reformed by Kings and Princes and by them be constrained to doe their duty It is no marvaile iâ— they do somewhat for him to whom they are bound by such a strict oath and who flatters and wooes them extremely to do the deed But when the Churchmen of our age especially doe any famous exploit against the Pope this is newes indeed both in regard of that command which hee hath got over them and of the feare they ought to have least they should be sentenced for heretiques in these controversies of religion And this is the cause that the Popes have alwayes had recourse to them when they intended to doe some ill offices to our King and Kingdome Boniface the eighth by a gloseing letter of his writ unto them endevors to make them approve his injust proceedings against Philip the Faire where hee saith amongst other things Those who hold that temporall matters are not subject to spirituall doe not they goe about to make two Princes Hee complaines also of the Parliament holden at Paris where it was enacted saith he by underhand and begged voices that none should appear before him upon the summons of the See Apostolick He complaines also of the report which was made to that assembly by M. Peter Flotte whom hee calls Belial half blind in body and quite in understanding This was the man who being sent in ambassage unto him by King Philip to that saying of his We have both the one power and the other made this reply in behalfe of his Masterâ— Yours is verball but ours is reall as it is related by an English historian 17 Innocent the third did the like in his scuffle with Philippus Augustus his Epistle to the Bishops of France was put among the Decretals wherein he omits no art to nuzle them up and perswade them that his proceedings against the King and putting their Kingdome under an interdict was just as the learned Cujacius hath very well observed and indeed his projects throve so well that he wonne their consent at last Hearke how a French Historian of ours speakes of it The whole countrey of the King of France was interdicted at which the King being highly offended after he had notice of it he stripped all his Bishops out of their Bishoprickes because they had consented to that interdict and commanded that their Canons and Clerkes should be put out of their livings expelled out of his dominions and their goods confiscated he discharged also the Parish Priests and seized upon their goods The French Bishops at first did stifâ—ly oppose Gregory the fourth who siding with the children against the father was minded to come into France to excommunicate Lewes the Gentle and they had put on this resolution To send him home againe excommunicated if he came there to excommunicate But when all came to all he had such a stroke over them that he made them not onely abandon but depose him He was vexed by all his Bishops saith an ancient Historian and more particularly by them who were raised to those dignities from a low degree and such as comming out of barbarous Countries were preferred to that height of honour And he afterwards addes They said and did such things as the like were never heard of using reproachfull speeches towards him they tooke his sword from his side upon the judgement of his servants and wrapt it in a sackcloth It is true indeed that not long after repenting themselves of their proceedings they restored him to his former dignity of which they had despoiled him And the Archbishop of Rhemes Ebon by name who had beene the maine man amongst them declared himselfe in writing That whatsoever had beene attempted against the honour of the Emperour was against all right and reason And yet wee must not accuse all the Bishops of France for this for many of them were offended with it and particularly those of the province of Belgia deposed Ebon their Archbishop upon this occasion condemning his proceeding herein But let us now retâ—rne to our intended subject 18 One of the Kings Lieutenants generall for administration of justice in an assembly of the States particular under the late King 1588. For the reestablishing saith he and better settling of Christian religion within this Kingdome our suit unto the King is that like a most Christian and eldest sonne of the Catholique Church he would receive the Councell of Trent and cause it to bee inviolably observed by all his subjects If any here will interpose and tell me that there are some articles in it which are repugnant to the liberty of the Gallicane Church and some others which seeme too harsh and against the forme of justice now used in France I answer that the Lords spirituall may more wisely advise of this in the assembly generall of the States and if need so be communicate it with the other Orders to make a Remonstrance thereof to our holy Father the Pope By this meanes all those Edicts which to the great regret of the King the Princes and Catholique subjects by reason of the necessity of the times did tolerate this medley of religions shall be repealed and abolished 19 Amongst those great disorders of this Kings reigne this very Councell was called in question in the Assembly at Paris which was holden in the name of the States in behalfe of the league where it is remarkable that those who had shaken off the Royall yoke and undermined all the fundamentall lawes of this Kingdome how distempered soever they were yet they had their judgements so sound as to discerne a good many decrees in that Councell which were prejudicial to the liberties of this Kingdome As appeares by the extract which was published hereupon We may observe by the way that those who raised the most false and abominable calumnies against the late King that ever were heard of in all their defamatory libels never objected this unto him that he refused to receive the Councell of Trent I will use no other proofe than of that damnable script hammered out in hell Of the just deposall of Henry the third from the Kingdome of France which sets downe the causes of his excommunication making him a murtherer a heretique a favourer of heretiques simoniacall a sacrilegious approver of duels a profaner of religious persons a confederate with heretiques a spender of the substance of the Church without any leave from the Pope a falâ—ifier of the letters Apostolique a superstitious fellow a deteiner of Churchmen But not one word of the Councell of Trentâ— although he had in that point beene disobedient to the Popes will and made small account of his earnest and often request for it is certaine that all the speeches which come to our hearing were delivered in his behalfe and upon his motion 20 Nay more hee did not receive so much as those very Decrees of the Councell which were no way repugnant to our liberties and
consisting of Archbishops Bishops Chapters Abbats Deanes Provosts and other Ecclesiasticall persons together with Doctors of Law both divine and humane and other learned men of the Realme and also of the chiefe Lords of France and others of the Kings Councell about the receiving of the Councels of Constance and Basil. I say Synod for so it is called in the act of Appeal of the University of Paris A while after King Lewes the eleventh assembled a Councell of the Gallicane Church and all the Vniversities in the City of Orleans as well to understand the purport of the Pragmatique Sanction as to give direction for the annates of benefices saith the Author before alledged Before we leave France wee will set downe what an English Historian saith of the Councell of Rhemes holâ—en by Pope Eugenius the third â—â—4â— About that time saith he Eugenius Pope of Rome coming into France out of the affection hee bore to Ecclesiasticall discipline set up a generall Councell aâ— Rhemes where he sitting with a great company of Bishops and Nobles there was a pestilent fellow brought before him who being possest with a devill had seduced a great many by his tricks and juglings 30 Spaine can furnish us also with such like examples and assure uâ— that when it pleased their Kings even Lay men were admitted into theiâ— Councels to have a deliberative voice there and to judge of matters 31 This may be collected from the sixth Councell of Toledo holden under King Chiutillaud and by his authority the yeere 654. where in the thirâ— chapter we reade thus Wherefore we decree and denounce with heart and mouth this sentence pleasing to God conformable to our Kings and do furthermore ordain with the consent and advice of the Grandés and honourable persons of his Kingdome c. To the same effect we finde the eighth Councell of Toledo holden under King Recessuinth and by his command subscribed with the signes of fifteene of his Officers King Eringus caused divers of his Lords and officers of the Court to assist at the twelfth Councell of Toledo holden in the yeere 681â— and ordained them for Iudges together with the Bishops to consult of such things as should bee handled there to all whom hee made this exhortation at the opening of the Councell I doe admonish and conjure you in commune both you holy fathers you right honourable of my royall Court whom we have chosen to assist in this holy Councell by the name of God and as you will answer at the dreadfull day of judgement that without all favour or acceptation of persons without any froward wrangling or â—esire of perverting the truth you treat of such matters as shall be proâ—osed unto you with a sound examination and that you expresse them with a more sound judgement His subscription to the Acts of that Councell have these words Great good will accrue to our Realme and people if these decrees of the Acts of the Synod as they were made by our procurement so they bee confirmed by the oracle of our lasting law To the end that what the reverend Fathers and Lords have ordained by virtue of our command may be defendeâ— by our Edict All his Courtiers and Officers are subsigned to the Acts of that Councell 32 The same forme was observed in England for in the yeere 905. King Edward and Plegmond Archbishop of Canterbury assembled a great Councell of Bishops Abbats and other faithfull people in the southerne parts of Englandâ— saith Matthew Westminster 33 In the yeere 1150. King Stephen having done what hee would at Yorke and the adjoyning shires returned towards the southerne parts about the feast of Saint Michael th' Archangell to keepe a Councell at London together with the Bishops and Nobles of England both for the affaires of the Kingdome and of the Church of Yorke which was then vacant 34 The yeere 1170. at the request of the King of England two Cardinals Albert and Theodinus were sent into France from the See Apostolique who having called a great assembly of Ecclesiasticall persons and Noblemen within the territories of the King of England they solemnly admitted him to purge himselfe of the murther of Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury 35 In the yeere 1190. the Bishop of Ely Chancelour of England and Lieutenant generall of the Realme in the absence of King Richard the second who was then at the warre in the Holy Land called the Bishops and Lords of the Kingdome together And presenting them upon the suddaine with the inâ—strument of his Legation hee openly declared himselfe with a great deale of pompe and insolency to be Legat oâ— the See Apostolique 36 Come we backe to the Emperours there we have the example of Othâ— the first who made up the Councell which he held at Rome for the condemnation of Pope Iohn of Ecclesiastiques and Lay men Of which ranke these are named by Luitprandus Of the Nobles Stephanus filius Iohannes superista Demetrius Meliosi Crescentius Caballi marmorei Iohannes Puisina Stephanus de Musa Theodorus de Rusina Iohannes de Primicerio Leo de Camurzuli Ricardus Petrus de Canaperia Benedictus Bulgaminus his sonne Of the communalty Peter Imperiola with all the Roman army And afterwards by their unanimous advice the Emperour pronounced the sentence of condemnation against Iohn and created Leo in his stead by the same advice 37 We have also the example of Henry the third Who saith Polanus having called a Councell at Worms consisting of foure and twenty Bishops and many of the Nobility he there commanded the decrees of Pope Gregory to bee disanulled 38 We may further alledge the example of Popes For Adrian did summon many Lay men to the Lateran Councell holden by him and Charles the great what time he caused him to bee proclaimed Emperour There was a holy Synod called saith a good Author by Pope Adrian of happy memory at the Palace of Lateran in the Church of St. Saviour which was most solemnly kept by fifty three Ecclesiasticall persons Bishops or Abbats together with â—udges Magistrates and Doctors of Law from all parts and also personâ— of all states and conditions of that City and all the Clergy of the holy Church of Rome Who made enquiry concerning the customes lawes and manners of that Church and Empire consulting also by what meanes heresies and seditions might be rooted oâ—t of the Apostolique See and treating of the dignity of the Senate and Empire of Rome seeing that by reason of these thingâ— a foule errour was spread over the whole world 39 In imitation of him Pope Leo did the like in another Councell at the Lateran under the Emperour Otho the first For as much as your â—umility saith he doth humbly desire our Apostleship that dispatching the holy Synod assembled by your advice at the Patriarchall of the Lateâ—an in the Church of St. Saviour and consisting besides of Iudges and Doctors of
as spirituall through the whole world 45 That it belongs to the Pope to correct Kings when they offend seeing that he is the judge of the quicke and the dead in Christs stead 46 That the Pope may correct the Imperiall law by his authority as the divine law doth the humane 47 That the Pope may alter the Imperiall laws according to the diversity of the times if any evident commodity be like to insue upon it 48 That the Pope by reason he hath the Empire of Rome may and ought to reduce the Holy Land under his jurisdiction 49 That the Pope hath the propriety of the Western Empire and the rest of the world in protection and tuition 50 That he may justly make an ordination and decree against infidell Princes although their Countries were never possessed by Christian Princes that they doe not injustly molest the Christians within their dominions 51 That if they evill intreat the Christians he may by his sentence deprive them of that power and jurisdiction which they have over them 52 That he may command the Infidels to receive the Preachers of the Gospel into their territories 53 For ought that I can see the King of China and the great Mogul shall fare no better than Christian Princes unlesse they come very speedily and submit themselves to the Pope He hath met with the Kings of India of Peru Brasile Cuba and all those other â—les of the Ocean which were of farre more difficult accesâ—e than those Kingdomes we speak of Alexander the 6 anno 1493 made a faire deed of gift to Ferdinand King of Aragon of all those poore Barbarians and of all their Countries and Kingdomes although he never knew them nor had they ever offended him Of our meere bounty and certain knowledge and the Plenitude of our power Apostolicall we give grant and by these presents do assigne to you your heirs and successours for ever Kings of Castile and Leon all the Ilands and Continents which have already beene discovered and found out or which hereafter shall be towards the West and South drawing a line thereof from the Artick or Northâ—Pole to the Antartick or South Pole And we make constitute and appoint you your heirs and successours Lords thereof with full free and absolute power authority and jurisdiction But enough of this for any man may judge by this what will become of the rest 54 So one of their Doctors expounding that passage of sacred writ Give unto Cesar the things that are Cesars saith That was spoken but for a time not for ever that it was to hold only till the ascention of Iesus Christ and afterwards that should come to passe which was spoken When I shall bee lifted up from the earth I will draw all things after mee That is saith this great Rabbin I will recover all the Empires and Kingdomes of the world and will take them from Cesar from Kings and Princes to give them to the Pope See here one of the finest and truest Prophecies that ever was read for he hath more stroke in the Empire and Kingdomes than the Emperours and Kings themselves at least among Christians 55 Wee need not wonder hereafter at the extravagant of Boniface the 8 where he will have it to be necessary to salvation to beleeve that all the faithfull people of Christ are subject to the Pope of Rome that hee hath both the swords that hee judgeth all men and is judged of none Nor of that which hee writ to King Philip the Faire That he was subject to him both in spirituals and temporals Nor at that which a German Historian relateth of him That supposing Kingdomes and Empires to bee in his power he made his brag that hee had two swords Nor at that which before his time Nicholas the first writ to the Milanois That God hath bestowed upon S. Peter and his successours the right both of the Terrestriall and Celestiall Empire Nor at that which Gregory the 7 saith in one of his Buls speaking of himselfe That all the world may understand at last that wee give and take away Empires Kingdomes Principalities and whatsoever mortall men are capable of Nor at that pretence of Clement the 5 in one of his Clementines That without all doubt he hath the command of the Empire who by reason of that power which he hath succeedeth the Emperour in the vacancy of the Empire Nor at that which Clement the 6 pretended that the Empire devolved upon him after the excommunication of Ludovicuâ— Bavarus and that upon that occasion he placed Governours in the Cities of Italy following herein the example of his predecessour Iohn the 22â— who set forth in his Buls to all the world That he had divided all Italy from the Empire and from the Kingdome of Germany That the Pope is universall Lord not only of things spirituall but also of temporall Nor likewise at this that the Popes have declared all those to bee hereticks who in their writings have defended That Empires and Kingdomes depend not upon the Pope but upon God alone 56 The King of France is deceived if he thinke he is exempted by his Clementine Meruit hee hath to doe with people that know how to expound Scripture that will pick out the sense where all the greatest Doctours of the Sorbon would bee put past their divinity They know well enough how to tell him that he and his Kingdome are onely restored by that Clementine into the state wherein they were before Boniface his Bull that the Realme of France was before that subject to the Popes Dominion by the donation of Constantine That the Pope is Lord and Monarch of the Vniverse that hee hath both the swords a plenitude of power both over temporals and spirituals that the Decrees which bestow this right upon him are confirmed by the Councell of Trent that Pope Zachary deposed Childeric absolved his subjects from the oath of allegeance and bestowed the Realme upon Pepin that this Pope Clement being a French man would have favoured the French but hee could not doe it to the prejudice of St. Peters patrimony that hee trembles yet at the fright which Nogaret put his predecessour into And wheras it is conceived that some such promise was extorted from him and some obligation which bound him so to doe upon condition hee were made Pope they will urge the example of the Emperour Henry the 5. whom the Councels of Lateran and Vienna caused to give up his investitures notwithstanding the dispensation which Paschal the second had granted unto him in that behalfe yea and the examples of our owne Kingsâ— whom Benedict the 13 Iulius the 2 Gregory the 14 and Sixtus the 5 did not sticke to excommunicate for all their priviledges 37 Besides the Councell of Trent being allowed which gives all power to the Popedome even over Councels it must belong to the Pope to dispose of
saith an old French Historian by the will and command of the same most milde Prince a Synod holden at Mentz a Metropoliticall Citie of Germany where Rhabanus the reverend Archbishop of the place was president 10 There was afterwards a Councell holden at Valentia under King Lotharius in the yeare 855 the Acts whereof speake in this manner The most reverend Bishops of three provinces being by the command of King Lotharius assembled together in one body at the City of Valentia upon occasion of the Bishop thereof who had beene cited and impeached of diverâ— crimes The History of Rhemes mentions a Councell at Paris called by the same King That the Canons concluded and agreed upon at the Generall Councell assembled in S. Peters Church in Paris by the diligence of King Lotharius bee inviolably observed It mentions also another called by Charles the Bald In the yeare 845 Charles called the Bishops of his Realme to a Synod at Beavis summoned forth of the Province of Rhemes King Lewes the second as we have elsewhere observed prescribed to the Councell of Pavy holden 855 what points they should consult upon whence it follows that that Councel was called by his command as wel as the rest The Councell of Wormes was called by the same King Lewes the second anno 868 We being assembled in the City of Wormes in the yeare of grace 868 by the command of our most excellent Illustrious Soveraigne King Lewes to treat of certaine points concerning the good of the Church 11 An old French author tells us that the same King caused another to be assembled at Cullen anno 870. There was a Synod holden at Cullen saith he by the command of King Lewes Iohn le Maire tells us that Lewes the Smatterer called another at Vienna in the time of Pope Formosus anno 892. 12 King Arnold held another at Tribur anno 895 which consisted of a great many both Ecclesiasticall and lay men In the yeare of our Lord 895 the eighth of his reigne the thirteenth Indiction in the moneth of May the King came by the instinct of the holy Ghost and the advice of his Princes to the royall City of Triburia seated within the French dominions accompanied with the precited Bishops Abbats and all the Princes of his kingdome and a great number both of Ecclesiasticall and Secular persons repairing thither c. Now if the King held the Councell I suppose none will deny but he called it 13 Hugh Capet who lately reigned in France saith Iohn le Maire called a Councell at Rhemes in Champaigne consisting of the Prelates of the Gallican Church where he caused Arnalt Archbishop of Rhemes to be deposed 14 In the yeare 1140 by authority from King Lewes the younger there was a Synod held at Sens of the Bishops Abbats and other religious against Peter Abelard who scandalized the Church by a prophane novelty both of words and sense 15 Philip Augustus saith an ancient Frenchman called a Generall Councell at Paris anno 1179 of all the Archbishops Bishops Abbats as also all the Princes and Lords of the Realme of France He called another likewise in the same Citie anno 1184 to entertaine the Patriarch of Ierusalem and consult about sending aid against the Saracens He commanded saith the same Author that a Generall Councell should be called of all the Archbishops Bishops and Princes of his Realme The Bishop of Chartres tells us there was another called at Troyes by his commandement 16 Pope Eugenius the third of that name saith Le Maire being come into France as well to avoid the tumultuous fury of the Romanes as to animate Christian Princes to the beyond sea voyage King Lewes the younger sonne of Lewes the Fat caused a Councell to be assembled in the towne of Vezelay in Burgundie of all the Prelates Princes of France to whom hee purposed to declare by the mouth of Saint Bernard Abbat of Clerevale all the misfortunes that had befalne in the holy Land There was another called at Paris by the command of Charles the sixth where he was in person attended by the Nobilitie of his Princes and Barons 17 So likewise Lewes the eleventh called one at Orleans Lewes the 12. one at Tours another at Lyons King Charles the ninth summoned the Bishops and other Prelates of the Churches within his Realme by his letters patents of the tenth of September 1560. By whose advice we have concluded and agreed that a generall Assembly of the Prelates and other members of the Churches within our dominions be held the 20. of Ianuary next ensuing to conferre consult and advise what they shall thinke fit to bee proposed at the said Generall Councell if so be it bee holden shortly And in the meane time resolve amongst themselves notwithstanding of all things which may upon our part any way concerne the reformation of the said Churches In a word it is a thing without all peradventure so that wee may now conclude that the calling of Nâ—tionall Councels belongs unto the King of France within his owne kingdome And as oft as we finde that any Councell was holden in France if there be no particular mention of the calling of it we must alwayes presume it was by the authoritie of our Kings 18 Sometimes indeed it was not by their command but by their bare consent and approbation as that of Arvergne which was held by the consent of King Theodebert The second of Tours by consent of King Charibert That of Meaux by consent of Lewes the younger anno 846. That of St. Medard of Soissons by consent of Charles sonne to Lewes the Emperour in the yeare 853. One at Cullen under Charles the Grosse anno 887. and another in France by the approbation of Lewes the father of St. Lewes in the yeare 1222. And this must be understood of all those Councels which we reade were called in France by the Popes their Legates or other Prelates for this was alwaies done either by the expresse consent of our Kings or else by their toleration as hath beene particularly expressed of two to wit that of Cleremont and another of Rhemes Which as Iohn le Maire saith were holden by the approbation and consent of King Lewes the Grosse and whereat Pope Innocent the second was present Vnlesse perhaps it be some few which were holden against them as that of Compeigne called by the Prelates of France against Lewes the Gentle that of Rhemes by Benedict the seventh against Hugh Capet that of Dijon by one of the Popes Legates against Philip Augustus that of Cleremont in Arvergne by Vrban the second against Philip and such like But for such as these wee may call them spurious and illegitimate Councels unlawfull Conventicles and Monopolies for so Iohn le Maire calls that of Compeigne although it was called by the consent of Pope Gregory the fourth 19 Let us now passe over into England which will
three Bishops to Rome to assist at the Synod which shall bee holden there Which cannot bee referred to a Generall Councell And for the rest no body denyes but the Pope hath the same power in respect of the Churches which depend upon him which the other Patriarches and Metropolitans have 11 But let us grant what they say of him There is nothing got by it it is a domestique testimony and of one that is himselfe a party Hee that hath at other times disputed the presidence of Councels is now in question himselfe in his owne cause and his successours Besides wee have spoken sufficiently elsewhere of the approbations and subscriptions of the Acts of Councels which were desired at the Popes hands that they desired as much of other Bishops to mantaine the union and intelligence of the Church from whence no advantage will accrue to the Pope and yetâ— for all the Councel of Lateran makes this a strong ground as neither from that which the Councell of Constance did which our Lateran Fathers have put in the list too thereby tacitly approving it Of whom I demand lastly Why then do they not observe its decrees touching the power of a Councell seeing they can finde no flaw in them They take at nothing but the Councel of Basil and this poore Pragmatique and that by reason of the sawcinesse of them as they intimate unto us by those words Which was likewise observed by the Fathers of Constance which laudable custome if those of Bourges and Basil had observed without doubt we should never have all this adoe This for the point of approbation which Councels required at the hands of Popes Let us then leave our Bourgeois and Basilians there and confesse they were to blame to exempt the Pope from trouble But what had the Councel of Constance to doe with it that the Decrees thereof must be abrogated for this Besides is it not a fine argument to conclude that the Pope is above a Councel because that of Constance demanded the approbation of their Decrees at his hands whereas by the same Decrees they make the Pope inferiour 12 See here all their reasons saving that they urge the abrogation of our Pragmatique made by Lewes the eleventh and consequently of the Councell of Basil. To which wee cannot answer but to the shame of Pius the second who having wrought wonders against the Popes at the Councell of Basil having even writ the history of all that passed there with exceeding approbation thereof when hee came to be Pope urged King Lewes with the performance of a promise which he had extorted from him when hee was Dolphin of repealing that pragmatique as soone as he should come to the Crowne and he never gave over solliciting of him by letters and Legats till hee had his desire So then the pragmatique was repeal'd by this Prince with the advice of a few but was set up againe presently after with the consent of many having perceived the prejudice done to France by him We must confirme all this by good witnesses 13 M. Iohn le Maire relates many things about this particular it is fit we heare him Forasmuch saith he as the Popes are not content that the pragmatique Sanction be in force although it bee founded upon the holy Canons and authorized by the Councell of Basil But it derogates from the insatiable covetousnesse of the Court of Rome and therefore they say it is a pure heresie Pope Pius the second imagined by all meanes to perswade and put it in King Lewes his head to abrogate and put all downe under colour as the Pope pretended that the said Lewes when he was then but Dolphin had promised the Pope that when hee came to the crowne he would abolish the said Pragmatique And to bring this about presently after the Kings coronation Pope Pius sent the Cardinall Monke D'Arras for his Legat into France The Legat being arrived in France put the King in minde of fulfilling his promise and the King being willing to condescend to the Popes desire at least making a show of so doing dispatched his letters patents in ample manner directing them to the Parliament of Paris and sent Cardinall Balue thither to have the Decree of the Lords of the Parliament thereupon But when the â—ase was discussed the auditory of the Court being present the Kings Atturney called Iohn de Rome a sharpe man of great eloquence and courage straight opposed himselfe against it boldly affirming and maintaining that a law so holy so redoubtable and of so great benefit to the kingdome ought not to be repealed In like manner the Vniversity of Paris joyned with the Kings Atturney and appealed from all the Popes attempts to a future Councell At which things Cardinall Balue a wary malicious and stout man was much offended and used big words but all this notwithstanding hee returned to the King againe without doing any thing And so our Pragmatique continues still in force save that the King did afterwards bestirre himselfe to cause his letters patents to be verified 14 Now that he made this repeale without counsell we prove from Pope Pius out of his letters gratulatory which he sent to him thereupon Meane while we commend that saith hee that you have determined to disanull this Pragmatique without the assembly or advice of many as the same Bishop hath given us to understand Certes you are wise and you bewray a great King to governe and not to be governed See here the good counsell of the Popeâ— but which did not thrive very well with him for this default made all be cancell'd Malum consilium consultori pâ—ssâ—mum Let 〈◊〉 heare yet his other elogyes concerning that repeale You were reserved till these times to restore her liberty to the Church of Rome by abolishing errours that is the Pragmatique And in another passage You doe what is meet knowing that the Pragmatique is godlesse you have resolved to abolish it out of your Kingdome The rest may be seene in the authour himselfe 15 But let us here observe the inconstancy of this Pius who saith in his Commentaries of the Councell of Basil that every one held the conclusion of the Bishop of Arles who presided there in admiration concerning the authority upon a Councel against the Pope as undertaken by the speciall favour of the Holy Ghost saith he In another place hee extols the integrity and devotion of those Fathers with exclamation matterâ— Now our Pragmatique is nothing else but the marrow and substance of the Councell of Basil yea but the very Decrees of it Now we demand of him Cur tam variè as our Practitioners speak Hee will give us King Francis his answer It is not for a King of France to revenge an injury done to a Duke of Orleance But rather it is for a Pope to defend the Popes cause That when he writ that as well as that which hee writ against the
by thine owne sentence in as much as thou writest Cursed be he that doth not keepâ— the Apostolicall commandments which it is well knowne thou both heretofore many wayes hast and at this present doest violate trampling under foot both the lawes of God and the holy Canons of the Church at once making them of no effect nor use in as much as thou canst never treading neere the footsteps of thy predecessors the Bishops of Rome We therefore having experience of thy craft and subtilty observe withall thy indignation and high swolne ambition and wee doe not yeeld an inch to thee nor to thy pride whereby thou hastenest to bring us under hatches prosecuting herein the desires of our enemies but thy favourites Nay thou shalt know we are none of thy Clerkes as thou doest boast and bragge but that thou shouldest acknowledge us for thy brethren and fellow-bishops if thy arrogancy would permit thee so to doe 14 When the Popes had not power enough of themselves to compasse their ends to tame Princes to trouble and enthrall Christendome or haply when they would set a fairer glosse of justice upon their actions and cut off all means of gainsaying then they releeved themselves by the authority of some Councell or other called together by their cunning and packed up according to their humour whereunto all men in honour and reverence to the Church readily submitted themselves as unto some divine Oracles Till at last they begunne to finde out the mystery and perceive plainly that those assemblies under colour of piety and religion served but for instruments to the Popes humours to wreake their humane malice stucke close unto their tyrannyâ— and gave authority to their injust usurpations This was it which oft times gave occasion to reject those Councels as spurious and adulterate as the Synagogues of Satan yet alwayes conserving a due reverence to those true holy lawfull and Oecumenicall assemblies assembled in the name of the Holy Ghost wherâ—of we shall give you an instance or two 15 Gregory the seventh excommunicated the Emperour Henry the fourth by vertue of a famous Councell holden at Rome in the yeere 1074. The Pope say the German Chronicles called a famous Synod of Bishops and other Ecclesiasticall Prelates at Rome in which Councell divers things to bee observed by all Christians concerning the Popes authority were enacted and ordained There also was Henry afterwards excommunicated as an enemy and persecuter of the Church Platina hath set down the forme of that excommunication An English Monke doth ascribe it to the Councell of Cleremont but he doth but equivocate in that unlesse hee meane that it was repeated there Yet for all this the Bishops of Germany did set so light by it that the next yeere after being Synodically assembâ—ed at Brixin in Austria they deposed Pope Gregory and chose Gerbert Archbishop of Ravenna in his stead calling him Clement Henry desiring to secure the fluctuating and troubled estate of the Church they are the words of the same Chronicle called a Councell at Brixin a City in Austria where he assembled all the Bishops and Abbats which were of his opinion against Pope Gregory In which Counceâ—â— they by their decrees deposed Pope Gregory in his absence from the See apostolique as a perturber of the Church and a wilde headed Monke for he was a Monke before he was Pope and chose in his place Gerbert Archbishop of Ravenna Afterwards he sets downe the very words of the Decree Platina though an officer of the Popes affirmes as much Then saith he Henry being rather incensed than admonished by these censures having assembled a company of Bishops ill affected like himselfe he created Gerbert late Archbishop oâ— Ravenna Pope and called him Clement The Councell of Cleremont holden under Vrban the second and where hee was personally present in the yeere 1094. or as others are of opinion 95. made the like attempt to excommunicate King Philip in his owne kingdome by reason of his marriage and againe in a Councel holden at Poictiers not long after by the Popes Legates In this Councell saith Matthew Paris speaking of that of Cleremont Pope Urban excommunicated Philip King of France And another English Author In this Councell the Pope excommunicated King Philip of France and all such as should call him their King or their Lord and which should obey him or speake unto him In like manner Ivo Bishop of Chartres speakes of them both By reason of this accusation King Philip was excommunicated by Pope Urban at the Councell of Cleremont and having resumed the same wife after he was divorced from her he was afterwards excommunicated at the Councell of Poictiers by the two Cardinals Iohn and Bennet Notwithstanding which excommunication he was crowned by the Archbishop of Tours in a full assembly of other Bishops Know you therefore saith the same Bishop of Chartres in a letter of his to Pope Vrban whose partisan he was that contrary to the prohibition of your Legat the Archbishop of Tours hath set crowne upon the head of the King He speakes afterwards of the election of a Bishop made at the same time by those who were assembled with the said Archbishop And in another epistle of his to one of the Legats of Pope Paschal the second Certaine Bishops saith he of the Province of Belgia crowned the King upon Whitsunday â—ontrary to the Edict of Pope Vrban of happy memory In another Epistle formerâ—y writ to the same Vrban he gives him to wit how Philip had sent Ambassadours unto him with prayers in one hand and threats in the other such as these That the King and Kingdome would relinquish their obedienec to him unlesse he did restore the King unto his crowne and absolve him from the sentence of excommunication And afterwards he advertiseth him how the Arch-Bishops of Rhemes Sans and Tours had by injunction from the King appointed their suffragan Bishops to meet at Troyes the first Sunday after All-Saints day after he should have returned his answer Whence we collect two things first that the Bishops of France did not cease to acknowledge their King nor to obey him and communicate with him notwithstanding the prohibition from the Councell of Cleremont next that they were very ready to put in execution those threats which the Ambassadours went to make unto the Pope in case he did not condescend unto the Kings pleasure And yet that was as renowned a Councell as this of Trent if not more where the Pope himselfe was present in person where that great Croisada for the holy Land was concluded upon and one of our Historians speaking of it calls it in terminis The great Councell In the yeere 1215 Innocent the third in a generall Councell holden at Rome did excommunicate Lewes the eldest sonne of Philip Augustus King of France with all his adherents The same yeere saith an English Monke upon S. Martins day was there a generall
Councell holden at Rome under Innocent the third at which were present Primates and Archbishops sixty one Bishops foure hundred and twelve and eight hundred Abbots and Priors In which Councell the said Pope did excommunicate Lewes the King of France his eldest sonne and all the Earles and Barons of England with their complices which conspired and rebelled against the King of England Philip Augustus knowing the excommunication said to Gualo the Popes Legat The Kingdome of England which the Pope pretended to be feudatary to him and thereupon proceeded to that sentence of excommunication never was nor is nor ever will be S. Peters patrimonie in as much as no King or Prince can give away his Kingdome without the consent of his Barons who were bound to defend it And if the Pope intend peremptorily to stand in this errour urged thereto by a desire of enlarging his dominion hee will give a bad president to all Kingdomes Whereupon the nobles of France seconding the words of their Prince begun in an instant to cry out with one voice That they would stand for that article till death And yet all this was against the decision of a solemne generall Councell Boniface the eighth saith Platina having called a generall Councell subjâ—cted Philip the Faire and his Kingdome to the Emperour Albert this was saith the Bishop of Consentia who relates the same story in the yeere 1302. Notwithstanding this decree of the Councell Philip the Faire did revenge himselfe upon Pope Boniface in such sort that if his violent death had not ensued upon it his proceedings had never been blamed nor condemned by any man Platina after he hath delivered the story at large gives him this elogy Thus dyed that Boniface who studyed rather to strike a terrour then religion into all Emperours Kings Princes Nations and people who laboured to give and take away Kingdomes to repulse and recall men at his pleasure insatiably thirsting after an incredible masse of money which he had raked together by hooke and crooke Wherefore let his example be a lesson to all governours religious and secular not to rule their Clergie and people proudly and disdainfully as the man we speake of did but piously and modestly Benedict th' eleventh who succeeded this Boniface being informed of the justice of the cause of our King absolved him from the interdict whereto both himselfe and all his Kingdome were subjected and besides set forth a declaration for the exempting of the Kingdome of France from that power which Boniface by his Decretall did arrogate to himselfe over all Empires and Kingdomes whatsoever and for the preserving of it in the ancient rights and liberties thereof 16 Pope Iohn the twenty second say the German Chronicles having called a Councell at Avinion of Bishops and Cardinals not a fâ—w passed the sentence of excâ—â—munication upon Lewes the Emperour and gave his reasons in his Bâ—ll â—gainst Lewes because he had aided heretiques and schismatiques and had ever been a favourer of rebells And besides he denounced the sentence of excommunication against all those that did not sequester themselves from his company and of deprivation of their benefices and dignities against such Priests as should celebrate divine service in his presence The Author addes one thing very remarkable These proceedings saith he of the See of Rome were in those daies of great efficacy for it was a crime inexpiable to be of another opinion then thâ— Pope of Rome yet were there some notwithstanding who â—ided with Lewes without any regard of the excommunication but these not very many for in an imperiall Diet called afterwards by the Emperour to see if hee could finde any reliefe against that sentence all the world was frozen-hearted and crest-falne All the refuge that poore Emperour had was in a few Lawyers who stoutly defended his right and thereby confirmed most of those who were wavering Lewes had saith the same Chronicle some Doctors both of the Civill and Câ—non Lawe who were of opinion that the Popes sentence was null and invalid which opinion of the Doctors was a meanes why divers did not abandon him See here how the Emperours party notwithstanding his right was at first but very weak yet afterwards grew so strong that every one openly rejected the unjust decree of the Councell The Estates assembled at Francford the yeere 1338. did cancell and disanull all these lawlesse proceedings by a faire decree which wee may read at large in Nauclerus Provost of Tubinge wherein are set downe all the authorities and reasons in law against the forementioned sentence and processe with this close By the advise and consent of all the Prelats and Princes of Germany assembled at Francford wee decree that the former processe be void and of no effect and pronounce a nullity upon them all One of our commentators affirmes that even in the Court of Rome where himselfe afterwards was many Prelates and many laiques well skilled in both the Lawes did hold that the Emperour was wronged To bee short there was not one till Pope Benet the twelfth who succeeded Pope Iohn that did not disrelish that processe and yet it was done in a Councell The Councell which was begun at Ferrara 1438 and continued at Florence was never received and approved of in this Realme of France The Bishop of Panormo tells us so The King of France saith he did expresly forbid upon great penalties that any of his dominions should goe to Ferrara to celebrate the Oecunmenicall Councell Charles the seventh telles some Cardinals downright so who were sent Ambassadours from Eugenius and were come to Bruges to get him to accept of it and amongst others to present him with this Article That since such time as it was translated to Ferrara the King should reject the Councell of Basil and receive the Councell of Ferrara with the acts thereof Whereto he made answer after six dayes deliberation with his Prelates and others assembled at Bruges That hee had received the Councell of Basil for a Councell indeed that he sent his Ambassadours thither that many things were there wisely determined concerning faith and mannersâ— and such aâ— hee liked well of But for that of Ferrara hee never did nor never would take it for a Councell 17. These articles and answers are extant in the workes of Nicholas de Clemâ—ngiis And yet for all this Clement the seventh styles this the Eighth Generall Councell For marke how he speakes of it in his Bull of the 22. of Aprill 1527. directed to the Bishop of Farnasia Wee cannot chuse but lâ—nd you our assistâ—â—ce in the impression of the Acts of the eighth Generall Councell held at Florence which you have translated out of Greeke into Latine True it is that Laurence Surius disavowes it when he saith it was not well said to call it the eighth Councell because that 's not it's place He wist not haply that a Pope so saith Bellarmine them to a
the late King of Navarre Lievetenant Generall for the King over all this Realme dated the 26. of May 1562 containing an injunction to some suspected persons of the religion to depart from Paris Where it is said As for the putting in execution of the designe which we have undertaken to performe out of hand with the army of our said Soveraigne Lord the King against those that hold some cities of this Kingdome with prejudice to his authority and the obedience which belongs unto him We have determined to depart within a few dayes from this City of Paris with the said army and to cause all the forces both horse and foot aswell within the said city as without to march along 9 There was also another declaration set out concerning the edict of peace by the same King Charles at Amboys March the 19. 1562. but it was not put in execution till the next yeere about Iune what time the King sent certaine Commissioners through the severall Provinces to that effect as appears by the coppy of the Commission given out thereupon dated the 18. of Iune in the same yeere And yet notwithstanding our Councell was consummated the fourth of December 1563. The Cardinall of Lorrain in an oration of his delivered in the Councell November the 23. 1562 makes a long story of our miseries in France and the warres which were a foot there There is no sparing of any thing saith he armies are raised succours are called in from all parts entry is made by force yea the sword pierceth our hearts how victorious soever our hands be Our goods are taken from us and the Kingdome is brought to a miserable passe So then the case standing thus theâ—e is never a Lawyer but will constantly affirme that as much as concernes those who went not thither may be righted and that all things should bee restored to the state wherein they were at first 10 The Kings of France by reason hereof did prejudicate their subjects of the religion yea and their Catholiques too whom they re-estate in their former right Notwithstanding all processes made judgements and arrests granted during the troubles Non-suits prescriptions both legall conditionall and customary attachements of feuds which happened during the troubles or issued from thence by course of law It stands with better reason that all should bee re-established which concernes point of religion which hath ever beene as good a cause of replacing all things is statu quo prius as absence Which is plaine from the discourse of Pope Liberius with the Emperour Constantius in the case of Athanasius from the letter which Pope Iulius writ thereupon to them of Antioch and from that passage of S. Hilary I omit that the judgement of the Emperour was passed without hearing of the cause Nor doe I repeat how the sentence was extorted against one that was absent however the Apostle saith That where faith isâ— there should be liberty the simplicity of the priesthood should not endure this but I omit these things not because they are to be sleighted but because there are others more intolerable The same may we say of the Councell of Trent 11 So then these wars were the cause why many that would have gone to the Councell could not they were the cause why it was so often broke off and prorogued and that in such sort as it seemed sometimes to come to just nothing Hence it was that they did not proceed to the creation of new Popes in the place of those that dyed during the time of the said Councell nor of the new Cardinals which had otherwise been done it being a matter which of right belonged unto them according to the determination of the Councels of Constance and Basil as wee shall shew in another place Hence it was that there was such a great dispute in the consistory of Rome when Pius the fourth renewed the Councell some being of opinion that it was ended that he should call a new one others maintaining that it was yet in being and that he ought only to continue it But the Pope used such phrases in his Bull that it could not be perceived whether it was a continuation or a new convocation Some might haply take me up for lying if I had not Onuphrius for my warrant But here arose a controversie whether it should be a continuaâ—ion of the Councell of Trent or a new convocation The Pope found out a wholsome remedy to set all mens minds at quiet for he used such a forme of speech in the Bull of promulgation as might satisfie both parties and withall the authority of the Councell be no way impeached The use we make of this passage is That whereas by their owne confession that Councell was sometimes at so low an ebbe that it was questioned whether it was ended or no it would be a better way to have a new one which might be to the content of all parts to put an end to our differences Considering that this was deserted and cast off that it did not discharge the office and function of a true Councell that it was so weake and feeble that it deserves not the name of a Councell 12 Here we must observe that the French Ambassadors at the Councel 1563 had an expresse commission to urge that this last Councell might not bee acâ—ounted a continuation of the former And there was an expresse article against those things which were put off by them at the beginning 13 The Lords of Ferriers and Pibrac after their departure from the Councell when they were retired to Venice writ letters to King Charles dated November 25. 1563. Wherein after they have acquainted him with the reason of their departure they give him notice That the Councell would move his Majestie to send new Ambassadours which hee could not doe without great prejudice That the Pope would cause them shortly to proceed to the last Session wherein it must be determined whether this Councell shall bee taken for a continuation of the first or for a new one That if it be concluded to be the same Councell as they are all inclined that way the French Ambassadours who ever refused to admit of the first should hereby receive a great blemish and the proceedings of King Henry who protested against it should be condemned 14 These and other leâ—ters by me quoted which I have seene remaine in the hands of good Catholiques who will be ready to produce them upon occasion with many other memorable acts concerning this subject CHAP. VII That the place where the Councell was held was not free IT is urged moreover that the place of the Councell was not free and safe and that the suit being commenced against the protestants of Germany the Councell should have been called within that countryâ— according to the râ—quest exhibited by the body of the States of Germany assembled at Noremberg whose words are these They cannot thinke of a more
of Arles Another Constantine was president of the sixth generall Councell at Constantinople with a good number of his officers assisting and the acts of the Councell make it plaine that hee was not a meere honorary president but that the whole action was guided by him that he pronounced the sentence an◠gave judgement and in summe did all that belongs to an Ecclesiasticall president to doe 17 Charles the Great did the like in the Councell of Francford where hee discoursed of points of faith and made them deliver their opinions upon such as himselfe proposed The Canons and Decrees runne also in his name The Emperour saith hee hath ordained with the consent of the Synod c. 18 The name of Charles the Great puts us in minde of inserting some of our French Synods in this place which we finde oftentimes to have consisted both of Lay men and Clergy men joyntly to determine of matters aswell Ecclesiasticall as Civill 19 In the yeere 742 in the reigne of Childeric Carloman Duke and Prince of the French called a Synod in France where he had some Bishops some Priests and some Lay Princes of the Realme by whose advise and counsell hee made certaine Ecclesiasticall constitutions By the advise of the Church-men and the Princes of this Realme we have ordained decreed c. See how hee speaks in the Decrees of that Councell 20 The yeer 744 under the same Childeric Pepin a French Duke and Prince called another Synod at Soissons consisting of Churchmen and some chiefe Lay men of the Realme with whom hee enacted some Ecclesiasticall lawes Wherfore with the consent of the Bishops Priests and servants of God and the advise of the chiefe of the Kingdome we have decreed to renew the Synod every yeer c. Againe◠Wee have constituted and ordained by the Councell of the Clergy men and the chiefe men of the Realme aforesaid See you in what style the decrees of that Councell were conceived 21 The yeer 787 the Emperour Charles the Great being departed from Rome to come into France As soone as he was arrived at Worms saith Rhegno he called a Synod and declared the reasons of his journey to the Clergy and Princes of his Realme 22 The Councell of Meaux under Charles the second 845 mentions some former Councels that consisted of Clergy and Lay men Another was holden saith it at his returne and confirmed under the proper seal of the Prince and all the rest both Clergy men and Lay. And in another place They ordained first of all to settle something that had beene formerly decreed by the same Prince together with the Lords spirituall and temporall 23 The Councell holden at Pistis upon Seyn the yeere 863 was of the same nature with these◠as wee may perceive by the beginning of it In the name of the Holy and indivisible Trinity Charles by the grace of God King of France together with the Bishops Abbats Earles and the rest of the faithfull regenerate in Christ gathered together from diverse Provinces at a place called Pistis upon the river Seyn in the yeere of our Lord 863 the 23 yeer of the reign of our Soveraigne Lord King Charles indiction the tenth The Kings and Bishops assembled before us◠being guided by the feare and love of God have made diverse constitutions and decrees with the Counsell and consent of the rest of the faithfull people of God And in the second chapter For the putting of which things more particularly in execution wee have thought fit here to renew some amongst many of the constitutions and decrees of our predecessors and the ancient Councels It follows afterwards chapter the third Wee have constituted and ordained by common advise c. 24 The Councell of Tribur was neerly of the same kinde for there were divers Lay-men there with King Arnulph who was President in it He came saith the Preface to it into the royall City of Tribur in France with the Bishops underwritten the Abbats and all the Peeres of his Realme and there flocked thither both Clergy and Lay-men in great troupes And at the end This holy subscription was confirmed and fairly approved by the reverend profession and worthie answers of the Priests Deacons and Lay Nobility This Councell contains eight and fifty Chapters concerning manners and Ecclesiasticall discipline 25 Philip Augustus intending to declare his sonne Philip his successour in the Realme called a generall Councell at Paris of all the Archbishops Bishops Abbats together with the Princes and Lords of his Kingdome that they might herein pitch upon a resolution according to his desire And it is observable that in these Councels they treated of all things both spirituall and temporall Whence that appeares to be true which a learned Frenchman hath written long agoe That anciently the affaires of France were managed by the Clergy and Lay men joyntly Which is yet practised by the Generall and Provinciall States as also in the Courts of Parliament consisting of Counsellors both Ecclesiasticall and Civill There was a Councell holden at Soissons in the same Kings reigne by the Legats of Pope Innocent the third In this Councell saith an ancient Historian King Philip was assistant with the Archbishops Bishops and chiefe Lords of the Realme where the point of the divorce or confirmation of the Kings marriage with Iugerberga was discussed 26 The Patriarch of Ierusalem being arrived in France in 1184. with the Priour of the Hospitall of Outremer and the Grand Master of the Templars to demand succour of King Philip Augustus against the Saracens He sent out his Mandamus to call a Generall Councell of all the Archbishops Bishops and Princes of his Realme saith the same Historian which was holden in the City of Paris 27 The Councell of Vezelay which was called by Lewes the Yong son to Lewes the Gross Pope Eugenius the third being then in France was of the same composition Which thing being certified to Lewes the Yong son to Lewes the Gross saith Iohn le Maire he was much grieved thereat and for remedie thereof he caused a Councell to be assembled at Vezelay in Burgundy consisting of all the Prelates and Princes of France and ordained that St. Bernard Abbat of Clervaux should represent unto them vivâ voce all the mischiefe that was befalne in the Holy Land 28 The like was done in the Councell of Paris which Philip the Faire called against Boniface the eighth After this the same King saith a Chronicler having called together the Prelates Barons and Lords of the Realm held a Councell at Paris where he demanded aid advice against the said Pope And M. Iohn Bouchet in his Annales of Aquitain And immediately after hee caused a Councell of Prelates and Barons to be assembled at Paris in which Councell King Philip was appellant 29 The Pragmatique Sanction of King Charles the seventh was made in a Synod assembled at Bourges
such as were perjured Simoniacall falsifiers robbers usurers schismatiques heretiques recanting Yea and even to admit them to orders honours dignities and all sorts of benefices to dispense with casuall not wilfull murtherers howbeit the fore-cited Tax doth not except wilfull parricides killers of father mother brother sister children or wife sorcerers enchanters concubin-keepers adulterers incestuous with parents or kindred Sodomites sinners against nature abusers of themselves with beasts c. O that Rome would from henceforth have some shame and cease to set out such a shamelesse catalogue of all manner of wickednesse 5 We will here adde the complaint of Clemangius the devine upon this subject So the Church which Christ hath taken for his spouse without wrinkle or blemish disfigured by this horrible villany is now the shop of all pride of all tradeing of all filching and stealing where the Sacraments are hung out for a show all the orders even the priesthood it selfe where favours are sold for silver dispensations for not preaching licences for non-residence where all offices and benefices yea even sinnes are bought and soldâ— Lastly where Masses and the administration of the Lords body are set to sale Would any man have a Bishoprique let him providâ— his money and that no little sum but a pretty great one for so great a Title and let him not stand upon emptying his purse for the purchase of such a dignity seeing he will quickly fill it againe and that more soundly then he could do by many sorts of Merchandise Doth any desire a prebend a Provosts place or some other dignity it is no matter for knowing his deserts his life and conversation but so many crownes as he hath in his chest such hopes may hee conceive of compassing his desire For what skils it to speake of poore folkes who are accounted unprofitable in all things and unworthy of all government or charge and who have no other hopes but to wax old and pine away in misery dis-respected and despised What should a poore man go to market for with an empty pouch when he hath nothing to buy the wares with 6 The case is finely altered the Imperiall lawes exclude rich men out of Churches and the Papall poor men These last examples lead us to a third kind of Taxes which is raised out of Bishopriques and other benefices in the catalogues hereof are set downe what summes of money the Pope was wont to exact for first fruits vacancies or expeditionâ— There were two of these printed among the rest the one in Germany containing the taxes of Archbishopriques Bishopriques Abbeys Priories and other benefices thoughout all Christendome The other which is particular to France containing onely the taxe of the Bishopriques and benefices of this Kingdome at Paris by Toussaint Denis 1517. The summes that came into the Popes coffers by this meanes are inestimable nothing like to this for the destruction of Kingdomes and yet Princes are so bewitched as to suffer it Boniface the 9 was the inventour or at least the Promoter of it after Iohn the 22 had given a hint to it for before this time the world knew not what it meant So many writers doe testifie amongst others Langius Platina and Theodorick of Nihem the words of the last are very remarkable 7 About the tenth yeere of his Popedome to goe more cunningly to worke in that matter and palliate the Simony which he practised under some colour of necessity he resâ—rved to his exequeter one yeeros first-fruits of all the Cathederall Churches and Abbeys that were vacant in such sort that whosoever would bee preferred by him to any Archbishoprique Bishoprique or Abbey hee was constrained first of all to pay the first-fruits of the Church or Monastery to which hee would be sent although perhaps he could never get possession of it for this Boniface scarce ever thought of that Nay on the contrary he was wont to say God grant he may not get possession of this Church or that Monastery which he therefore desired that hee might get money for it of another Now these first-fruits were rated by him at thrice as much as those levies which were formerly made for discharge of ordinary duties by lâ—tters out of the Apostolicall Chamber And for asmuch as all those that desired to be preferred had not alwayes so much money in their purse when they came to the Court as was needfull Vsury grew so frequent at Court in the time of this Boniface that it was not thought to be a sinne any longer nay such Vsury was sometime publiquely required in the presence of the Iudges and Officers of the same Boniface 8 He relates divers other tricks of the same Pope concerning taxes so foule and stinking that I will not defile this discourse with them It will bee said that these are personall faults so say I but they suited so well with his successours that they derived them through their veines and that with interest I speak not onely of first-fruits but the tricks of petty tols graces expectative altering the rules of Chancery to put all in confusion dispensations subscriptions and such like things which that Historian thought horrible matters at their first beginning but custome hath sweetened them unto us And for annates whereas Boniface the 9 exacted them onely of Bishopriques and Abbeys they brought in Priories and other benefices in after ages Foâ— marke the title of those of France Here follow the names of the Archbishops and Bishops of the Kingdome of France and also of all Abbeys Priories and other benefices within their circuit with the tax which is reserved upon them for the See Apostolique when they come to bee void and which is paid for annate or provision Leo the 10 extended this tax to pensions also as is testified by a Doctor of the Canon Law This was the custome saith he till the time of Leo the tenth what time it was ordained that annates should be payed out of pensions also if they amounted to twelve ducats of Gold in the Popes booke This taxe was further enhansed by his successours and made farre more heavie than before at it is affirmed in the 77 Article of the remonstrance of the Court of Parliament made to King Lewes the eleventh 9 Item it is to be considered that though the exactions were excessive both in the vacancies and otherwise then when these constitutions were made Yet after the repealing of them in the time of Pope Pius and at this present they are more excessive by halfe For then in case of vacancy they payed but ad volorem taxae reduced ad mediam taxae but after that repeal ordinarily there was more exacted in the vacancy than the whole taxe came to as sometimes a whole yeeres value of benefices sometimes two Insomuch that some pawned their Buls to the usurers as the Abbey of Bernay by name because two hundred ducates were demanded whereas the Abbey was not worth two
and feed Mules than men 11 As for strangers preferred to benefices by the Popes there have been alwayes great exclamations by reason of the many evils inconveniences which follow of it which have beene divers times exhibited but to no purpose Marsilius of Padua urgeth this abuse and shewes that many are elected by the Popes who cannot communicate or talke with those who are committed to their charge Wherefore saith he speaking of Iohn the 22 let him answer Christ who against or after elections made or to be made among other monsters which he hath made and doth yet make hee hath created two Bishops his owne countrey men of Languedoc one of Silchester in England the other of Londes in Dacia over those people with whom they cannot have any conference by discourse As for their manners and learning it concernes not me to speake of them Let the Bishop of Rome tell mee say I how that shepheard shall call his own sheep by their name as knowing their conditions by their confessions and reproving them or how can the sheep follow him by hearing the voyce of his preaching and teaching 12 M. Iohn Gerson in his treatise De defectu virorum Ecclesiasticorum wherein he sets downe such things as ought to be reformed in the Church puts this That knowne men and such as are most fitting be elected out of the same Countrey that strangers in manners Language and education bee not sent and set over Churches King Charles the 7 in his Edict the tenth of May 1431 assures us that it is a law established by his Predecessours confirmed by the Ordinance of his deceased Father Charles the 6 intimated to the Councell of Constance and Pope Martin He further treats of the inconveniences and prejudices which follow upon it when they are admitted as that divine service is â—hereby neglected by reason of their non-residence that the Schooles of the Kingdome are unprovided of Students and left desolate that it is a hard case to see the noble and brave Scholars of the Realme unprovided and strangers preferred that by this meanes enemies and adversaries may bee acquainted with the secrets of State and the estate of the Land that strangers reape the profits and get the honours of it 13 Lewes the 11 in an Ordinance made 1464 speaks hereof in this sort Howbeit that by priviledges expresse and Ordinances royall no man can have any elective benefice within our said Kingdome unlesse he be a native and that for the safety of us and our said Kingdome and Dauphine it concernes us much that the Bishopriques Abbeys and other dignities and elective benefices be furnished with able and knowne men such as will comply with us and be firme and sure for us especially such as hold the said benefices and by reason of them divers places and fortresses for which divers duties and services belong unto us from them yet notwithstanding our late pious Father granted the said favours and patents so plentifully and to all manner of persons of what Nation Kingdome or Religion soever they were without distinction that many under shadow and pretence of these licences and patents have insinuated and intruded themselves into the said dignities and elective benefices of our said Kingdome and doe hold them howbeit many of them are strangers unknowne and not to be trusted by us and such as neither can nor ought to performe those duties and services which they are bound to doe unto us by reason of the said benefices 14 And the Court of Parliament in those Remonstrances which they made unto him amongst other inconveniences which they urged would follow upon the abrogation of the Pragmatique Sanction say By this meanes strangers would be prâ—ferred by the Pope and not the natives of the Countrey wherein the benefices lye not of the same qualities and conditions with the Countrey Whereupon would insue questions and controversies betwixt the Churchmen or Seculars to the great hindrance of the salvation of soules and irreverence of the blessed Sacraments 15 Henry the 3 in the fourth Article of the Ordinance of Blois We meanâ— not that from henceforth any shall be preferred to any Archbishopriques Bishopriques Abbeys or to be Generals of Orders neither by death resignation nor otherwise unlesse he be a naturall Frenchman notwithstanding any dispensation or clause derogatory to these presents which they can obtaine from us whereto we will not have any regard to be had The deputies of Paul the 3 touched upon this string in their reformation That no benefices say they in England or Spaine be conferred upon any Italian nor on the contrary Which ought to bee observed aswell in Presentations upon vacancy by death as by resignations wherein regard is only had to the pleasure of the resigner and nothing else Their Counsell did no great good for there was nothing done in the point for all that CHAP. VII Of suits commenced at Rome and of the entrenching upon other Courts of Iustice and jurisdictions GERMANY complained also of suits commenced at Rome concerning benefices which is a very usuall ancient complaint backed with sound reasons seeing that from hence comes the squeazing of Provinces both of their men and money and abundance of other evils and calamities Charles the 6 in the Ordinance of the 18 of February 1406 They insert divers clauses in thâ—ir Buls which are sometimes inextricable they make divers rules beside the law or else quite against law which they revoke at their pleasure insomuch that the most clear-sighted cannot discerne who hath best right amongst divers pretenders Hence arise infinite suits in law which they must goe and prosecute out of the Kingdome with great expence and charges 2 Charles the 7 in the Ordinance made 1422 Divers of our subjects and others by virtue of resignations or Apostolique Buls doe take and receive and endevour to get and obtaine benefices within this Realme and take possession of them and labour to summon or cause to bee summoned our â—â—ige subjects unto the Court of Rome or before some Commissioners or Delegates appointed by our Holy Father which is downright to oppose the rights and liberties of the Church and Clergy Lewes the 11 in an Ordinance of the 16 of August 1471 The most of the benefices in our Kingdome are in suit in the prosecution of which suits a huge masse of money is strangely spent and squandered away nor is it certainly knowne to whom the livings doe of right appertaine or belong Whereupon divine service instruction of the people and administration of the blessed Sacraments are oft-times left off and the revenue of the livings whiâ—h should have beene bestowed upon the reparations of the Churches there is imployed in charges of Law and suits Whereupon some great mischiefs and inconveniences have and doe daily come to passe 3 Nicholas de Clemangiis in his booke De ruinis reparatione Ecclesiâ— after he hath spoken of the Canons and constitutions
by the Nobility of France upon occasion of such usurpations Yea in so much that they put out a very bitter declaration which startled him a little as the English Historians doe record Loe here a piece of it All we prime men of the Kingdome perceiving out of our deepe judgement that the Kingdome was not got by Law written nor by the ambition of Clergy-men but by the sweat of warre doe enact and ordaine by this present decree and by joynt oath that no Clerke nor Layman shall sue one another before the Ordinary or Ecclesiasticall Iudge unlesse it be in case of heresie marriages and usury upon paine of confiscating all their goods and the losse of a limbe to the transgressors hereof for which certaine executioners shall be appointed that so our jurisdiction being resuscitated may revive againe and those who have enriched themselves by our poverty amongst whom God for their pride hath raised up prophane contentions may be reduced to the state of the Primitive Church and living in contemplation may shew us those miracles which are fled out of the world a long time agoe and wee in the meane time lead an active life as it is fitting The Historian addes The Pope having heard these things sighed with a troubled minde and desiring to appease their hearts and breake their courage after hee had admonished them he frighted them with threats but he did no good for all that 4 The King of England in imitation of our French made also a Statute for the preservation of his justice The same yeere 1247 saith Matthew Paris the King of England following the example of those Lords that made these Statutes in France which were approved and sealed by their King to tame in part the insatiable greedinesse of the Court of Rome ordain'd that these things following should be inviolably observed To wit that Laymen should not be convented before an Ecclesiasticall Iudge in case of perjury or for breach of promise Gregory the seventh kept a fine decorum when after hee had deposed out of hand the Emperor Henry the fourth when he was doing his pennance at Rome and created Ralph in his stead he would afterwards be the judge of their controversie to see whether had the wrong A Germane Priest makes mention of the pennance appointed to the said Henry whereof wee speake in another place he saith moreover that in the time of the vacancy The Pope sent a crowne of gold to Ralph Duke of Suevia accompanied with a verse which we have cut into two as good as the Latine Petra dedit Romam Petro tibi Papa Coronam The Rocke gave Peter Rome in fee The Pope bestowes the crowne on thee He addes that the Pope commanded the Archbishops of Mayence and Cullen and other Princes and Bishops of Germany to take Ralphs part and to make him Emperour which was done accordingly That the Bishop of Strasburg the Emperours great friend going to Rome after hee had sought him diligently a long time through the City and found him in the places consecrated to the Martyrs and told him of the new election and how much it concerned him to goe to Germany in all haste to â—ll â—nfort â—his friends and repell the force of his enemies the Emperour making â—omewhat nice of departing without the leave of the Sea Apostolique the Bishop enformed him that all the mischiefe of the treason proceeded from the Romane treachery and that it was necessary he should flie away privily if he would avoid being taken 5 The case being thus let us now heare the narration which Gregory made hereof in his Bull of excommunication and his pretence for the judgement Certaine Bishops and Princes of Germany saith he having been a long time vexed by that wilde beast in stead of Henry who fell from the Empire by reason of his offences chose Ralph of Suevia for their head and King who using such modesty and sincerity as befits a King sent his commissioners forthwith unto me to give me to understand that he undertooke the managing of the Empire against his will That notwithstanding hee was not so desirous of reigning but that he lov'd rather to obey us than those who promised him the Empire That he would be alwayes under our power and Gods and to the intent we may be assured that he will be so he hath promised to deliver his children unto us for hostages From thenceforth Henry hath begunne to vexe himselfe and intreat us at first to repell Ralph from usurping the Empire by anathema's I replyed that I would see who had the right and that I would send my Nuncio's to examine the whole businesse and afterwards I would judge who had the better cause 6 They have gone so farre in this point that they have attempted to exercise jurisdiction over Kings and Princes in their owne cause as Boniface the eighth who having a controversie with King Edward the first of England touching the Realme of Scotland which the Pope said belonged to the Church of Rome he writ to him That if he pretended any title to the Realme of Scotland or any part thereof he should send his Proctours and speciall Ambassadours to the See Apostolique with all his rights and instruments belonging to that particular there to receive full justice upon the premises The King of England caused answer to be made unto the Pope by the chiefe Lords and Barons of his Kingdome assembled together in Parliament as they call it where they say concerning this point That the Kings of England have not nor ought not to answer for the titles which they pretend to the said Kingdome or other temporall matters before any Iudge Ecclesiasticall or Civill by reason of their royall dignity and prerogative and the custome inviolably observed in all ages Wherefore after mature deliberation and advice about the contents of your letters the common and unanimous consent of all and every one of us was and shall be without starting for the future that our King ought not any way judicially to make answer before you concerning his right to the Kingdome of Scotland or other temporals nor in any wise submit to your sentence or bring his right in question and dispute or send his Proctours and Ambassadours before you for that purpose and we doe not allow nor will in any wise allow what we neither can nor may that our King if he would doe the said things which are inusuall unlawfull prejudiciall and unheard of nor that he goe about to doe them in any wise 7 Innocent the fourth saith another Historian caused Henry the third King of England to be summoned before him to answer to one David a vassall of his and to give him satisfaction as hee said for some injuries which hee had done him this thing was derided and made a mocke of among many 8 They have not only attempted to determine of profane matters between Lay men but which is more to disanull
hee haed not been accustomed to holding of stirrops But the Pope from his excuse drew a subtile argument agâ—inst him to pronounce him unworthy of the Empire for saith he if he have neglected out of ignorance a thing which is so easie how thinke you hee will manage weightie matters The Emperour seeing himself in danger to be degraded as insufficient and incapable of the Empire bended all the nerves and veines of his wit to make this dilemma which gained him the cause I would be better informed saith he whence this custome proceeded whether out of good will or out of custome if of good will the Pope hath no reason to complaine if a man have failed in a thing which concernes civility seeing that consists in the minde of the giver and not in necessity of right if you say that this reverence is due to the Prince of the Apostles from the first institution what difference is there betwixt the right stirrop and the left so that humility be observed and the Princâ— humble himselfe to the feet of the supreme Bishop The Historian addes That the question was disputed a long time and with much eagernesse Hee sayes further That they parted without giving him the kisse of peace It went so farre that the Pope returned without crowning Frederick and beeing intreated and importuned thereunto by the Princes of Germany he commanded him first and formost for pennance of his fault to goe and conquer Apulia from the Popes enemies to restore it to S. Peter and he had much adoe to make him give over that designe All this is reported by a German Priest not suspected Iudge yee now if he did not play his part well 4 There was yet after that another great quarrell betwixt them by reason of certaine letters which the Emperour had writ to Adrian wherein hee committed this grosse absurdity to put his owne name before the Popes whereat hee being justly offended told him in his letter That he wondred much at this that he seemed not to give unto S. Peter and the holy Roman Church her due reverence for saith he in those letters which were sent to us you put your name before ours wherby you incurre a censure of insolence if not of arrogance Whereunto the Emperour replyed That all the royalty which the Popedome had it had it by the liberality of the Emperoursâ— and thereupon said hee when wee writ unto the Pope of Rome wee put our owne name before of right and custome and by way of justice wee allow him to doe the like when he writes unto us Search the records and if you have not observed what we affirme wee will shew it you 5 We might here adde the picture of Rome which represents Innocent the 2 sitting in his pontificall chaire and Lotharius the Emperour who received the crowne from him lying prostrate at his feet which as Historians say caused the Emperour Frederick the first to fret and fume when he cast his eye upon it As also that forme of inscription in Innocent the fourths letters Innocent c. The virtue of God the wisedome of God to whose unspeakable majestie all things are subject 6 Henry the 4 was injoyned this pennance by Gregory the 7. Not to goe out of Rome for a yeere not to get on horse backe to visite the Churches in a Pilgrims habit and to bring forth fruits worthy oâ— repentance by fastings and prayers While the poore Emperour was at his Pater nosters submitting himself to all that hee would lay upon him the Pope made another Emperour to bee created in Germany whereof a German Priest gives this reason That the Cardinals and others of the Court of Rome seeing how the earthly powers trembled for feare at the shaking of the See Apostolique and how those that bore up the world did bow downe to it might suggest to the Pope that he should conferre the Empire upon another Another time comming to meet with the Pope at Canisium bare foot in the midst of Winter in Pilgrims weedâ— he was compelled to stay three dayes in the Suburbs like a poore rogue without obtaining audience 7 The indignity done to Frederick the first by Alexander the third is well enough knowne when he received him in peace he cause him to cast himselfe upon the ground in S. Marks Church in Venice and to aske him pardon when setting his foot upon his neck hee said these wordsâ— Thou shalt goe upon the Basilisk and Adder the Lyon and the Dragon shalt thou tread under foot 8 A Duke of Venice to make his peace with Clement the fifth for himselfe and the State was constrained to goe upon all foure towards the Pope with a chaine about his neck Innocent the 4 would not forgive Frederick the 2 notwithstanding the intercession made by King S. Lewes who writ unto him in person to Lions who offered in behalfe of the Emperour for satisfaction of his faults To goe in Pilgrimage into the Holy Land to make warre and stay there all the dayes of his life Whereat the good King taking scandall came home vext and ill appeased having found no humility in the servant of servants saith an English Monke Nay which is more Hee forbad him entrance into his Kingdome saying The Vicar of Christ followes not the footsteps of Christ as the same Authour 9 The same King by the Councell of the Peeres in France had formerly denyed Gregory the 9 entrance into his Kingdome Knowing that by his comming there would no good come either to the King or the Kingdome saith the Historian who further addes this speaking of the French men and the Pope They were affraid that hee would not know his enemies as the rat in the poke or the serpent in the bosome And yet this King was Canonized by the Popes Philip the Faire was in danger to be so by Clement the 6 for sending Boniface into Paradise But Lewes the 12 was excommunicated by Iulius the 2 for being too good to him and Henry the 3 by Gregory the 14 because hee was growne too devout and doted too much upon the reliques of Rome 10 Let us now see some draughts of the Popes greatnesse taken from that description which the Bishop of Zamore and Constable of the Castle of S. Angelo makes of it in his mirrour of mans life which he dedicated to Pope Paul the 2. That the Pope is instituted and ordained not only for humane principalities but also for divine not onely to rule over mortals but also immortals not only over men but also over Angels not only to judge the quicke but the dead also not only in earth but also in heaven not only to preside over Christians but also over Heathens And to bee short that he is instituted and ordained by the great God in his stead over all mortals to be held in the same dignity to have the same power and jurisdiction and the superiour and
observed and practised which plainly proves our exposition to be true 18 Our Lawyers tell us that when there is any controversie about the sense and meaning of a law speciall regard ought to be had of that sense which practice hath put upon it Let us observe this rule in the exposition of our Canon The question is Whether the Pope ought to call Councels or no we finde by practice that the Popes did not call them but the Emperours and that they did so constantly the Popes seeing and knowing as much that they themselves have beene petitioners to the Emperours to get them called that they have appeared at the Councels upon command from them therefore we may well conclude they have no right at all by this Canon to call Councels 19 We will adde furthermore that the Popes never complained of the Emperours for taking upon them that power of Convocation which doubtlesse they would have done if it had belonged to them of right for they have alwayes observed that rule to a haire De vigilantibus non dorâ—ientibus So as to say the truth no man can accuse them of negligence in preserving St. Peters patrimony which they have husbanded so well that their successors for the future need make no scruple of receiving it without an inventary 20 We say moreover that it is but a little while agoe since they usurped this authoritie for we doe not finde that ever they used it till the yeare 1123â— what time the first Councell of Lateran was holden Calixt the second being Pope and Henry the fifth Emperour Platina saith that Pope held a Councell of nine hundred Bishops to consult about the sending of succours into the holy Land Howsoever we must observe that this usurpation which they continued from thence forwards was not without all interruption for the Emperors alwayes kept a hanke of their right though it was but extrema quasi lacinia They called divers Councels after that time as that of Pavy which was assembled by the Emperour Fredericke the first to determine the schisme betweene Victor and Alexander the third about the yeare 1163 or 64 but it is not amisse to heare what language he useth in his letters of Convocation 21 And for the prescribing of a remedy pleasing to God and proper for this disease we have resolved upon the advice of certaine godly and religious men to hold a generall Councellâ— which we appoint to be at Pavie The author that relates these letters speakes thus of them The Emperour supposing that the authority of calling a Councell appertained unto him after the example of Iustinian Theodosius and Charles and that the controversie could not be determined by any lawfull judgement unlesse both parties were summâ—ned thereunto sent Bishops both to the one and the other to summon them The same Emperour useth the same termes in his speech made at the opening of the Councell He was also the man that called the Councell of Dijon about 1165. It is true that Pope Alexander the third would not be seene there Because saith Platina he did not call it himselfe But he raised that quarrell too soone considering that his right was not yet well caulked 22 So likewise the Councels of Pisa and Constance were called by the Emperours Now if the possession was afterwards lost by the negligence of the Emperours yet this is sufficient to bring a writ of Right and make an entry for which triall the Emperours are better furnished of evidence than the Popes and besides they who should breathe nought but justice and honestie will voluntarily surrender unto Cesâ—r what of right belongs unto him 23 What we here speake is concerning Generall Councels for as for Provinciall we deny not but the Popes have hâ—d authoritie to call them within the bounds of their owne territories as have also other Patriarchs and Metropolitans And yet those bounds are but very narrow for wee doe not finde that they were extended over all the West and what Balsamon saith that the Bishop of Rome is the president of the Westerne provinces must be restrained unto Italy And for matter of fact the Pope was neither seene nor heard in person nor by proxie at the Councell of Cullen which consisted of the French and German Bishops and was assembled by the authoritie of the Emperour Charles the third Anno Dom. 887. 24 Nor was hee at that of Aquileia called by the Emperours Valentinian and Theodosius consisting of the Bishops of France Africke and other Provinces at which Saint Ambrose Bishop of Milan was present 25 The like may be said of such as have beene holden in France Spaine and other Kingdomes or Provinces of the West the calling whereof bâ—longed either to the Primates and Metropolitanes or to the Kings and Princes 26 So Maximus Patriarch of Ierusalem assembled the Bishops of Syria and Palestine to receive Athanasius into the communion of the Church and restore him to his former dignitie So Athanasius himselfe after hee was called home out of exile by Iovinian the Emperour assembled a Councell of Bishops But it would be tedious to heare all the examples which are extant about this subject As for the calling by Kings and Princes we shall speake of that anon 27 For the present we must answer an absurditie which Bellarmine presseth that in these dayes it would be impossible for any one to call a Generall Councell but the Pope for as for the Emperour to whom wee said it of right belongeth he cannot doe it saith he because he hath no authoritie over Kings and Princes but on the other side the Pope hath over all Christendome Bellarmine is deceived for the Pope in that respect hath scarce any more authoritie at this day than the Emperour Let him cast up his count of those Kingdomes and Provinces which have withdrawne their obedience from him and he will finde that he hath misreckoned himselfe All that Bellarmine can infer is this that we must talke no morâ— of Generall Councels in these dayes seeing there is no man to call them with convenience and authoritie Wee answer that he that should now undertake of his owne absolute power to call any should much deceive himselfe even the Pope not excepted But that every one out of courtesie would be willing to hearken unto it There is not a Prince in Christendome but yeelds the first degree of honour to the Emperour and would take in good part any gentle and kinde summons which should come from him for the holding of a Councell The Emperour Fredâ—ricke the first found a way to assemble that of Pavy whereunto he summoned the Archbishops Bishops Abbats and other Ecclesiasticall persons as well in all his Empire as in other kingdomes to wit of England France Hungary Denmarke And it is probable that when he made this convocation he writ of it in particular to those Christian Princes which were no subjects to the Empire
for the Acts of the Councell say in expresse termes That the Kings of England Hungary Bohemia and Denmarke consented thereunto So likewise the Emperour Sigismund called that of Constance the Emperour Maximilian that of Pisa. 27 Although the Popes Primacy be not acknowledged by the Greâ—k church yet he assembled the Councell of Ferrara where were present the Emperour of Greece the Patriarch of Constantinople and a great number of Greek Bishops Let us never then make it a matter impossible it is fesable enough if we give our mindes to it When the Pope called the Councell of Trentâ— he communicated it first and formost with Christian Princes and required their advice about it Having asked the advice saith Paul the third in his Bull of Convocation and sounded the mindes of Christian Princes whose consent in the first place we thought usefull and convenient and finding them not averse from this our designe we have thereupou denounced the Councell So King Charles the ninth became a suitor to the Pope and Princes of Christendome for the renewall of that Councell for mark how he speakes of it in his letters directed to the Prelates of France to cause them goe thither Although the present troubles of the Church have moved as to desire and procure by all meanes possible the holding of a Generall and Oecumenicall Councell and that our holy father the Pope the Emperour and other Christian Kings and Princes by their severall answers made upon our instant request and suit unto them thereabout doe make a faire show of being willing to hearken thereunto c. 28 He did no more in this but imitate the patterne of other Kings his predecessors Charles the sixt to make up the schisme betwixt Pope Boniface and Pope Bennet sent his Ambassadours to the Emperour the Kings of England Bohemia and Hungary to entreat them to have a regard to what concerned the publique good and quiet The same King went so farre that he perswaded Wenceslaus the Emperour to come to Rhemes where there was a Generall Councell holden upon that occasion where the Ambassadours of the King of England and divers other nations were present CHAP. VII That the authority of calling Councels belongs also to Kings and Princes 1 THese examples invite us to looke a little further into France and speake more fully concerning this point of calling Councels And the rather because both our Kings and all other Princes of Christendome are deprived of this royal prerogative by the Councel of Trent and that in such sort that the Pope thereby enhanseth his owne greatnesse to whom all such Councels are bound to swear obedience and not to depend upon any but upon him The Decree runnes thus Provinciall Councels if they have beene any where disused let them for reformation of manners correction of abuses composing of Controversies and such other ends as are allowed by holy Canons be brought up againe Wherefore let the Metropolitans themselves or if there bee any lawfull impediment why they cannot the senior Bishopâ— within a yeare at the furthest after the end of this present Councell and after that once every three yeers at least after the octaves of the resurrection of our Lord Iesus Christ or at some other more convenient time according to the custome of the Countrey not faile to call a Synod in their severall Provinces 2 And in anothâ—r Session there is a strict injunction laid upon them That at the first Provinciall Synod which shall bee holden after the end of this present Councell they publiquely receive all and singular such things as have beene determined and ordained by this holy Synod and withall promise and professe true obedience to the Bishop of Rome It remaines that wee prove this right of calling Councels to belong to our Kings within their owne Kingdome In the collection of the liberties of the Gallicane Church there is this Article The most Christian Kings have alwayes as occasion and the necessities of their Countrey required assembled or caused to assemble Synods or Councels Provinciall and Nationall Who among other things concerning the preservation of their State have also treated of such matters as concerned the order and Ecclesiasticall discipline of their Countrey touching which they have caused rules Chapters lawes ordinances and Pragmaticall Sanctions to be made and set out under their name and by their authority Wee read another Article of this straine in the third Chapter of the Remonstrance made by the Parliament of Paris to Lewes the eleventh 3 Nor is there ought in all this but is well backed by such examples and authorities as shall bee proâ—uced We begin then with Clovis our first Christian King by whose command the first Councell at Orleans was assembled about the yeer 506. So say the Bishops that met there in the letters which they sent unto him To their Lord the most illustrious King Clovis the sonne of the Catholique Church All the Clergy whom you commanded to come unto the Councell So likewise the second Councel of Orleans was holden in the yeer 533. by command from King Childebert which is mentioned in the subscription of the Bishop of Bruges and it is said in the Preface Wee are here assembled in the citie of Orleans by the command of our most illustrious Kings The fifth of Orleans was called by King Cherebert the yeer 549. Wherefore the most mild and invincible Prince Cherebert having assembled the Clergy in the citie of Orleans c. The second of Paris was called by King Childebert ann 558. Being met in the citie of Paris they are the words of the fathers of it by the command of our most illustrious King Childebert The first of Mascon by King Guntrand in the yeer 576. Wee being assembled in the towne of Mascon by the command of our most illustrious King Guntrand 4 The second of Valencia was called by him also in the yeer 588 and it hath the same Preface He called also the 2 of Mascon the same yeer 588 and afterwards by his Edict confirmed the Decrees thereof as made by his commandement Wherefore saith hee wee will and command that whatsoever is contained in this our Edict bee for ever observed and kept forasmuch as wee have taken paines to cause it to bee so determined at the holy Synod of Mascon That of Cavallon in Provence or as others fancie of Châ—alons upon the Saon was holden in the yâ—er 658 By the call and appointment of the Illustrious King Clovis The Synod which was held in France ann 742 was called by Câ—â—loman as hee himselfe witnesseth in the Preface thereunto I Carloman Duke and Prince of the French with the advice of the servants of God and the chiefe Lords of the Land have assembled in a Councell all the Bishops of my Kingdome together with the Priests in the 742 yeere of Christs incarnation 5 In the time of King Childeric Pepin who then ruled all the rost called a Councell
furnish us also with varietie of examples and show us this right annexed to the Crowne of their Kings to use it when they please In the yeare 905 King Edward the elder together with Plegmond Archbishop of Canterbury called a famous Councell of Bishops Abbats and other persons In the yeare 1070 saith an English Monke there was a great Councell holden at Silchester upon the Octaves of Easter by the command and in the presence of King William the Pope consenting thereunto and contributing his authority by his Legates In the yeare 1301 Edward the first called a Councell at Lincolne Sometimes the Kings let either the Archbishops of Canterbury call them or some other of the Clergie who proceeded thereunto onely so farre as they had their leave and consent So Anselme Archbishop of Canterbury under Henry the first by his will and pleasure called a Councell at London in the yeare 1102. Pope Alexander the third saith another English historian assisted by the favour of the Princes he means the Kings of England and France held a Generall Councell at Tours in the year of grace 1163. King Henry the second of England having quieted the state of Ireland caused divers abuses not sufficiently purged out of the Church to bee reformed and corrected according to the doctrine of Christianitie and by a Councell by his meanes holden at Casselles The same King caused a Councell consisting of Bishops and other Princes to bee called at Northampton King Henry made all his adversaries bee pronounced enemies of their Country by a Councell which he caused to be holden at Winchester which others call Silchester Hee that will be curious to enquire into their histories may finde divers other presidents and yet it may be said that this Kingdome of all others hath beene most subject to the papall power 20 As for Spaine the Acts of almost all those Councels which wee have in the great collection of them doe plainely shew us that the Kings had the whole stroke in this matter For the Preface of the first which was holden at Braque in the yeer 572 runnes thus Whereas the Bishops of Gallicia were met together in the Metropolitan Church of the Province by the command of the most Illustrious King Aramirus And a litle below Now then seeing our most glorious and most devout sonne hath by virtue of his command royall granted unto us this day so much desired of our Congregation for us to assemble our selves all together let us in the first place treat of the state of the Catholique faith In the yeere 573 there was another Councell holden in the same place By the command of the same King In some copies Miriclias is named in stead of Ariamirus but that imports not the point in hand The third Councell of Toledo where the Arrian heresie was condemned ann 589 was called by King Recharedus as is set downe in expresse termes both in the Acts thereof and by divers Historians The fourth of Toledo was called by the command of King Sismand The fifth and sixth by King Suintilla for besides that it may be proved out of the Acts of them there is a Prebend of Barcelona which affirmes it downright This King saith he called the fifth and sixth Synod in the citie of Toledo The seventh of Toledo was called by King Sindasund The eighth ninth and tenth by King Risisund After he was received into the Kingdome saith the same Prebend of Barcelona hee commanded three severall Councels to bee held in the Citie of Toledo under Arch-bishop Eugenius But we have no need of his testimony for the Acts themselves plainely say as much of those Councels at least of two of them The eleventh of Toledo was commanded by King Bamba in the yeer 674. The Acts doe obscurely intimate so but Tarafa clears it Bamba saith hee after his victory over Paul and the Gauls returned to Toledo where hee commanded the celebration of the eleventh Councell So likewise the third of Braque was called by him the same yeere as we have it set downe in the end of the Acts. The twelfth thirteenth and fourteenth of Toledo were called by the command of King Eringius The Acts of the first testifie as much directly those of the second intimate so and for those of the third wee have them not but the same Prebend of Barcelona relates it in this manner This Eringius in the second yeere of his reigne caused the twelfth Councell of Toledo to be holden which consisted of thirty six Bishops in his fourth yeere he made the thirteenth be holden consisting of fourty eight Bishops and the foureteenth in his fifth yeer wherein were twelve Bishops all three under Iulian Archbishop of Toledo The other foure following Councels of Toledo King Egytas assembled the Acts of two wherof were carried to Rome to help to correct Gratians Decret's by as is mentioned in a note put at the end of the Acts of the thirteenth of Toledo but waiting till they bee put out in print we shall content our selves for the present with what is delivered concerning this point by the forementioned Canon of Barcelona King Egyta saith hee in the first yeere of his reigne which was the yeere of our Lord 693 caused the fifteenth Councell to bee celebrated under Iulian Archbishop of Toledo consisting of sixty one Bishops the sixteenth Councell in his third yeere and the seventeenth in his fourth under Philip Archbishop of the same Church Wee shall observe by the way that these Councels of Spaine consisted partly of the Bishops of Languedoc a Province of Franceâ— for there are named in the subscriptions of some of them the Bishops of Carcasson Narbo Beziers Lodeuâ— Agde Maguelone who is now Bishop of Montpelier Nismes and others in the same Province and this because the greater part of it was then under the dominion of the Gothes who held it together with Spaine wherfore it is sometimes by our French Historians called Gothia Gottica Provincia and Gothica regio CHAP. VIII That it belongs to the Emperour and Kings to appoint the time and place when and where Councels shall bee held and not to the Pope 1 HAving proved already that the calling of Councels belongs unto the Emperour and Kings and not unto the Pope it follows then that it is for them also to appoint the time and place Yet notwithstanding we will further confirme it by some examples It is storied by Sozomen that Constantine the Emperour resolved to hold a Councell at Nice upon occasion of the new doctrines of Antiochus and the heresie of Aetius and how by the perswasion of Basil hee changed his purpose and would have removed it to Nicomedia but by reason thâ—t citie was ruined by an earthquake by the advice of the same Basil hee made choice of Nice againe and how when there happened another earthquake there too hee resolved upon the perswasion of
so much as hee pretendeth to and lesse yet over a provinciall Councell seeing in matters of consequence he can doe nothing without it and least of all over an Vniversall and Oecumenicall Councell Nor ought we to be moved at that which wee read in the same Acts That the Pope was wont to make Synodicall Decrees valid Seeing it will not follow from thence that therefore he is above a Councell but only that Councels that is Generall ones cannot bee holden unlesse hee bee called to them which is not peculiar to the Pope but common to him with the rest of the Patriarches as wee shew in another place 10 And as for particular Councels the Pope hath nothing to doe with those which fall not to his share but are held within the Provinces of other Patriarches and Metropolitans unlesse it bee to looke upon them And to this purpose that passage of Balsamon is remarkable The meaning of the Canons is saith he that the Patriarches should bee above their Metropolitans and the Metropolitans above their Bishops Hee saith not that the Patriarches and Metropolitans may doe all without the Bishops as our Councell would have it 11 Pope Hilary gives us plainely to understand that what is ordained by a Synod though it be but a Provinciall one is of more force by a great deal than what is done by authority of a Pope alone For being desirous to reforme certaine abuses which were current in his time he proposed the matter to the Synod which he had assembled in the City of Rome and saith afterwards And to the intent this may be the better looked to for the future if you please give us your advice and set your hands to it that so the gate to things unlawfull may bee shut up by the judgement of a Synod To which it was answer'd by the Synod Wee confirme it and declare it so to bee And from this very clause it followes that if the confirmation give any authority to the party confirming above that which is confirmed as Bellarmine pretends a meere Provinciall Councel shall bee above the Pope 12 Pope Iohn the eight having excommunicated Count Lambert and Count Adalbâ—rt and some others which had evill entreated him in Italy he came into France the yeare 870 where he called a Synod at Troyes consisting of the Bishops of that Kingdome and the Low Countries to desire their consent to that excommunication which they accordingly granted him This he would never have done if his authoritie had beene greater than the authoritie of Councels 13 The Pope otherwhiles at his creation was wont to take an oath to observe Generall Councels Pope Gelasius saith there is never an Episcopall See which is more bound to keepe the Canons of Generall Councels than that of Rome Howbeit at the end of his Epistle hee fals into the Popes disease The Dardan Bishops complaine of him for condemning Achatius by his owne authoritie without calling a Councell 14 Gregory the Great saith that hee reverenceth the foure first Generall Councels as the foure Gospels and that he holdeth the fift also in great esteem and presently addes Whosoever presumes to loose those whom these Councels binde or binde those whom they loose hee destroyes himselfe and not the Councels 15 The saying of St. Ierom which hath been inserted in Gratians Decree and therefore must be received at this day as one of the Popes sentences is of no meane consequence who being of opinion that Deacons are inferiour to Priests which hee proveth by many reasons to that objection made against him that it is otherwise observed at Rome he answers If wee must come to authorities the world is wider than one Citie let the Bishop bee in what part of it soever be he at Rome be he at Eugubium be he at Constantinople be he at Rhegium be he at Thebes he is still of the same merit and like priesthood The power or riches and the humility or poverty doth not make a Bishop greater or lesser Lastly they are all the Apostles successors But you will say unto me How comes it to passe then that at Rome a Priest is received into Orders by the testimony of a Deacon Why doe you object the custome of one Citie against me See here is enough to prove that the Pope is inferiour to a Councell seeing that which is practised in his Church cannot bee a law to others seeing the meanest among the other Bishops hath as much authoritie as he For if he be above a Councel then all the rest are so and if he deny it them hee makes a law against himselfe too What were the Popes a thinking of when they undertook to pronounce out of their owne mouth that which Saint Ierom spoke to their discredit The Glossatour it seemes tooke this for currant money when he collected from thence That the Decrees of a Councell prejudice the Decrees of a Pope when they are repugnant 16 All that is brought to stop this gutter is but lanternes and cresset-lights As namely that the Pope is Lord of the world that the question is there about a custome not ordained by the Pope that a Councell is not all the world To puffe away all this dust there needes no more but to compare what they say with the words of the produced passage He is Lord of the world say they And yet for all that Saint Ierom gives no more aâ—thoritie to him than to the sorriest Bishop Yes he is so but it is in spirit just as the Patriarchs of Constantinople and Alexandria and other such like which are nowadayes created by him He speakes say they of a custome not authorized by the Pope then Saint Ierom is beside the cushion when hee quarrels with the Pope himselfe about it But a Councell is not all the world Surely no not with the Pope to boot seeing he is but of the same size with another Bishop 17 I will helpe them to a better cudgell to beat Saint Ierom with Saint Ierom For as it seemes not remembring himselfe what he now saith to Pope Evagrius speaking to Pope Damasus hee saith This is the faith most blessed Pope which we have learned in the Catholique Church and which wee have alwayes maintained But if perchance there be ought amisse in it we desire it may be corrected by you who hold the See and faith of Saint Peter But if this my confession shall be approved by the judgement of your Apostleship whosoever shall reprove me will but shew himselfe an ignorant or malicious person or somewhat besides a Catholique to wit a heretique I will not here set downe what was patched to it afterwards seeing Gregory the thirteenth in his new edition hath confessed that it was a Pope that spoke it and not Saint Ierom. Besides that the passage there added taken all together plainly shewes that what is there spoken of this point is no more but a bare wish 18 See here now
Vicechancelours Notaries Registers and Executours their servants and others which have any thing to doe in what sort or manner soever with capitall or criminall causes against Ecclesiasticall persons in banishing or arresting them passing or pronouncing sentence against them and putting them in execution even vnder pretence of any priviledges granted by the See Apostolique upon what causes and in whattenor and forme soever to Kings Dukes Princesâ— Republiques Monarchies Cities and other Potentates by what name and title soever they be called which we will not have to be usefull for them in any thing repealing them all from henceforth and declaring them to bee nullities See here all the Iudges Royall both superiour and inferiour utterly despoyled of the cognizance of criminall causes 8 The twelfth Article speaks on this sort Wee excommunicate all and every the Chancelours Vicechancelours Counsellours ordinariâ— and extraordinarie of all Kings and Princes the Presidents of Chanceries Counsels and Parliaments as also the Atturneyes generall of them and other Secular Princes thogh they be in dignitie Imperiall Royall Duâ—all or any other by what name soever it be called and other Iudges as well ordinarie as by delegation as also the Archbishops Bishops Abbats Commendatories Vicars and Officials who by themselves or by any other under pretence of Exemptions letters of grace or other Apostolicall letters doe summon before them our Auditours Commissaries and other Ecclesiasticall Iudges with the causes concerning benefices tithes and other spirituall matters or such as are annexed to them and hinder the course of them by any lay authoritie and interpose themselves to take cognizance of them in the qualitie of Iudges 9 This is not all for in the following Article hee goes yet further striking a heavie blow at the Ordinances of our Kings Those also which under pretence of their Office or at the instance of any man whatsoever draw before them to their bench Audience Chancerie Counsell or Parliament Ecclesiasticall persons Chapters Covents and Colledges of all Churches or cause them to bee brought in question before them or procure them directly or indirectly under what colour soever beyond the appointment of the Canon law Those also which ordaine and set forth Statutes Ordinances Constitutions Pragmatiques or other Decrees whatsoever in generall or in speciall for any cause or colour whatsoever even under pretence of Apostolicall letters not now in practise or repeâ—â—ed or of any custome or priviledge or any other manner whatsoever or that make use of them when they are made and ordained when by them the Ecclesiasticall libertie is abolished impaired depressed or restrained in any manner whatsoever or who do any prejudice to our lawes and those of our See directly or indirectly implicitely or explicitely 10 See yet another which followes after this Those likewise which doe any way hinder the Archbishops Bishops and other Prelats superiour and inferiour and all other ordinarie Ecclesiasticall Iudges in the exercise of their Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction against any person according as the Canons the sacred Constitutions of the Church the Decretals of generall Councels and principally that of Trent doe ordaine There is further in the same Bull some excommunications against those which appeal from the Popes sentence to Generall Councels Against those that hinder Clergy or Lay men from going to plead at Rome which is a remarkable thing Against Kings and Princes which make the fruits of Ecclesiasticall livings bee sequestred upon any occasion whatsoever which concernes the right of the Crowne Against those which impose any tenths subsidies or other taxes 11 All this is leveld against the rights of the King and the liberties of the Gallican Church I aske now seeing our Popes take upon them to excommunicate our Kings which make ordinances concerning such matters their Officers and Magistrates and all others which practise them whether they will make any conscience of putting forthwith such lawes and ordinances into their Index expurgatorius Let a man goe about to put all the distinctions which hee can devise to save our liberties upon this Councell will not it bee lawfull for the Pope when he shall please to derogate from them to come in with a non obstante Doth not hee in the fore-mentioned Bull repeall all the priviledges granted by the See Apostolique His successours shall not they have the same power that hee hath 12 The other piece which wee promiseâ— shall bee taken out of the privie Counsell which was holden at Rome almost at the same time when the former Bull was sent which was found in the Advocat Davids trunk where it is said That the successours of Hugh Capet to undoe the Church brought in that damnable errour which the French men call the Liberties of the Gallican Church which is nothing else but a refuge for the Waldenses Albigenses poore of Lyons Lutherans and Calvinists at this present And in another Article it is said That all Edicts made within the Kingdome of what standing soever if they bee repugnant to Councels shall be cassed repealed and disanull'd As much as to say al the Edicts concerning the rights of our Kings the good of the Kingdome and the liberties of the Gallican Church which are all abolished and brought to nothing by the Councel of Trent A REVIEW OF THE COVNCELL OF TRENT BOOKE VII CHAP. I. That the Councell of Trent tends to the depression and abasing of the authority of Christian Princes 1 THis redoubted greatnesse to which the Pope is exalted by this Councell doth diminish as much not onely the power of Councels and Clergie-men but also that of Christian Princes These are their spoiles their Scepters their Crownes their justice their soveraigne authoritie their honours and preheminences all this is violently pull'd from them and transferr'd upon another lord In the first place they are depriv'd outright of that power which they have over Ecclesiasticall things and persons due unto them both by divine and humane law The calling of Councels is taken from them the presidence in them the approbation and authorizing of the determinations made in them the nomination election or investiture to the Bishopriques within their Empires and Dominions justice civill and criminall upon the goods and persons and discipline Ecclesiasticall and many other such like things It tacitely approves yea in many things expressely the unmeasured power and dominion which the Popes have usurped upon Kingdomes and Empires upon the election and deposition of Kings and Princes and upon all that belongs unto their state It disanuls their lawes and ordinances and on the contrarie establisheth those of the Popes and condemns all those that have defended their rights All this is handled in the former bookes and it would be impertinent to use repetitions And therefore we send the reader backe thither We will here adde that which remaines to be spoke of that subject 2 They are further grieved inasmuch as the Councell takes upon it more than belongs unto it in point
of law concerning temporall matters which is above their jurisdiction for it disposeth of the administration of Hospitals and their revenues It ordaines concerning the making up of their accounts It compels the people to allow maintenance to their Priests Gives power to the Bishops and Ecclesiasticall Ordinaries as Delegates for the Pope to be the executioners in cases commanded by law of all donations to pious uses as well by last will and testament as amongst the living to visit Hospitals Colledges and Schoolesâ— to take the accounts of lay men for matter of buildings Hospitals alms all customs and priviledges whatsoever to the contrarie notwithstanding To examine Notaries elected by the authoritie Royall and Imperiall as Delegates for the See Apostolique and if they finde them insuâ—ficient or pâ—ccant in any thing concerning their office to suspend them for a time or deprive them for ever It deprives the lay patron of his right of patronage in certaine cases Gives the entire cognizance of causes Matrimoniall to the Church Imposeth a punishment upon ravishers of women whether lay men or Clergy declaring them to be incapable of any dignitie and condemnes them to give a dowrie unto those that they have ravished It gives power to the Ecclesiasticall Iudges to proceed rigorously against lay men that keepe concubines according to the qualitie of their crime in case they make no reckoning of Ecclesiasticall censures And grievously to punish those women which live openly with their adulterers and concubinaries according to the hainousnesse of their crime though no man required them to it and that they bee corrected out of the towne or diocesse of Ecclesiasticall Ordinaries calling in to their assistance the secular arme if need be It prescribes a forme and that a very new one to prove rights of patronage It useth commands to the secular Iudges which they should not receive but from their Soveraigne Princes 3 But one of their greatest usurpations in that regard is that which was made concerning duels First in the verie prohibition of them forasmuch as seeing they were allowed by humane lawes they should have bin prohibited forbidden by them too that so Clergie men intrench not upon lay men but every one contain himself within his own bounds Secondly in the coÌ„fiscation of Cities and other places belonging to the Emperour Kings Princes or any other persons where such duels shall bee fought with their leave Thirdly in the forfeiture of all the goods as well of those that fight as of their seconds To make it appeare that those are notorious usurpations wee will set downe this Maxime That a Councell or the Church hath no coactive jurisdiction over Kings and Princes And likewise this other That a Councell hath no power in temporall matters For the first we affirme that a Councell hath no power save onely over that which concernes the spirituall that is over such things as quicken the Spirit or have beene given by the Holy Ghost as namely the word of God and the mystery of the kingdome of heaven as saith the glosse of Saint Ambrose upon that place of the Apostle to the Corinthians If we have sowne unto you spirituall things is it a great thing if we shall reape your carnall things The reasons hereof are set downe in holy Scripture That the kingdome of Iesus Christ whose imitators the Clergie men are is not of this world That he conveyed himself away when he knew they wold have made him king That when he was desired to be judge concerning the division of an inheritance he said he was not made Iudge nor dividour betwixt them That he commanded to give to Cesar the things which are Cesars That himselfe would pay custome money and cause Saint Peter to pay it likewise That hee submitted himselfe to the jurisdiction of Pilate who was Iudge in Iudea in stead of the Emperour and declared that the power of judging him was given unto him from above That he said to his Apostles That Kings exercise Lordship over them and they that exercise an authoritie upon them are called Benefactors but ye shal not be so The Apostles have said that Clergie men ought not to intermeddle with the affaires of this world have commanded that every creature without exception should obey Princes and secular powers and honour the Magistrate as ordain'd by God Saint Paul appealed to Cesar and acknowledged him for his Iudge Saint Ambrose expounding that passage of the Apostle to Titus he admonisheth them to bee subject to Princes and Magistrates that is saith he Although thou have the spirituall Empire to command in that which is spirituall yet notwithstanding he adviseth them to be subject to Kings Princes heads and their Magistrates because the Christian religion deprives no man of his right 4 Saint Austin in his commentarie upon the same place shewes how the Church doth not attempt any thing upon the lawes of secular Princes For feare saith he lest the name of God bee blasphemed as invading that which belongs unto another and lest it should be thought that the doctrine of Christianity as injust did preach any thing against the civill lawes Saint Chrysostome saith That in the Church we should betake our selves to well doing freely and willingly not by constraint Because as hee addes the lawes have not given us any such power as that wee should punish mens offences by authority â—f a judiciall sentence Saint Bernard speaking to Pope Eugenius the fourth Which power and dignity seemes greater to you that of remitting sinnes or dividing inhâ—â—itance low and terrestriall matters have Kings and Princes of the earth for their Iudges Why doe you incroach upon another mans bounds 5 Claudius Espenseus a Sorbon Doctor proves by many good authorities that Clergie men are subject to secular Princes and owe all honour unto them as to their Lords We will here set downe a piece of it The Aposâ—le saith he conforming himselfe to the patterne and answer of our Saviour instructeth beleevers to be subject to the powers and priviledges of this world Thomas Aquinas hath observed that such admonitions were necessary at that time first to remove the errour of the Iewes who beleeved that they ought not to obey the commandements of men In the second place that they might not make any disturbance in the Church Which some troublesome fellowes not observing it is a wonder to see the hubbubâ— which they have raised on both sides by the controversie which they have moved betwixt the Kingdome and the Priesthood There went many hundred yeares after Saint Paul before this filthy Camarina Chrysostome never suspecting that any such thing would come to passe did simply expound those words Every soule Though saith he thou be an Apostle an Evangelist a Prophet a Priest or a Monke And his interpretation was followed by Theodoret Theophylact Oecumenius and other Greeke Authors Gregorie the first caâ—â—ed the
this Realme O that you would remember that you alone doe not beare the title of most Christian in vaine but because that your ancestours did ever succour the Church in all her necessities above all others Loose not this priviledge this so noble and magnificent title Doe not suffer any man to take this honour from you Doe not suffer your selfe to bee outvied in it Defend your right your name your honor let the hopes of al Catholiques and your brethren in Christ move you which in this matter depends totally upon your person for both all Catholique Princes and all others doe waite upon your hand in this affaire as upon him to whom it does belong most of right of custome of power and other respects Let the renowned and immortall praise of the thing it selfe move you to erect a perpetuall monument of your name in the hearts and mouths of all men 16 A German Devine Provost of the Church of Worms made a petition and exhortation almost like the former which hee exhibited to one of our Kings whether it was to the former or no I know not but at least thus much wee know hee was of the same name For in an Epistle which bears this inscription in the front De Schismate epistola Conradi ad Regem Carolum ad faciendam Synodum towards the end thereof he bespeaks him in these words Now I will addresse the last part of my rude language to you most devout and most Christian King of France Being such and so great as you are set your minde O Prince upon such things as belong to Princes so shall you bee above the Heads What will you thinke upon then surely upon this that peace may bee made by your Prowesse You thinke upon this that you are a King thinke also that if you would reigâ—e long in happinesse it is written of you The King which sits upon the seat of justice â—â—th disperse all evill Let no man seduce you by vaine words Honour and fulfill your ministerie But how Certes that such as are farre off and such as are neare may both have peace by your meanes that the rents of holy mother Church may be sowed up by you I say the coÌ„mon mother both of you and us who hath fed you with her brests from whose mouth you have received the honey of regeneration and the milke of Christian doctrine a streame of bloud springing from the side of her spouse who was stretched out for you upon the tree of the crosse hath adorned your cheeks And therefore her cause is yours her wrong is your wrong Arise O Prince arise up against it build a wall for the house of Israel and fight And afterwards hee addes Above all things you must strive for this O glorious King and long after it with all your heart and labour for it with all your might that there may bee a Generall Councell called at which without the effusion of bloud by the grace of God all things may be reduced to peace and concord 17 Now this Prince whether it was Charles the sixt or the seventh for it must be one of the two put his hand to the reformation of the Church prettie handsomly For under the first there was a kinde of neutralitie made in such sort that there was no acknowledging of Popes in France there were also many goodly Ordinances set out against the abuses of Popes and of the Court of Rome the Councell of Constance was held also under him where the power of the Pope which was formerly without either beginning or end as they use to say was confined within certaine boundâ— and limits To which Councell he did contribute his Ambassadors and many learned Devines among the rest the great Cardinall of Cambray Mr. Iohn Gerson as also the Vniversitie of Paris which had no meane authoritie there as we collect from the Acts themselves Vnder the other were holden the Councels of Pavie Siena and that famous one of Basil which made some strong assaults to moderate that unbridled power of Popes The Pragmatique Sanction was then also set out in this Kingdome the most usefull and most commendable Ordinance that ever was made in France which hath beene since the butt against which the moderne Popes have levell'd all their curses having lopt it so neare that there remaines nothing but the trunke which they never yet knew how to reverse namely that Decree which containes the authoritie of a Councell above the Pope and another concerning Annats 18 The Emperour Charles the fifth and Charles the ninth King of France have sufficiently shewed what power they had in the Church considering that during the time of the Councell of Trent they endeavoured to compose the differences which were in their Empire and Kingdomes concerning point of Religion They made things be disputed in divers Imperiall Diets and at the conference of Poissy They made Ecclesiasticall lawes as namely that of the Interim for Germanie the Ordinances of Orleans and Moulins for France where there are good rules for Church discipline And the late King Henry the third did more yet in establishing Edicts which derogate from the Decrees of the Councell it selfe CHAP. VI. That Emperours and Kings have in all ages made some Lawes concerning Ecclesiasticall politie and discipline and that they had power so to doe 1 HEE should shew himselfe a meere ignorant in law that would deny that Christian Kings and Emperours have at all times made lawes for the politie government and discipline Ecclesiasticall For proofe whereof he need but reade the sixteenth booke of the Code of Theodosius the first of Iustinians the novell Constitutions of Theodosiâ—â— Valentinian and other Emperors which are put after the same Code of Theodosius those of Iustinian and his Edicts those of Leo and the other Emperours which ruled the Empire after Iustinian some whereof are added in the late impressions of the body of the Civill Law and other some are to be found in the Ius orientale de Benefidius and in the booke intitled Ius Graeco-Romanum As also the Capitulary of Charles the Great with divers other Ordinances of our Kings of France made about this particular which may bee read in the Collections of them From which it will appeare that there is no part of Ecclesiasticall discipline which hath not beene managed regulated reform'd and purged by them as need required 2 Well fare Doctor Espenseus who when he is speaking of this Royall power and shaping an answer even to those that doe Princes so much honour as to make them meere executioners of the Decrees of Clergie men not having any authoritie to enter into the cognizance of the cause If Princes saith he must not meddle with sacred things to what purpose are there so many lawes and Imperiall Constitutions about Ecclesiasticall matters in the Code the Novels and the Authentiques Why so many Royall Edicts and Decrees of Senates extant in the Annals of all Christians
whereat the said Archbishop was highly offended in so much that he with other Bishops at the Synod of Estampes were upon the point of revoking the said consecration made by the Pope as prejudiciall to the authoritie Royal. See here what the same Bishop saith of it in a letter to Pope Vrban Moreover I give your Holinesse to wit that the Archbishop of Sens being infatuated by the counsell of the Bishop of Paris having summoned the said Bishop of Paris and two others of the same humor to wit he of Meaux and he of Troyes did very indiscreetly accuse me this present year because of the consecration which I had received from you saying that I had offended against the Kings Majesty by attempting to receive my consecration from the See Apostolique We have heard before what this same Bishop said of Investitures speaking of the King of France 26 We may now conclude that elections nominations and approbations in point of benefices have alwaies belonged unto our Kings and have beene at their free disposall By their last ordinances they have beene pleas'd as well to disburthen themselves of that charge as also to prevent the enterprises of the Popes to decree that elective dignities should bee conferr'd by elections and benefices which were not elective by the collations and presentations of the Collators and Patrons And this according to the Councell of Basilâ— which hath tied the Popes hands in this respect and the Pragmatique Sanctions of St. Lewes and Charles the seventh Yet this was still with two conditions one that the Kings Congé d'elire should bee requir'd by way of preamble at least in respect of Bishopriques and Abbeyes otherwise the election should be accounted a nullitie Which is verified by the letters of our Kings as farre as King Lewes the eleventh containing the said licence which may yet be found in the treasurie of Chartres in a great box quoted xxv Which right was declared to belong to King Philip the Faire when the question was about Saint Maglairs Abbey as some report 27 The other that the said Prelates before they could be called such should be bound to take the oath of allegiance according to the ancient custome as it was determin'd by the Arrests of the Parliament of Paris against the Archbishop of Anx and the Bishop of Mantes Which was observed in the time of Philip the first according to the testimonie of the Bishop of Chartres who in his epistles addressed to Pope Paschal speaking of the Archbishop of Rhemes who had beene depriv'd of his dignitie and for whose reestablishment the said Bishop had interceded to the Kings Councell The Princes Court saith he inclining to the contrary we could not obtaine an entire peace unlesse the said Metropolitan would make unto the King such an oath of allegiance as other Archbishops of Rhemes together with all the rest of the Bishops of this Realme of France how holy and religious soever they were made to the Kings his predecessors Divers authors beare witnesse of this oath of allegiance made by Bishops to their kings and princes both in England and France and other places some of them set downe the very forme 28 Since this time our kings have beene compell'd to divide their rights with the Popes to give them content and be at peace with them by taking away elections and reserving unto themselves in stead thereof the nominations and allowing unto Popes the confirmations By the ordinance of Orleans King Charles would have taken the Clergie and people in to his share by decreeing that when Bishopriques fell void the Archbishop and Bishops of the Province and the Canons of the Cathedral Church should meet togther with twelve gentlemen chosen by the Nobilitie of the Dioces twelve Bâ—rgesses chosen in the Guildhal of the Archiepiscopal or Episcopal Citie to make he a nomination of three persons of which the King should chuse one whom he pleased to name Which notwithstanding we never yet saw observed 29 Wee will say for conclusion that it is no small advantage to the Pope to have the confirmation of the Bishops of France which was granted him by the Concordat but it will bee farre greater yet if he keepe that authoritie which is given him by this Councel For by it hee will quickly bring all these Concordats to nothing and wil resume the extravagancies of his predecessors who had got all the elections and collations of the Bishopriques and benefices of this Kingdome into their Churches to the utter ruine and destruction of it draining the Realme of moneyes and filling it with strangers and bringing it to an extreame miserie as we say else where 30 We shall only here observe the particular interest of Kings and Princes for as much as concernes their power and authoritie whereof they ought to be very jealous if they marke it There is nothing which fortifies it so much as that right which they have to chuse and elect Churchmen nor which weakneth it so much as when the Pope hath an hand in it either in whole or in part Ivo Pishop of Chartres although hee had received his Investiture from Philip the first yet in asmuch as he had got his confirmation from Pope Vrban he was alwaies affectionate to him and the See Apostolique even to the prejudice of the King and Kingdome to whom he did sometimes very ill offices as wee collect from some of his epistles On the contrarie because Lupus had got the Abbey of Saint Peter de Ferriers in the Dioces of Sens by the donation of Charles the Bald he was alwaies loyall and he even brags of it in one of his Epistles 31 An English Historian though hee bee a Monke yet hee knew well how to set out this interest of Princes For speaking of the consecration of certaine Bishops of England made by Innocent the fourth when he was at Lions hee saith They were consecrated by the Pope not without great damage and danger to the Realme of England For the Pope having so ingaged the Bishops unto him they found themselves more obliged unto him and despising the King they were more inclined to doe mischiefe to the Kingdome 32 The Bishop of Chartres continuing his devotion to Pope Vrban gave him notice of this point upon the election of an Archbishop of Rhemes who he assured the Pope was very zealous for the See Apostolique adding afterwards Now how necessarie it is for the Church of Rome to place in that See a minister which is devout and affectionate unto her it is not for me to informe your wisedome which knowes very well that this See weares the Royall Diademe and serves for a patterne almost to all other Churches of France either of ruine or Resurrection 33 Not without cause did Pope Nicholas the first stomach at Lotharius because he would not suffer any Bishop to bee chosen in his Kingdome unlesse hee were faithfull and well inclined to
him King William the first of England in the beginning of his reigne which was about the yeare 1070 knowing this very well deposed some part of the Bishops and Abbats from their dignities and Prelacies and put others in their places whose fidelitie was known unto him 34 Another Monke and English Historian saith the Popes upon this occasion invented another way to oblige such Prelats unto them as held their dignities from Kings and Princes Which was by making them renounce them and resigne them into their hands as faultie and nullities and taking them with one hand they gave them againe with the other Ivo toucheth upon this tricke in his epistles For amongst other reasons to prove that investiture is no heresie hee puts this If Investiture were an heresie hee that renounceth it could not be restor'd without blemish to himselfe Now wee see many honest men both in Germany and Franceâ— give up their Pastorall staffes to wash away that staine by some shew of satisfaction and resume those Investitures which they had renounced from the Apostolique hand So did Thomas the Archbishop of Canterburie who put Henry the second King of England to so much trouble For being at the Councel of Tours Hee secretlie resigned that Archbishoprique into the Popes hands which he had received from the Kings hand and it was afterwards restor'd him againe at the same instant from the Popes hand It was Alexander the third who held this Councell at Tours in the year 1163. A REVIEW OF THE COVNCELL OF TRENT BOOKE VI. CHAP. I. Of things attributed to the Pope by this Councell in matter of justice And first of criminall causes of Bishops 1 WEE will treat in this Booke of Iustice and Iurisdiction and wil make it clearly appear that this Councel hath as far as it was able robb'd Kings Princes and other Clergie men of them to bestow them upon the Pope It is a most true Maxime that all Iurisdictions do spring from secular Princes that the source and fountaine of them is hereditarie to them whence the rivulets are derived upon their officers and upon Ecclesiasticall persons and others whom they thinke good Clergie men from the greatest to the least have no coactive jurisdictions but such as spring from thence Kings and Emperours have parted with it and have honoured them with it but in such sort as some of them both did and doe abuse it daily They are come so farre as to contest with their officers to attempt against them to make laws for extending the traine of their robes further yea even to subdue unto themselves those from whom they received that power and by a most unsufferable ingratitude to declare and pretend them subject to their jurisdiction All this is proved by us elsewhere Wee will onely say here that this Councell â—â—â—h gone about as it were to lay at the Popes feet all the spoiles and conquests which all other Bishops have got from those victories obtained by them â—t divers times over the temporall Iurisdiction and over those to whom it belongs and to paire also that which is left unto them making it almonst unserviceable and invalid at least for as much as concernes the Pope and his Clergie whom it totally exempts from their Iurisdiction 2 We shall make it appeare plainly that this Councell hath dealt very liberally with the Pope in this respect and that it hath strain'd it selfe to confirme his usurpations yea even to augment them without sparing any thing First of all it attributes to the Pope the cognizance and judgement of all criminall causes of Bishops except pettie ones That the Pope onely have the cognizance and decision of all criminall causes which are more hainoâ—s objected against Bishops and even of heresie which God forbid But if the cause be such as it must necessarily be tried out of the Court of Rome let it not bee committed to any persons excepting such Metropolitans or Bishops as the Pope shall chuse That this commission be in speciall and sealed with the Popes hand and that hee never give them any greater power but onely to receive the bare instruction for matter of fact and to make the processe which they shall forthwith send to the Pope the definitive sentence being alwayes reserv'd unto the Pope 3 In another decree it is ordained That the causes of Bishops when by reason of the quality of the crime which is objected unto them they ought to make appearance be brought before our holy Father the Pope and be determined by him It is also decreed against Bishops that keepe concubines That if they doe not abstaine from that crime after they have beene admonished by the Provinciall Councell they shall bee complained of to the Pope by the same Councell who shall punish them according to the quality of their offence even by deprivation if need require So that a Provinciall Councell hath no power to condemne a Bishop for criminall matters save onely for Peccadillo's such as we may say for playing at ball for getting up late in a morning and such like things 4 Now wee say on the contrarie that the cognizance of such crimes belongs to Emperors and Kings That they themselves ofttimes have proceeded to judgement That they have assembled Councels for that end and have assisted and presided there That sometimes they have committed the same judgement to the said Councels or their Iudges That Popes themselves have become petitioners unto them yea plaintives before them and which is more have themselves beene judged by them 5 The Bishops of the Nicenâ— Councel acknowledge Constantine for their Iudge when they presented their Libels unto him wherein they accused one another hee blush'd at that in their behalfe and would have covered their shame by suppressing such Investitures using this honest shiâ—t to them that they could not be judged by any man In which the Pope alone tooke him at his word although hee were absent and hath made good use of it afterwards Now that Constantine said this by way of complement and to suppresse those dishonorable quarrels appears from hence that upon other occasions hee either tooke the judgement upon himselfe in the causes of Bishops or committed it to his Officers Hee made the Bishops of the Synod of Tyre to come unto him to render a reason of their â—act in the condemnation of Athanasius And after hee had heard them confirmed their sentence being moved so to doe by the testimony of false witnesses which were subborn'd and sent Athanasius unto banishments into Tryer a citie in Gallia Belgica 6 The same Emperour after hee had twice ordain'd Ecclesiasticall judges to determine the cause of Cecilianus an Orthodox Bishop at last he himselfe tooke it into his cognizance and gave the finall sentence So say the Clergy of Hippo in Africa in that epistle which St. Augustine made upon the same occasion and sent to Ianuarius Being so stricken in age as you