if this by the Testimony of another Oracle not fabulous and uncertain but infallible and divine cannot be sunk neither can that which is embark'd in it For this reason your Highness's glorious Ancestors were us'd to consecrate part of the Spoils they took in War from their Enemies to God as the Lord of Victories who fought for them offering for his Worship very considerable Revenues and Possessions whence innumerable Foundations and Endowments of Churches Cathedrals and Convents took their rise having built in Spain above Seventy thousand Churches Of which Samy the first King of Arragon alone built a Thousand consecrated to the Blessed Virgin which his Munificence was amply rewarded by the many Conquests he made and Victories he won having fought Thirty three Battels in all which he came off victorious These pious Works were like Religious Colonies render'd by their Spiritual Arms not less powerful than Military ones for Artillery make not so great Breaches as Prayer The Prayers of the Israelites for seven Days beat down the Walls of Iericho 1 And the People shouted with a great shout that the Wall fell down flat so that the People went up into the City every Man strait before him and they took the Ciâ—y Ios. 6. 20. Riches are therefore better reposited in Temples than Treasuries not only against extream necessity but that as by them Religion flourishes the State may with it The Athenians kept theirs in that of Delphi as did many other Nations What better Guardian than the Sovereign Arbitrator of Kingdoms Our Hearts at least will be in the Churches if our Treasures are there 2 For where your Treasure is there will your Heart he also Mat. 6. 21. Wherefore their Council 〈◊〉 no less impious than imprudent who under the â—lightest pretence of publick Necessity are for pillaging them He is not worthy the Protection of Divine Providence who diffident of God's Power upon every accident has his Eye upon the Furniture of his House When King Ferdinand the Holy wanted Money to carry on the Siege of Sevil and some advis'd him to supply the Deficiency of his Exchequer out of the Church-Treasures He made answer I promise my self more from the Prayers and Sacrifices of the Priests than from their Riches which Piety and Confidence God abundantly recompenc'd the very next day by the Surrender of the City Those Kings who have done otherwise have left severe Examples of their Sacrilegious Presumption Gunderick King of the Vandals going to Plunder St. Vincent's fell down dead as he was entring it The great Misfortunes of Alphonso King of Arragon were thought to be God's Judgmentâ— upon him for having robbâ—d his Sacred Houses Queen Uraca died at the very Door of St. Isidore's at Leoâ— the Treasures of which she had embeziled Saneâ—â— King of Arragon was shot through the Arm with 〈◊〉 Arrow for that he had defilâ—d his Hands with thâ— Plunder of Churches And though in St. Victorio's aâ— Rota he publickly confess'd his Crime and with Tears and all imaginable Signs of Contrition offering Râ—stitution and Amendment yet it pleas'd God to publish his Offence in his Punishment as a warâ—ing to others King Iohn the First was routed and kill'd aâ— the Battel of Aliubanota for having made use of the Treasures of the Church of Guadaloupâ— Upon the Surrender of Cajeta to Frederick King of Naples the Frenâ—h loaded two Ships with the Plunder of the Churches both which were lost But in all these Cases extream necessity had not place for then right Reason allows Princes for their Preservation to make use of such Riches as out of â— pious Liberality themselves have laid up in these Holy Places provided it be with a Resolution to restore them when the Prosperity of their Affairs shall put them in a Capacity As their Catholick Majesties Ferdinand and Isabella did having obtainâ—d a Grant from the Parliament of Medina del Campo of the Church-Plate to defray Expences of War And the Sacred Canons and Councils have prescrib'd certain Cases and Circumstances of Necessity or Danger wherein Ecclesiasticks are bound to assist the Publick with their Contributâ—ons and certainly 't would be inexcâ—â—able Avaâ—â—câ— in them not to regard Common Necessities They are the most noble and principal Part of a State and if for them or for Religion others are oblig'd to expose their Lives why not they their Riches If the State maintains and keeps them it may very justly expect a reciprocal Relief from them for its Conservation and Defence The People would be diâ—courag'd from paying Tyths and other Church Duties if in Common Calamities there were none to ease them of extraordinary Burthens they will blame their own Piety and their Zeal and Devotion for any new Offerings Donatives and Legacies to the Chuâ—ch will slacken 'T is therefore highly reasonable that the Clergy in Cases of this Nature aid the Publick with their Revenues not only for that the danger or benefit equally respects all but withal least the Goods and Estates of the Laity be so oppress'd that Tillage and with it Tythes and other pious Works must fail In such cases Church-Plate shews better in Bars in the Mint than in Chalices and Cups in the Vestry This Obligation upon the State Ecclesiastical is more strict in the more urgent necessities of the Sâ—â—nish Kings for almost all the Foundations and Endowments of Churches being the Effects of their pious Liberality â—hey are in Justice bound mutually to relieve their Patrons in necessity and oblige them to continue their Munificence in better times These and many other Reasons have prevail'd with the Apostolick See to be so liberal to the Kings of Spain in granting them the use of the Church goods to maintain their Wars against the Infidels Gregory the Seventh granted Sancho Ramiâ—ez King of Arragon the Tythes and Revenues of all the Churches either newly built or gain'd from the Moors to dispose of as he pleasâ—d The same Grant also Pope Urban made to Peter the First King of Arragon his Successors and Grandees of his Kingdom excepting the Churches of Residence Innocent the Third granted the Bull of the Croisade for the War of Spain which was call'd the Holy War which favour Pope Calixtâ—s afterwards in Henry the Fourth's time extended both to the living and the dead Gregory the Tenth gave King Alphonsus the Wise the third Part of the Tythes which were design'd for Building This began afterwards to be perpetuated in Iohn the Second's Reign and Alexâ—nder the Sixth extended it also to the Kingdom of Granada John the Twenty Second granted the Tythes of the Church Revenues and the Croisade to King Alphonsus the Eleventh Urban the Fifth a third Part of the Benefices of Castile to Peter the Cruel Sixtus the Fourth consented to have the Clergy contribute at one time an hundred thousand Ducates for the War of Granada which favour several other Popes continued Iulius the Second granted Emanuel King of Portugal the third Part of the Revenue which
it And if this Dissimulation be a politick Artifice to unite Peoples Minds and to maintain the State true Religion would better do it than false for this is fading that Eternal Many Empires founded upon false Religions proceeding from Ignorance God has preserv'd a long time rewarding by that means their Morality and blind Worship and barbarous Sacrifices with which they fought him not that they were acceptable to him but for the religious Simplicity wherewith they were sometimes offer'd But has never preserved those Empires which counterfeited Religion more through Malice and Artifice than Ignorance St. Isidore at his Death foretold the Spaniards that if they stray'd from the True Religion they should be subdu'd by their Enemies but if they persisted in it their Grandeur should be rais'd above all Nations Which was verified by the Yoak of the Africans which began from the time that Witiza deny'd Obedience to the Pope after which liberty of Worship and licenciousness of Vice disturbed the Publick Peace and ruined Military Discipline which brought heavy Misfortunes upon the King himself and his Sons as well as upon the Kingdom till being subdu'd and chastis'd Spain acknowledg'd its Errors and again found Heaven propitious in that little handful of Christians with which Pelagius retir'd into a Cave in the Mountain Ausena call'd Cavâ—longa where the Arrows and Stones of the Moors were miraculouâ—ly retorted upon themselves †Mar. Hist. of Spain From that the Monarchy began to revive and rose though after a long time to that greatness which it at present enjoys as a Reward of its constancy in the Catholick Religion Since then Religion is the Soul of Governments a Prince ought to use all possible care to preserve it The first Spirit which Romulus Numa Lycurgus Solon Plato and other Founders infus'd into them was Religion 1 Omnium primam rem ad multitudinem imperitam efficacissimam Deorum metum injiciendum ratus Liv. for that unites Mens minds more than necessity The Emperors Tiberius and Adrian prohibited all Foreign Religion and were wholly intent upon the Preservation of their own As also Theodosius and Constantine who established Laws and Punishments against those who revolted from the Catholick Faith Their Majesties Ferdinand and Isabella never tolerated the Exercise of any other Religion In which commendable was the Constancy of King Philip the Second and his Successors who could never be induc'd to compose the Seditions of the Netherlands by Toleration of Liberty of Conscience though they might thereby have retainâ—d those Provinces and sav'd those Immense Treasures which were expended in the War They preferr'd the Honour and Glory of God to their own Ease and Tranquility imitating Flavius Jovianus who being proclaim'd Emperor by the Army excus'd himself saying That he was a Christian and that 't was not fit he should Command them who were not so and would not Consent till all the Soldiers had promis'd to turn Christians Though he might inherit this pious Constancy from his Ancestors since the Eighth Council of Toledo mentions the same thing of King Recefuinthus 2 Ob hoc sui Regni apicem à Deo solidari praeoptaret si Catholicae fidâ—i per euntium turmas acquireret indignum reputans Catholicae fidei Principeâ— sacrileges imperare Conciâ— Tol. 8. cap. 11. Of which Piety your Royal Highness's Father Philip the Fourth of glorious Memory is a signal Example to your Royal Highness In the beginning of whose Reign it being argu'd in Council whether the Truce should be continued with the Dutch and some of his Counsellors urging that it was not Policy to begin War or any change of Affairs in the beginning of a Reign he oppos'd them saying That he would not have his Name branded with the Infamy of having maintain'd one hours Peace with the Enemies of God and his Crown and so immediately broke the Truce For this ardent Zeal and Constancy in the Catholick Religion King Recaredus merited the Name of Catholick as long before the Kings of France that of most Christian In the Third Council of Toledo and in that of Barcelona which Title the Kings Sisebutus and Ervigius kept which their Successors afterwards lost till re-assum'd by King Alphonso the First to distinguish him from Hereticks and Schismaticks Though 't is a King's Duty to maintain Religion in his Realms and to promote the Worship of God as his Vicars in Temporal Affairs that they may Govern to his Glory and their Subjects Safety yet they ought to know that 't is not in them to decide Controversies in Religion and Divine Worship for the care of this belongs directly to the Spiritual Head of the Church to whom alone Christ has given this Authority the Execution Preservation and Defence thereof only is committed to Kings as that Head shall order and direct The Priests sharply check'd King Uzziah and God severely punish'd him because he offer'd Incense 3 And they withstood Vzziah the King and said unto him it appertaineth not unto thee Vzziah to burn Incense unto the Lord but to the Priests 2 Chroâ— 26. 18. 'T is necessary for the Preservation of the Purity of Religion that it be the same in all the Parts of the Christian World True Worship would soon be lost if each Prince might accommodate it to his own Ends and Designs In those Provinces and Kingdoms where this has been attempted there searce remain any Tracts thereof so that the poor distracted People are wholly ignorant of the True Religion The Spiritualty and Temporalty are two distinct Jurisdictions this is adorn'd by the Authority of the other and that is maintain'd by the others Power 'T is an Heroick Obedience which submits to the Vicar of him who disposes of Crowns and Scepters As arbitrary and free from the Laws as Princes pretend to be they must still pay Obedience to the Apostolick Decrees and are oblig'd to give force to them and see them strictly observ'd in their Dominions especially when 't is not only expedient for the Spiritual but also the Temporal Good that those Holy Decrees be put in Execution nor should they suffer any one to violate them to the dammage and prejudice of their Subjects and their Religion EMBLEM XXV THE Stork builds its Nest upon the Church Steeple and by the Sanctity of the Place makes its Succession secure The Prince who founds his Kingdom upon the Triangular stone of the Church renders it strong and lasting The Athenians once consulting the Oracle of Delphi how they might defend themselves against Xerxes who with a vast Fleet of twelve Hundâ—ed Sail was coming to fall on them were answer'd That if they could fence their City with a wooden Wall they should get the better Themistocles interpreted Apollo's meaning to be that all the Citizens should go on Ship board which done they obtain'd a Victory over that prodigious Fleet. The same Success will attend a Prince who shall embark his Grandeur in the Ship of the Church for
taken up in Law there want Men to manure the Ground for Offices and War A few good support many bad and many bad lord it over the few good The Courts of Judicature are Harbours for Pirates and Receptacles for Thieves Those very Men who should be the Assertors of the Peoples Liberty are the heaviest Fetters of their Slavery 12 Deditque jura queis pace Principe uteremur acriora ex 〈◊〉 vincula inditi custodes Tac. 3. Ann. Too many Laws are not less pernicious to a State than Vices 13 Vtque antehac ftagitiis ita nunc legibus laborabatur Tac. 3. Ann. He who makes many Laws sets many Traps in which all must be caught So Caligula when he had a design upon the Innocent established many Laws written in so small a Character that they could be hardly read And Claudius published Twenty in one day which so puzzled the People that 't was more difficult to know than to observe them Therefore Aristotle said That few Laws were sufficient for the weightest Cases and that the rest ought to be left to natural Reason Nothing is so prejudicial to State as multiplicity of Laws Hence God threatened Israel as a Punishment for their Sins that he would multiply their Laws 14 Because Ephraim hath made many Altars to Sin Altars shall be unto him to Sin Scribaâ—â—i multiplices leges meas says the Latin Version Hos. 8. 11 12. To what purpose is it to make an Addition of new Laws upon every slight occasion when there is no case which has not happ'ned before nor any inconveniency which has not been already consider'd of and by Observation and Experience provided for Those which are now introduc'd into Castile as new may be all found in the Ancient Records The Observation of these would be much more agreeable to the People and would create less Odium to the Prince than the Promulgation of other new ones In those Judgment acquiesces in these 't is dubious and unsteady those seem to be founded with care the Authority of these is questionable those may safely be renew'd these can't be introduc'd without danger To make Experiments of new Medicines is dangerous to Health and Life many Herbs before the way of preparing them were known were Poison Better is that State govern'd whose Laws though imperfect are settled than that which is continually changing them The Ancients to intimate that Laws ought to be perpetual wrote them upon Tables of Brass 15 Vsus â—ris ad perpetuitatem monumentoâ—um jampridem translatus est tabulis aereis in quibus constitutiones publicae inciduntur and God engrav'd them with his Eternal Finger upon Stone 16 And he gave unto Moses when he had made an end of communing with him upon Mount Sinai two Tables of Testimony Tables of Stone written with the Finger of God For this reason Augustus advis'd the Senate that they should preserve their Laws intire without altering them for that tho' they were bad they were more beneficial to the State than new ones 17 Positas semel leges constanter servate nec ullam earum immutate nam quae in suo statu eademque maâ—â—nt etsi deteriora sint tamen utiliâ—ra sunt Reipublicae his quae per innovationem vel meliora indacuntur Dion l. 52. There is no Kingdom but is provided with Laws sufficient but care ought to be taken least the variety of Interpretations should render them ambiguous and obscure and occasion Disputes and Controversies This ought to be prevented which might with â—ase be done in Spain if some King upon this account not less a Restorer than Pelagius would abbreviate all Processes and leaving the Civil Law would make use only of those of the Kingdom which are not less prudent and learned than just and reasonable This King Recesewind meant when in one of his Laws he said Also King Alphonsus the Wise commanded his Iudges This their Majesties Ferdinand and Ioan afterwards confirm'd as did King Alarick who laid severe Penalties upon the Judges for admitting the Pleas of the Roman Laws Nor does it a little derogate from Supream Jurisdiction to be govern'd by Foreign Laws To this I foresee two Objections first that if these Laws were written in Spanish the Latin Tongue would be lost and the Lawyers would apply themselves wholly to the Study and Explanation of them only besides that without the knowledge of the Civil Law from whence they are deriv'd they could not be well understood The other is that since the Civil Law is Common to almost all Europe according to which causes ought to be decided and that the Rights and Privileges of Princes are often to be determinâ—d in Foreign Parliaments and Courts of Judicature it will be very necessary to have Men well vers'd in the said Law Which inconveniences will be easily remedied by erecting and indowing some places for Civil Lawyers in the Universities as though upon different Motives King Ferdinand did But if this can't be effected the foremention'd inconveniences may be thus remedied first by prohibiting such a vast number of Books to be imported which serve only to clear the Pockets not the understanding nor is Printing any thing else now-a-days but Merchandize and Trade This variety confounds the Senses embarrasses and puzzles the Judgment 'T would be more adviseable where the written Laws are not full enough for the Decision of any Controversy to be guided by Reason that living Law rather than to grope for Justice in the obscurity of such diversity of Opinions equally favourable to each side and subject to Subornation and Passion Next by shortening the tedious Methods of the Law as King Philip the Second design'd to do at Milan when he consulted with the Senate about that Affair In which he not only respected the good of the Subject but also that in that State which is the Bullwark of the Kingdom there might be more Men of the Sword than the Gown The same was attempted by the Emperors Titus and Vespasian Charles the Fifth their Catholick Majesties Peter King of Portugal James the first of Arragon and Lewis the Eleventh of France none of them being 〈◊〉 to effect it nor can any one else hope to bring 〈◊〉 about since for the reforming the Practice of the â—â—nch the Judges themselves must be of Counsel whose Interest it is to prolong Suits as 't is that of Soldiers to continue War 'T was pure necessity oblig'd the most Serene Queen Isabel of her own accord to make use of this Remedy when being at Sevil harrass'd with vexatious Appeals she commanded all Suits depending to be by the assistance of able and learned Men decided in her presence without the noise of the Bar and that Accumulation of Informations and Processes and truly successfully enough as experience has shewn The Cantons of Switzerland are very prudently govern'd because there are no Lawyers among them the Witnesses are heard and without writing down any thing except the
the giddy Rabble Contempt of such is Courage and Steddiness in a Prince whose Sovereign Law is the Peoples Safety Tiberius heretoâ—ore gloried in having shewn himself fearless of Affronts and Scandal for the Publick Benefit 1 Offensionem pro utilitate publica non pavidum Tac. 4. Ann. A great and lively Soul is nothing affraid of the uncertain Ruâ—ours of the Multitude and Common Fame He who â—â—spises this imaginary will thereby obtain real and â—â—lid Glory This Fabius Maximus well knew when â—e preferr'd the Publick Safety before the Clamours and Complaints of the People accusing his Delays 〈◊〉 did also the Great Captain in the Captivity of Duke Valentin who though he had surrendered and intrustâ—d himself to his safe Conduct yet for some fresh 〈◊〉 he was inform'd he had laid against his Catholick Majesty kept him Prisoner thinking the Dangers his liberty might cause more to be respected than the Aspersions were thrown upon him for the Breach of 〈◊〉 Parole from which at that time it seem'd by no means proper for him publickly to clear himself King Sâ—â—cho the Brave was a Prince renown'd and warlike 〈◊〉 Deaf to the Calumnies of his Subjects he declin'd the Battel of Xeres †Mar. Hist. Hisp. 'T is better for a Prince to be â—â—red by his Enemies as Prudent than as Rash and Precipitous My Design by this Discourse is not to make the Prince a very Slave to the Commonwealth so that for â—â—y Reason or upon the least appearance of its Inteâ—â—st he should break his Word or run Counter to all Treaties and Agreements For such a Violation can neither be of any advantage to him nor his State but will be rather the Ruin of both what is dishonest being never long secure A remarkable Instance of which we have in the Kingdom of Arragon which has been so often embroiled toss'd with so many Storms of Calamities and eminent Miseries because Peter the Fourth as well in times of Peace as War had more regard to Interest than Credit and Renown Interest and Honour should walk hand in hand and the same pace nor câ—â— I be reconciled to this Opinion That nothing is glorioâ—s but what is safe and that whatever is done to maintain Dominion is honourable 2 Nihil gloriosum nisi tutum omnia retinendae dominationis 〈◊〉 Sallust For what is base can never be a good means to preserve it nor if it were will it be therefore the more honourable or excusable My Design is only to raise the Prince's Mind above the Vulgar Opinion and arm him with Constancy to withstand the vain Murmurs of the Multitude that he may know how to temporize to dissemble Injuries to lay aside Kingly Gravity to despise empty Fame having his Eyes fix'd upon that which is true and well-grounded In a word to take Counsel from the time and necessity if the Conservation of his State require it and not suffer himself to be deluded with vain Shadows of Honour esteeming that more than the Publick Good A Fault blam'd in King Henry the Fourth who refus'd to take their Advice who perswaded him to apprehend Iohn Pachico Marquiss of Villena the Author of the Troubles and Commotions among the Grandees of the Kingdom Saying he had made him a promise of a safe Passage to Madrid which he ought not to violate A frivolous Excuse to prefer an idle Proof of Faith and Clemency to his own Life and the Publick Safety especially towards one who would abuse this his Favour to Plot against his Royal Person which was the source of great Calamities to the King and his whole Kingdom Tiberius was not at all moved that some blamed him for making so long a stay at the 〈◊〉 of Caprea and neither went to aid the Gauls of whom a great part were already lost nor to appease the legions in Germany 3 Tanto impensius in sccuritatem compositus neque loco neque 〈…〉 sed ut sâ—litum per illos dâ—es egit Tac. 3. Ann. Prudent Constancy hears but does not much regard the Sentiments of the ignorant Multitude knowing if things succeed well Murmur will afterwards turn to greater Glory and sensibly vaâ—ish of it self The Army distrusted Saul's Election and in Derision said How shall this Man save us 4 1 Sam. 10. 27. Saul however took no notice of those Words but made as if he did not hear them nor indeed should Princes hear every thing and the Soldiers condemning afterwards their Crime recanted nay and made diligent search for the Author of that Abuse to put him to Death 5 1 Sam. 11. 12. It had not been prudent in Saul to expose 〈◊〉 Election by discovering his knowledge of the Peoâ—â—es Dissatisfaction What Levity were it in a Traâ—eller to be stopp'd by the importunate Noise of every Grasshopper To be guided in ones Resolutions by the â—â—â—ting Mob were folly 6 Non ex rumore statuendum Tac. 3. Ann to fear them and reâ—oke what has been once resolved base and infamous Scarce any Council would be secure did it depend â—pon the Multitude who are incapable of penetrating â—ll the Motives upon which the Prince Acts nor is it 〈◊〉 to make them publick for that were to give them the Authority of the Scepter All the Peoples Power 〈◊〉 included in the Person of the Prince It is his part to Act theirs to Obey with a firm Perswasion of the Equity and Reasonableness of his Commands If every 〈◊〉 bad liberty to ask Reasons of what is injoyned there â—â—uld be an end of Obedience and Empire 7 Si ubi jubeantur quaerere singulis 〈◊〉 pereunte obsequio eâ—â—am 〈◊〉 interciâ—it Tac. 1. Hist. 'T is as necessary for a Subject to be ignorant of these things 〈◊〉 to know others The Sovereign Iurisdiction of things God has given to Princes to Subjects is left the Glory of Obedience The only thing required of a Prince is to acquit himself of his Duty in his Resolutions and Decrees if the Success prove not answerable to his desire he ought not to be discouraged for it is sufficient that he has done nothing imprudently the very best Counsel is weak and liable to abundance of Accidents The greater a Monarchy is the more exposed it is to the unhappy Casualties which Chance brings with it or Humane Understanding is unable to foresee and prevent Gross Bodies usually labour under great Distempers Did not the Prince prosecute Affairs notwithstanding all Obloquy and Detraction with Courage and Constancy he would lead but an unhappy Life If he at any time chance to err Courage is necessary least he be dash'd and become for the future slow and irresolute That Prince who upon no grounds suspects all he does will be disapproved of contracts too much the Limits of his Power and subjects himself to a thousand Terrors of Imagination which generally arise from some private superstitious Perswasion or Excess of Melancholy These Inconveniences David seems to have
more influenc'd by Ambition than Clemency so that he deprived him of his Kingdom and Title Thus Dangers deceive us and we find that to be the greater which we chose as the lesser There can be no assurance in Counsel grounded on Principles that depend on anothers pleasure We deceive our selves in supposing others will act nothing but what is agreeable to Religion Justice Relation or Friendship or but what is consistent with their Honour and Interest Not considering that Men are not always guided by their Advantage or Duty but rather by their private Passions and Sentiments and consequently their Actions are not only to be examined by the Rule of Reason but also by that of Malice and the Experience of the ordinary Injustices and Tyrannies of the World Dangers are a Prince's best Masters The past teach 〈◊〉 to remedy the present and prevent the future Those of others are 't is true instructing but they are easily forgot Our own leave in the Soul some Marks and Scars of the losses sustain'd as that which has once wounded the Imagination does fear Let not then contempt or forgetfulness ever erase them especially when having escapâ—d a Danger we fancy the same will never return or if it does will not annoy us for though some one Circumstance which is very unlikely to happen a second time may remove Dangers yet other succeeding new ones make them unavoidable EMBLEM XXXVIII FROM Nature this universal Commonwealth of things and Empire of mixt Bodies derive their Original the supreme Government of which she lays claim to and for the more firm establishment and more secure maintaining of it has made her self so loved by them that the Elements even in the midst of their contrariety with an admirable consent conspire to preserve it All things would be soon dissolv'd did they hate Nature their Princess and Sovereign who with mutual ties of Love and Benevolence as with the fastest knot unites them It is this Love which holds the Earth in Aequilibrio and makes the Orbs of Heaven whirl round it Let this Monarchy of things created founded in their first Being be a Lesson to defend their Persons and Subjects by affection the most faithfull guard they can have about them 1 Corporis custodiam tutissimam esse putatam in virtute amicorum tum in benevolentia civium esse collocatam Isocr ad Nic. Claud. Not Guards nor Groves of Pikes defend like Love This is the only impregnable Fort 2 Salvum Principem in aperto clementia praestabit vivum erit inexpugnabile monument â—n amor civium Sen. de Clem. lib. 1 ca. 19. For which reason the Bees elect a King without a Sting for he has no need of Arms who is beloved by his Subjects Nature would by no means have it in his power to hurt whose duty 't is to govern least he become odious and promote his own ruin The greatest and most absolute power a Prince can have says K. Alphonso is when he loves his People and they reciprocally love him The body defends the Head upon account of the Love it bears it in consideration that this directs and preserves it else would it not hold up its arm toward the threatning blow Who would expose himself to Hazards except he had a Love for his Prince Who protect and defend his Crown The whole Kingdom of Castile sided with the Infant Henry against K. Peter the Cruel because the one was beloved by all the other as universally hated The first Principle of the ruin of Kingdoms and all the Revolutions in States is Hatred The Kings Ordonno and Fruela the Second were so abominated by their Subjects that the very name of King became odious Castile was reduc'd into a Commonwealth and the Government divided between two Judges one of which administred affairs of Peace the other those of War †Mar. hist. Hisp. Portugal never took up Arms against its Kings nor revolted from its obedience the reason is it bears a sincere affection towards them and if at any time it has excluded one and admitted another 't was because one was belov'd the other for Male-administration hated It was the advice of Iames the First of Arragon to Alphonso the Wise to seek rather the Love than Fear of his Subjects and to ingratiate himself with the Clergy and Commons that he might be the better able to grapple with the Nobility which Counsel if he had follow'd he had never lost the Crown Nero no sooner ceas'd to be lov'd than Conspiracies were form'd against him a thing which Subrius Flavius upbraided him with to his face 3 Nec quisquam tibi fidelior militum â—uit dum amari meruisti odisse â—aepi postquam parricida Matris Uxoâ—is auriga histrio incendiarâ—us extitisti Tac. 15. ann A King's Power and Majesty consist not in his own Person but in the Affection and good Will of his Subjects If they be disaffected who will oppose his Enemies 'T is Preservation makes the people want a King but that can never be expected from one who makes himself hated The Arragonians prudently foresaw this when having call'd to the Crown Peter Altharez Lord of Borgia from whom the most ancient and illustrious Family of the Dukes of Gandia is descended they afterwards repented and would not have him for their King because they saw he us'd them with Austerity and Rigour even before his Election Contrary to what Ferdinand the First King of Arragon did who by Love and Benevolence engag'd the hearts of all in that Kingdom as also in Castile during his Reign there We have seen many Princes ruin'd by Fear none ever by Love If therefore a Prince would be formidable let it be to his Enemies but let him endeavour to be belov'd by his Subjects without which though he come victorious over them he will at last fall by the hands of these As it befell Bardanus King of Persia 4 Claritâ—â—ine paucos inter senatum Regum siperinde amorem inter populares quam metum apud hostes quaesivisset Tac. 11. ann Love and Respect may be joyned but not Love and servile Fear He who is fear'd is hated and he who is hated is by no means secure Quem metuunt oderunt Quem quisque odit periisse expedit Enn. He who is fear'd by many also fears many And what greater misfortune is there than to command those who obey through Fear and govern Bodies rather than Minds The difference between the just Prince and the Tyrant is That one uses Arms to maintain his Subjects in Peace the other to protect himself against them If the strength and power of a Prince hated be small he is much exposed to danger from his Subjects if great yet much more For the greater their fear is the more sollicitous are they to provide for their Security as apprehending his cruelty will encrease with his Grandeur as in Bardanus King of Persia whose Glory made him more severe and insupportable
prudently Enacted by the Kingdom of Arragon That all their Kings thenceforward should take an Oath not to alter any thing about the Coin This is the Duty of a Prince as Pope Innocent III. wrote to the same King Peter when his Subjects began to rebell against him Of which this seems to be the Reason That the Prince is subject to the Law of Nations and as Publick Trustee ought to take care that there be no Alteration in the Nature of the Coin which consists in Matter Form and Quantity nor can any Kingdom be constituted where that is not pure But not to be wholly silent in a Matter so Important to Government I 'll mention Two things First That Money is then Just and Convenient when the Coin or Stamp adds nothing to the Intrinsick Value of it and when the Gold and Silver have the common Alloy of other Nations for this will prevent its being Exported The other is That it should be of the same Weight and Value with that of other Nations permitting also the Currency of Foreign Coin Nor will it at all derogate from the Prince's Authority since the Coin serves only to shew the Weight and Value of it And this seems most commodious iâ— those Kingdoms which hold Correspondence and Trade with many Nations EMBLEM LXX EMPIRE admits of no Companion nor can Majesty be divided For it is impossible that each should Command and Obey at the same time especially since Power and Accidents cannot be so nicely shar'd between them both nor Ambition so equally balanced but that one will desire to be above the other or that Envy and Emulation will disturb their Agreement * Lucan Rivals in Empire still mistrustful are Nor can Authority a Part'ner bear It seems next to an Impossibility that the Orders and Commands of two Governors should not thwart one another Moses and Aaron were Brothers and yet when God made them Part'ners he thought it necessary to be in the Mouth of one and in the Mouth of the other and to teach them what to do lest any Dissention should arise between them 1 Exod. 4. 15. A Republick has but one Body and should therefore be guided but by one Soul 2 Vnum esse Reip. Corpus atque unius animo regendum Tac. 3. Annal. A King will hardly entertain even a depos'd Prince within his Kingdom This was the King of Portugal's Excuse for not admitting King Peter when depos'd by his Brother Henry Nothing but Matrimony which unites Bodies and Souls and the singular Prudence of King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella could have prevented the Inconveniencies of their Joint-Reign in the Kingdom of Castile For Power and Concord are very rarely found together 3 Quanquam arduum sit eodem loci potentiâ—â—â— concordiam esse Tac. 4. Annal. And though there was some Consent and Union in the Joint-Empire of Dioclesian and Maximinian yet was not that without its Troubles and Inconveniencies for which Reason the Roman Consuls used to Command by Turns But if there be occasion for more Princes than One 't is better to have Three for the Authority of One will check the Ambition of the other Two There can be no Faction where there is no Equality which was the Reason why the Triumvirates of Caesar Crassus and Pompey and of Anthony Lepidus and Augustus continued for sometime The Kingdom was well govern'd during the Minority of King Henry III. by his Three Guardians * Mar. Hist. Hisp. l. 15. c. 12. Upon which Consideration King Alphonso the Wise propos'd That during the Nonage of Kings the Administration of Affairs should be committed to One Three Five or Seven Which not being observ'd in the Minority of Alphonso XI the Kingdom of Castile felt great Commotions from the Government of the two Infants Iohn and Peter which at last oblig'd the Royal Council to take upon 'em the Administration Though Empires are always violent and of short continuance which are divided and depend not upon one as it happen'd to Alexander's which vast as it was ended with his Life for that after him 't was divided among many That which the Moors had founded in Spain had lasted longer had it not been divided into many Kingdoms This is represented in this present Emblem by a Crown'd Tree which signifies a Kingdom To intimate that if two Hands tho' of the same Body should pull this Tree two different ways they would rend burst and ruine the Crown For Humane Ambition sometimes forgets the Bonds of Nature When States are divided among Brothers the Crown can never remain entire and in Union for every one is for himself and grasps at the whole Sceptre as his Father held it So it befell King Sancho the Elder Divine Providence united all the Kingdoms of Spain to his Empire that by their Joint-Force they might expell the Moors and free themselves from their Tyrannick Slavery But he through Fatherly Affection rather than prudent Policy divided his Kingdoms among his Children thinking that so they would be stronger and more ready to unite against the Common Enemy * Mat. Hist. Hisp. l. 9. c. 1. But instead of that each of the Brothers set up for King himself So that the Crown being thus rent in pieces lost its Strength and Splendour And as Domestick Feuds and Grudges are more inveterate than other they soon grew to Civil Wars each endeavouring to depose his Brother to the utmost Detriment of the Publick This Example might one would have thought have been a Warning to all Princes for the future yet we find King Ferdinand the Great the Emperor Alphonso and Iames I. King of Arragon guilty of the same fault dividing the Command of their Kingdoms among their Children †Mar. Hist. Hisp. l. 9. c. 8. I know not whether this be the Effect of Self-Conceit or Humane Nature ever greedy of Novelty and fond of old rejected Opinions thinking that best which was done by their Ancestors if 't is not that we seek for Examples to excuse our own Resolutions Iames II. King of Arragon was more prudent upon this score when he firmly Enacted That the Kingdoms of Arragon and Valence and the Province of Catalonia should never be separated * Mar. Hist. Hisp. l. 15. c. 19. Nor can these Errors be excused either by the Law of the Twelve Tables or the Common Law which shares the Father's Estate equally among the Children or by Natural Reason which seems to urge that as the Children receiv'd their being in common from their Father they should also be Sharers of his Estate For a King is a Publick Person and ought to act as King and not as a Father and ought rather to attend the Good of his Subjects than his Children Besides a Kingdom is a kind of Publick Chattel and so belongs to no one in particular it not being in the King's Power to dispose of that as of his own private Goods For the Subjects in submitting themselves to
Eternal Artificer we cannot suffer any other Adoration to be paid him than what we judge to be true and Orthodox And altho' the Friendship of Infidels were never so good yet Divine Justice permits us not to obtain our Ends by the means of his Enemies nay usually chastises us by the very Infidel's Hand that Sign'd the Treaty The Emperor which Constantine the Great translated into the East was ruin'd by the Alliance of the Palaeologi with the Turk God permitting it to remain to Posterity for an Example of his Correction but not any living Memorial of that Family But if by reason of the Distance of Places or Disposition of Things the Chastisement cannot be inflicted by those very Infidels God uses his own Hand What Calamities has not France suffered since Francis I. more through Emulation of Charles the Fifth's Glory than forced by any Necessity made a League with the Turk and called him into Europe This Fault he acknowledged in the last moments of his Life expressed his utmost Detestation of it in Words which piously we ought to impute to a Christian Compunction though otherwise they seemed to proceed from extreme Despair God pursued his Chastisement in some of his Successors by taking them off with violent and unhappy Deaths Now if this Just Judge be thus severe on Princes who do but ask the Aid of Infidels and Hereticks what will he do to those who assist them against the Catholicks and are the reason of their making such great Progresses The Example of Peter II. of Arragon will tell us 2 Mar. Hist. l. 12. c. 2. This King stuck with all his Forces to the Faction of the Albigenses in France and though he fought at the Head of One hundred thousand Men against the Catholicks who were but Eight hundred Horse and a Thousand Foot lost at once both his Life and the Battel Iudas Machabaeus no sooner joined with the Romans tho' only to defend himself against the Grecian Power but the two Angels that stood by his side left him and he was slain The same Punishment and for the same Cause suffered Ionathan and Simon his Brothers and Successors Nor is the Excuse of Self-Defence always sufficient for all the Conditions and Circumstances that make such Confederacies allowable very rarely concurr and are of greater weight than that universal Scandal and Danger of defiling the true Religion with Errors the Communication of Hereticks being a Poison apt to infect a Gangrene that soon spreads where Minds are enclined to Novelty and Licentiousness 3 And their word will eat as doth a canker 2 Tim. 2. 17. Policy distrusting the Divine Assistance and wholly relying upon Humane Artifices may indeed deceive it self but not God at whose Tribunal meer Appearances of Reason are not received Baasha King of Israel built a Fortress in Ramah the last City of the Tribe of Benjamin in the Kingdom of Asa and so stopt its Avenues that no one could go in or out of it with safety 4 In the six and thirtieth year of the reign of Asa Baasha king of Israel came up against Judah and built Ramah to the intent that he might let none go out or come in to Asa king of Judah 2 Chron. 16. 1. This occasion'd a War between those two Kings and Asa fearing the Alliance of Ben-hadad King of Syria with his Enemy contrived first to break that and then enter'd himself into a Confederacy with Ben-hadad which when Baasha heard he left off building the Fortifications of Ramah 5 And it came to pass when Baasha heard it that he left off building of Ramah and let his work cease 2 Chron. 16. 5. Nevertheless though Asa made this League out of Necessity and only for his own Defence whereof the good Effect soon appeared yet God was displeased that he put more confidence in the King of Syria than in him and sent Hanani the Prophet to represent his fault to him and threaten him with Wars as a Punishment 6 Because thou hast relied on the king of Syria and not relied on the Lord thy God therefore is the host of the king of Syria escaped out of thine hand c. Herein thou hast done foolishly therefore from henceforth thou shalâ— have wars 2 Chron. 16. 7 9. which accordingly happened Whence it will be easie to gather how much France has incurred the Divine Displeasure by the Alliances it has now engaged it self in with those of another Religion to oppress the House of Austria Where is no room for the Pretence of Self-Preservation in extreme Necessity since without any Provocation or Reason he has sided with all its Adversaries and made War upon it fomenting it out of their States and enlarging these by the Usurpation of foreign Provinces and assisting the Hereticks and their Allies with Counsel and Arms to conquer the Catholicks no one in the mean time coming thence to the Treaty of Peace at Cologne although the Pope the Emperor and King of Spain had all sent their Plenipotentiaries thither Nor is it unlawful only to make Leagues with Hereticks but even to make use of their Forces The Holy Scriptures give us an illustrious Instance of this in the Person of King Amasiah who having hired an Army of the Sons of Israel was commanded of God to dismiss it and reproved for not rather relying on him 7 O king lâ—t not the army of Israel go with thee for the Lord is not with Israel to wit with all the children of Ephraim But if thou wilt go do it be strong for the battel God shall make thee fall before the enemy for God hath power to help and to cast down 2 Chron. 25. 7 8. And because he presently obeyed without any regard to the Danger or to the hundred Talents he had given them God gave him a signal Victory over his Enemies Confederacy with those of a different Religion is lawful when its End is the Intermission of War and Liberty of Commerce such as that was which Isaac made with Abimelech 8 We sâ—e certainly that the Lord is with thee and we said Let there be now an oatâ— betwixt us even betwixt us and thee and let us make a covenant with thee That thou shalt do us no hurt Gen 26. 28 29. and as now is between Spain and England When any Treaty is made with Hereticks provided it interfere not with Religion or Good Manners and be confirmed by Oath the Publick Faith is by all means to be kept with them for in the Oath God is called to be a Witness to the Agreement and as it were a Surety for the Performance of it both Parties consenting to make him Judge of it to punish the Perjurer And certainly it were a hainous Sin to call him to witness to a Lye Nations have no other Security of the Treaties they make than the Religion of Oaths which if they should make use of to deceive there would be an end of Commerce in