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A54621 Political arithmetick, or, A discourse concerning the extent and value of lands, people, buildings ... as the same relates to every country in general, but more particularly to the territories of His Majesty of Great Britain, and his neighbours of Holland, Zealand, and France / by Sir William Petty ... Petty, William, Sir, 1623-1687. 1690 (1690) Wing P1932; ESTC R17628 42,032 122

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Millions will do it supposing that Roots Fruits Fowl and Fish and the ordinary profit of Lead Tin Iron-Mines and Woods would piece up any defect that may be feared As to the second I say that the Land and Housing in Ireland and the High-Lands of Scotland at the present Market rates are not worth Thirteen Millions of Money nor would the actual charge of making the Transplantation proposed amount to four Millions more So then the Question will be whether the benefit expected from this transplantation will exceed Seventeen Millions To which I say that the advantage will probably be near four times the last mentioned summ or about Sixty nine Millions Three Hundred thousand Pounds For if the Rent of all England and Wales and the Low-Lands of Scotland be about Nine Millions per annum and if the fifth part of the People be superadded unto the present Inhabitants of those Countries then the Rent will amount unto Ten Millions 8000 l. and the number of Years purchase will rise from seventeen and ½ to a Fifth part more which is twenty one So as the Land which is now worth but Nine Millions per annum at seventeen ½ Years purchase making 157 Millions and ½ will then be worth Ten Millions Eight Hundred thousand Pounds at Twenty one Years purchase viz. Two Hundred Twenty Six Millions and Eight Hundred thousand Pounds that is Sixty nine Millions and Three Hundred thousand Pounds more than it was before And if any Prince willing to inlarge his Territories will give any thing more than Six ½ Millions or half the present value for the said relinquished Land which are estimated to be worth Thirteen Millions then the whole profit will be above Seventy Five Millions and Eight Hundred 600 l. Above four times the loss as the same was above computed But if any Man shall object that it will be dangerous unto England that Ireland should be in the Hands of any other Nation I answer in short that that Nation whoever shall purchase it being divided by means of the said purchase shall not be more able to annoy England than now in its united condition Nor is Ireland nearer England than France and Flanders Now if any Man shall desire a more clear explanation how and by what means the Rents of Lands shall rise by this closer cohabitation of People above described I answer that the advantage will arise in transplanting about Eighteen Hundred thousand People from the poor and miserable Trade of Husbandry to more beneficial Handicrafts For when the superaddition is made a very little addition of Husbandry to the same Lands will produce a fifth part more of Food and consequently the additional hands earning but 40 s. per annum as they may very well do nay to 8 l. per annum at some other Trade the Superlucration will be above Three Millions and Six Hundred thousand Pounds per annum which at Twenty Years purchase is Seventy Millions Moreover as the Inhabitants of Cities and Towns spend more Commodities and make greater consumptions than those who live in wild thin peopled Countries So when England shall be thicker peopled in the manner before described the very same People shall then spend more than when they lived more sordidly and inurbanely and further asunder and more out of the sight observation and emulation of each other every Man desiring to put on better Apparel when he appears in Company than when he has no occasion to be seen I further add that the charge of the Government Civil Military and Ecclesiastical would be more cheap safe and effectual in this condition of closer co-habitation than otherwise as not only reason but the example of the United Provinces doth demonstrate But to let this whole digression pass for a mere Dream I suppose 't will serve to prove that in case the King of Englands Territories should be a little less than those of the King of France that forasmuch as neither of them are over-peopled that the difference is not material to the Question in hand wherefore supposing the King of France's advantages to be little or nothing in this point of Territory we come next to examine and compare the number of Subjects which each of these Monarchs doth govern The Book called the State of France maketh that Kingdom to consist of Twenty Seven thousand Parishes and another Book written by a substantial Author who professedly inquires into the State of the Church and Church-men of France sets it down as an extraordinary case that a Parish in France should have Six Hundred Souls wherefore I suppose that the said Author who hath so well examined the matter is not of opinion that every Parish one with another hath above Five Hundred by which reckoning the whole People of France are about Thirteen Millions and a half Now the People of England Scotland and Ireland with the Islands adjoyning by computation from the numbers of Parishes which commonly have more People in Protestant Churches than in Popish Countries as also from the Hearth-money Pole-money and Excise do amount to about Nine Millions and ½ There are in New England about 16000 Men mustered in Arms about 24000 able to bear Arms and consequently about 150000 in all And I see no reason why in all this and the other Plantations of Asia Africa and America there should not be half a Million in all But this last I leave to every Mans conjecture and conse quently I suppose that the King of England hath about Ten Millions of Subjects ubivis Terrarum Orbis and the King of France about Thirteen and a ½ as aforesaid Although it be very material to know the number of Subjects belonging to each Prince yet when the Question is concerning their Wealth and Strength It is also material to examin how many of them do get more than they spend and how many less In order whereunto it is to be considered that in the King of Englands Dominions there are not Twenty thousand Church-men But in France as the aforementioned Author of theirs doth aver who sets down the particular number of each Religious Order there are about Two Hundred and Seventy thousand viz. Two Hundred and Fifty thousand more than we thinkare necessary that is to say Two Hundred and Fifty Thousand withdrawn out of the World Now the said number of adult and able bodied Persons are equivalent to about double the same number of the promiscuous Mass of Mankind And the same Author says that the same Religious Persons do spend one with another about 18 d. per diem which is triple even to what a labouring Man requires Wherefore the said Two Hundred and Fifty thousand Church-men living as they do makes the King of France's Thirteen Millions and a half to be less than Thirteen Now if Ten Men can defend themselves as well in Islands as Thirteen can upon the Continent then the said Ten being not concerned to increase their Territory by the Invasion of
and plentiful are wealth but pro hic nunc as shall be elsewhere said In the next place if the People of any Country who have not already a full employment should be enjoyned or Taxed to work upon such Commodities as are Imported from abroad I say that such a Tax also doth improve the Commonwealth Moreover if Persons who live by begging cheating stealing gaming borrowing without intention of restoring who by those ways do get from the credulous and careless more than is sufficient for the subsistence of such Persons I say that although the State should have no present employment for such Persons and consequently should be forced to bear the whole charge of their livelyhood yet it were more for the publick profit to give all such Persons a regular and competent allowance by Publick Tax than to suffer them to spend extravagantly at the only charge of careless credulous and good natured People And to expose the Commonwealth to the loss of so many able Men whose lives are taken away for the crimes which ill Discipline doth occasion On the contrary If the Stocks of laborious and ingenious Men who are not only beautifying the Country where they live by elegant Dyet Apparrel Furniture Housing pleasant Gardens Orchards and Publick Edifices c. But are also increasing the Gold Silver and Iewels of the Country by Trade and Arms I say if the Stock of these Men should be diminished by a Tax and transferred to such as do nothing at all but eat and drink sing play and dance nay to such as study the Metaphysicks or other needless Speculation or else employ themselves in any other way which produce no material thing or things of real use and value in the Commonwealth In this case the Wealth of the Publick will be diminished Otherwise than as such exercises are recreations and refreshments of the mind and which being moderately used do qualifie and dispose Men to what in it self is more considerable Wherefore upon the whole matter to know whether a Tax will do good or harm The State of the People and their employments must be well known that is to say what part of the People are unfit for Labour by their Infancy or Impotency and also what part are exempt from the same by reason of their Wealth Function or Dignities or by reason of their charge and employments otherwise than in governing directing and preserving those who are appointed to Labour and Arts. 2. In the next place computation must be made what part of those who are fit for Labour and Arts as aforesaid are able to perform the work of the Nation in its present State and Measure 3. It is to be considered whether the remainder can make all or any part of those Commodities which are Imported from abroad which of them and how much in particular The remainder of which sort of People if any be may safely and without possible prejudice to the Commonwealth be employed in Arts and Exercises of pleasure and ornament the greatest whereof is the Improvement of natural knowledge Having thus in general illustrated this point which I think needs no other proof but illustration I come next to intimate that no part of Europe hath paid so much by way of Tax and publick contribution as Holland and Zealand for this last 100 Years and yet no Country hath in the same time increased their Wealth comparably to them And it is manifest they have followed the general considerations above-mentioned for they Tax Meats and Drinks most heavily of all to restrain the excessive expence of those things which 24 hours doth as to the use of Man wholly annihilate and they are more favourable to Commodities of greater duration Nor do they Tax according to what Men gain but in extraordinary cases but always according to what Men spend And most of all according to what they spend needlesly and without prospect of return Upon which grounds their Customs upon Goods Imported and Exported are generally low as if they intended by them only to keep an account of their Foreign Trade and to retaliate upon their Neighbour States the prejudices done them by their Prohibitions and Impositions It is further to be observed that since the Year 1636 the Taxes and Publick Levies made in England Scotland and Ireland have been prodigiously greater than at any time heretofore and yet the said Kingdoms have increased in their Wealth and Strength for these last Forty Years as shall hereafter be shewn It is said that the King of France at present doth Levy the Fifth Part of his Peoples Wealth and yet great Ostentation is made of the Present Riches and Strength of that Kingdom Now great care must be had in distinguishing between the Wealth of the People and that of an absolute Monarch who taketh from the People where when and in what proportion he pleaseth Moreover the Subjects of two Monarchs may be equally Rich and yet one Monarch may be double as Rich as the other viz. If one take the tenth part of the Peoples Substance to his own dispose and the other but the 20th nay the Monarch of a poorer People may appear more splendid and glorious than that of a Richer which perhaps may be somewhat the case of France as hereafter shall be examined As an instance and application of what hath been said I conceive that in Ireland wherein are about 1200 Thousand People and near 300 Thousand Smokes or Hearths It were more tolerable for the People and more profitable for the King that each Head paid 2 s. worth of Flax than that each smoke should pay 2 s. in Silver And that for the following reasons 1. Ireland being under peopled and Land and Cattle being very cheap there being every where store of Fish and Fowl the ground yielding excellent Roots and particularly that bread-like root Potatoes and withal they being able to perform their Husbandry with such harness and tackling as each Man can make with his own hands and living in such Houses as almost every Man can build and every House-wife being a Spinner and Dyer of Wool and Yarn they can live and subsist after their present fashion without the use of Gold or Silver Money and can supply themselves with the necessaries above named without labouring 2 Hours per diem Now it hath been found that by reason of Insolvencies arising rather from the uselessness than want of Money among these poor People that from 300 Thousand Hearths which should have yielded 30 Thousand Pound per annum not 15 Thousand Pound of Money could be Levyed Whereas it is easily imagined that four or five People dwelling in that Cottage which hath but one smoke could easily have planted a ground-plot of about 40 foot square with Flax or the 50 part of an Acre for so much ground will bear eight or ten Shillings worth of that Commodity and the Rent of so much ground in few places amounts to a
value of the Fish Pipe-staves Masts Bever c. brought from New-England and the Northern parts of America Two Hundred Thousand pounds The value of the Wool Butter Hides Tallow Beef Herring Pilchers and Salmon exported out of Ireland Eight hundred thousand pounds The value of the Coals Salt Linnen Yarn Herrings Pilchers Salmon Linnen-Cloth and Yarn brought out of Scotland and Ireland 500000 l. The value of Salt peter Pepper Callicoes Diamonds Drugs and Silks brought out of the East-Indies above what was spent in England Eight hundred thousand pounds The value of the Slaves brought out of Africa to serve in our American Plantations Twenty thousand pounds which with the Freight of English Shipping Trading into Foreign parts being above a Million and a ½ makes in all Ten Millions one Hundred and Eighty thousand pounds Which computation is sufficiently justified by the Customs of the Three Kingdoms whose intrinsick value are thought to be near a Million per annum viz. Six hundred thousand pounds payable to the King 100 thousand Pounds for the charges of Collecting c. Two hundred thousand pounds smuckled by the Merchants and one Hundred thousand pounds gained by the Farmers according to common Opinion and Mens Sayings And this agrees also with that proportion or part of the whole Trade of the World which I have estimated the Subjects of the King of England to be possessed of viz. of about Ten of Forty Five Millions But the value of the French Commodities brought into England notwithstanding some currant estimates are not above one Million Two hundred thousand pounds per annum and the value of all they export into all the World besides not above Three or Four times as much which computation also agreeth well enough with the account we have of the Customs of France so as France not exporting above ½ the value of what England doth and for that all the Commodities of France except Wines Brandy Paper and the first patterns and fashions for Cloaths and Furniture of which France is the Mint are imitable by the English and having withal more People than England it follows that the People of England c. have Head for Head thrice as much Foreign Trade as the People of France and about Two parts of Nine of the Trade of the whole Commercial World and about Two parts in Seven of all the Shipping Notwithstanding all which it is not to be denied that the King and some great Men of France appear more Rich and Splendid than those of the like Quality in England all which arises rather from the nature of their Government than from the Intrinsick and Natural causes of Wealth and Power CHAP. V. That the Impediments of Englands greatness are but contingent and removable THE first Impediment of Englands greatness is that the Territo ries thereunto belonging are too far asunder and divided by the Sea into many several Islands and Countries and I may say into so many Kingdoms and several Governments viz. there be Three distinct Legislative Powers in England Scotland and Ireland the which instead of uniting together do often cross one anothers Interest putting Bars and Impediments upon one anothers Trades not only as if they were Foreigners to each other but sometimes as Enemies 2. The Islands of Iersey and Gernsey and the Isle of Man are under Jurisdictions different from those either of England Scotland or Ireland 3. The Government of New-England both Civil and Ecclesiastical doth so differ from that of His Majesties other Dominions that 't is hard to say what may be the consequence of it And the Government of the other Plantations doth also differ very much from any of the rest although there be not naturally substantial reasons from the Situation Trade and Condition of the People why there should be such differences From all which it comes to pass that small divided remote Governments being seldom able to defend themselves the Burthen of protecting of them all must lye upon the chief Kingdom England and so all the smaller Kingdoms and Dominions instead of being Additions are really Dimunitions but the same is remedied by making Two such Grand Councils as may equally represent the whole Empire one to be chosen by the King the other by the People The Wealth of a King is Threefold one is the Wealth of his Subjects the second is the Quota pars of his Subjects Wealth given him for the publick Defence Honour and Ornament of the People and to manage such undertaking for the Common Good as no one or a few private Men are sufficient for The third sort are the Quota of the last mention Quota pars which the King may dispose of as his own personal inclination and discretion shall direct him without account Now it is most manifest that the afore-mentioned distances and differencies of Kingdoms and Jurisdictions are great impediments to all the said several sorts of Wealth as may be seen in the following particulars First in case of War with Foreign Nations England commonly beareth the whole burthen and charge whereby many in England are utterly undone Secondly England sometimes Prohibiting the Commodities of Ireland and Scotland as of late it did the Cattle Flesh and Fish of Ireland did not only make Food and consequently Labour dearer in England but also hath forced the People of Ireland to fetch those Commodities from France Holland and other places which before was sold them from England to the great prejudice of both Nations Thirdly It occasions an unnecessary trouble and charge in Collecting of Customs upon Commodities passing between the several Nations Fourthly It is a damage to our Barbadoes and other American Trades that the Goods which might pass thence immediately to several parts of the World and to be sold at moderate Rates must first come into England and there pay Duties and afterwards if at all pass into those Countries whither they might have gone immediatly Fifthly The Islands of Iersey and Gernsey are protected at the charge of England nevertheless the Labour and Industry of that People which is very great redounds most to the profit of the French Sixthly In New-England there are vast numbers of able bodyed Englishmen employed chiefly in Husbandry and in the meanest part of it which is breeding of Cattle whereas Ireland would have contained all those persons and at worst would have afforded them Lands on better terms than they have them in America if not some other better Trade withal than now they can have Seventhly The Inhabitants of the other Plantations although they do indeed Plant Commodities which will not grow so well in England yet grasping at more Land than will suffice to produce the said Exotiics in a sufficient quantity to serve the whole World they do therein but distract and confound the effect of their own Indeavours Eighthly There is no doubt that the same People far and wide dispersed must spend more upon their Government and Protection than the same living compactly
and when they have no occasion to depend upon the Wind Weather and all the Accidents of the Sea A second Impediment to the greatness of England is the different Understanding of several Material Points viz. Of the Kings Prerogative Privileges of Parliament the obscure differences between Law and Equity as also between Civil and Ecclesiastical Jurisdictions Doubts whether the Kingdom of England hath power over the Kingdom of Ireland besides the wonderful Paradox that Englishmen Lawfully sent to suppress Rebellions in Ireland should after having effected the same be as it were Disfranchised and lose that Interest in the Legislative Power which they had in England and pay Customs as Foreigners for all they spend in Ireland whither they were sent for the Honor and Benefit of England The third Impediment is That Ireland being a Conquered Country and containing not the tenth part as many Irish Natives as there are English in both Kingdoms That natural and firm Union is not made between the two Peoples by Transplantations and proportionable mixture so as there may be but a tenth part of the Irish in Ireland and the same proportion in England whereby the necessity of maintaining an Army in Ireland at the expence of a quatter of all the Rents of that Kingdom may be taken away The fourth Impediment is That Taxes in England are not Levied upon the expence but upon the whole Estate not upon Lands Stock and Labour but chiefly upon Land alone and that not by any equal and indifferent Standard but the casual predomihancy of Parties and Factions and moreover that these Taxes are not Levied with the least trouble and charge but let out to Farmers who also let them from one to another without explicit knowledge of what they do but so as in conclusion the poor People pay twice as much as the King receives The fifth Impediment is the inequality of Shires Diocesses Parishes Church-Livings and other Precincts as also the Representation of the People in Parliament all which do hinder the Operations of Authority in the same manner as a Wheel irregulary made and excentrically hung neither moves so easily nor performs its Work so truely as if the same were duely framed and poised Sixthly Whether it be an Impediment that the power of making War and raising Mony be not in the same Hand much may be said but I leave it to those who may more properly meddle with Fundamental Laws None of these Impediments are Natural but did arise as the irregularity of Buildings do by being built part at one time and part at another and by the changing of the state of things from what they were at the respective times when the Practices we complain of were first admitted and perhaps are but the warpings of time from the rectitude of the first Institution As these Impediments are contingent so they are also removeable for may not the Land of superfluous Territories be sold and the People with their moveables brought away May not the English in the America Plantations who Plant Tobacco Sugar c. compute what Land will serve their turn and then contract their Habitations to that proportion both for quantity and quality as for the People of New-England I can but wish they were Transplanted into Old England or Ireland according to Proposals of their own made within this twenty years although they were allowed more liberty of Conscience than they allow one another May not the three Kingdoms be United into one and equally represented in Parliament Might not the several Species of the Kings Subjects be equally mixt in their Habitations Might not the Parishes and other Precincts be better equalized Might not Jurisdictions and pretences of Power be determined and ascertained Might not the Taxes be equally applotted and directly applied to their ultimate use Might not Dissenters in Religion be indulged they paying a competent Force to keep the Publick Peace I Humbly venture to say all these things may be done if it be so thought fit by the Sovereign Power because the like hath often been done already at several Places and Times CHAP. VI. That the Power and Wealth of England hath increased this last forty years IT is not much to be doubted but that the Territories under the Kings Dominions have increased Forasmuch as New-England Virginia Barbadoes and Iamaica Tangier and Bumbay have since that time been either added to his Majesties Territories or improved from a Desart condition to abound with People Buildings Shipping and the Production of many useful Commodities And as for the Land of England Scotland and Ireland as it is not less in quantity than it was forty years since so it is manifest that by reason of the Dreyning of Fens watering of dry Grounds improving of Forrests and Commons making of Heathy and Barren Grounds to bear Saint-foyne and Clovergrass meliorating and multiplying several sorts of Fruits and Garden-Stuffe making some Rivers Navigable c. I say it is manifest that the Land in its present Condition is able to bear more Provision and Commodities than it was forty years ago Secondly Although the People in England Scotland and Ireland which have extraordinarily perished by the Plague and Sword within this last forty years do amount to about three hundred thousand above what have dyed in the ordinary way yet the ordinary increase by Generation of ten Millions which doubles in two hundred years as hath been shewn by the Observators upon the Bills of Mortality may in forty years which is a fifth part of the same time have increased 1 ● part of the whole number or two Millions Where note by the way that the accession of Negroes to the American Plantations being all Men of great Labour and little Expence is not inconsiderable besides it is hoped that New-England where few or no Women are Barren and most have many Children and where People live long and healthfully hath produced an increase of as many People as were destroyed in the late Tumults in Ireland As for Housing the Streets of London it self speaks it I conceive it is double in value in that City to what it was forty years since and for Housing in the Country they have increased at Newcastle Yarmouth Norwich Exeter Portsmouth Cowes Dublin Kingsaile Londonderry and Coleraine in Ireland far beyond the proportion of what I can learn have been dilapidated in other places For in Ireland where the ruin was greatest the Housing taking all together is now more valuable than forty years ago nor is this to be doubted since Housing is now more splendid than in those days and the number of Dwellers is increased by near ● ● part as in the last Paragraph is set for t As for Shipping his Majesties Navy is now triple or quadruple to what it was forty years since and before the Sovereign was Built the Shipping Trading to Newcastle which are now about eighty thousand Tuns could not be then above a quarter of