A PACQUET OF ADVICES AND ANIMADVERSIONS Sent from LONDON To the Men of SHAFTSBVRY Which is of Use for all His MAJESTIES Subjects in the Three Kingdoms Occasioned by a Seditious Pamphlet Intituled A Letter from a Person of Quality to His Friend in the Country LONDON Printed in the Year 1676. A Pacquet of Advices and Animadversions sent from London to the Men of Shaftsbury c. Ye Men of Shaftsbury both Lords and Gentlemen T IS well that in this Interval of Parliament we have some time for Contemplation and rest from Business that so we might reflect upon what we have done as well as consider what we ought next to do and in cool Blood ponder the Nature and probable Events of those Counsels that some of us so fiercely prosecuted in the Last Session 1675 together with the By-ends of such as first set them on foot and engaged us to serve them the danger whereof while we were in the heats of Passion and Transaction it was hardly possible for us to apprehend And now SIRS this being our season for thinking pray you think in the first place who gave the Occasion for so long an Interval Why was it that His MAJESTY was constrained to put an End to your High Debates and by so long a Prorogation but that it was your Little Friend 's Great Aim it should be so and that the KING should not be able to do otherwise I mean Mephistophiles the Faery Fâ—end that haunts Both Houses of whom I have been told the Witty Duke of Buckingham likened him to Will-with-a-Wisp that uses to lead Men out of the way then leaves them at last in a Ditch and Darkness and nimbly retreats for Self-security This no doubt the Noble Duke had not only observed long since in his srequent Jilting with others but had also if he please to remember fresh experience of him in his late shifting of Counsels ere he left White-Hall So that I suppose all Intelligent Persons will be wary how they imbarque with him any more For this is the prime Quality of the Person now let us next see what the Contents of that LETTER are to the Friend in the Country Truly whoever was its Father it looks like somewhat that would fain get out in the World in the Figure of XLI for upon strict view it will appear so as I shall shew you by and by with every Feature Limb and Proportion of the Old Faction insomuch as there can be no Man that ever felt the sad Consequents of that Year or remembers the Sea of Blood that then we swam in and many Years after with the Plundrings Free-Quarters and Desolations that followed on every side and what in thâ—â—nd we got by the Faction but must reckon himself bound in Conscience and Prudence to bid his Friends in the Country and City too to learn by considering the dark Contrivances past whose dire Effects a little After-time brought to light how to understand the present and prevent a being gull'd in the future and to take heed how they entertain fly Insinuations and Discontents about matters above them or give ear to the Voice of the crafty Charmer Wherefore for his Country-Friend's sake and more particularly for your sakes I hasten to the unraveling of this LETTER which I will not call his though those that have ask'd him do say he but saintly denies it and in such phrases as signified plain enough that he would not for all the World but be thought the Author or at least the Intelligencer So pleasing is the Itch of a little Wit in Print that some Men would not lose it at any rate But from you my good Friends of Shaftsbury I doubt not to find more Wisdom than to be Witticised out of the good old plain way of Honour Allegiance Publick Interest and Peace or to be Wisp'd and Lanthorn'd in the dark by a small Goblin into the Bryers at best but rather I fear into the Pit of Destruction The LETTER IT begins with divers Suggestions 1. That the Test which was under debate in the House of Peers the last Session of Parliament was a State-Master-piece first hatcht among the Great Church-Men ANIMADVERSION RIght 41. in the very Front Thus began the STATE-MASTER-PIECE of those Days it is the common Method of preparing for Rebellion and so it hath been in all Ages For when any one designed it he first assaulted not the Prince himself that would have been too gross but began with some one principal Part or Person of his Government and so proceeded by degrees to alter it Thus it was in 41 For though the Designers well knew the Temper of England that it would not be Govern'd without the Old State Ecclesiastical yet they first found fault with the Governours the Bishops and when they had taken off some of the Persons then they next devised how to diminish their Power and lastly took away their whole Order and so one Pillar of the Throne being gone it was not long ere they tutor'd the People to the overturning of the other as useless and dangerous so that you know what became of the Throne it self Nor were they by the Rules of Ungodly Policy to be blamed for this For when once Men are dipt in an ill beginning they presently think they are bound to prosecute and each Man concludes to himself in the Langaage of Catiline The Ills which I have done cannot be safe But by attempting greater But why the Bill of Test should be Father'd on the Bishops more than upon the other Lords of Parliament I see not since the major part of their Lordships were Zealous in the opinion and promotion of it as a thing that would prove a notable means of the Crowns Stability and the KING's Peace and Safety But it seem'd more advisable to your Prime Engineer after he had labour'd to render the Test as odious as he could then to fasten it on the Bishops that it might the better suit with that lucky Pattern of 41. But more of this Test hereafter where I particularly consider it LETTER 2. THat the Bishops do design to make a distinct Party of the High-Episcopal-man and the old Cavalier by tempting them with the hopes of enjoying all the Power Great Offices and Advantages by overthrowing the Act of Oblivion if they can get any to fight the Old Quarrel over again ANIMADVERSION LOok ye into that Book called An exact Collection of all Remonstrances Declarations Votes Orders Ordinances c. which was Printed Anno 1642. and in the Fourth Page of that Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdom which your Masters presented the year before to His Majesties Father you 'l find the Old Copy of your New Calumny against the Bishops for they were then charged with a Design to introduce a Change and by imbroillâ—g the King and his People with Disputes about Prerogative and Liberty to create unto themselves a distinct Party under a Pretence of being for the King that so
is not ignorant how this Protestation came on nor can the World be ignorant how far his Hand went in promoting it care having been taken by some Body during the time his Lordship was in the Country before the last Session of Parliament to employ certain Emissaries and Agents to carry up and down not only to many Lords in and about this City but likewise to all the most noted Coffeâ—-houses Copies of a Letter said in the Superscription of it to have been first written to the Earl of Carlisle and to have been subscribed Your Lordships humble Servant SHAFTSBURY My Lord of Carlisle is a very noble Person and I would not by any means mis-represent him he having seen too many Experiments of Male-contented Demagogues and their little Tricks to be caught by them or to countenance them 'T is rather to be supposed the Penner made bold with him It was necessary to direct it to some Body and easie to send Copies along with it at the same time to be communicated to every Body for there was no fear but among the Coffee-hâ—unters there would be found Copiers enough to furnish both City and Kingdom the Design being laid now by this new Epistle to prepare Mens Minds for a crying down the present Parliament seeing there are too many Wise Men in it and too Loyal to be shaken by a Shuttlecock and for crying out for a New Parliament while in the mean time matters are so labour'd in the Old One as we have abundantly seen the last Session that no Business should be done by them and then there may thence arise as is imagined an unanswerable Argument for a Trial of Skill in Electing a New for his Tool the Presbyter despairing to get Dominion by the way of the King wants only opportunity to be Canvasing and Tugging for another Forty-One-Parliament and would never be at rest till he hath gotten both Houses over his Head again at Westminster So that if the other Nonconformists will well apprehend the improvement of their own Interest let them know that as they have reason to decline them being their worst Enemies by principle so they have the fairest opportunity in shewing themselves firm henceforth to the Crown to stand most fair in the good opinion and favour of His Majesty as a Party much more tolerable in the Constitution of the Government And then there can be no fear of that they call Persecution because the reason and occasion of it will be gone No Creditor but will be kind when he hath gotten Security Even so it is with Kings and other Governours they grieve no Party more than other when they are once secured they will pay the Debt of Obedience and Loyalty for 't is their Interest to cherish and see every Party thriâ—e and flourish if it be not dangerous Arguments in that Epistle his Lordship offers none having long since arrived to that Noble Confidence as to think his own word sufficient warrant for any Assertion therefore he boldly saith 't is the Interest of the King the Lords and the Commons to have a New Parliament without any more ado But for his Reasons we must have recourse to the Protestation it self which are first for the Dissolution of this Parliament and they are but these few following First The Protestation saith It is according to the ancient Laws and Statutes of this Realm that there should be frequent and new Parliaments and that the practise of several years hath been accordingly 'T is true the Kings of this Realm have formerly had cause to delight in calling them and our Chronicles tell us also that till the Barons Wars came and after the Barons Wars were ended down to the time of King James Parliaments were modest in their station and easie to the King so that the Business of the Kingdom went on current without long Speeches and hot Disputes But in King James his time the Presbyter or Puritaâ— as Men then called him whom Queen Elizabeth in her time not without much ado kept down began to spread his Wings grew numerous and headstrong so that they were able to furnish the Commons House with a Canvasing Party and did it constantly at every Election and divers Members of the House of Peers who in those days affected Preferment at Court and wanted it and envied others that had it or were otherwise male-content or intoxicated with mistaken Zeal of new Phantsies about Religion or Church-Government were not wanting to make a Party of Lords to second that fiery part of the Commons who carried matters divers times so high that That King was necessitated towards the latter end of his Reign for the Honour of his Crown and Preservation of the Government in qâ—iet often to dissolve them Of which the Puritan that is the Presbyter always made advantage by exceeding Clamour against the Court to gain the ignorant and unwary part of the people to his party And so you see to what sort of Men we owe the new invention of Frustrating Parliaments After this comes King Charles the First to the Government upon whom they perpetually practis'd it in all Parliaments that he called and at length you know that working upon the Kings Necessities in the year 1641. they in a manner constraâ—ned him to perpetuate them in Power which was the ruine of the Royal Government and at length of all Government it self It is to be noted also that it was not till the beginning of his Reign that they took up the other New Trick of State which was seeing they durst not yet be so bold as to strike at the King himself for supposed defaults in Government they resolved to strike as near him as they could and so they began to make it constant work to fall upon his Chief Ministers of State and always in the Intervals of Parliament made it their Business to fill the Kingdom with Clamours against them so preparing them thereby as a Sacrifice to their own ends and cruelty and to the Peoples folly against every call of a Parliament Thus it was from the time of the old Duke of Buckingham who by a brave Defence in Parliament made good his Station to the time of that most brave though most unfortunate Man the Earl of Strafford whom they worried to death by Popular Tumults after he had bastled them at the Bar in defending himself most gloriously As they did also Archbishop Laâ—d a Man of high design for the Honour of the King and Glory of the Church which they charged on him to be for introducing of Slavery and Popery so that all the rest of the King's Ministers were glad to flee for safety of their Lives Nay they stopt not here but being flusht drew up Articles of High Treason against the Queens Majesty And then we too sadly remember how easily afterwards they passed on to a Charge against the King himself I write not this as if I meant to scandalize or cast an Odium upon that ancient Right
and Liberty of Parliaments to Inspect the Actions and Behaviour of the great Officers of Trust and call them to account if faulty it being confessed a good advantage and security to the King and Kingdom and necessary to be continued but my purpose here is onely to note when and how the Abuse of that Parliamentary Power and by what Faction it was first made so extravagant that no sooner could a Favourite or Minister of State be warm in his Office or in the Kings Favour and had resolved to look strictly to a maintaining the Rights and Constitution of Government in Church and State but immediately they fell upon the Back of him and gave out the word for his Displacing or his Destruction No doubt but the best of Men in great place will have Errours and Faults being more then other Men distracted with many Businesses and exposed to many Temptations as the Earl of Strafford said at his Tryal but that they should by Popular Breath and Faction be blown up to the degree of high Crime or Treason when they have perhaps in the Judgment of Men moderate and wise onely served the King with the best of their â—kill this is both uncharitable and cruel or the effect of Faction or Envy and it is this onely that I redargue for it is in a factious time the great Interest of the Crown to see to it and to nip this Grand Abuse whenever it shall be practised always taking due measure between a just or conscionable and a factious prosecution Else these Inconveniences will follow As 't is in the Nature of Man to be well-conâ—eited of himself otherwise most Men would even hang themselves so generally a secret Envy arises in him at the preferment of another because he thinks he deserves better than he and the King presently gets his ill-will for passing him by This Man then meets with many other of his own sence and humour and so by rubbing each others Sores till they smart they resolve presently that the Preferree is a Common Enemy and as such to fall upon him And so the Issue at last shall be this when the course of Accusation grows customary that the King shall never be free of his own Choice nor secure of his Ministers when he hath chosen them Moreover â—hen to be preferr'd shall be to be exposed and shot at by all the Darts of Envy and Danger what Man of Wisdom or Fortune will be willing to accept of Preferment or be true and tight to the Kings Concern and Interest in the Government if he do accept it Or will he not rather be tempted through fear of that Accusatory Faction to serve the Regal Interest but by halves or perhaps to betray his Masters Government in Church and State as sâ—me did in the time of the Kings Father when they saw him forced to leave Strafford to make a Friend of that Faction For thus Men will be too apt to do when they cannot be sure of their Masters So that if Kings once quit their Constancy in this particular nothing brings greater hazard to their own Interest of Government and their Persons nor greater diminution to the Kingly Dignity and Power in the opinion of other Princes while his Ministers and himself shall remain liable to be baited at every turn of humour by so busie and impetuous a Faction as if himself were not wise enough to chuse or as if we had none but Knaves in the Kingdom to be chosen Finally 'T is and ought ever to be an Arcanum kept as the Jewels are in the Royal Cabinet to preserve all places which are nigh the Throne so sacred as not to be easily invaded for that draws a Reverence to the Throne it self which should be religiously fenced about not only as the Sacrary of Royalty but as the Sanctuary also of other Princes for such are his great Men and high Officers of State in their places They are as the Lyons about the Throne of Solomon to beget a dread and sence of Majesty in all that approach to it and those are not Beasts for Sacrifice nor to be offer'd up as such nor to be pull'd down without very great cause of Justice require it because the frequency of pulling down the Fence hardens Men and renders them by custom so hardy as to make bold with the Throne it self This licentious Abuse of criminating the Kings Ministers hath by the same Faction which first began it been carried of late times to such a height that were a Man before reputed never so honest yet no sooner doth the King make him one of his great Officers but that if he sticks close to his Masters Interest of Government he presently becomes a publick Enemy and as such they brand him and teaze him and seek to tire out his Majesty with Importunities and Addresses to be rid of him This sort of Behaviour was the reason which made his Majesties Grandfather and Father not so frequent in calling Parliaments and the Protesting Lords may do well to consider how little reason their Son His present Majesty is like to have to become fond of New Parliaments till he can have some good ground to believe that they will return to the like temper and moderation as they had in old time when those ancient Laws and Statutes for frequent calling them were made or until the people see their errour at Elections in suffering Men of that implacable Faction which first poyson'd the fair stream of Parliamentary Duty still to creep into the House to shelter themselves in acting their mischievous Designs under the Covert of Priviledge of Parliament and publick good So I have done with their Lordships First Reason in the Protestation and proceed to the Second which is this Secondly It seems not reasonable that any particular number of men should for many years ingross so great a trust of the People as to be their Representatives in the House of Commons and as good men as these Members of the Counties and Corporporations be so long excluded This kind of reasoning I never expected from the mouths of such Noble Lords Nay then methinks I see John Lilburn putting on Robes and uttering his old Oracles of State What! Is there no Smith to be found in Israel to whet Arguments for their Lordships that they are fain to go down to him and his Philistines the Levellers for thus they argued nigh Thirty years ago against the then House of Commons and good my Lords remember that the same Argument being but a very little altered served also at that time against the House of Peers Be informed my noble Lords you whose names I find in a Catalogue Printed at the end of this Protestation for ye cannot I suppose remember because when I read your Names I perceive that none of you were then Sitters in the Lords House except one whose name I forbear as I do the names of all the rest beside my good Lord of Shaftsbury who in
of that desperate Faction which at every Election crept in among them they were reduced into a state not onely unpracticable and useless but dangerous to the Crown During this Twelve years interval the Faction now lay at lurch in City and Countrey â—retting and corroding in the bowels of the Government and collecting matter of new accusations against the King and his Ministers out of those extraordinary courses which the necessâ—ty they had forced on them compelled them to take for upholding the Government and which their Factions providence reâ—erved in mind on purpose to make use of whensoever time should bring a necessity upon the King to call another Parliament It was so at length that they contrived this necessity for they truck'd with the Scots and by corresponding there brought them into England in the Year 1639. which put the King to a great charge to raise an Army to oppose them But the matter being composed a Pacification was agreed on the Scots were to be paid a sum of Money and Money the King must provide for them So necessity at last made him call that fatal Parliament which began Novemb. 3. 1641. Which being met the Faction began now to work on his Majesty to purpose told him no Money was to be had but by borrowing and men would not credit them unless they could be sure the Parliament might fit long enough to repay it So by this means the King being desirous to rid away the Scots out of the Kingdom was wrought upon for raising the Money to pass that prodigious Act which enabled that Parliament to fit at Westminster as long as they pleased and so to do what they liâ—t Then you know how they used the King afterward for his kindness what strange things they did and to what Conclusion at length they came From whence arises this sharp Instruction for all succeeding Kings That while this Faction reigns upon the face of the Earth they takeheed of relying upon them in a time of the Crown 's necessity and of giving them opportunity by calling a new Parliament in hope of getting Money forasmuch as woful experience hath shâ—wn us they at such a time make it their business to ask not to give and never to leave asking till they come to be disposers both of the King and Kingdom This is it they would now be at and have fixed their Party for it all over the Nation to scuffle hard at new Elections So I suppose I have sufficiently cleared my Second Reason by ample Experiments that it cannot be for the King's advantage or safety in such a time as the present to part with this Parliament and call a new unless it were possible that a Leopard should change his spots or a Blackmore his skin or that this Mercurial Faction which is now by its Leaders and Drivers made more mad than ever for an opportunity should change its nature and become tame on a sudden and be fix'd in a greater honesty and kindness to this King than they were to his Grandfather and Father or in truth to the established Government and Interest of the Crown Credat Judaeus Apella Non ego 3. A Third Reason ariseth from the natural Temper and Constitution of the Party in respect of the Government He understands little that seeth not Presbytery to be the bottom of all that Bottom wherein we have seen embarquing many years unpreferred Clergy-men broken Factions cashier'd Courtiers guilty Officers by pocritical Citizens mistaken Zealots of both Sexes old Sinners but young Saints and their pedling Levites whose work it is from house to house to blow the Bellows round the Kingdom All which use to employ their Talents to draw in many of the honest-hearted Gentry though not into the same opinion with them in Religious matters yet to side and vote with them in their pretences of redressing publick Grievances reformation of Abuses removing or doing justice upon evil Counsellors and the like And with these charms they have been wont to hold many publick-spirited Countrey-Gentleman fast to their side till they have humbled the King the Court and all the Fast-friends of the Government and brought all to their bow they give them the slip into further proceedings they pull off their Visors shew their Faces and slie higher and higher till they top all that is above and tumble it down as they did of old often in Scotland and of late in England To that Malign Ulcer of Presbytery it is that most of the ill humours of the Kingdom flow because the Preshyterian is for some National Government of the Church though in such a way as is utterly inconfident with the Monarchy The reason of it is plain because it derives no Power from the King but pretends only from the King of Kings Christ yet would have a Secular Influence to Govern the Kingdom in their own Spiritual way which is by a Parity of Presbyters a Power purely Aristocratical directly contradistinct to the form of Monarchy to which the single Bishop only is agreeable because he arrogates not any influence in Government over the people but what he derives from the King Now then so it is that seeing some National Church-Government is that which must be and the Episcopal is that which is the Kings best hold and most firm to him therefore the 〈◊〉 and Leaders of present Quarrels being â—aln from all their interests in Court common Cunning tells them they must strike in with the men of the other Form to build new Fortunes upon the ruine of the Court and the Bishops if they mean to be great and Govern which cannot be more readily done than by becoming pretended Reformers of the old Government in the Church and by introducing a Church-Arisâ—ocracy into the room of it for if one be not the other must be and if so be they slip into the head of it they will never be without such a Conscience as will engage them to maintain it being men of a versatile principle So that when I view the Printed Lists of them me-thinks I already see Lords States or at least Twenty four Conserâ—ators that would be assisted by the Spiritual Aristocracy of a General Assembly for they reckon all is done if they can but come to tug for it in another Parliament This brings us to take notice of a Second Objection against their design of breaking off the Parliament which the projecting Polititiaâ—s seem to flight and 't is this That the Church and this Parliament will fall together 'T were but vain to write much more to shew the grand probability of it and of the debasement or ruine of this glorious Monarchy if the Faction can finish what they have projected But why is it that they utter'd and printed lately so mâ—ny severe Reâ—lections upon his Majesty and his Government Why hath this LETTER upon which I have here written these ANIMADVERSIONS made it its main scope to cast all the Odium of the evils therein pretended upon
was that they were made Slaveâ— and by whom Was is not presently after the Bishops and Church been alter'd And by what manner of persons were these things done Even by those very Lords and Commons who in their great 〈◊〉 of the State of the Kingdom Anno 1641. declared That they conceived tâ—â—ir Proâ—eedings to be 〈◊〉 by such Mâ—n as did 〈◊〉 into tâ—e People â—hat thâ—y meant to aboliâ—h the Church-Government or to absâ—lve any Mâ—n of that Obedienâ—e which he owes undâ—r God to His MAJESTY whâ—m they confâ—ss to be intrusted with the Ecclesiastical Laws as well as with the Temporal And in their Declaration of the Ninth of April 1642. they declare That they intended only a due and neâ—essary Reformation of the Government and Liturgie of the Church And to take away nothing in the one or the other but what shall be evil and justly offensive And yet 't is not long after that we find them Voting and throwing down the whole Church-Government and at length that of the State too notwithstanding all the Protestations by them made to the contrary before God and the World Therefore neither Cavaliers nor Churchmen can after so late and sad an experience of Alterability and Alteration be such fools as not to understand what they have seen and felt by such Alterative humors as are now asloat again and what the Issue of them would be if they might have way especially seeing the same Presbyterian Faction are brewing afresh and so visibly that we need not seek pretences to raise jealousie about their doings forasmuch as they are bare-faced and busie and our Projecting Dandeprat whose Actions are accountable at least within the Statute against firing of Houses openly acting the Kindle-cole in Parliament to create a Party there for their purpose and because he cannot yet find a House of Commons for the turn you have him and his Agents every where about the City Preaching up a necessity of Calling a New One and from London his Doctrine is spread into the Countreys with good Counsel to dispose the People to the Old Way of Petitioning that by a full Crie the King may be in a manner constrained to give them opportunity once more to try their Fortunes by a New Election This is more than Jealousie as Mr. Jenks if he please can tell you so that our Author might have spared this Frump which he slings at those few Forces which His Majesty hath been and is necessitated to keep up to secure the Government of which Forces he and his Partisans are by their Seditious if not Treasonous Speeches Letters and Practises the most likely men to cause an augmentation so that if ever a necessity arise that they must be augmented to prevent those mens purposes the Nation may from hence understand whom they are to thank for it and how to excuse the hard condition of a Gracious King who would rather rule by love and sets more value upon a Regiment in the universal good Wills and Hearts of his Subjects than in all the Regiments of force and violence in the World And how small soever this Letter insinuates His Majesties Party to be yet if ever God for our manifold sins should suffer Incendiaries to blow up a new Rebellion by their tracing the same methods that they used who promoted the former it will soon appear by the many thousands that abhor it and its Contrivers that all the rest of the Nation will become ready Volunteers either in Purse or Person to defeat their Enterprises and prevent the like miseries and confusions as those were that the same Faction brought upon us heretofore In the mean time 't is but reason they should declaim against standing Forces because these few do stand in their way though they are no great number and are as a Bridle in their mouthes so that 't will be a hard matter for them to get out the Old Tools to go to Work with I mean Tumults out of the City which were easily form'd in those days when they had none to deal with but a naked King and a Guard of Beef-eaters But Why is it that he cries out We are like to be made Slaves To perswade men to the belief of it he is pleased to insist upon four following instances viz. Four Acts of this Parliament which are indeed as high and necesâ—ary Acts of prudence as could be passed by Parliament to preserve the Monarchy and fence it against the Designs of any new Rebellion that may in future be grounded upon the old humors LETTER 7. IN order to this the first step was made in the Act for Regulating Corporations wisely beginning that in those lesser Governments which they meant afterwards to introduce upon the Government of the Nation they might make them swear to a Declaration and belief of such Propositions as themselves afterward upon debate were enforced to alter and could not justifie in those words so that many of the Wealâ—â—iâ—st Worthiest and Soberest men are still kept out of the Magistracy of those places ANIMADVERSION Upon perusal of this Act you will find it was high reason that moved the Parliament to pass it as appears by this preamble viz. That the succession in governing such Corporations may be most probably pâ—rpetuated in the hands of persons well 〈◊〉 to His Majesty and the established Government it being too will known that notwithstanding all His Majesties endeavours and unparallel'd indulgence in pardoning all that is past nevertheless maâ—y evil spirits are still working Wherefore for prevention of the like mischief for the time to câ—me and for preservation of the publick peace both in Church and State Commissioners are appointed to see that all Mayors Recorders Aldermen and other persons bearing Office of Magistracy Trust or Employment relating to the Government of Cities Corporations and Boroughs do take the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy and another Oath That they 〈◊〉 declare and b … that it is not lawful upon any preteâ—ce whatsoever to takâ— Aâ—â—s against the King and that they do abhor that Traiterous Position of taking Arms by his Authority against His Person or against those that are Commissionated by Him And at the same time also the said Commissioners are to see that such persons do subscribe a Declaration declaring That they do hold that there lies no Obligation upon themselves or any other Person from the Oath commonly called The Solemn League and Covenant and that the same was in it self an unlawful Oath and imposed upon the Subjects of this Realm against the known Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom This was an Act of the whole Parliament and there 's no reason therefore why our Letter-Man should charge it on the Bishops alone but that the main Aim is at them first and for what cause I have already told you 'T is conceived the ready way to go to work it having been the beaten way to attaque the Government on that side for this the Party is a forming
seasonable especially in a time wherein many of the Old Kindlers are visibly blowing this Old Coal again to revive it and with it to over-heat the Brains and Consciences of men into a zeal of the same Obligation in stead of repentance that ever they took it But hear what the King said of it and 't is enough to forewarn and advise men of any Conscience or discretion in the future That saith he which makes such Confederations by way of Solemn Leagues and Covenaâ—ts the more to be suspected is That they are the common Road used in all Factions Perturbations of State or Church Where Formalities of extraordinary zeal and piety are never more studied and elaborate than when Politicians aâ—itate most desperate designs against all that is setled or sacred in Religion and Laws which by such skrues are cunningly yet forcibly wrested by secret stâ—ps and less sensible degrees from their known Rule and wonted practice to comply with the humors of those men who aim to subdue all to their own will and power under the disguises of Holy Combinations Wisdom and Truth greater than this or more Divine never was uttered by any Prince since the days of Solomon And it ought to be for ever written in the hearts of Subjects because we can seal to it upon the sad experience we had in our late Civil Wars to the utter ruine of all Religious Profession which men ought to take care by sincerity and integrity of life to hold up in the height of Reputation as the most sacred thing in the World Otherwise what we may expect of the pretences and disguises of the most Sanctimonious Combinations the same king tells us in the following words They are Cords and â—ythes will hold mens Consciences no longer than force aâ—tends and twists them for every man soon grows his own Pope and easily absolves himself of those Ties which not the command of Gods Word or the Laws of the Land but only the subtilty and terror of a Party casts upon him Indeed such illegal ways seldom or never intend the engaging of men more to Duties but only to Parties therefore 't is not regarded how they keep their Covenants in point of Piety pretended provided they adhere firmly to the Party and design intended The Imposers of such a League will admit of any mens sences of it though divers or contrary with any Salvoes Cautions and Reservations so as they cross not the chief design against the Church and their King There are many thousands yet living who can witness to the truth of it that they had no sooner involved the several Parliamentary Parties in the guilt of that Covenant but they all fastened several Sences and Constructions upon it such as might best suit with the several ends and designs of their particular Parties They like Samson's Foxes had their heads looking divers ways but were tied together by the Tails had one common Interest which tied them fast to each other in Agreement for the destruction of King and Bishops They easily absolved one another and each man himself from the seeming obligations of the Covenant to Loyalty and Government as fast as their particular occasions called them off to other Resolutions And if we may believe Sir Henry Vaâ—e it was in the penning so worded that the Noose might not be too strict and narrow for Conscience to escape out of it when occasion should require For when that Gentleman came to Tower-hill to dye he told us to this purpose that himself had been one of the Commissioners that went out of England into Scotland and was present there in those Councils then on Foot betwixt both Kingdoms which contrived that Covenant And when it was objected by some that if the Terms of the Covenant should run so high for preservation of the King and His Family as they seemed to be the King perhaps might notwithstanding be utterly hardened against it and frustrate all the good intents of it towards himself And in such case it was propounded in Council what then should be done At last it was concluded an Addition should be made to it of that ominous Clause In the preservation and defence of the Religion and Liberties of the Kingdoms A Clause which was made use of afterwards to prove that the Nation might be established in a Government without any regard to the King or His Family For manifestation of this Truth there needs no more but to cast an eye back upon that fatal Remonstrance of the Army dated at St. Albans 20th November 1648. penned by Ireton Cromwel's Son-in-law the main scope whereof was â—o prove That they ought to take away the Kings Life with a pretence and form of Justice and extirpate His Family And truly I have the greater cause to remember this having at that time read the Arguments contained in several Prints against it to manifest unto the Authors of such Counsels and all the world that such a Course of proceeding against the King of England is Irrational Monstrous and in consequence pernicious to the three Kingdoms Nevertheless the Argumentation of Colonel Ireton carried it And whosoever pleases to consult the Contents of that Army Remonstrance shall find that the best Arguments he had except the Sword were all fished out of several Topicks contained in the Covenant among which the main one fetcht from that afore cited Clause was like the Sword of Goliah noâ— like it to cut asunder all Obligations both Sacred and Civil and was improved to this point That seeing these Nations were brought to such a pass as the Argumentator wâ—s pleased to say That the ends of the Covenant could not be attained by a Government with â—â— King and his Family Therefore those ends being the Principal Considerations of Mens Covenanting ought to be made good by another Government without any regard of Him or His who were but of a Secondary consideration And thus out of the Belly of that Trojan-Horse the Covenant sprang that Hobby-horse of a Republick with Cromwell on the back of it who himself at length convinced in Judgment about forms of Government saw and confessed by making himself the sole single person in Authority that no Rest is to be â—ad by Government in this Nation but by a Monarchy After this my good Friends of Shaftsbury I suppose you will not venture to gainsay but that it was well done of the Parliament and Bishops too since you will have them nam'd in particular to pass two such Acts as might keep men out of Magistracy in Corporations and out of Command in the King's Militia whose Consciences can yet relish and not abhor such a Covenant or such a Treasonous Maxim in State That the King's Authority may be made use of or turn'd against his Person And yet anon before the end of this Letter the Author will tell you of very strong Instances and Cases Somebody cited in the House of Peers wherein it was and may be lawful again so to do
now for an Oath than the Nobility and Gentry yet at their own time they have been able and while they retain such Principles can be again when time serves to swallow all manner of Oaths and devour Nobles Gentlemen too Clergy and All. And this our Letter-Man knows very well who having at this time great need of them in the Pulpit is you see very angry they are under hatches He only wants such a House of Commons as he could wish for he reckons himself sure of his Clergy they are of another Kidney than the Church of England's Clergy These he is pleased to brand as Men of little Understanding and of a pitiful sort of Learning which teaches to Obey and Justifie not to Disoute the Commands of their Superiours Meer Milk-Sops they but his are the Myrmidoâ—s Men of Arguments as strong as Gun-Powder Profound Men of Letters who have written and can write RATIO â—LTIMA REGUM round the Mouth of a Cannon LETTER THe fourth and last Act found fault with is The Five Miles Aâ—â— passed at Oxford whiâ—â— introduces the Oath in the Terms the Courtiers would have it This was thâ—â— strongly opposed by the Lord Treasurer Southampton Lord Wharton Lord Ashley and others not only in the concern of those poor Ministers that were so severely handled but as it was in it self an unlawful and unjustisiable Oath however the Zeal of that time against all Noâ—conformists â—asâ—ly passed the Act. ANIMADVERSION THat my Lord Wharton and Lord Ashley might oppose it is not impossible but of my Lord Southampton 't is hardly probable but if he did it serves for some excuse to Lord Aâ—hley because his Lordships Interest at that early time of day was nothing in Court without him and so he could lose nothing there then For it was afterwards that he crept up like Ivy upon that old Oak of Loyalty Southampon into His Majesties favour and many a good place which while his Lordship enjoyed we do not remember that ever he was angry at this Act Nor do we know any reason why it might not have been stretcâ—â— at that time a Mile or two more without grieving his Lordship or stretching his Conscience so that this Story might have been very well omitted so far as concerns my good Lord Ashley If the Ministers were then so severely hâ—ndled let it be noted that now is the time his Lordship would be thought to have had no hand in it But whose fault was it then was it not their own were they not very severe towards the King when they refused the Oath contained in that Act which enjoined only these particulars viz. to declare That it is not lawfâ—l upon any pretence whatsoever to take Arms against the King That they do abhor that Traiterous Position of taking Arms by his Authority against his Person or against those that are Commissionated by him in pursuance of such Commissions And that they will not at any time endeavour any Alteration of Government either in Church or State Now let us reason together Is it rational to imagine that any Governour will not provide for the safety and peace of his Government Are not Protection and Allâ—giance correlative Do they not Mâ—tuo se ponere can either be understood without the other Is not the Band of Politicks utterly broken by conceiving the contrary If a Subject will not declare it Not lawful to take Arms against the King Is there not a clear Implication of the Affirmative that he may or perhaps will when he shall have an opportunity Is it imaginable then that any King can think himself secure of such a Man or that he could permit him to enjoy the Common Liberties of his Government who refuseth to give the Common Caution required by Governours for the place of Government Or if such person have formerly by any Overt Acts declared or preached to others that it is lawful to take Arms can he with any colour of reason find fault with the King when he demands onely gentle Cauâ—ion of him by declaring that he hath alter'd his Opinion and will do so no more And in case of his refusal can he in his Conscience condemn the Kings making a Law to prevent him from doing the like again Come Gentlemen let us to the great Rule of Conscience Whatsoever ye would that Men should do to you do ye so to them for this is the Law and the Prophets Now pray tell me you that are Kings of those little Kingdoms called Families If any one of your Children or Servants hath taught or shall teach the rest that it is lawful to dispute and fight with you and perhaps they do it in your Houses would you not think it strange that any Man should blame you if you not punishing that Child or Servant should onely demand this gentle Caution of him that he oblige himself never to do the like again It 's much rather to be supposed that in stead of that you would turn him out of your little Kingdom and no Man could find fault with you for it Now for Inference If His Majesty a Prince Gracious and Indulgent beyond all example hath laid aside the severe part and if you by your refusing to give him the Security of a Promissory Oath have in effect declared that ye will not lay aside or quit that unruly Principle of taking Arms against him what could he do less than to take the Viper out of his own and the Churches Bosom and not nourish it any longer Whereas by the Laws of God and Man and by that Law of Nature called Self-preservation he might have taken another kind of Course for the Security and Quiet of Himself and His Subjects and not onely have shut these Men out of Corporations but out of the Kingdom And yet so far hath His Majesty been from this severity that the Five Miles Aâ—t it self hath languisht with very little Execution insomuch that those Men and their Friends have at this time of day small cause to complain of it but rather much for a heart-melting into grateful acknowledgments of so great Lenity If another Pen had been ousied in this Work of Animadverting it might perhaps have dropt here many notable Reasons of State justifying the Policy and Prudence of that Act and its Execution as to name one for an Instance Viz. Seeing that by the Constitution of this Kingdom the Commons House of Parliament have an Interest in the Power of Legislation that no Law can be made or repealed without them And whereas the major part of their Members are chosen by Corporations it must needs be of highest concern to preserve those Bodies Corporate as free as may be from the Infection of Preachers of such Principles as are destructive of the Kingdoms Constitution and Government lest in a little time the swarming Prosâ—lytes of Nonconformity come to bear away the Bell at Elections and then Trump a Major Vote in the Commons House to play a New Game again at
the King to part with this Parliament as it is for you to depart from that Loyalty Affection and Dutiful Behaviour you have hitherto shewed towards Him Let us bless the King for taking away all our Fears and leaving no room for Jealousies for those Assurances and Promises He hath made us Let us bless God and the King that our Religion is safe That the CHURCH OF ENGLAND is the Care of our Prince That PARLIAMENTS ARE SAFE That our properties and liberties are safe What more hath a good Englishman to ask but that this King may long Reign and that this triple Alliance of King Parliament and People may never be DISSOLVED All which being spoken of this present Parliament may well serve for an Answer to his Lordships Protestation notwithstanding those Reasons therein contained For surely matters cannot in so short a time be so exceedingly alter'd as to deserve this protesting or the declaimings in that violent manner as throughout this whole Discourse we have seen by reflecting upon the Bishops and against the continuance of the Parliament that were in his Lordships good opinion so sacred about five years ago The old saying is Nemo repente â—it turpissimus and 't is a true one that no man grows as bad as bad may be on a sudden and if there be any weight in what his Lordship hath said on both sides it is more reasonable and probable for us to conclude and understand ill of himself rather than of the Parliament because the Transits of great Assemblies are not so quick and another Proverb saith Great Bodies move but slowly so that their principles purposes and designs cannot vary all points of the Compass at so brisk a rate as one nimble States-man's whose motion is wont to be per Saltum after the manner of Leap-Frog from the Artick to the Antartick in a Trice especially if he happen to fall into foul weather at Court and can ride there no longer but must make use of any wind to set sail into some other Port. Which we hope will be consider'd by the rest of the Lords Protesters And truly their Lordships have the fairer excuse to come off because the thing was done in a heat and in haste as appears first by the printed Title of the Protestation which saith it was on the morning that the Parliament was Prorogued 1675 and the printed words at the end of it are That the Lords in print were all that were in the House early enough to Sign it before the Prorogation So that it seems his Lordship could not be at rest till he had given all the World to understand why it was that he was so warm in his Speeches upon Cross-points which must make a Breach betwixt the Houses all along the Session to hinder all manner of publick Business and then from the non-dispatch of it to inâ—er that this Parliament is not fit for it and then forsooth we are to believe what he dictates and admit a protesting Ergo That there is a necessity of dissolving this and calling a new Parliament For his Lordship and the rest in print do close the Protestation with these three Lines That it is in their humble opinion become altogether unpracticable for the Two Houses as the case stands joyntly to pursue those great and good Ends for which they were called That is as much as to say it will be so if the case shall so stand in the opening of this approching Session as it was in the ending of the last For some say his Lordship hath Dr. Shirley in his pocket and can start him again at pleasure to make the same scuffle about priviledge betwixt the Houses But some think he will be wiserâ— because the Trick being now thus plainly understood it will be too ridiculous to play it over again in an Assembly of so many noble seeing and knowing Men as make up the House of Peers Nor is it probable that the Commons House filled with men of great wisdom insight in Affairs and integrity should meet together without Expedients to prevent further Contests and to carry on the King and Kingdoms business Which they are the rather obliged to do for the Honour of their House in a double respect First because if this House of Commons which began and carried on things so gloriously for the Establishment of the King and Settlement of the Kingdom shall be deprived of opportunity to finish what they began What can be the end but to go out in a Snuff according to the Designs of a busie Rampant Faction who mortally hate them for the good they have done and whose Triumph it would be to transmit the memory of them to posterity with igâ—ominy and this bitter Sarcasm That they began to build but could not make an end Secondly They are exceedingly concerned in point of Honour seeing they are represented in Print to the World as a sort of people that may be easily plaid upon and led by the nose to do what other men please For in a print published at the same time with the other prints since the last Session and by the same hand Entituled The Debate or Arguments for Dissolving this present Parliament and the calling frequent New Ones as they were delivered in the House of Peers Novemb. 20th 1675. I find page 9. it is boasted by the Designers concerning the Commons House that they have a party of Members in that House whom the said print calls Many of the ablest and most worthy Patriots among them whose business it was to second the Protesting Lords by carrying this difference betwixt the Houses to the greatest height that by this means they might deliver the Nation from this Parliament by Dissolution and have a New one called So that Here we have OPEN CONFESSION that it was a Design carried on by a PARTY in both Houses to bring on and carry on their Fellow-Members to such disputes as might Disable them to do the Publick Work and thence to conclude that they ought to be dissolved Which certainly is a Conspiracy of such a Magnitude that none ever exceeded it but the Powder-Treason Especially if we consider what course hath been taken by this kind of Prints spread over the Three Kingdoms to Poison mens minds and render the Government Ridiculous by exposing the Debates and Contestings of Parliament to the Scorn and Contempt of the Vulgar through the Artifice and cunning of that Implacable Party which I have so often mentioned and whose DESIGN is now Manifested to be a BLOWING UP of the Parliament after another manner It cannot be amiss therefore before I dismiss this Point to try the strength of what they have DISCOURSED for a NEW PARLIAMENT as it hath been Printed in the forecited Pamphlet called The Debate and Arguments used in the House of Peers c. There are saith that Pamphlet Two Objections that make a great Sound which have really nothinâ— of weight in them The first Objection is That the Crown is
in danger if you call a New Parliament This Objection they pretend to answer by saying there 's no fear of danger because Men of Quality of Estates and of the best Understanding and such as will give Money will be chosen But I reply this Argument hath more Malice than Reason to support it because it reflects as if these were not such The Generality of this House of Commons are known to be men of the best Quality and of Estates and of the best understanding All their Fault is in the Opinion of the Conspiring Party that they too well understand them and their Design and what the true interest of the Crown is and that as they ever have been so they still are tight and firm to it and the Government and that the great interest of the Nobles Gentry and Commons of the Land lies in being so This they understand Besides they are men best acquainted and expert in the management of Parliamentary Affairs and therefore more likely than men newly elected to make dispatch of them if the Projectors did not study all ways to impede them for other ends than the â—ase and supply of the Crown And therefore a New Parliament is not now to be called for these following Reasons I. Because it is not for the honour of the King to be as it were Trepann'd thus by Tricks or worried by Clamors and Importunities into a necessity of calling a new Parliament because it will in the judgment of wise men at home and of Princes abroad be no other than an imposing upon him in one main point of his Prerogative which is to use His own discretion and take His own time for the summoning and dissolving of Parliaments II. It cannot be for his safety or advantage because if Money be wanting know he must pay dear for it before the New One will give it and What can they give which may not more readily be had by the present Parliament if the just indignation of His Majesty and His two Houses shall arise against the stratagems oâ— the Prime Projectors and defeat them I cannot forget what mine eyes have seen in the days of His Royal Father therefore since years teach wisâ—om and the experience of like matters in time past gives instruction for the future it cannot but be good to bring them fresh into remembrance Let us therefore remember how it was with King Charles the First It was the cunning of the same Faction having an aking Tooth at the Bishops and consequently a design to alter the Government as now they have again which they could not easily do without clamouring about matters of Religion and against some Errors and Excesses of the Court and the King's Ministers Therefore as they plied that point home in hope to gain the people so in the beginning of His Reign they finding the King in necessity of Money to satisfie His Fathers Debts and for other great occasions at home and abroad and knowing that a Parliament must be called for Raising Money they laid the Plot thus First to work upon that necessity by high popular demands such as must either bow the King to comply with them and then it would be easie for them to pursue their wild projects of alteration in State and Church or else it would constrain him to break them And that they feared not knowing it could not be long before he would have occasion to call a Second Parliament which they by the like demands would bring to nothing as easily as before unless the King would consent to them which they presumed he would never do And it came to pass as they had before contrived that the King was frustrated of the hopes he had of three or four Parliaments by sending them away one after another not getting one peny but he being tired out and having perceived that they entred upon such debates and made such demands as intrenched upon the Interest of His Crown and that a condescension to them would have brought both him and it into contempt he was constrained to shift without Parliaments to his great sorrow and it proved to be the great occasion of the late War enough to shew what it is for a King in want of Money in these days to call a New Parliament of whose kindness he hath had no experience especially when he hath already a Parliament in being most dutiful wise and able to do his and his Kingdoms business if some few persons would please to study peace and leave off contention The truth of the forementioned Plot of the Commons in those days I shall by and by more particularly demonstrate In the mean while you may remember I told you this sort of Game they began in the latter end of the Reign of King James and now you shall see how they plaid it Before that time the Commons never medled at so high a rate but in the Nineteenth year of that King when he called a Parliament about the assistance of the Prince Palatine his Majesty was in great want of Money to relieve the Palatinate and great hopes were given him of a Supply What was the Issue of this necessity of calling it The King had a mind to Adjourn the Parliament but for a little season and for some Reasons which he foresaw required it whereupon the Faction presently interposed and drew the rest of their Fellow-Members to Petition him against Adjournment insomuch that the wise King being Jealous of his Prerogative and not liking that the Commons should so much as meddle with it though in a way but Petitionary he very much resented it and told a Committee which they sent to him about it That he took it very ill the Commons should dispute his Reasons of Adjournment all Power being in him alone to Call Adjourn and Dissolve Parliaments This made the Faction so bold and Mutinous in discourse every where that His Maiesty was fain to put forth a Proclamation against talking of State-affairs with such inordinate liberty The time of the Parliaments Adjournment being expired they came together again and what then The Palatine Cause requiring Supply more than before and the Lord Treasurer having in a Speech laid open the Kings Wants and how empty his Coffers were the Faction thought they should now in his Necessity be able to work him like Wax therefore in stead of Money they immediately salute him with a Catalogue of his Faults the growing Mischiefs of his Government and dictate unto him Remedies and they called it A Petition and Remonstrance The King then by Letter to the Speaker sharply complains of this Indignity imputes it not to the House it self but to the boldness of some fiery and popular Spirits in the House of Commons which were the Predecessors of our present Faction whom he brands with Breach of his Prerogative Royal by debating publickly Matters which were above them Nevertheless having him at a pinch for Money they grew the bolder and hereupon drew up
another Petition and sent it to back their former Remonstrance To which his Majesty gave a smart Answer taxing the Faction and desiring the Commons henceforth not to give car to those Tribunitial Orators among them advising them also to keep within their Bounds and that the way to preserve their Priviledges was not to pare his Prerogative and pull the Flowers of the Crown Then to shew it was indeed a Fiery Faction they blew the Flame yet higher and by Speech-making got the Major Vote to come to a Protestation that they ought to debate high Matters and it was their Priviledge c. But this was done by the Faction by surprise the Third part of the House not present This so moved the King that to preserve his Prerogative he was forced to send for the Clerk of the House of Commons to bring his Journal-Book to Whitehall and produce it in the Pricy Council where his Majesty thought fit that the Protestation should be razed out of all Memorials and utterly to be annihilated both in respect of the manner by which it was gained and of the Matter therein contained and he did in full Council and in the presence of the Judges declare it void and of none effect because it was Penned in such general and ambiguous words as might serve for future Times to invade most of the Rights and Prerogatives annexed to the Imperial Crown of this Realm For his Majesty did not deny but that the House might Treat and Debate De Arduis Regni which words said the King were cunningly mentioned in that Protestation but they ought to have remember'd also the word Quibusdam which restraineth the generality of the other words Arduous Affairs of the Kingdom to such particular Cases as his Majesty pleaseth to consult with them upon Therefore the King did further Mann propria take the said Protestation out of the Journal-Book of the Cemmons and made an Act of Council thereupon And in six days after he was necessitated to Dissolve them having got not one Peny of Money for his Extream Occasions For it was the Arcanum of the Faction even in those days to make High Demands and raise Quarrels about Priviledges and other Matters intrenching upon the Rights of the Crown that as oft as they got the Parliament-House over their Heads they took the same Method of working upon want of Money to brave the King and by not supplying him to held his Nâ—sâ— to the Grindstone They clamour'd ever for Parliaments lured the King in witâ— Hopes of Money to call them and then in stead of Money they fell to disputing with him so that the Parliaments in the latter end of King James's Reign were of no use to him except the last a little before he died For in his last appearance with them he complained how the Faction had made him Break the Necks of Three Parliaments together by which he meant the Three Preceding Parliaments King James being gone now let us see more at large how they used his Son King Charles in his first Parliament Annâ— 1625. which by reason of the Plague at London was Adjourned to Oxford The Supplies for carrying on the Palatine Cause had been pressed by the Lord Keeper before at westminster and now at Oxford the Kings Secretaries of State Report to both Houses the Kings great Occasions for Money and the great Debts left upon him by his Father Thereupon the Faction having a Young King to deal with and in Necessity for Money began to Rant more than ever with High Debates reflecting upon his Ministers as Evil Counsellors and upon himself upbraiding him that his Necessities arose from Improvidence and a world of such like stuff they â—witted him with and cried out also on Popery as if it had been just coming in but in the mean time they neglected the Palatine Cause the supplying whereof ought to have been speedy and afterwards Scandalized the King and his Ministers in having the blune of it upon them Next they sell upon High Demands from the King before they would think of a Peny The same 〈◊〉 as before in King James's days So the King perceiving they were resolved against Supplies unless they might have their will upon himself and tear his Ministers and some of his Counsellors in pieces He after three Moneths sitting was forced to Dissolve them About five Moneths after that Dissolution his Majesties great Necessities urged him to the calling of a Second Parliament which was done and no sooner 〈◊〉 but the Faction resumed the very same Courses again onely in one particular they alter'd from calumniating the Kings Ministers in general they now began to fall in stead of Money upon the Duke of Beâ—â—kingham though the King in his Speech willed them rather to remember it was not long since in his Fathers time that They did so much 〈◊〉 anâ— Reâ—pâ—â—him that all the Honour â—â—ferred on him wâ—â—s too little Many hot and high Debates passed nevertheless in despight of the Faction the Loyal part of the Commons made a shift to get a Vote for Three Subsidies and Three Fifteens for the King but it came to nothing for though the King after wards wrote a Letter to them and otherwise also importuned them to bring him that Bill of Subsidy to pass telling them he should look upon Longer delay as a denial yet the Faction so disturbed the House with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Debates that nothing was done the King got not a Eâ—â—thing and was constrained after Four Moneths sitting to Dissolve them a Second time The next year after a Third Parliament was callâ—d and though the 〈◊〉 in it laboured hard in their wonted way yet for meer shame at length a Subsidy was Voted and passed by the Industry of the Loyal Party But on the other hand the Faction stomaching the Matter contrived how to shew their Malice another way and drave on a Remonstrance to take away Tonnage and Poundage one of the chiefest Maintenances of the Crown Which to prevent the King was fain to go Himself in Person to Prorogue them for Four Moneths time and that being â—igh expired it was by Proclamation Prorogued for Three Moneths more after which being Re-assembled the Faction flew out into high Fits about Priests and Popery and Grievances and were so tumultuary that the Speaker was leaving the Chair but that they held him in by force till they had passed Resolves against payment of the Kings Tonnage and Poâ—ndage And so what Money they had given with one hand they took away with another So that nothing being likely but Mischief to the Crown by longer Siâ—ting 〈◊〉 King was glad to Dissolve them by Proclamation afterwards and to acquaint the World with their Behaviour by putting forth a Declaration of the Causes of their Dissâ—â—â—ion Thereupon his Majesty was necesâ—itated to have recourse unto extraordinary ways for Supply to carry on the Government without Parliaments for almost Twelve Years after for by the violent and unreasonable proceedings
the Bishops Why have divers Transactions been solely imputed to them and they alone been represented blame-worthy if there had been any cause of blame in things which many times had been first moved by the Temporal Lords if the design were not to exasperate mens minds principally against Bishops Why are they so â—â—â—en slandered as if they drave an Interest as Bishops prejudicial to the Rights and Interest of the people What mean all these suggestions if they meant not to prepare them for ruine by another Parliament seeing they can never do it while this is in being And why so great a zeal against them among the prime drivers of the Faction who can own nothing of Religion or Reformation save what they take up for craâ—ty ends but because they well know there is no way to invade the Throne but by first removing Bishops which seeing this Parliament their defenders will never suffer that is the reason why some have been so vehement in debates to imbroil the Houses to make it impossible for them to do any thing more for the Publick and so by taking away their reputation they may not be able to defend themselves against the plotted out-cries of the People to make the Church and this Parliament fall and sink under the fury of the Faction both together Thus having taken a â—urvey of all the other holds of Reason wherein they fortifie themselves and infest the Government by frequent â—allies forth in print and having reduced them and planted better Reasons in their stead 't is time to return to the mâ—in Fort which I left I mean the LETTER which will now be the more easily and quickly deâ—eated LETTER THe next Session of Parliament which was January 7. following many excellenâ— Voâ—es were in hand in order to a Bill Among the rest one was That the Princes of the Bloud Royal should all marry Protestants ANIMADVERSION T Is rather to be supposed the Lords are here slandered It can hardly be that they should take up a business which was damn'd by King James long ago when the Factions Party in the then House of Commons clamoured against the Prince's Match with Spain and made Addresses to the King about it who in much wrath told them They should meddle with their own business this being above them c. This point also the Faction was so bold to insist on among the rest of their high Demands made to his Son in the Nineteen Propositions 1642. to which his Majesty answered That to debar him of the free Marriage of his Children would be to place him in a condition lower than the meanest of his Subjects This debarring of Princes from marrying where they please would be to hinder them from making those great Advantages which many times they might get thereby for the general Good of the Kingdom Therefore when it was pressed on at the second Reading of the Bill the Vote went in the Negative LETTER IT notes the Duke of Lauderdale 's being a Patron of the Church and that his Coach was filled with Bishops and the Lord Chancellor and Lord Treasurer 's are of a just Size to the same Affair ANIMADVERSION TWo Faults it seems these two Lords have besides their being of a just Size to the true Interest of the Government that is to say Two Good Places crime enough in this Age for Ministers of State for which while one man lives they are sure never to he forgiven I will not swear my Lord of Shaftsbury had a hand in this LETTER but as weak a man as I am may be apt to imagine so because he takes such care those two Noble Lords should not be forgotten nor the Duke of Lauderdale because he keeps all quiet in Scotland so that there is no possibility of beginning again the Ruine of our English Bishops by the way of Scotland nor of getting Friends into a Scotch Parliament to second the fine Speeches made here in England LETTER NOw comes the memorable Session of April 13. 1675. than which never any came with more expectation of the Court or dread and apprehension of the People ANIMADVERSION THey were much beholden then to his Lordship to remove their Fears by taking a course to convert the Houses into Cock-pits to make sport for the Nation The Court indeed were so foolish as to expect better things but this must be imputed to the want of his Lordships Wisdom among them But what was the occasion that his Lordship laid hold on thus to transform them His Pocket-Business of Shirley did not do all the mischief but there was another called The Bill of Test LETTER THis Bill of Test was brought into the House of Lords by the Earl of Lindsey Lord High Chamberlain a Person of great Quality but in this imposed upon ANIMADVERSION BUt others are of opinion his Lordship did it as an Act of high Loyalty answerable to that most Noble Character which his Family justly bears in the opinion of his Majesty and the whole World who can never forget either them or the memory of that great Man the Father of them 〈…〉 Earl of Lindsey who in the first famous Battel of Edge-Hill being Lord General of his Majesties Army most valiantly spilt his Blood in that Service in hope immediately to have restored the Royal Family and to have stopt that Issue of Blood which â—an so many years after about the Kingdom Therefore it was no wonder that this Noble Lord being his Grandson was the Man that brought in a â—ill of Tâ—st He and all his being a Family that can endure a Test in this and all other Concerns of the King the Church and â— the Nation LETTER IT was then Read the first time without much opposition But at the second Reading the Lord Keeper now Lord Chancellor and some other Lords made Elaborate Speeches the Keeper calling it A moderate Security to the Church and Crown and that no Honest Man could refuse it and whoever should would give great suspicion of dangerous and Anti-Monarchical Principles And they shew'd what dangerous Times we are in all Men not having laid aside the Principles of Rebellion ANIMADVERSION CErtainly it was well observed by those Lords and therefore I suppose it was high time to take Pen in hand to manifest the Truth that the late Discourses and practises of some men during several past Sessions of Parliament are no other but the same very courses that were practised with the like heat and violence and with the same method against the King the Church and the whole State both in and out of Parliament as appears through the whole Current of these Animadversions in which I had not been so large but that it was most necessary to present to view the new Transactors of the Faction now drest and acting in the habit principles and posture of the old Masters of the late Rebellion which might lie for ever buried in the Act of Obliâ—ion if these men did not rake all up again