kingdom To intimate that if two Hands tho' of the same Body should pull this Tree two different ways they would rend burst and ruine the Crown For Humane Ambition sometimes forgets the Bonds of Nature When States are divided among Brothers the Crown can never remain entire and in Union for every one is for himself and grasps at the whole Sceptre as his Father held it So it befell King Sancho the Elder Divine Providence united all the Kingdoms of Spain to his Empire that by their Joint-Force they might expell the Moors and free themselves from their Tyrannick Slavery But he through Fatherly Affection rather than prudent Policy divided his Kingdoms among his Children thinking that so they would be stronger and more ready to unite against the Common Enemy * Mat. Hist. Hisp. l. 9. c. 1. But instead of that each of the Brothers set up for King himself So that the Crown being thus rent in pieces lost its Strength and Splendour And as Domestick Feuds and Grudges are more inveterate than other they soon grew to Civil Wars each endeavouring to depose his Brother to the utmost Detriment of the Publick This Example might one would have thought have been a Warning to all Princes for the future yet we find King Ferdinand the Great the Emperor Alphonso and Iames I. King of Arragon guilty of the same fault dividing the Command of their Kingdoms among their Children †Mar. Hist. Hisp. l. 9. c. 8. I know not whether this be the Effect of Self-Conceit or Humane Nature ever greedy of Novelty and fond of old rejected Opinions thinking that best which was done by their Ancestors if 't is not that we seek for Examples to excuse our own Resolutions Iames II. King of Arragon was more prudent upon this score when he firmly Enacted That the Kingdoms of Arragon and Valence and the Province of Catalonia should never be separated * Mar. Hist. Hisp. l. 15. c. 19. Nor can these Errors be excused either by the Law of the Twelve Tables or the Common Law which shares the Father's Estate equally among the Children or by Natural Reason which seems to urge that as the Children receiv'd their being in common from their Father they should also be Sharers of his Estate For a King is a Publick Person and ought to act as King and not as a Father and ought rather to attend the Good of his Subjects than his Children Besides a Kingdom is a kind of Publick Chattel and so belongs to no one in particular it not being in the King's Power to dispose of that as of his own private Goods For the Subjects in submitting themselves to
all turbulent and seditious Men to their Colonies or Armies Publius Aemilius transported the chief Authors of Seditions to Italy as also Charles V. did the Nobles of Saxony Rutilius and Germanicus instead of Punishing some Mutineers made 'em Freemen Drusus appeas'd the Mutinous Legions by separating them from one another 7 Tyronem à veâ—erano Legionem à Legione dissociant Taâ— 1. Annal. Loyalty and Military Vertue are maintain'd by Division because it hinders Forces and Vices from joyning For this Reason the Armies were separated in the time of Galba 8 Longis spatiis discreti exercitus quod saluberrimum est ad â—ontinendam â—ilitarem fidem ne vitiis nec viribus misâ—ebantur Tac. 1. Hist. 'T is for this Reason that many think it requisite to prohibit all Cabals and Meetings of the People For the same Cause Grand Cairo was divided into several Districts or Parishes by very high Walls that the People might not so easily associate Nor is it any thing else that has so long preserv'd Venice in quiet than that all its Streets are divided by the Sea Separation makes People dubious and unresolv'd not knowing which Part is safest but without that they would all unanimously side with the Strongest 9 Quod in seditionibus accidit unde plures â—rant omnes fuere Tac. 1. Hist. This made Pisander sow Discord among the Athenians that he might divide and separate them In Military Seditions 't will be sometimes conducive to set them together by the Ears 10 Dux ad solvendam militum conspirationem alterum in alterum concitat S. Chrysost. for one Mutiny is generally remedied by another The Roman Senate was advis'd upon a certain Popular Insurrection to appease the Mobb by the Mobb 11 Remedium tumultus fuit alius tumultus Tac. 2. Hist. weakning their Force by Division And doubtless this is the meaning of that Law of Solon which Condemn'd a Citizen who in a Sedition did not adhere to some one Party But this is rather to enflame than quench and divide it since at this rate there would remain none who might be Mediators to compose it There is also another effectual Remedy which is the Presence of the Prince bravely and resolutely confronting the Fury of the People For as the Sea which foams and dashes against Rocks and Hills runs smooth upon the even Sand so is the Mobb hush'd and quieted by the serene Presence of its Prince Augustus with his Looks frighted the Actian Legions into Obedience 12 Divus Augustus vultu aspectu Actiacas Legioneâ— exterruit Tac. 1. Annal. In the Disorders of the German Legions when the Soldiers look'd upon the Multitude they shouted but when again they cast their Eyes upon Caesar they seemed to tremble 13 Illi quoties oculos ad multitudinem retulerant vocibus truculâ—â—â—â—â—repere rursum viso caesare trepidare Tac. 1. Annal. Sedition is soon quash'd by Authority and Presence As the Blood hasts to the Assistance of the Part wounded so ought the Prince to assist with his Presence at the Disorders of his State Majesty easily reduces Subjects to their Obedience for in that Nature has plac'd a certain Occult Force which often produces wonderful Effects Certain Conspirators had enter'd the very Palace of Peter IV. King of Arragon with a Design upon his Life and he readily going to meet them quite dash'd their Resolutions The Rebellion in the Belgick Provinces had never gone so far had Philip II. been himself upon the Spot But this Remedy ought well to be weigh'd and consider'd of whether or no absolute Necessity requires it for 't is the last and if that fails there is no other For this Reason Tiberius sent Drusus and Germanicus to compose the Mutinous Legions in Hungary 14 Resâ—stâ—â—â—â—esque Germanico Druso posse à se mitigari vel infringi quod aliud sâ—â—sidium si Imperatorem sprevissent Tac. 1. Annal. The Prince's Presence is also dangerous if he be hated or a Tyrant for then the Subjects are willing and eager to shake off the Yoke of Obedience But if any Kingdom be divided into Factions by the private Grudges of Families one to another 't is Prudence to prohibit their Names from being mention'd Thus did King Francis of Navarr forbidding any one upon severe Penalties to be call'd Agramont or Biamont which were two Families in that Kingdom at continual Enmity But if the Peoples Dissatisfaction and Sedition proceed from the Male-Administration of some Minister there is no Dust more effectual to appease them than the Punishment of that Person If they impute to the Minister that which is really the Prince's fault and so rise against him their Errour must have its free course since neither Force nor Reason can stop it without greater Detriment to the Publick Innocence 't is true will thereby suffer but not through the Prince's fault In all such great Accidents there is no Remedy without Injustice which is compensated by the Publick Good 15 Habet aliquid ex iniquo omne magnum exemplum quod contra 〈◊〉 utilitate publica rependitur Tac. 14. Annal. Sedition is a Poison which strikes at the Heart and 't is therefore necessary sometimes to lop off a Limb to save the Body and to give way to the Torrent of Fury though disagreeable to Reason and Justice Thus did Queen Isabella in a Rising of the People of Sevill For when they insisted upon her turning Andrew Cabrera Governor of the Palace out of his Office and were running on to further Demands she cut 'em off short Gentlemen says she what you demand I had before resolv'd on Go remove not only the Governor but also all my other Domesticks By which Answer she seem'd to command that which she was forc'd to and the Mutineers took it as her Favour and Kindness and having satisfy'd their Rage by tumbling down those headlong whom they found upon the Towers they were quiet and afterwards she upon Examining the Accusations which they laid to the Governor's Charge finding them unjust and groundless restor'd him to his Office When the Mutineers think that the Punishment of the Heads of the Sedition will be sufficient they spare none hoping by that means to expiate their Crime as the German Legions did 16 Gaudebat caeâ—â—â—â—s miles tanquam semet absolvereâ— Tac. 1. Annal. though Patience and Connivance did encrease their Insolence 17 Nihil â—â—â—ci Patientia nisi ut graviora tanquam ex facil tolerantibus imperenâ—â—â— Tac. in Vit. Agr. and the more you grant them the more they crave as did the Soldiers which Flaccus sent to Rome 18 Et Flaccus multa concedendo nihil aliud 〈◊〉 quâ—m ut acrius exposcâ—rent quae sciâ—bant negaturum Tac. 4. Annal. Yet this chiefly happens when the Person so Granting is but of small Authority among them as was Flaccus whom the whole Army despised 19 Superior exercitus Legatum Hordenium Flaccum spernebat Tac. 1.
for God before their Prince As also when the Prince's Commands are prejudicial to his Patrimony or Reputation or inconsistent with good Government and depend upon the knowledge of some particular Matters of Fact or lastly when Distance or other Accidents shall seem to have made such an Alteration in the state of Affairs that it may be probably gather'd that had the Prince known these before he would not have given those Orders in this Case provided however there be no other considerable Danger in Delaying they may be deferred and excepted against modestly however and with all the Respect due to his Authority and Judgment with this Hope at least that upon better Information he may Command what is more proper to be done Thus the Great Captain did when contrary to the Orders of Ferdinand the Catholick he stay'd at Naples with his Army considering with what Impatience the Italian Princes expected the Result of the Interview between the two Kings Ferdinand and his Son-in-Law Philip I. and what a desperate Condition the Affairs of Naples would be in if he abandon'd them at that Juncture For all this if the Minister know his Prince to be so great a Lover of his own Counsels as rather to do amiss than admit of Instruction he may hold his Tongue and Dissemble for it were downright Folly for him to expose himself to Danger without hopes of a Remedy Corbulo was already engaged in some considerable Enterprize but the Emperor having Commanded him to desist he retir'd For tho' he knew those Orders were unadvisedly given yet he would not ruine himself by Disobeying them 10 Iam castra in hostili loco moliebatur Corbulo acceptis tamen à 〈◊〉 Imperatore literis quibus se recipere jubebatur re subita quanquam 〈◊〉 simul offenderentur metus ex Imperatore contemptus ex Barbaris 〈◊〉 brium apud socios nihil aliud prolocutus quam â—eatos quosâ—am Duces 〈◊〉 fignum recepâ—ui dedit Tac. l. 11. Annal. No Orders require so punctual Observance in the Minister as those which relate to Matters of State In this Case unless the above-mention'd Circumstances occurr or there be otherwise any considerable evident Danger in the Execution he is implicitly to Obey without giving any heed to his private Opinion and Argâ—ments For the Designs of Princes are often too deeply rooted to be penetrated by the Minister or rather they would not have him dive into them and therefore he should side with the Prince's Commands and presume upon his Prudence that so it ought to be Hence Dolabella when Commanded by Tiberius to bring the Ninth Legion out of Germany readily Obeyed although he wanted not Reasons to the contrary 11 Iussa Principis magis quam incerta belli metuens Tac. l. 4. Annal. If every one had liberty to canvas and examine what is enjoined all things would be confounded and infinite Opportunities lost A Kingdom as has been said elsewhere is like a Musical Instrument whose Strings the Prince tunes who runs them all over with his Fingers whereas the Minister touches only one and not hearing the rest sound cannot know whether it be too high or too low and would very easily be mistaken if he went to set it according to his own Fancy The Count de Fuentes by the liberty of his Years Zeal Services and Experiences crowned with so many signal Trophies and Victories gave him sometimes while he governed the State of Milan suspended his Obedience to King Philip the Third's Orders because he â—udged them improper and to proceed rather from the Self-Interest or Ignorance of his Ministers than his own Mind Which Example many afterwards have followed to the great prejudice of the Publick Repose and Regal Authority It would be of very ill Consequence for Ministers to be always allow'd to question whether what is Commanded be the Prince's Will or not an Abuse which usually has its first Rise from their knowing it not to be his own Hand that proportions and polishes the Stones designed for the Edifice of Government But suppose it be another's yet due Honour and submission ought to be paid to the Commands no less than if they came from his own Will and Judgment or else there would be nothing but Confusion and Disorder Zealous and Prudent Obedience reverences the bare Hand and Seal of its Sovereign But if Princes are too remote and there is Danger of their Orders coming too late even after the Event or that variety of Accidents particularly in Affairs of War may not allow Time for Deliberation and there be certain Intelligence that the Opportunity will be in the mean time lost it will be Prudence to give full Power of Acting as Occasion shall require lest that happen which befell Vespasian in the Civil War with Vitellius when Distance of Place made the Counsels come after the Events To avoid which Inconveniency Tiberius upon sending Drusus to Command the German Legions joined with him some Prudent and Experienc'd Counsellors whom he might Consult as Occasion required but a full Power to Act as he saw Opportunity When Helvidius Priscus was sent into Armenia he had a Commission to Act as he saw Occasion Inâ—fine this was the usual Practice of the Roman Senate to leave all to the Discretion and Conduct of their Commanders and to recommend nothing in particular to them but only all possible Care that the Commonwealth suffer'd no Damage An Example the Republicks of Venice and Florence are far from imitating who unwilling to let their Liberty lie at the Mercy of one Man restrain the Power of their Generals being forewarned by the Example of Augustus who turned the Arms upon the Commonwealth which he had taken up in its Defence against Mark Anthony This Freedom of Power the Ministers who are near the King's Person are wont to limit to encrease their own and render it necessary for all to pass through their Hands Whence it is that so much Time is spent in Deliberating and that Resolutions are taken too late to be executed or at least to have the Success that might be expected from them and consequently the Charges and Pains in Preventing is utterly thrown away It happens also sometimes that while there passes so great a Space of Time between the Accidents themselves and their being known and examined fresh Advice is brought of the State of Affairs with new Circumstances which make it necessary to alter the former Orders and after this manner Days and Years slide away without any Effect either of Resolution or Action EMBLEM LXXXI THE Forces of all Powers are limited those of Ambition alone the common Vice of Humane Nature infinite This the more it has the more it desires to have or rather is a kind of fiery Appetite by the Heart exhaled which draws Strength and Encrease from the very Matter it is apply'd to This Failing is greater in Princes than in other Men for to the Desire of Getting is joined that Glory of Commanding
the Contriver and Maker of all Things yet without laying any Obligation upon his own Power or 8 Etiam merito accidisse videtur casus in culpam transit Velleius Man's Will has wrote their Changes and Vicissitudes in Characters of Light for the Glory of his Eternal Wisdom which past Ages have the present do and those to come will for ever read Greece was heretofore flourishing both in Arms and Arts it left Rome enough to learn but little to invent but now it lies buried in the Depth of Ignorance and Degeneracy The Wits in Augustus's time exceeded even Expectation but under Nero they began to flag so that all the Pains and Industry in the World was not sufficient to save the Arts and Sciences from Destruction Unhappy are those great Genius's who come into the World when Monarchies are declining in that they either are not employed or if they be cannot withstand the weight of their Ruine or perhaps miserably fall with them without Honour or Renown nay sometimes their Fate seems deserved and they are blamed for what was the effect of Chance 9 Cujâ—scunque fortunam mutare constituit consilia corrumpit Velleius God lays no Constraint upon Free-Will but yet either the course of Causes draws it on or for want of that Divine Light it stumbles of it self and its Designs are overthrown or executed too late Princes and Councellors are the Eyes of Kingdoms and when God Almighty determines the overthrow of these he blinds them that they may neither see Dangers nor know their Remedies 10 For the Lord hath poured forth upon you the spirit of deep sleep and hath closed your eyes the prophets and the rulers and the seers hath he covered Isai 29. 10. That which they think to succeed most by leads them most into Miscarriages They see Accidents but do not prevent but rather as much as in them lies forward them A Dangerous Instance of this Truth we have in the Swiss-Cantons ever so prudent and stout in defending their Country and Liberty but now so negligent and supine that themselves are the Cause of the Ruine that threatens them The First Author of Monarchies had situated their Republick between the Outworks of the Alpes and the Rhine and environ'd it with the Countries of Alsace Lorrain and Burgundy against the Power of France and other Princes and when they were farthest from the Fire of War in the Fruition of a happy and desired Peace they of themselves called and encouraged One upon their own Borders standing by and seeing the Ruine of those Provinces redounding afterwards to their own Prejudice they not considering the Danger of a neighbouring Power superiour in Strength and whose Fortune must of necessity be raised out of their Ashes May I be deceived but I fear this Body of the Switzers is already at its full growth and that it will begin to decay when those Spirits and Forces are spent which supported its Reputation and Grandeur Empires 't is certain have their Periods That which has endured longest is nearest its Ruine EMBLEM LXXXVIII WHat strange Force has the Loadstone to produce such Wonderful Effects What so Amorous Correspondence with the Polar Star that although because of its Weight it cannot always gaze on its Beauty yet the Needles it touches should What Resemblance can there be betwixt these two What so great Virtue that is not lost at so wide and remote Distances And why does it encline to that Star or Point of Heaven rather than to any other Were not the Experience common Ignorance would be apt to impute it to Magick as it does all other Extraordinary Effects of Nature when it cannot penetrate the Obscurity of its Operations Nor is the Loadstone less admirable in that other Virtue of Attracting and Lifting up Iron against its Innate Gravity nay even this carried by a kind of Natural Tendency to obey that Superior Power closes with it and does voluntarily what one would think could not but be violent How much were it to be wish'd that the Prince would by this Example learn to know that concourse of Causes which as hath been said sets up or pulls down Empires and how to carry himself therein so as not to encrease their Force by a too obstinate Opposition nor by a too easie Yielding to facilitate their Effects it being with this Series and Connexion of Causes moved by the First Cause as with a River 1 Fluminum instabiliâ— natura simul ostendereâ— omnia 〈◊〉 Tac. Annal. l. 6. which while it streams in its ordinary Current is easily parted into several Branches or by Banks cast up turned this or that way and suffers Bridges to be made over it but when swelled by continual Rains or melting Snows admits of no Resistance and for any one to contend with it does but augment its Force and put it in a condition to carry all before it Hence the Holy Spirit admonishes us not to strive against the Stream 2 Eccles. 4. 32. Patience surmounts that Violence which in a moment loses both its Power and Being Upon which account it was look'd on as an ill Omen to the War of Vitellius in the East that Euphrates overflowed and bubbled into a kind of Frothy Crowns by those who consider'd how Transitory these were When therefore many Causes conspiring together attend the Victories of aâ— Enemy and open an happy Way to his Military Expeditions it will be great Prudence to allow them Time to disperse sensibly of themselves not that they lay any necessity upon the Freedom of the Will but because this Freedom has power only over the Motions of the Mind and Body not over those External Things It may indeed give way to Accidents but cannot avoid being overwhelmed by them Constancy in Expecting is infinitely more valuable than Valour in Fighting This Fabius Maximus well knew and therefore let that Torrent of Hannibal run by till having by long Delays weakened he at length surmounted it and saved the Roman State Successes get strength from one another and by the Reputation Opinion gives them suddenly encrease to that degree that no Power is able to grapple with them The Spanish Monarchy render'd Charles V. Fortunate and Glorious and he by his Prudence Courage and Vigilance made the Empire happy Which eminent Qualities were followed by the general Acclamations and Applause of all Nations All Men joined with his Fortune and the French King Francis I. emulous of so great Splendour striving to eclipse it lost his own Liberty What Terrors does Lightning strike us with when it breaks out of the Clouds Then first exerting its Force when it meets with Resistance without that vanishing into Air. Such was that Thunderbolt raised out of the Exhalations of the North within a few Days it triumphed over the Empire and struck almost the whole World with Terrour And yet one leaden Bullet piercing it made it presently disappear There is nothing so frail and uncertain as the
Disposition of Mind To which Virgil seems also to have alluded in this Verse of his Pacem orare manu praefigere puppibus arma * Virg. To sue for Peace yet prosecute the War Even after the Conclusion of Peace Care ought still to be taken of War since between the Conqueror and Conquered no firm Faith is ever established 1 Cum in victores victosque munquam solida fides convalesceret Tac. Hist. l. 2. One Day saw that of the French several times engaged and violated at Casal and the Marquess de Saint Croix 's Goodness abused he who preferred the Quiet of Italy before the Glory of Victory which an advantageous Post and 〈◊〉 Forces offered him as 〈…〉 In Treaties of Peace a Free Temper is no less requisite than iâ— the Management of a War He that consâ—lts too much his Honour in them and would conquer his Enemy as well with the Pen as Sword buâ—ies Sparks under the Ashes to kindle the Fire of a greater War Those Peaces which Pompey and after him the Consul Mancinus made with the Nuâ—â—â—tines had no effect because they were not a little derogatory to the Honour of the Roman Commonwealth The Capitulation of Asti between Charles Emanuel Duke of Savoy and the Marquess de Hinoâ—osa was soon broken upon account of one of the Articles about Diâ—arming the Soldiers not much for His Majesty's Reputation which those Disturbances and Innovations of the Duke seemed to tend to No Peace can be secure when there is so much inequality 2 Bellum anceps an pax inâ—onesta placeret nec dubitatum de bello Tac. Annal. l. 15. One of the Privernates being asked by the Roman Senate how his Countrymen would observe the Peace if it were allowed them answered Faithfully and for Ever if you grant us a good and equal one but if you impose hard Conditions you must not expect we should keep them long 3 Si 〈◊〉 dederitis fidam perpetuam si 〈…〉 Tit. Liv. l. 8. Never does any one observe a Peace which he knows is to his Disadvantage 4 Nec credideris ullu◠〈…〉 in ea conditione cujus cum paniteat diutius quam necesse sit mansurum Tit. Liv. l. 8. Except it be Honourable and for the Conveniency of both Parties it will be but a lame Contract he that studies most his own Interest in it makes it most slender and subjects it to an easie Rupture Upon any ill Success one is not immediately to have recourse to Peace as long as the least room is left for putting Affairs in a better posture otherwise it can never go well with the Oppressed Hence after the loss of the Battel of Toro Alphonsus King of Portugal thought it not a good Time to talk of Agreeing with â—â—rdinand the Catholick That is a weak Peace which â—â—rce and Menace extort for Honour and Liberty never 〈◊〉 to plot against it There are usually no less Cheats and Contrivances in â—reaties of Peace than in War witness those pretended 〈◊〉 of Rhadamistus to take away Mithridates 's Life * Tac. Annal. l. 12. â—hey are generally set on foot only to discover the â—ctions and Designs of the Enemy to give Time for â—â—rtifications Succours and the Practices of Alliance 〈◊〉 waste the Enemy's Forces break Confederacies and â—ll asleep with the Hopes of Peace Diligence and Precaution Sometimes they are clapt up in order to raise â—ew Forces frustrate Counsels and in a word to serve 〈◊〉 a Truce or Cessation of Arms until a better Opporâ—â—nity for taking them up again shall offer it self or that the Seat of the War may be changed Thus the French Sign'd the Peace of Mouzon with no other intent than to remove the War into Germany and fall upon the Valtoline that way So the only end of the Peace of Ratisbone was to disarm the Emperor for at the same Time the French agreed to it they were brewing a League with the Crown of Sweden against him and there was not above two Months between the one and the other Now in the like Cases War is much better than a suspected Peace 5 In pace suspecta tutius bellum Tac. Hist. l. 4. this being indeed a Peace without Peace 6 Saying Peace peace when there is no peace Ier. 6. 14. Peaces should be perpetual as all those of God have been 7 And I will establish my covenant between me and thee and thy seed after thee in their generations for an everlasting covenant to be a God unto thee and to thy seed after thee Gen. 17 7. Hence the Holy Scriptures call such Treaties Covenants of Salt by this expression intimating their Permanency 8 The Lord God of Israel gave the kingdom over Israel to David for ever even to him and to his sons by a covenant of salt 2 Chron. 13. 5. A Prince who is a real Lover of Peace and sincerely endeavours the Settlement of it is not afraid to bind even his Posterity to its Observance A short Peace is good for nothing but to gather Fuel to light War withal The same Inconveniencies attend Trucer made for a few Years they do but suspend Anger for a time and give place for the sharpening of Swords and pointing of Lances by their means Usurpations pass into Prescription and Peace is afterwards rendred more difficult inasmuch as no one resigns willingly what he has possessed a long time The Ten Years Truce between the Emperor Charles V. and Francis I. gave not Peace to Europe as * In â—ul Indict Conc. Trident. Pope Paul III. very well observed But when the Peace is secure firm and honourable no prudenter Course can be taken than to embrace it however Victorious your Arms are or whatever considerable Progresses may be expected from them since the Casualties of War are various and fortunate often beget unhappy Successes How frequent is it to see him begging for Peace who was but just before asked it A Certain Peace is better than a Victory in Expectation the one depends on our own Pleasure the other is in God's Hand 9 Melior enim tutiorque est certa pax quam sperata victoria illa in tuaâ— haec in Deorum manu est Liv. Dec. 3. l. 1. And though Sabinus said That Peace was to the Glory only of the Conqueror but Profitable to the Conquered 10 Pacâ—m concordiam victis utiâ—ia victoribâ— tantum pulcâ—ra esse Tac. Hist. l. 3. yet this Advantage reaches the Victor too for by being so he may have it the more advantageous and secure the Progresses already made There is no better Time for Peace than when one is uppermost in War This among other Reasons moved Hanno when News was brought to Carthage of the Victory of Cannae to advise the Senate to close with the Romans And it was for nothing but the neglect of this that they were forced in the end to submit to such Laws and Conditions as Scipio thought fit