acknowledgement of his faults and from thence forward he prospered so well that after he had ended his civile wars he also overcame his forrain wars against the English And this came of God who ordinarily exalteth the humble overthroweth the insolent proud For assuredly it doth not evill become a great prince to temperat his majestie by a gracious humility softnes affabilitie but saith Plutarch it is a very harmonious consonant temperation yea so excellent as there cannot be a more perfect than this But if the said king had then had such Counselors as many kings now adaies have what counsell would they hereupon have given him they would have said That thus to humiliate himselfe to his vassall as to ask him forgivenes to confesse his fault to acquitehim and his subjects of personall service these were things unworthy of a king and that a king ought never to make peace unlesse it be to his honor but such articles were to his dishonor and disadvantage and that he ought to have endured all extremities before he had made any peace whereby he should not remain altogether master to dispose of persons goods at his pleasure For how would not they say thus seeing they say at this day That it is no honorable peace for the king to accord his subjects any assurances with the exercises of their religion a reformation of justice yet you see that all K. Charles 7 his Counsell all the princes of his blood all the great lords of his kingdome all strange princes embassadors compelled the K. to passe more hard uneasie articles to digest for the good of peace Should we say that in so great a number of great personages ther was not any so wise and cleare sighted as the counsellors at this day as these Mesiers Machiavelists nay contrary they were al wise men of great experience in wordly affairs they were also of great knowlege as the delegates of the counsel of the universitie of Paris of the parliaments wheras at this day men know litle more than their Machiavell Likewise king Lewis the eleventh as soone as hee came to the crowne removed De Com. lib. 1. cap. 3. 5. others from charges and offices many great lords and good servants of the dead king Charles the seventh his father which had vertuously emploied themselves in chasing the English out of the kingdome of France and in lieu of such persons he placed and advanced men of meane and base condition Heereupon straight arose civile discention against the king which was called the warres of the common weale and these men complained that the kingdome was not politikelie governed because the king had put from him good men and of high calling to advance such as were of small estimation and of no vertue It was not long before the king acknowledged his great fault and confessed it not onely in generall but also in particular to every of them which he had recoyled and disapointed and to repaire this fault he got againe to him all the said lords and ancient servants of the dead king his father delivering them againe their estates or much greater and in somme he granted to these common wealth people all that they demanded as well for the generall as for the particular good of all people and all to obtaine peace with extinguishment of civile wars If he had had of his Counsell the Machiavellists of these daies they would not have counselled him thus to doe but rather would have told him That it became not a king to capitulate with his subjects nor so to unable himselfe unto them and that a prince ought never to trust to such as once were his enemies but much lesse ought hee to advance them to estates and that hee should diligentlie take heede of a reconciled enemie yet notwithstanding hee did all this and it fell out well with him for he was very well served of the pretended reconciled enemies and to this purpose Messier de Commines his chamberlaine saith That his humilitie and the acknowledgment of his faults saved his kingdome which was in great danger to bee lost if hee had stayed upon such impertinent and foolish reasons as those Machiavelists alledge for all things may not bee judged by the finall cause What dishonour then can it bee to a prince to use pettie and base meanes if so bee thereby hee make his countrey peaceable his estate assured and his subjects contented and obedient what makes it matter for him that is to ascend into an high place whether he mount by degrees and staires of wood or of stone so that hee ascend But this is not all to say That a prince ought to bee vigilant and carefull to make peace in his countrey for hee must after it is made well observe it otherwise it is to Peace ought to be well observed no purpose made unles men will say that one ought to make peace for after in breaking it to trap and ensnare them which trust therein But they which hold this opinion are people which make no account of the observation of faith as are the Machiavelists of whom wee will speake upon this point in another Maxime But indeede that a peace may bee well observed it must bee profitable and commodious to them with whom it is made to the ende by that meanes it may bee agreeable unto them and that they may observe it with a good will and without constraint for if it be domageable and disadvantageous making the condition of them to whom it is given worse than of other subjects and neighbours certaine it is it cannot long endure for people that have either heart or spirit in them cannot long endure to be handled like slaves Heereunto serveth the advice of that noble and sage companie of the ancient Senators of Rome There was a neighbour unto the Romanes which were called the Titus Livi. lib. 8. Dec. 1. Privernates upon which the Romanes made warre and many times vanquished them They seeing it was impossible any more to make head against the Romane forces sent embassadors to Rome for peace they were caused to enter into the place where the Senate did sit and because they had not well observed the precedent treatie of peace some Senators seemed hard to draw to give their cause any hearing thinking it a vaine thing to accord a peace unto such as would not keepe any notwithstanding some demanded of those embassadors what punishment they judged themselves to haue merited which had so often broken the precedent peace One of them speaking for all and remembring rather the condition of their birth than of their present estate answered That the Privernates merited the punishment that they deserve which esteeme themselves worthie of a free condition and which have a slavish condition This answere seemed to some Senators too hautie and unbeseeming vanquished people yet the president of the assembly who was a wise man benignly demanded
called with these gracious names Subsidies Subventitions Aydes Grants not with these tearmes Tailles Imposts Tributes Impositions which were tearmes more hard and odious Examples appeare of the first cause when the generall Estates assembled at Paris after the death of king Charles le Sage to provide for the government as well of king Charles the sixt being under Annal. upon An 1380 and Fross li 2. cap. 58. 60. age as of the kingdome which government they gave unto three of the kings uncles namely to the Duke of Berry Languedoc to the Duke of Bourgoigne Picardie and Normandie and to the Duke de Aniou the remainder of all the realme and the rule of the young kings person was committed to the said Dukes of Berry and Bourgoigne So was there ordained during the said kings life another ordinance In like manner the generall Estates were held at Tours after the decease of king Lewis the eleventh to purvey for the government of king Charles the eighth under Annal. upon An. 148. and Coâ—â—n â—ib 1. ca. 109. age and of the kingdome And by the same Estates was established a Counsell of twelve persons good men and of good calling to dispatch the affaires of the kingdome yet in the kings name and under his authoritie And the rule of the young kings person was committed unto Madame de Beavien his sister When king Charles the sixt le bien aime was come to the age of one and twentie yeares his uncles were discharged from the government of the kingdome by the Froiss lib 1. cap. 134. lib. 4. cap. 44. advise and deliberation of the kings great Counsell But this good prince by an accident of sicknesse fell a certaine time after into a frenzie which sometimes bereaved him of his sences insomuch that the Estates assembled at Paris gave the government of the kingdome during the kings indisposition to his two uncles the dukes of Berrie and Burgoigne The yeare 1356. that king Iohn was taken prisoner nie Poictres at the journey of Annal. upon An. 1356 and Fross li. 1. cap. 170. 171. Maupertins with his sonne Philip after Duke of Burgoigne and that they were led into England there remained in France three of the said king Iohns children namely Charles Dauphin and duke of Normandie Lewis duke de Aniou and Iohn duke of Berrie There was a question about the providing for the government of the kingdome because of the kings captiuitie but none of them would enterprise the mannaging thereof of himselfe insomuch that the generall Estates were assembled at Paris whereby were elected thirtie six persons some say fiftie to governe the affaires of the kingdome with Monsieur le Dauphin who at the beginning called himselfe the Lieutenant of the king his father but afterward he named himselfe Regent The yeare 1409. during the raigne of Charles the sixt king of France were held Monstrelet lib. 1. ca. 59. the generall Estates at Paris for the reformation of abuses in the kingdome And there it was ordained that all accountants for the kings revenues and rents should make their accounts By the meanes of which reformation great summes of money were recovered upon the same accountants and there were also made some good lawes and ordinances In other conventions of Estates the money and coine hath been reformed from weake and light unto thicke and of good waight and goodnesse Also of late at the generall Estates held at Orleans were made manie goodly ordinances for the good and comfort of the poore people reformation of justice and for the cutting off of manie abuses which were committed in plaies at Cardes and Dise in superfluitie of apparell and in matter of benefices But commonly commeth such euill hap that all good things which are introducted and ordained vpon good reason and to a good end incontinent vanish away and wicked examples are alwaies drawne into consequence As for the last cause for which we haue said the generall Estates in old time were called namely for the graunt of Helps Subsidies ther are manie examples in our Histories As in the time of king Iohn wherein the Estates accorded great subventions Froiss lib. 1. cap. 155. Annal. upon An 1354 58. 59. or subsidies to make warre against the English men which then held a great part of the kingdome And after he was taken prisoner and led into England the said Estates agreed to give vnto Monsieur le Dauphin his soune great summes of money to pay for the said kings raunsome and for Philip his sonne being also a prisoner And well to be marked it is that our histories doe witnesse that all the people of France generally were meruailously anguished grieved with the prisonment captivitie which they saw their king suffer but especially the people of the countrey of Languedoc For the Estates of the said countrey ordained that if the king were not delivered within a yeare that every one both men and women should lay by all coloured garments such also as were jagged and cut and such as were enriched with gold silver or other strange and costly fashion Likewise to make cease all stage-plaies morrisdauncings piping yea and plaies pastimes and daunces in signe and token of their mourning and lamentation for their princes captivitie A thing whereby appeared the great and cordiall affection of this people towards their king As truely the Frenchmen have alwaies been of great love and affection towards their kings unlesse they were altogither tyrants But to make an end of this point Certaine it is that before king Charles the seventh called le Victorieux no Subsidies were imposed without assembling the generall Estates And that our kings used thus to do was not because they had power by an absolute authoritie to impose tallages and subsidies without calling the Estates but it is to the end they may be better obeyed with a voluntarie and unconstrained obedience and to shunne all uprores and rebellions which often happen upon that occasion And truly the French people have alwaies been so good and obedient unto their kings that they never refused him any thing if there were but any appearance of reason to demand it Yea often the Estates have granted their king more than he would demand or durst looke for as is seene by that which our histories write of the Estates held for Subsidies But because Aydes and Subsidies were customably granted for the making of De Com. lib. 5. cap. 18. warres M. Philip de Comin saith That kings should also communicat and consult with their Estates whether the causes of such warres be just and reasonable and that the Prince cannot nor ought not otherwise to enterprise a warre For it is reason that they which defray the charges and expenses should know something But yet he passeth further and saith There is no Prince in the world which hath power to lay one pennie upon his subjects without their grant and consent unlesse he will use tyrannie and
also comes that vertuous people beeing angry and chafed to see themselves despised as also to see strangers preferred before them suffer themselves to be governed and guided by turbulent passions contrarie to their natures Moreover it seemeth well that the Poet Hesiodius and Aristotle shoot not farre from the white of truth when they say That by right of nature he ought to dominier and rule who hath the more able spirit to know how to command well and he that hath the lesseable ought to obey And although sovereign principalities are not ruled by that naturall law because of the difficultie which falleth ordinarily in the execution of their election yet for all that that law alwayes sticketh naturally in the spirits and minds of men insomuch as it seemes to them which feele themselves to have some sufficiencie that there is wrong done them when they are put by to bring into an office one lesse capable By the abovesaid reasons then I hope men may see and usually we reade how great disorders doe often come when princes have preferred strangers unto publicke charges offices and honours before them of that nation and countrey where such charges and honours are distributed and exercised The yeare 1158 William king of Sicilie by his originall was a Frenchman gave Annale 1168. the estate of the Chancellor of his kingdome to a person very capable and fit but he was not that countreyman but a Frenchman The lords of the kingdome greeved to see a stranger constituted in so high an estate within their countrey and that A strange Chancellor cause of a great massacre in Sicilie the greatest magistracie of justice must needs be exercised by strange hands a very cruell conspiration For not onely they conspired the death of that chancellor a Frenchman but also of all them of the French nation which were dispersed in the kingdome of Sicilie Calabria and Apuleia For that purpose sent they secret letters through all the townes and places of the said countries whereby they advertised their friends and adherents which were alreadie prepared all over that they should massacre and slay each one respectively the Frenchmen of their places and towns on the day and hour that they would assigne them Which was executed and there was made in the said countries an horrible butcherie and exceeding great effusion of French blood Behold the mischeefe that came in that kingdome for having a stranger for their chancellor True it is that some may say that this massacre of the Frenchmen in Sicilia and other countries of Italie happened not so much for that reason that there was a strange chancellor as for that the Italian race hath alwayes ben much enclined to shed the blood of our nation For that same race made also another like generall massacre in the year 1282 by a conspiration wherin it was concluded that every one of the country should slay or cause to be slaine his French guest at the first sound of their Evensong bell even upon Easter day Which conspiration was not only executed but also the rage of the massacrers was so great that they ripped the bodies of women of their owne nation alive which were never so little suspected to be gotten with child by Frenchmen to stifle the fruit they caried And this cruell and barbarous massacre was called the Sicilian Evensong By the SiciliaÌ„ EveÌ„song imitation hereof the same race complotted and executed not in Sicilie but in France it selfe and through all the best townes of the kingdome the horrible and generall massacre of the yeare 1572 which will ever bleed and whereof their hands and swords are yet bloodie Of which exploit they have since incessantly vaunted and braved calling it The Parisien Matines M. Martin du Bellay rehearseth also in Paritien Matinâ— his Memories how the same race murdered a great number of poore souldiers after the journey of Pavie comming towards France lame wounded and unarmed slaying them in their high waies But such is this peoples generositie of heart alwayes to be tenne or twentie against one and to brave such as are wounded or unarmed which have no meanes to resist This Messeresque generositie is at this day called in France Coyonnerie and Poltromerie But let us come to our purpose touching the disorders that come by strange magistrates By the peace of Bretaigne made betwixt Iohn king of Fraunce and Edward king Froissart lib. 1. cap. 216. 246 c. Pla. in Martin 4. of England the countrie of Aquitaine was acquited purely and in al soveraigntie by the sayd king Iohn to the said king Edward This king Edward from the first possession of the sayd countrie gave it to the prince of Wales his eldest sonne who came and lay in Bourdeaux and apart kept a court great and magnificall The gentlemen of Gascoigne and of other countries of Acquitaine which by the means of the sayd peace should become vassals to the king of England to the said prince of Wales his sonne came straight to find the prince at Bourdeaux first to sweare their faith and homage secondly to obtaine his favour and good countenance as is the custome of all nobilitie The prince of Wales very gently courteously benignly and familiarly entertained them but in the meane while he gave all the offices estates of the countrie as the captainships and governments of the towns and castles the offices of bayliffs and stewards the estates of his court unto English gentlemen where of he had alwaies great store about him These English gentlemen although they held no other goods but their estates spent prodigally and held as great a traine as the lords of the countrey and to maintaine that they committed great extortions upon the people Hereupon came it that the people feeling themselves oppressed by the English officers the nobilitie and vertuous people seeing themselves recoiled and kept from offices that the prince gave al to strangers which were not of that nation and that herewith he would needs impose a new tribute and impost upon the countrie in a little time all revolted from his obedience and so caused all the towns of Aquitaine to revolt one after another insomuch that the king of England and the sayd prince of Wales his sonne lost straight all the countrey having therewithall procured the evill will of their subjects by giving offices unto strangers Iohn duke of Bretaigne in regard that hee had taken a wife in England was marvellously Froiss lib. 1. cap 311 â—14 affected to the English partie yea against the king of Fraunce his soveraign lord The nobilitie of Bretaigne were much grieved therat insomuch that one day the three greatest lords of the countrie that is to say the lord de Clisson de Laval and de Rohan went to him and after salutations said to him in this manner Sir wee know not upon what thought you shew your selfe so enclinable and favourable unto the English you know that the
of the commons which committed those barbarous inhumanities was called Cappeluche the executioner or hangman of Paris Those comparteners of the house of Burgoigne not contented to suscitate such popular commotions stirs in France but brought also the English men into Fraunce which were like to have beene masters therof yet not herewith content they caused king Charles the sixt to war against his owne son who after was called Charles the seventh and one moietie of the kingdome against another And not to leave behind any kind of crueltie no not towards the dead they caused to bee spread and published all over Fraunce certaine Popes buls wherby they indicted and excommunicated all the house of Orleance and his partakers both quicke and dead insomuch as when there died any in the hands of the parteners of Bourgoigne either by ward prison or disease they buried them not in the earth but caused their bodies to be carried to dunghils like carrion to be devoured of wolves and savage beasts What could they have done more to the execution of all barbarousnesse and crueltie Behold what fruits civile warres doe bring wee see it even at this day with our eyes for there is no kind of crueltie barbarousnesse impietie and wickednesse which civile warres have not brought into use The prince then that is wise will leave nothing behind to appease civile warres under his owne governement but will spend all his care power and dilligence to hinder it after the example of that good and wise king Charles the seventh king Lewis the eleventh his sonne Charles the seventh being yet Daulphin the duke Iohn Monstr lib. 2. ca. 175. 180 181 182 183 186 187. of Bourgoigne a man very ambitious and vindicative after by secret practise hee had caused to be slaine Lewis duke of Orleance the onely brother of king Charles the sixt and after hee had filled the kingdome with warres both civile and strange contented not himselfe herewith but laid hold of the king who by a sickenesse was alienated of his wits and of the queene to make warre upon the Daulphin These occasions seemed sufficient to such as then governed the Daulphin and at last to the Daulphin himselfe being yet very yong to enterprise an hazardous blow He then sent to the said duke that hee would make a peace with him and prayed him they might appoint a place and day together to meet for that purpose The day was appointed the place assigned at Montean-fant-Yonne whither the said duke came under the trust of the word of the Daulphin his faith and assurance As soone as hee arrived making his reverence unto Monsieur le Daulphin he was compassed in and straight slaine and withall also certaine gentlemen of his traine Philip sonne and successor of this duke Iohn tooke greatly to heart this most villanous death of his father and sought all the meanes he could to be revenged which still continued the civile warres This meane while the English did what they could in France and conquered Normandie Paris the most part of Picardie and marched even unto Orleance which they besieged The abovesaid king Charles the sixt died so that Monsieur le Daulphin his son who was called Charles the seventh comming to the crown and finding himselfe despoiled of the most part of his kingdome insomuch as in mockerie he was generally called the king of Bourges This wise king well considered That if civile warres endured he was in the way to loose all one peece after another hee therefore laid all his care power and diligence to obtaine a peace and an accord with the duke of Bourgoigne Therefore he sent in embassage unto him his Constable Chancellor and others his cheefe Counsellors to say that he desired to have peace with him and that he well acknowledged that by wicked counsell he had caused his father duke Iohn to be slaine at Monterean and that if he had been then as advised and resolute as hee was at that present hee would never have committed such an act nor have permitted it to have beene done but hee was young and evill counselled and therefore in that regard hee offered to make him such amends and reparation thereof as he should be contented therewith yea that he would demand pardon althogh not in person yet by his embassadors which should have expresse charge thereof and prayed him to forgive that fault in the name of our Lord Iesus Christ that betwixt them two there might be a good peace and love for hee confessed to have done evill being then a young man of little wit and lesse discretion by bad counsell so to sley his father And besides this he offred to give him many great lands seigniories as the Countie de Masconnois S. Iangon the Counrie de Auxerre Barsur Seima la Counte de Boloigne Surmer and divers other lands that during his life he would acquite him and his subjects of personall service which he ought him as vassale of Fraunce yet made many other faire offers unto him This duke Philip seeing his soveraign prince thus humiliate himself to him bowed his courage justly exasperated for his fathers death harkened unto peace which was made at Arras where there was held an assembly of the embassadors of all Christian princes of the counsell of Basil of the Pope insomuch as there were there above 4000 horses All or the most part of those embassadors came thither for the good of the king and his kingdome but there was not one there which found not the kings offers good and reasonable as also did all the great princes lords of the kingdome all the kings counsel so that his majesties embassadors which were the duke of Bourbon the countie of Richemont constable of France the archbishop of Rhemes chancellor the lord de Fayette marshall many other great lords in a full assembly in the king their masters name demanded pardon of the duke of Burgoigne for his fathers death confessing as abovesaid that the king their master had done evil as one yong and of litle wit following naughtie counsell therfore they praied the duke to let passe away all his evill wil so to be in a good peace love with the king their master And the duke of Burgoign declared that he pardoned the king for the honor reverence of the death passion of our Lord Iesus Christ for compassion of the poor people of the kingdome of France to obey the Counsels reasons the Pope other Christian princes which praied him Moreover besides the aforesaid things it was accorded to the said duke that justice punishment should be done upon all such asâ—ed slain his father of such as had given the Daulphin counsell to cause his slaughter that the king himself should make diligent search through all his realme to apprehend them Here may you see how king Charles 6 appeased the civile wars of his kingdome by humilitie and
such people I know men had neede take heede for although for a time they dissemble their choller and their appetite to vengeance yet will they not faile to discover it as soone as they see a commodious time to bee revenged with advantage But all Princes resemble little the Tarquines or Pope Iulius whereof Machiavell speaketh For Tarquin who enterprised to sley king Servius Tullius his father in law to obtaine the kingdome of Rome shewed well by that act and many other that hee was a very tyrant His end was also such as commonly tyrants have for he was driven from his kingdome which hee had unduly and unjustly usurped and was compelled to passe the rest of his daies in great povertie as a private person banished from Rome with all his children And as for Pope Iulius hee was knowne for a true and disloyall tyrant who greatlie abused the bountie of king Lewis the twelfth For that good king tooke from the Bentivolians Boloigne and many other townes from such pettie lords as occupied them and delivered them into the popes hands because they were lands belonging to the Romane church Yet in recompence this good Pope by published bulls exposed the whole kingdome of Fraunce for a prey to whomsoever would take it together with all the countries and lands of the allies of Fraunce and so Iohn de Albert king of Navarre lost his kingdome and king Lewis lost Millaine and almost all that hee held beyond the mountaines as wee have said in another place And this was the recompence the king received for all his benefits of this disloyall and wicked Pope of whom in his time was made a Pasquil at Rome and registred in our annales which in this sort speakes to his holinesse Of Gennua thy father was from Greece thy mother came A child then borne upon the sea what good in thee can bee Genuais deceivers are Greekes huge lyers are by fame No faith in sea thou hold'st these points most fully all in thee 7. Maxime A Prince ought to propound unto himselfe to imitate Caesar Borgia the sonne of Pope Alexander the sixt IT is not possible for me saith M. Nicholas to give better Cap. 14. Of the Prince precepts to a new prince than to lay before his eyes for an example the acts of Caesar Borgia duke de Valentinois sonne of Pope Alexander the sixt And although his affaires little prospered yet it vvas not vvholly his fault but rather the malignitie of an extraordinarie Fortune First then by the meanes of the Pope his father he troubled all the Estates of Italie that he might the more assuredly seize upon part of them A thing he easily effected For at the instigation of the Pope his father and of the Venetians the king of Fraunce Lewis the twelfth passed into Italie and so soone as he arrived at Millaine hee gave succours to the Pope to subiugate Romania vvhich straight vvas reduced under the hands of Borgia for the reputation of the French puissance Secondly because at Rome there were two mightie factions the Colonoise and the Vrsine against whose enterprises he feared they would oppose themselves hee got on his side the Vrsine faction by faire vvords and promises by the meanes wherof hee beat downe the French forces and overthrew the Colonois This being done he gained the gentlemen as vvell of the one faction as of the other honestly according them retaining them in his house giving them governments of townes and other honorable charges after their merites and qualities insomuch as in a little time the Vrsine and Colonois faction remained vvithout cheefetaines After this by faire and sweet vvords accompanied vvith good presents he caused the Vrsines to come to him unto Synagyllia vvhich being once together in his hands he slew them all Having thus suppressed those two factions and seeing himselfe peaceable and all Romania and in the dutchie of Vrbin to make himselfe feared to represse the insolencies of the pettie lords of that countrey hee sent thither for governour Messiere Remiro Dorco a severe and cruell man unto vvhom he gave full power Who exercising his crueltie committed many executions by meanes vvhereof he vvith feare made all the countrey tremble and so as peaceable and obedient as might be What then did Borgia To make the vvorld beleeve that such cruell executions vvere not done by his command nor by his consent suddainly he caused publickely the head of Messier Romiro to be cut off after this being afraid of the Frenchmen he refused any more to be served with the French forces so he put them away and to assure himselfe against them he sought alliance vvith the Spaniards vvhich then made vvarre in the kingdome of Naples and so were farther off to hurt him than the French which abode at Millaine Besides all this he put to death all the lords which hee had wronged and all their generation and very few escaped least a new Pope after his father should take occasion to warre upon him to reestablish those lords or their posteritie in their heritage as for the Lords which hee had not offended hee drew them almost all on his side to help him to bridle a new Pope that hee might not enterprise any thing against him his purpose was to make himselfe lord of all Tuscane and after lord of all Italie And already hee had under his protection Pise and Sienna and Luca inclined unto him But Pope Alexander his father dyed and failed him at his neede so that his domination beeing yet as a thing hanging in the ayre which was nothing solide Pope Julius the eleventh easily dispoyled him Borgia seeing that fortune which before had shewed him so good a countenance turned her backe and prooved so maligne and contrary unto him fell sicke and dyed and upon his death bed hee said He had prevented and thought upon all inconveniences that might happen unto him but death which hee never supposed would so soone have come IS not heere a gallant life and a goodly hystorie to propose for princes to imitate or rather a marke of Gods just judgement Caesar Borgia an example of Gods judgement which wee see hee ordinarily exerciseth against such detestable tyrants which by all manner of cruelties and disloyalties seeke to dominier For God in the end brings all their desseignes and goodly enterprises into smoke and makes them die in languishment and confusion and in displeasure that they have ever lived to see themselves falne into a mockerie and reproch with all the world by their wicked enterprises Yet this is not all for dying full of all vices not grieved for the evils they have done but rather for that they had no meanes nor leisure to doe more mischiefe they depart from this languishing life to goe suffer eternall paines by the just judgement of God who yeeldeth to the wicked persevering in their vices the reward of their merit Is not this wicked Borgia a faire example to us who at his
his father made good profit of these excellent commands and maintained the kingdome in good peace and great prosperitie during his raigne For an end heereof I doe note in this good king Lewis That it is very true which the scripture witnesseth unto us That the lust shall spring up and receive of God the blessing of a good and long generation For there were more than three hundreth yeeres that the race of this good king held the crowne of France yea there was no more any other race of the blood royall but his For the house of Valois and the house of Burbon have issued from this good king God by his mercie graunt grace to princes of this time which are discended from so good a roote that they may engrave in their hearts the godly commandements of this king whose meaning verily was not onely to prescribe to the said king Philip his sonne but generally to all his posteritie 36. Maxime Gentlemen which hould Castles and Jurisdictions are very great enemies of commonweales THe Leages and Cantons of Almaigne saith Machiavell live very peaceably and at their ease because they observe Discourse lib. 1. cap. an equalitie amongst themselves and suffer no gentlemen in their country and those fevv they have they so hate them that vvhen by adventure any of them fall into their hands they put them to death and take none to mercie saying they are they vvhich destroy all and hould schooles of wickednesse I call saith hee them gentlemen vvhich live of their revenew without giving themselves to any trade These in a countrey are very dangerous and above all high Iusticers vvhich hould Castles and fortresses and which have a great number of vassailes and subiects which owe them faith and homage The kingdome of Naples the land of Rome Romaigne Lombardie are full of such manner of men and they are the cause that hitherto no good estate politicke can bee constituted in those places for they are formall and capitall enemies of the civile estate of common-weales THey which have frequented the countries of Almaigne and of Suises may well give Machiavell the lie for that he saith in this Maxime for in those countries may bee found many gentlemen great Iusticers having under them men jurisdictions and castles which were not onely maintained in their nobilitie and authoritie but also are there greatly respected and imployed in publike affaires And so much there wanteth that there they hould a schoole of wickednesse that contrary onely they hould the countries in peace every one in his owne countrey and doe see justice administred to their subjects I will not denie but there are gentlemen in Alemaigne in the countrey of Suisses in France and other where which are bad inough and which are violent and vitious yet for some few wee must not condemne all in generall as Machiavell doth heere who saith they bee dangerous people in a countrie and that they are enemies to an estate politicke I know not if those hee named bee such namely the gentlemen of Naples of Romania of Lumbardie and of Rome and I am content to confesse unto him because I will not contest and strive against him upon a fact which hath some appearance of truth But I deny unto him that on this side the mounts they are such but contrary wee see that it is onely the Nobilitie of France and other neighbour countries which authorize protect justice and which make it to bee obeyed Yet will I also confesse that the gentlemen on this side the mounts are very dangerous and great enemies unto such a politicke estate as Machiavell hath builded by his writings that is a Tyrannicall For hystories tell us that our ancestors especially the barons lords gentlemen have vigorouslie alwaies opposed themselves against tyrannies and would never suffer them long to grow up or take roote which is a naturall thing in the French Nobilitie good though evill for the Machiavellistes strangers which are come into France to practise their tyrannies for by Gods grace they shall with much a doe take any deepe roote there 37. Maxime The Nobility of France would overthrow the estates of that kingdome if their Parliaments did not punish them and hould them in feare THe kingdome of France saith Nicholas is a kingdome more living under lawes than any other whereof their Parliaments Discourse lib. 1. cap. 1. are the gardiants and maintainers especially that of Paris And hitherto that kingdome is maintained because the Parliaments have alwaies beene obstinate executors and resisters against the Nobilitie without which the kingdome of France had come to ruine MAchiavell had done much better to have medled onely with the estate of Florence for hee shewes well his ignorance and that hee never knew the estate of France nor how it hath beene governed by our ancestors For I pray you where hath hee found this that the kingdome of France would dissolve and come to ruine but that the Parliaments are executors against the Nobilitie Is not this as much to say as the French Nobilitie will ruinate the kingdome if it bee not brideled and held short by Parliaments and that it were better there were none I doubt not but that Machiavell thus though For wee see it by the practise of the Machiavellists which never shot at other marke than to ruinate in France all the Nobilitie the better to establish their tyrannie at ease without contradiction And for this effect have they cassed violated and overthrowne all the good lawes of the kingdome by the meanes of which it hath alwaies hitherto been maintained and Machiavell confesseth and said true which his disciples having well marked and desiring to ruinate the said kingdome have not fayled to beginne by the lawes thereof knowing well Since what time Parliaments of France were instituted Before Parliaments the kingdome was no lesse florishing in peace and good iustice than since that having ruinated her foundations she will be easily dissolved and overthrowne But to confute this Maxime I will alledge no other thing but that wee see in our French hystories That our kingdome was as much or more flourishing and better governed before there were any Parliaments in France than since For the Parliament of Paris which is the ancientest was established and constituted in the time of king Philip le Bel Anno 1294. That of Tholouse during the raigne of Charles the seventh Anno 1444. That of Bourdeaux in the time of the same king Anno 1451. That of Daulphin in the time also of the same king but by the authoritie of king Lewis the eleventh his sonne then Daulphin and then inhabiting in Dauphine in Anno 1453. The Parliaments of Dijon and of Provence in the time of the said king Lewis the eleventh That of Rovan in the time of king Lewis the twelfth in Anno 1499. And that of Bretaigne was erected onely in the time of king Henry the second in Anno 1553 But before there was any
Knights and thirtie thousand other people of warre the other victorie was at the journey of Poitiers which also the said K. Edward gained by the conduction of the Prince of Wales his sonne and lieutenant Generall against Iohn King of Fraunce who was there taken prisoner with a son of his called Philip after Duke of Bourgogne and many other Princes and great Lords all which were conducted into England there was made there a great discomfiture of people By these two battailes lost in Fraunce the one after the other in a small time the kingdome was so debilitated of his forces and goods as it could not stand yet for a further heape of mischeefes at Paris and in many other places of the realme at the same time arose there many broiles and civile dissentions But that good King Charles le Sage was so wise and prudent in the conduction and government of the affaires of the realme as well in the time that he was Dolphin and Regent of France his Father being prisoner as after when he was king that by little and little hee laid to sleepe all civile stirres and discords after hee did so much that he recovered upon the Englishmen almost all which they occupied and although he was not so brave a warriour as his father king Iohn nor as his grandfather King Philip yet was he wiser and better advised in his deliberations not hazarding his affaires as they did fearing to be reputed cowards nor did any thing rashly without due consideration Hee tooke not arms in hand but he knew well how and when to employ them to his good Insomuch that K. Edward of England seeing the wisdome of that king made his Armes rebound and become dull and his victories and conquests to be lost and annihilated Truly said he I neuer knew king that lesse useth Armes yet troubleth me so much he is all the day enditing letters and hurteth me more with his missives than ever did his Father or Grandfather with their great forces and Armes Behold the witnesse which king Edward gave of the wisdome of his enemie king Charles which was yet of so great efficacie that he brought his kingdome into a good peace by the meanes wherof his people became rich and wealthie where before they were as poore and miserable And not only the people became rich but the king also himselfe heaped up great treasures which hee left to his sonne after him insomuch that he was not onely surnamed the Wife but the Rich also I could to this purpose adde here many other examples but in a thing so cleare the example of these two kings Salomon and Charles shall suffice which two for their great wisdome have acquired the name of Wife they both were rich in great treasures both of them maintained their subjects in peace both left their kingdomes opulent and abundant and placed the estates of their Commonwealths in great felicitie It is a thing then plaine confessed That it is an exceeding great good to a people Prudence is more requisit in a Princes Counsell than in himselfe when they have a Prince that is wise of himselfe but thereupon to inferre and say as Machiavell doth That the government of Prince ought to depend vpon his owne proper wisdome and that he cannot be well counselled but by himselfe is evill concluded and such a conclusion is false and of pernitious consequence For a Prince how prudent soever he be ought not so much to esteeme of his owne wisedome as to despise the counsell of other wise men Salomon despised them not and Charles the wise alwaies conferred of his affaires with the wise men of his Counsell And so farre is it off that the Prince ought to despise anothers Counsell that even he ought to conform his opinion to that of the men of his Counsell which are wise and ought not stubbornely to resist their advise but to follow it and hold his owne for suspected And therefore that wise and cunning Emperour Marcus Antonius the Philosopher being in his privie Counsell house where was that great Lawyer Scaevola Maetianus Volusianus many other great persons excellent in knowledge and honestie after having well debated with them the matters they handled when sometimes he tooke in hand to sustaine opinions contrarie to theirs Well said he masters The thing then must be done according to your advise For it is much more reasonable that I alone follow the opinion of so good a number of my good and faithfull friends as you are than that so many wise men should follow the opinion of me alone Vnto this opinion of the Emperor Antonius agreeth also the common Proverbe That many eyes see clearer than one eye alone Experience also teacheth vs That things determined and resolved by many braines are alwayes wiser safer better ordered than the resolutions of one alone And we see also that the ancient Dionis Halic lib. 2. Romanes and all Commonweales well governed as well in times past as at this day have alwayes followed and observed that which by pluralitie of wise mens voices was concluded determined And truly so much the wiser a Prince is so much the more will he suspect his owne opinion For the same wisedome which is in him wil persuade him not to beleeve himselfe too much and to have his own judgement for suspected in his owne case as all publicke affaires may be said to be proper to the Prince and to permit him to be governed by his Counsell And contrarie because there are no people more presumptuous nor that thinke to know more than they which know little nor that thinkes to be more wise than they that have no wisdome if you learne a Prince that thinketh himselfe wise this principle of Machiavell That he ought to governe himselfe by his owne wisdome and Counsell and that he cannot be better counselled than by himselfe you shall streight find inconveniences For then shal you see that he will beleeve neither counsell nor advise but that comes out of his owne head and he will say to them that will give him any That he vnderstands well his owne matters and that he knoweth what he hath to doe and so will bring his estate and affaires into confusion and overthrow all upside downe And from whence comes this evill government and disorder Even from that goodly doctrine of Machiavell which willeth That a Prince should govern himselfe by his own wisedome and that maintaineth That a prince cannot be well counselled but by his owne wisedome The consequence then of this Maxime is not small seeing the publicke state of a countrey may stagger and be overthrowne thereby Better then it is that contrarie the Prince hold this resolution To govern himselfe by good counsell and beleeve it and have in suspition his owne wisedome For if the Prince bee wise and his opinion found to be founded upon Reason they of his Counsell will easily fall to his advise seeing also that
at Paris shewed him in all humilitie how of themselves they were rid of the English obedience and that again they would remit themselves into his Majesties obedience as being their king and naturall soveraigne Prince but that they besought him humbly to accord Priviledges of Rochell them certaine priviledges The king demanded what priviledges First said they That it would please your Majestie to agree unto us that the Towne of Rochell may be inseparably united unto the Crowne of France so that it may never be seperated nor dismembred by peace mariage nor by any compact condition or misadventure that can come in Fraunce Secondly that the Castle may be throwne to the earth without which we will keepe the towne of Rochell well for your Majestie The king perceiving their demands and finding them reasonable and proceeding from a true French heart accorded their requests and so the Rochellois returned merily into the French obedience from whence they had been seperated to their great greefe Here then you see how well to the purpose and to the great profit of the king and of the kingdome that law of not alienating the Lands Townes and Provinces of the Crowne was made But upon this that I have said of the Rochellois some Messer will say How happeneth it then that the Rochellois are at this day so bad French subjects hereunto the answere is easie and evident that is that they are at this day as good Frenchmen as ever were the ancestours but they are not good Italians neither meane to be subject under the yoke of strangers no more than their ancestors Let us now come to the other example King Francis the first of that name being prisoner at Madril in Spain in power of the emperour Charles the fist there was made a traitie and an accord betwixt the two great princes whereby amongst other things the king promised the emperor to grant him all his right and possession of the Dutchie of Burgoigne and that he would imploy himselfe to cause the Estates of the countrey to condiscend therunto This accord being concluded the emperor caused the king to be conducted to Bayonne and there by his embassadours summoned him to ratifie the accord which he had made at Madril when he was prisoner to the end to make more valeable and that it might the rather appeare to be made without constraint unto which embassadours the king answered that he could doe nothing in that article concerning the Dutchie of Burgoigne without first knowing the intent and will of his subjects because he could not aliene it without their consent and that he would cause the Estates of the countrey to assemble to know their wils therein Not long after the king caused the Estates of Burgoigne to come together which would by no meanes consent unto the said alienation whereof hee advertised the emperour who seeing that by reason they could not be alienated without their consents was content with that answer upon this condition That the king would assure the said Dutchie unto the first heire male which the said king should have by Elenor the said emperours sister unto whom he was then espoused so that that law That the king cannot alienate the Crowne-land was then verie profitable unto the king and the kingdome And unto this agree the doctors of the Civill law which hold that the emperour cannot aliene any thing of the Empires but he is bound to increase it to his power And from thence they drawe but foolishly the etymologie of that name Augustus saying The Emperors are called Augusti for that they ought to encrease and cannot diminish the Empire as much say they of other kings and monarchs for there is therein the like reason For a conclusion no man of perfect judgment can denie but these three lawes of the kingdome of France namely the law Salicke the law of the Estates general and the law of not alienating the lands and provinces of the crowne are the verie true pillars bases and foundations of the kingdome and the royaltie which none can or ought to abolish I doubt not but there will be found manie which will be quarelling at those aforesaid examples and reasons and will say That to sustain and defend that the king cannot abolish the said lawe is to diminish his power and to give limitation and restriction to his soveraigne authoritie But for reply I will only demaund If it be not puissance in a prince to conserve him and his estate If they confesse yea as none can denie it if he be not altogether without judgement I say it followeth by argument taken from contraries that it is then impuissance and want of power in a prince to ruinate himselfe and his estate And by consequent it followeth that when we say that a Prince cannot abolish the fundamentall lawes of him and his estate so much there wanteth that we diminish his power that by the contrarie we establish it and make it more firme greater and as it were invincible As also on the contrarie they which say that a Prince can abolish and change his lawes upon which he and his Estate are founded they establish and place in him an impuissance to conserve himselfe For to take it rightly and in good sence it is an act of impuissance to ruinat destroy overthrow and to participate his estate And contrarie it is an act of power to conserve himselfe and maintaine his estate No more nor no lesse than when a building falleth upon the earth or when a man letteth it fall these be acts of feeblenesse frailetie and impuissance but when the one and the other holdeth and standeth streight and firme without cracking or falling these be acts of force and power As for the law Naturall it cannot be abolished For if a Prince will authorise The law naturall cānot be abolished by the king or any other adulteries incests thefts murders and massacres and other like crimes which naturall reason and common sence causeth us to abhorre and detest certaine and evident it is that such authorising is of no value and that the Prince cannot doe this When the emperor Claudius wold espouse Agrippina his niece his brothers daughter he made a Law whereby he authorised the mariage of the uncle with the niece which was published all over but sayth Suetonius no man would imitate and follow the Emperours example but a bad servant newly enfranchised and a souldier every body so detested and abhorred such kind of mariages as being contrarie to the naturall law and common sence And indeed this mariage fell not out well for Sueto in Claudio cap. 26. Tacitus Annal lib. 12. him For Agrippina his neece and wife poysoned him to bring to the Empire Nero hir sonne whom she had had by another husband and had caused him to be adopted for his sonne although he had by his first wife Messalina another naturall sonne called Britanicus whom Nero when he came to the Empire empoysoned to
above shewed that our predecessors were sometimes miscontented with the Englishmen that would needs have all estates and offices in Aquitaine as much may happen in this time for nothing hath beene in times past which may not againe be in this time The Salicke law which is observed in Fraunce and through all Almaigne was not onely made to fore-close and barre women from the succession of the crowne and from soveraigne domination by reason of the imbecilitie and incapacitie well to commaund which is in the feminine sex for in the masculine sexe happen often such incapacities But especially the Salicke law was made to the end That by marriages strangers should not come to the said succession of the Crowne For it should be as an intollerable thing to a Frenchman to obey a strange king as to obey a queene of the French nation so odious is a strange domination in Fraunce As also for that the consequence thereof with us should be ever evill For a strange king would alwayes to estates and offices of the kingdome advaunce straungers of his nation a thing which would alwayes cause in the end disorders and confusions as is seene by the examples which we have before discovered There is also an auncient example of Queene Brunehant or Brunechile who advanced Annal. upō Anno 607. to the estate of Maire du Palais de France which was as much as governor of all the kingdome a Lumbard called Proclaide who was much in her good grace and amitie This stranger seeing himselfe lifted up so high became so fierce and so proud that he made no estimate of the princes of the kingdome but put them to many troubles and vexations Hee became also very rapinous and covetous as sayth the hystorie is the nature of the Lumbards insomuch that hee did eat up and ruinated the subjects of Fraunce Breefely his behaviours and dealings were such that hee got the evill wils of all men from the nobleman to the carter At that time was there warre amongst the children of the queene Brunehant Theodoric king of Orleans and Theodebert king of Metz. The barons and great lords their vassales desirous to make a peace betwixt the two kings brothers but this great Maire Proclaide hindered it withall his power which the said lords seeing resolved amongst them That it were better that strangers died than that so many gentlemen and subjects of the two kings should sley one another and so indeed they did slay him as an enemie to peace and concord The example of this Lombard should be well marked in this time by the Lombards which governe in Fraunce Lewis le Debonance sonne of Charlemaigne king of Fraunce and emperour Annal. An. 829. Maire du Palais a stranger cause of civile warre of the West altogether gave the Estate of Maire du Palais de France to a Spaniard called Berard who incontinent mounted into great pride The king had three sonnes Lotharie Lewis and Pepin who could not support the arrogancie and fiercenesse of this stranger who as it were would parragon them This was the cause of an evill enterprise of these three young princes against their owne father For they seized upon his person and brought him into the towne of Soissons and there caused him to forsake his crowne of Fraunce and the Estate of the empire and to take the habit of a monke in the Abbey of S. Marke in the said Soissons within which they caused him to be kept straitly for a time But in the end the great barons and lords of Fraunce and Almaigne medled therein and dismonked him and restored him to his Estate and agreed the father with the children This had not happened if that good king and emperour had had that wisedome not to have lifted up a stranger so high a thing which could not be but displeasant to his naturall subjects great and little For a conclusion of this matter I will here place the witnesse of M. Martin du Bellay knight of the kings order a man of qualitie of vertue and of great experience who sayth That hee hath seene in his time more evill happen unto the affaires of king Francis the first of that name by the meanes of straungers which revolted from his service than by any other meanes Amongst which strangers Strangers enclined to commit treasons hee placeth the Bishop de Liege the Prince of Orange the Marquesse of Mantua the Lord Andrew Doria M. Ierome Moron of Millaine who caused Millaine to revolt and certaine others But because these things are not of very auncient memorie but happened in our world I will make no longer discourse thereof Seeing also the examples and reasons which wee have above rehearsed are sufficient to shew against the opinion of Machiavell his disciples That a Prince cannot doe better than to serve himselfe in offices and publicke charges of the countrey of his domination with his owne subjects of the same countries as beeing more fit and agreeing to the nature of the people of that countrey than are strangers And there is not a more odious thing to the people as M. Comines sayth than when they see great offices benefices and dignities conferred upon strangers And as for offices it hath not beene seene aunciently and commonly that they have beene bestowed upon straungers but that within this little space of time they have found meanes to obtaine the greatest and best For of old there was committed unto them but offices of Captaineships to the end that under that title they might the better draw people of their owne countrey to serve the king But as for benefices of a long time it hath been that the Italians have held and possessed the best in Fraunce which the Pope bestowed upon them and our kings durst not well contradict Yet notwithstanding it gave occasion unto king Charles the sixt to make an edict in the yeare 1356 whereby hee forbad That any benefices of the kingdome of France should be conferred upon strangers which both before and since by many royall Edicts hath often beene renued and reiterated Which Edicts merite well to be brought into use but it shall not bee yet since that they onely are they which yet doe governe all But I pray here all them which are good Frenchmen that they will consider a little neerer the wrong they do themselves to suffer themselves to be reputed for strangers in their owne countrie and by that meanes recuiled and kept from the Charges and Estates of the same For Italians or such as are Italianized which have in their hands the governance of France hold for true the Maxime of Machiavell That men should not trust in strangers as it is true and this is because they would not advance any other but men onely of their owne nation and certaine bastardlie and degenerous Frenchmen which are fashioned both to their humour and their fashions and which may serve them as slaves and most vile ministers of their trecheries cruelties rapines
of benefices to the ordinary Collators and also to labour unto the prelates of Fraunce for dispensations requisit Hereupon the king made an Edict with the advice of his daughter the Vniversitie so names he it whereby inhibitions defences were made to all subiects as well of the Nobilitie and the Clergie as of the third Estate no more to acknowledge either of the said Popes for Popes neither any more to run either to Rome or Avignon for the obtaining and impetration of benefices dispensations or other buls and provisions Apostolicall but to the ordinary Collators and to the Prelates of the French church upon paine to be debarred of their pretended right and other great punishments which Edict was observed by the space of three yeares at the end of which time was a Pope chosen at the counsell of Pise called Alexander the fift under whose obedience the king and his kingdome yeelded themselves But the space of the said three yeares they did well ynough without a Pope in France and so likewise during the said time of pluralitie of Popes which endured forty yeares And there were then many princes which acknowledged neither the one nor the other for Popes as the king of Aragon the countie of Hainaut the duke of Bretaigne the commonwealth of Liege If then in times past so many could be without popes why might we not as wel spare them now as then But as I have said before I see not why the Catholikes should so much care for the Pope as to travell and iourny so farre as Rome to kisse his pantophle nor to spend so much money to buy his pardons being such vile and base marchandize To conclude my masters it seemeth unto me by this breefe discourse I have made hitherto that my proposition is sufficiently cleared That the Catholike and we differ not in Religion but do agree in all points necessary for our salvation After that that good parson had made us the said discourse truly every one of us thanked him but especially the Catholike gentleman saying That as for him he never beleeved otherwise A pleasant discourse of Friers habits the points which he had delivered but even as hee had said and that he would never have thought that they of the Evangelike Religion had accorded so well with the Catholikes as he saw they did But said he my masters after so serious a discourse it should not be impertinent to adde another to make us laugh All the companie prayed him to do it then begun he to say in this manner I have above touched how habites and apparrell brought no sanctitie to the masse we may also say That they adde no sanctitie to the persons neither according to that common proverbe Apparell makes not a Monke Yet I find that this question hath been sometimes handled with great contention and diversitie of opinions which endured nigh fiftie yeares amongst the Friers because they could not accord upon the colour greatnesse widenesse and forme of their habites For you must understand that the glorious S. Francis amongst other articles of his rule hee had placed one whereby he ordained That all that were of his Order for apparrell should cloth themselves with the basest vilest and of the lowest price that could be that they should onely have one coat with an hood and another without an hood and that they should weare no shoes nor ride on horsebacke Vpon the intelligence and interpretation of this article arose great and marvellous altercations and disputations in the order of Friers insomuch that they held a generall Chapiter to accord these disputations and to rule themselves all by one sort of habites For some wore habites of one colour some of another some short others long insomuch that they seemed not to be of the same Order In this Chapiter then was there a great disputation about the intelligence and interpretation of the said article About the last two points they were easie to agree for seeing they were forbidden by the said article to ride on horsebacke they resolved to ride but on Asses and Mules or on foot as commonly they do They considered also That Asses were fittest for them in their Covents for being kept with least charge As for shooes they resolved That they would take away the most part of the leather leaving onely a sole with a thong to go overthwart the foot to make the sole fast to the foot so should they not be shoes but soles But the greatest difficultie and strife was about the fashion of the hood and of the coat or Iacket For in the said Chapiter were mooved three principall questions by certaine subtile and cunning Friers The first upon the Colour the second upon the Quantitie and the third about the Forme But to handle these three questions in order you must understand That about the colour there was divers opinions upon which they could not accord For the blessed S. Francis had spoken nothing of the colour in his rule but only ordained That they of his order should weare habites of a low price Then fell out a great question What colour was of least price and thought to be most vile Some reasoned That the greene colour was the vilest and might bee bought cheaper than any other and that it was ordinarily seene that people of most vile condition as carters marriners and other meane people did weare that colour in lining to their doublets as the worst colour of all They said also That the matter wherewith a greene colour is made is cheaper than any other for with hearbes and leaves greene may bee made to die both woollen and linnen Others said the murrey or smoakie colour was the worst best cheap for to make that colour there need no more but to take white wooll and soot But the third opinion seemed to be best taken with reason and equitie And that was they which said That there was no viler colour nor more meet for their Order than that which came from the beasts back it selfe But it is so that both white and black came from the beasts backe and it is evident that the blessed S. Francis did so understand it they should weare the colour of the beast in token of humilitie patience saying further That all other colours cost something if it were but labour but the colour of the beast cost nothing Therfore they concluded That al the order of Friers ought to weare their garmēts either of white or blacke colour and not of greene smokie or any other colours that this was their opinion Assuredly these reasons of the first disputers were so pregnant that they shaked al the rest of the company yet notwithstanding they which had disputed for Green and smokie colours thinking it not good to bee overcome at the first blow replied more They which have disputed of the colour of the beast say they do shew that they hold some thing of the beast speaking under the brotherly
answeres devised at the pleasure of priests to deceive men in the Temples of Apollo of Iupiter Ammon or of any other of the Paynim gods he sheweth himselfe to be very ignorant and to have read little yet I will not deny but sometimes the priests entermedled somewhat of their owne many times but it is certaine that the said Oracles were diabolicall answeres which the devill made himselfe or caused to bee made by some hee or shee priest which he brought into extasies and out of their sences and so caused them to say what hee would and most often hee answered in verses but commonly ambiguous in two sences For how could those hee or shee priests which commonly were unlearned and knew nothing give an answere in verse It was also impossible that they could have advertisements from Religions so farre off as men came to consult of those Oracles yea especially of such particularities whereof ordinarily answeres were demanded of those Oracles to bee able to give answeres to any good purpose But I will not stay more amply to proove this point for they which have read very little of ancient writings know well how certain it is that these Oracles were voices proceeding from devils which the Painims served under these names of Apollo of Iupiter and other like gods Plutarke in a treatise he made of the defect of Oracles sheweth That the Oracles were not things invented by priests but concerning the failing of Oracles he is found very much distracted and troubled not knowing how to resolve that question For there must be presupposed that in his time which was during the kingdome of the emperor Traianus and before a good while there were no more Oracles insomuch that that good philosopher was much abashed and perplexed from whence it should come But because that point is well woorth the knowledge and dooth come well for our purpose in this place I will handle the same more at large You must then understand that Plutarke who was a great Paynim philosopher Of the defailance of Oracles to finde out the cause of the failing and decay of Oracles entreth into a question whereof he like a Paynim resolves himselfe but to prove his opinion he useth certaine narrations which may well bring us to the truth of the cause of the defailancie and ceasing of Oracles He then entreth into disputation of the nature of the gods and after many discourses hee resolveth that there are but one sort of gods which the Elders called Demi-gods which are mortall although they lived long as five hundred or a thousand years and he thinketh that these demi-gods are they which the gods have engendred with mortall women For the auncient superstition wherwith certaine philosophers have beene led beleeved that the gods sometimes descended below to cohabitate with women and this served to keepe the honours of great Ladies which sometimes forgot their duties Plutarke then would hereof inferre that it might be those gods which answered at Delphos and Delos and other places were but halfe gods and so might be dead and that therefore might happen the said ceasing of Oracles Yet hee held not this opinion nor any other very resolutely but he propoundeth it for such as would like it and it seemes to be the opinion which he himselfe best approveth But I doe not thinke that any at this day will be of this opinion for in truth it tasteth of his Paganisme being ignorant and far straying from the true knowledge of God of Religion yet to prove that the said demigods are mortal he makes a discourse very notable and worthy the knowledge An hystorie of the death of the god Pan. He saith then that in the time of the emperour Tiberius one Epitherses a schoole-master in a towne of Greece embarked himselfe upon the sea to saile into Italie and placed himselfe in a ship charged with marchandize and wherein there were many people Making their way they passed one day at night nigh unto the Islands called Echinades and there the sea was so calme that they could perceive no wind insomuch that the ship floating upon the water brought them by little and little nigh unto Paxo Where being arrived as some supped and other did other things behold an high and intelligible voice which cried Thamus Thamus This Thamus was the master of the ship whose name the most part of the passengers knew not This voice cried twice before the master would answere At the third time hee answered unto which the voice yet cried with an higher sound That as soone as hee should be come against the Palodes he should make knowne unto the inhabitants there that the great Pan was dead Epitherses said That at that word all the companie which were within the ship were exceedingly afraid and astonished So it came into a consultation amongst that people if the shipmaster Thamus should doe that which was commanded him by that voice And this resolution was taken That if when they came against the Palodes the winds were strong and good for them they should passe on without stay or saying any thing but if the sea were calme and had no winde that then Thamus should signifie unto the inhabitants of Palodes that which the voice had commaunded him Beeing then there arrived and having the sea calme without wind Thamus got him into the hind-decke or sterne of the ship and turning his face towards land right against Palodes hee begun to crie with an high voice The great Pan is dead He had no sooner atchieved ended this speech but all the whole companie in the ship heard a great crying and lamentation of many mixed with a great admiration Finally when they were arrived at Rome each of them within the ship spread abroad the fame of this thing insomuch that it came to the notice of Tiberius the emperour who sent for the captaine or master of the ship Thamus who told him al at length Tiberius beleeving it was true that the great god Pan was dead desired to know what god that was Some learned people which he had about him told him That that Pan was the sonne of god Mercurie and of Penelope Behold here the account which Plutarke makes of god Pan his death and further sayth That in his time many heard this hystorie rehearsed by one Aemilianus sonne of the said Epitherses But if we consider the circumstances of this hystorie we shall find That this voice was a signification of the death of Christ which caused Oracles to faile and overthrew the power of the devill And it is credible that those lamentations which were heard at Palodes were the complaints of evill spirits to which were delivered the signification of their kingdomes destruction And to prove that this hystorie should bee so understood First wee must consider that it is reported to be in the time of Tiberius under whom our Lord Iesus suffered death and passion Certaine also it is That Tiberius enquired of Iesus
florishing I know well that every one layeth the fault upon his adversary that every one saith that hee it is which fighteth for his countrey which they of the contrary part will needes ruinate but easie it is to judge for him whose judgement is free of passion who is in the wrong for they who seekes not another mans who demands but their owne and that the kingdome bee reformed by their owne lawes and brought into her auncient splendour and renowne can they bee called enemies of the countrey Is there any thing in the world that is more ours than our soule our conscience and our lives That is true will some Messier say you may have assurance of your lives every one also may have libertie of his conscience but to speake of reformation is treason Yea but what assurance of life will be given us even an assurance that shall be under the safegard and protection of the first wicked man which will conspire a massacre who shall be invited to enterprise it by the impunitie of former massacres What libertie of conscience can we have unlesse it be of Machiavels religion that is to say to be without religion without pietie without the power of a franke and free conscience to serve God Call you it libertie of conscience to be without religion or without exercise of religion nay it is rather a very slavish servitude But if it be treason to speake of reforming abuses and corruptions which are in the kingdome it followeth that they are guiltie of treason which procure and purchase the commonwealth against which both reason and all lawes do pronounce If therefore the world at this day esteeme enemies of their country such as seeke nothing but the good thereof and that they may have left them their soules consciences and lives God and his veritie shall have the victorie and cause them that come after us to judge otherwise Although the horrors and calamities of civile warres are sufficiently knowne in this time yet will I breefely rehearse two most notable examples The civile warre which was in the Romane empire betwixt Marius and Silla was an horrible and fearefull butcherie which filled Rome and all Italie with blood For both of them were masters of Rome and all Italie one after another and so being they did not cease all they could to kill and massacre one anothers friends and partakers insomuch that in a manner all men of qualitie and all good people were slain for there was no notable man but he held of the one or the other Amongst other memorable things happening in this warre this especially concerneth our cause in hand which fell in the battaile that Pompeius the lieutenant of Silla obtained against Florus lib. 79 Cinna the partener of Marius for one of Pompeius souldiers having stroken dead to the ground one of Cinna his souldiers hee disarmed him thinking to spoile him of all he had but then finding him to be his own brother this poore soldier fell in a great rage and almost to a madnesse that he had so slaine his owne brother yet straight he caused a great fire of wood to bee made to turne his brothers bodie into ashes after the manner of the Paynims then and making great lamentations and sorrowfull exclamations he laid his brothers bodie upon the wood then he put fire unto it and as soone as it was well kindled he cast himselfe into the fire also and was burned with his brothers bodie insomuch as death united the ashes of those two brethren which the civile warres had disunited But yet a farre worse and greater civile warre happened soone after betwixt Pompeius and Caesar and it endured and continued all the time of the Triumvirate of Octavius Antonius and Lepidus against Cassius and Brutus and ended betwixt Antonius Flor. lib. 120. and Octavius This warre endured two and thirtie yeares and spread it selfe almost through all the world which then was in subjection to the Romane Plutarch in Caesar empire yea even the people of the East West North and South felt their greevous part of this civile warre It was verefied That in this unnaturall civile warre from the beginning till the fourth Consulship of Caesar only there died of the citizens of Rome the number of one hundred and seventie thousand And you may very well beleeve that many were after slaine also that tenne times as many died in so many provinces as belonged to the Romane empire insomuch as these detestable warres swallowed up many millions of men But the Triumvirate of Octavius Antonius and Lepidus was a most detestable union which accorded to take unto them all the governement of the commonweale and to slay all their enemies But because it often came to passe that he which was friend of one of the three was the others enemie when one would have him slaine as an enemie the other would lay hold of him to defend him as his friend yet the abovesaid crueltie so surmounted all humanitie and the desire of vengeance so vanquished all amitie that these aforesaid captains entred into this detestable complot that they sold their friends one to another to have an enemie in exchange as that wicked Anthonius to have Cicero his enemie whom Octavius favoured as his friend was content in exchange to deliver his owne uncle by the mothers side called Lucius Caesar to Octavius his enemie so that the one was exchanged for the other and they both died Can there possibly in the world bee conspired a more barbarous disloyaltie Is it not a strange thing to heare that a friend should be betraied to death to have that cruell pleasure to slay his enemie Yet by this course and complot died an hundred and thirtie Senators besides many other persons of other qualitie Antonius also the deviser of this barbarous exchange received his due reward even by Octavius himselfe whom hee had induced to commit such cruelties For in the end they were enemies and Antonius being vanquished in the navall battaile at Actium slew himselfe so turning upon and against himselfe that barbarous crueltie which hee had exercised against Cicero and others And it needs not seeme strange if these civile warres of Rome endured so long time as two and thirtie yeares for the civile warres betwixt the houses of Burgoigne Monstr lib. 1. ca. 79. 80 81 159 191 198. and Orleance in France endured threescore yeares being continued from father to sonne for two generatious And as for cruelties me thinkes greater cannot be imagined than them which the Parisians the duke of Bourgoignes parteners committed within the towne of Paris For they massacred the Constable and Chancellor of France whom they drew and trayled through the towne most filthily and murdered also many other great Lords Archbishops Bishops Prelates and more than three thousand other persons as well gentlemen as other notable people which by force they drew out of prisons to murder and massacre them as they did The captaine
But if any demand how diviners and astrologers could so justly foretell the death of the emperour Domitian I answere that we must beleeve that this said prediction was not by art or science but the evill spirit would give boldnesse of enterprising unto Domitians enemies in making them know by frivolous divinations his fatall houre that they might beleeve the starres and heaven to aid their enterprise And God above who serves himselfe with such meanes as pleaseth him to exercise his justice gives efficacie to the spirit of error The same effect came of the divination of Caracalla for it was the cause that Macrinus enterprised to sley him although he never before thought of it till the astrologers declared their divination nay he would never have done that enterprise if that divination had not constrained and drawne him unto it Master Philip de Comines reciteth to this purpose a very memorable hystorie that happened in his time He saith there was at Naples a king called Alphonsus a bastard of the house of Arragon who was marvellous cruell a traitour and dangerous for none could know when he was angry he could so well manage his countenance yea and often betray men as he made them good cheare and he was a man wherein there was neither grace nor mercie neither had hee any compassion of the poore people This king Alphonsus had a sonne also as wicked as he called Ferrand who had found means to bring before him under his fathers assurance many princes and barons of the countrey to the number of foure and twentie and amongst them the prince de Rosane his brother in law having married his sister all which hee caused to be imprisoned notwithstanding the faith and assurance which he had given them insomuch as some remained foure or five and twentie yeares prisoners As soone as the king Alphonsus was dead and Ferrand his sonne was king the first thing hee did at his comming to the crowne was to massacre all those said great princes and barons which he himselfe had imprisoned during his fathers life by a Moorean slave of Affrica which he rewarded and straight after the execution sent him into his countrey This king Ferrand or Ferdinand having newes of the said murder as the king of Fraunce Charles the eight enterprised the conquest of Naples judging himselfe unworthie to be king because of his great and abhominable cruelties sent embassadors to the king to agree and to be at an accord with him offering to yeeld himselfe tributarie to the crowne of Fraunce to hold the kingdome of Naples of him and to pay him 50000 crownes yearely But the king who knew there was no fidelitie in the Arragonian race of Naples would enter into no treatie with the king Ferdinand who being in dispaire to be ever able to hold that kingdome against the king of Fraunce having his owne subjects his enemies died for sorrow and dispaire and left his sonne Alphonsus his successor This Alphonsus the new king was as wicked as his father and had alwayes shewed himselfe pittilesse and cruell without faith without religion and without all humanitie insomuch as perceiving that king Charles approched Rome his conscience also judging himselfe to be an unworthy king he resolved to flie into Spain and to professe himselfe a monke in some monasterie But before hee fled hee caused to be crowned king at Naples a young sonne of his called Ferdinand who was not yet hated in the countrey his nailes beeing not yet either strong or long ynough to doe evill This done hee fled into Sicilie and from thence to Valence in Spaine where he tooke the habite of a monke and in a little time after died of an excoriation of gravell But it was marvellous that this cruel tyrant should be so seized of feare as he should go in no good order away but left all his moveable goods and almost all his gold and silver in his castle at Naples And this feare proceeded to him from a faintnesse of heart for as Comines saith never cruell man was hardie And when one desired him onely to stay three dayes to packe up his goods No no said he let us quickly depart from hence heare you not all the world crie Fraunce Fraunce Men may see how an evill conscience leaves a man never in quiet This wicked man knowing that by his crueltie hee had procured the hatred of his subjects the wrath of God and the enmitie of all the world was tormented in his conscience as of an infernall furie which ever after fretted his languishing soule in the poore infected and wasted bodie And to end this tragoedie straight after he had saved himselfe the king of Fraunce obtained the kingdome of Naples And a little while after the said young Ferdinand sonne of the said Alphonsus died of a feaver and a flux So that within the space of two yeares God did justice on foure kings of Naples two Alfonses and two Ferdinands because of their strange cruelties which were accompained with disloyall impietie and oppression of subjects for alwaies those keepe company together A like punishment happened by the conduction and judgement of God to that Comines lib. 1 cap. 132. 133. and Bellay lib. 1. of his memories cruell king Richard of England king Edward the fourth his brother This king Edward deceasing left two sonnes and two daughters all yong and in the tutelage and goverment of Richard duke of Glocester his brother This duke desiring for himselfe the crowne of England caused his two nephewes cruelly to be slaine and made a report to goe that by chance they fell of a bridge and so were slaine His two nieces he put into a religion of Nunnes saying they were bastards because saith hee the dead king Edvard their father could not lawfullie espouse their mother for that before hee had promised to espouse a gentlewoman which hee named and the bishop of Bath beeing present protested it was so and the promises of marriage were made betwixt his hands The duke of Glocester having thus dispatched both his nephewes and nieces caused himselfe to be crowned king of England and because many great lords of England murmured at this crueltie this new tyrant king which named himselfe king Richard the third made to die of sundrie deaths all such as hee knew had murmured against him or his tyrannie After all this when hee thought hee had a sure estate in the kingdome it was not long before God raised him up for enemie the earle of Richmond of the house of Lancaster who was but a pettie lord in power without silver and without force who but a little before was detained prisoner in Bretaigne To whom certaine lords of England sent secretly that if he could come into England but with two or three thousand men all the people would come to him make him king of England The earle of Richmond hasted to king Charles the eight then raigning in France by whose permission hee levied people in
On the other side Artabanus prepared himselfe and his retinue in as good order as was possible without any armie to goe meet his new sonne in law What did this perfidious Caracalla As soone as the two parties were joyned and that king Artabanus came nigh him to saluâ—e and embrace him he commanded his souldiers earnestly to charge upon the Parthians Then straight the Romanes embraced and entertained the unarmed Parthians with great blowes of swords and other armes as enemies and as if there had been an assigned battaile in so much as there was a great slaughter made of the Parthians but the king Artabanus with the help of a good horse escaped with great difficultie and danger So that this simuled and disguised marriage although pleasant to Caracalla and his friends yet were they sorrowfull to many poore Parthians Artabanus beeing saved determined well to revenge himselfe of that villanie and trecherie but Macrinus releeved him of that paine who within a little time after slew that monster Caracalla who was already descryed through all the world because of his perfidie Besides that perfidie and violation of Faith is the cause that none wil beleeve nor Perfidie is the cause of the ruine of the perfidous trust them which once have used it yet proceeds there another upon it which is That breach of Faith is ordinarily cause of the totall destruction ruine of the perfidious and disloyall person The example above alleadged of Anniball may well serve to prove it for his trecherie was first a cause that none would trust him secondly it was the cause that another perfidious person seeing him without friends or meanes enterprised to play another part of perfidie which forced him to poyson himselfe We have also in another place before recited the example of Virius and other Capuans to the number of seven and twentie which desperately slew themselves because they had broken their Faith with the Romanes But amongst other examples that of king Syphax of Numidia is most illustrious and memorable This king promised Scipio that he would aid and give him succours against the Carthaginians The Carthaginians knowing this found meanes to lay a bait for this king by Titus Livius lib. 9. 10. Dec. 3. a faire Carthaginian damosell called Sophonisba one of a great house who by her enticements so drew him into her nets that she caused him to breake his Faith with Scipio and made an alliance and confederation with the Carthaginians by the marriage of Sophonisba whereby they accorded that they would have alike friends and enemies Scipio beeing hereof advertised was much both astonished and greeved yet hee thought it good resolution not to attend whilest the two powers of king Syphax and of the Carthaginians were joined together Hee then so hasted that hee placed his armie before king Syphax who was going with thirtie thousand for the helpe of the Carthaginians and overcame all those succours insomuch as Syphax himselfe was taken prisoner his horse having been slaine under him was brought alive to Scipio who demaunded of him wherefore he had broken his Faith with the Romancs which he had so solemnely sworne betwixt his hands This poore captive king confessed that an enraged follie had drawne him unto it by the meanes of the Carthaginians which gave him that pestilent furie Sophonisba who by her flatteries and enticements had bereaved him of his understanding After this miserable king was in a triumph by Scipio led to Rome died miserably his kingdome brought under the obedience of the Romanes which gave a good part of it to Massinissa another king of Numidia who had ever been loyall and faithfull unto them in the observation of their Faith So that Syphax lost himself and his kingdome by his perfidie and breach of Faith and Massinissa acquired great reputation and honour and greatly amplified and enlarged his kingdome for rightly observing his Faith and loyaltie Charles the simple king of Fraunce in his time made strong warre upon Robert Annal. upon the year 916. duke of Aquitaine and vanquished him in a battaile nigh Soissons where duke Robert was slaine Heber countie de Vermandois brother in law of that Robert was so greeved and displeased at that overthrow that he enterprised a part of perfidie and villanie to catch the king his soveraigne lord therefore with a countenance of amitie he invited the king to a great feast in the town of Perone whither the king came with many other great princes and lords but the said countie caused them all to be taken prisoners and shut them within the castle of Perone Afterward hee enlarged all the said princes and lords upon condition of their promises never to bear armes against him but still retained the king prisoner in the said castle where he died within two yeares after Lewis the third of that name his sonne succeeded him in the crowne who at his first entry revenged not the death of his father upon countie Heber fearing some insurrection in his kingdome because of his great kindred and friends yet at the last he also made a great and solemne feast unto which he entreated the great lords and barons of his kingdome and even countie Heber and his friends and kinsfolkes As they were all assembled at that feast behold there arrived out of England a currier a thing fained by king Lewis who booted and spurred fell upon his knees before the king and presented letters unto him on the king of Englands part The king tooke those letters and caused them to be read low by his Chancellor the rather to deceive As soone as he had read them the king began to smile and say on high to the companie Truly men say true that the English are not wise My cousin of England sends me word that in his countrey a rusticall clownish man had summoned his lord whose subject hee is to a dinner at his house and as soone as he came there he tooke and detained him prisoner and after strangled him and villanously caused him to die Therfore he sends me word to have the opion of the princes barons and lords of Fraunce to know what justice should bee done upon that subject I must make him an answere and therefore my masters I pray you tell me your advices What thinke you said he to the countie de Blois the most auncient to this matter my good cousin The countie de Blois answered that his opinion was That the said rusticall fellow should die ignominiously and that according to his desert All the other princes and lords were of the same opinion yea even Heber countie de Vermandois Then tooke the king the word and said Countie de Vermandois I judge thee and condemne thee to death by thine owne word for thou knowest that in the shew of friendship and under the shaddow of a feast in thy house thou diddest invite my dead father and being come thou retainedst him and brought him most
villanously to his death therefore by thine owne confession thou doest merit a most ignominious death Straight after the king commaunded that he should be hanged and strangled which was done So this perfidious and disloyall Heber received the reward of his perfidie and breach of Faith as hee himselfe judged to have merited Edward king of England the second of that name was much governed by the Frois lib. 1. cap. 5. 13 14. house of the Spensers which took upon them the handling of all the affaires of the kingdome and despised farre greater lords than themselves The said king having lost a battaile at Esturmelin against the Scots all England imputed the evill lucke of that losse unto the evill government of the Spensers They beleeving that the great lords of England which envied their credit had caused this brute to bee sowne resolved to take vengeance thereof by a most perfidious disloiall meanes For they persuaded the king to convocate a generall assemblie of States to advise and provide as they gave to understand for the affaires of the kingdome The princes and lords of the kingdome not doubting any thing assembled at the kings commaund But incontinent as they were assembled king Edward whome the Spensers had persuaded that his princes and lords meant to get his kingdome from him commanded them to be taken arrested prisoners which was done and without any knowledge of cause he cut off the heads from two and twentie of the greatest lords and princes of the kingdome and amongst them there was beheaded Thomas duke of Lancaster the kings uncle who was a good and a sage prince and who after was cannonized and saincted This perfidie joyned with crueltie for commonly the one goeth with the other was the cause that the said king was deprived by all the States of England of his royaltie as unworthie to carrie the crowne and was confined to prison where he finished his daies And the Spensers authors of such disloialtie were executed and rigorously punished according to their merits For after they had ben drawne on hurdles through the streets all over the citie of Herford their privie parts were first cut away and cast into the fire then were their hearts taken out of their bellies and also cast into the fire after their heads were cut off and carried to London and the bodies of every of them were quartered and every quarter caried into other severall towns to be set on the tops of their great gates in detestation of their great perfidie and disloyaltie which they used towards the said lords It was also a great perfidie in Charles the last duke of Bourgoigne in that hee De Comines lib. 1. cap. 78. and Annal. 1475. gave safe conduct to the contie of S. Pol constable of France to come to him with good assurance and then tooke him prisoner and delivered him to king Lewis the seventh who making his processe at Paris his head was cut off in the place de Greve True it is that the said countie had committed great faults as well against the king as against the duke hee had also alwaies studied to nourish warre betwixt the said two princes yet notwithstanding it was a very dishonorable and infamous thing for the duke to take him prisoner after hee had given him his faith and assurance by the safe conduct which hee graunted him For if hee had not beene hee had according to his determination with his silver fled into Almaigne from thence in time he might have made his peace and againe have come into the kings favour But he was deceived as before and the said perfidie was so much the more infamous and dishonest because it was perpetrated by this duke of Bourgoigne for the covetousnesse to gaine the townes of S. Quinten Han and Bohain which belonged to the said countie which the king gave to the said duke to the end hee would deliver and betray him But behold the just judgement of God who permitted that this duke of Bourgoigne was in the end beaten with the same rods wherewith hee had beaten the countie of S. Pol for being twice overthrowne at Granson and Morat by the Suissers the siege of Nus succeeding evill unto him and also having lost the dutchie of Lorraine which before he had unjustly occupied upon the duke of Lorraine who conquered it all these traverses and troubles engendred such greefe sadnesse and confusion in his spirit and great indisposition in his person that hee was never after whole either in bodie or mind His wits thus comming into decay there came into his braine a distrust of his owne subjects and therefore thought good to serve himselfe with strangers and to chuse a loyall and faithfull nation he addressed himselfe to a countie de Campobache an Italian and gave him charge to bring with him many Italians to his service as hee did This was the last act of the Tragedie of his life For this countie de Campobache ceased not till he had betrayed him unto the duke of Lorraine before Nancy which the said duke of Bourgoigne held besieged and there was slaine in an assault which the duke of Lorraine gave him to constrain him to raise the siege And so in like sort as by perfidie and violating of his faith he had caused the constable of S. Pol to leese both life and goods so by the treason and perfidie of Campobache hee both lost his life and his house was ruinated and â—ent in pieces which was the greatest house in Christendome next unto that of Fraunce He should never have done that would set downe all the calamities mischiefes proceeding of perfidie and breach of publicke Faith It caused the ruine of Carthage the great in Affrica which for a long time was one of the greatest and most flourishing commonweales that ever was in the world It was the onely ruine of Corinth of Thebes of Calchis which were three of the greatest fairest and richest cities of Greece It was the cause of Ierusalems destruction and of all the countrey of Iudea yea breefely there never happened any great subversion and desolation in the world were it of citties commonweales kingdomes empires great captaines great monarchs or of strong and flourishing nations but it came upon perfidie and the breach of Faith True it is that it draweth at the taile with her crueltie avarice and other like companions but yet perfidie is the mistresse and governesse of all She breaketh peace she renueth civile and strange warres she troubleth people nations which are quiet she destroyeth and impoverisheth them she overthroweth right and equitie she prophaneth and defileth holy and sacred things she banisheth and chaseth away all pietie justice and the feare of God she bringeth in Atheisme and contempt of all religion she defaceth all amitie and naturall affection towards parents our countrey and nation she confoundeth all politicke order shee abrogateth good lawes and customes Finally what mischeefes hath there ever beene in the
Lewis The good justice of Lewis which gave oedinarie audience to the complaints of their subjects and to doe them justice But it shall suffice to close up all this matter with the example of that good king S. Lewis who amongst other vertues wherewith he was endowed he was a very good and upright administer of justice This good king having a great zeale to establish a good Iustice in his kingdome first hee would and ordained That the good and auncient lawes and customes of the kingdome should be well and straitly observed upon the paine he would take of his Bayliffes Seneshals and other magistrates if they caused them not to bee well observed And to the end the said magistrates might carry themselves well in their offices he chose other officers the best that hee could find of which he secretly enquired of their vertues and vices And to the end they might administer good and breefe justice to the poore as to the rich without exception of persons he forbad them to take presents unlesse some present of victuall which may not exceed tenne shillings by the weeke nor any other benefites for them or their children neither of them which were in contention nor of any other person of their bailiwike and territorie and commaunded they should take nothing within their perfecture or jurisdiction For this good king considered that presents benefits and desire to gain are the means wherby magistrates may be corrupted and therfore to shun all corruption he must cut off the meanes therunto Moreover he very rigorously punished such officers of Iustice as abused their estates spared not even great lords themselves but punished them after their merits as happened to the lord de Coucy who caused to strangle two yong Flamins when he found them hunting in his woods For the king caused to be called before him the said lord who fearing to be handled as he had delt with the Flamins wold have taken the hearing of the cause from the king saying he was to be sent for before the peeres of France But the king forced him to abide his judgments indeed had made him die if great lords parents friends of the said lord de Coucy had not importuned so much the king for his pardon unto which the king accorded that he shold have his life but yet he condemned him to the warre against the Turks and Infidels in the holy land by the space of three yeares which was a kind of banishment and besides condemned him in a fine paiment of 10000 Paris pounds which were bestowed on the building of an Hostle Dieu at Ponthoise This king gave not easily any pardon nor without great deliberation And for a devise he had often in his mouth that verse of the Psalme of David Happie are they which doe iudgement and Iustice at all times He said also That this was no mercie but crueltie not to punish malefactors Moreover he was a king full of truth chast charitable and fearing God which are vertues exceeding woorthy for a good prince and which commonly accompanie good justice But the godly precepts hee The tenne commandemēts which the king S. Lewis at his disease gave to his eldest sonne gave being in extremitie of his life to king Philip the Hardie his sonne and successor doe well merit to be written in letters of gold upon the lintels of doores and the houses of all kings and Christian princes to have them alwaies before their eies My deare sonne saith he since it pleaseth God our Father and Creator to withdraw me now from this miserable world to carrie mee to a better life than this I would not depart from thee my sonne without giving you for my last blessing the doctrines and precepts which a good father ought to give to his sonne hoping you wil engrave in your heart these your fathers last words I command you then my deare sonne That above all things you have alwaies before your eies the feare of God our good Father for the feare of God is the beginning yea the accomplishment of all true wisedome if you feare him he will blesse you Secondly I exhort you to take all adversities patiently acknowledging that it is God which visiteth you for your sins not to wax proud in prosperitie accounting that it comes to you by Gods grace not by your merits Thirdly I recommend unto you charitie towards the poor for the good you doe unto them shall be yeelded unto you an hundred fold and Iesus Christ our Saviour shall account it done unto him After I recommend to you very straitly my deare sonne that you cause to keep well the good laws customes of the kingdome and to administer good justice to your subjects for happy are they which administer good justice at all times and to doe this I enjoine you that you be carefull to have good magistrates and command you them that they favor not your Procurators against equitie and that you rigorously punish such as abuse their Offices for when they make faults they are more punishable than others because they ought to govern other subjects and to serve them for an example Suffer not that in judgement there be acception of persons and so favour the poore onely as the truth of his fact doth appeare without favoring him as to the judgement of his cause Moreover I command you that you bee carefull to have a good Counsell about you of persons which be of staied good age which be secret peaceable not covetous for if you doe this you shall bee loved and honoured because the light of the servants makes their masters shine Also more I forbid you to take tallages or tributes upon your subjects but for urgent necessitie evident utilitie and just cause for otherwise you shall not bee held for a king but for a tyrant Further I command you that you be carefull to maintaine your subjects in good peace and tranquilitie and observe their franchises and priveledges which before they have enjoyed and take heede you moove no warre against any Christian without exceeding great occasion and reason Item I exhort you to give the benefices of your kingdome to men of good life and good conscience not to luxurious and covetous wretches My deere sonne if you observe these my commands you shall bee a good example to your subjects and you shall bee the cause that they will adict themselves to doe well because the people will alwaies give themselves to the imitation of their prince and God by his bountie maintaine you firme and assured in your estate and kingdome Thus finished this good king his last words full of holy zeale and correspondent to his life passed and yeelded his soule to his creator which had given it him His sonne king Philip third of that name called the Hardie because of his valiancie which he shewed against the infidels and against other enemies as well during the life as after the death of