of this mans Religion otherwise we might demaund of him why the King should goe further then his reason and conscience directed him and why the libeller his Mates should hould it lawfull for them to spurne at al lawes both in Church and state vpon pretence of their reason and conscience against them he cannot deny to have done this they should doe well to shew how the King may goe against his reason conscience Is it intayled vpon him with his Fortune as a King to have lesse priviledge then they must he renounce his owne reason and conscience to the advice of a Parliament And must they controll him and the Parliament Surely the King must give an account to God for the Talents he hath lent him But how can the breaker conclude from the Kings forbearance of Acts wherein he is vnsatisfied in his conscience that is to set vp an Arbitrary Government when as nothing is introduced And why must not all Brittaine be chained to the judgment reason and conscience of the King as well as all Israell Gods owne peculiar people and not only all Brittaine but the whole world are Chained to the reason judgment and conscience of their Rulers be they one or many And the seducers would perswade vs that Brittaine could not be happy vnles it were reduced to its ancyent barbaritie and governed by a multitude of Kings Religions God had promised peculiar assistance to Kings and Commaunds the peoples obedience to them the miseries of the Kingdome many be imputed in a greate part to what his Majest observed that he had suffered his owne judgment to be overborne in some things A Tyrant may make this pretence and it were in vaine for any Parliament to have reason judgment or conscience if it thwarted the Kings will It were much more tollerable for a Tyrant to pretend conscience in governing then for a people to pretend conscience in rebelling and this libeller hath reprehended the peoples levitie and violence so sharpely as he cannot if he pretend reason subject the reason judgment and conscience of the Rulers to the controll of the subjects Because Tyrants may pretend conscience therefore by good logicque no King may vse it and because some Kings may not rightly governe therefore he will have the right judgment in the people which he so much despises and which as it hath been the meanes of the Rebells present power so it hath been in all ages the cause of confusion and miserie to states and Kingdomes The reason judgment and conscience of a Parliament is not therefore in vaine because not infallible it is most probable that a King will follow the best Councell but it cannot be presumed that in Parliaments the greater-part will continue subjects if they may be Kings by saying they wil be and it was the wisedome of our Ancestours that would have no lawes made without the will of their King and they never trusted such as they chose further then to present their desires and offer their Councell vnto him and consent to what should be ordeyned by him with advice of the Lords it were in vaine to have a King if he were not impowred to judge of Councells or if lawes might be obtruded vpon him and the people without him The present Calamities testifie how vnhappily and absurdly a Parliament seekes to Commaund whose office is to Councell and pretend Councell vseles vnles they may deprive him whome they advise of the benifit of Councell taking away his power to vse it To what end doe they Councell if there be none to be Councelled but all to be commaunded That thus these promises made vpon experience of hard sufferings and his most mortified retirements being thorowly sifted containe nothing much different from his former practices His Majest expressions being thorowly sifted containe nothing in them but pious and Princely considerations and from libellers owne mouth all men may see that his Majest practices against which they maliciously exclaime were consonant to Religion and Justice and only opposite to Trayterous and schismaticall licence It was the libellers profession to parrallell his Majest faire spoken words as he calls them to his owne farr different Actions and now his words and deedes being sifted by malice it selfe are not much different the libeller is some what ingenuous to discover his owne vanitie and falshood He leaves it to prudent foresight what fruites in likelyhood his Majest restorement would have produced We have seene already the fruites of the inhumane cruelties exercised vpon him and the continuance and encrease of those abominable impieties that attend such Actions where of the libeller makes a large profession who confidently obtrudes lavish lyes for knowne truths petulant insolence for sober sense maximes of villany for sound Arguments which are the bitter fruites of disobedience and Rebellion To that part of the section which he calls the devout of it and modelled into the forme of a private Psalter he objects nothing but his spleene that it is not to be admired more then the Arch-Bishopps late Breviary and other manualls and handmaides of Devotion and these he calls the lip worke of every Prelaticall leiturgist quilted out of Scripture Phrase with as much ease and as litle neede of Christian diligence or judgment as belongs to the compiling of any ordinary saleable peece of English Divinitie that the shopps value The Authors of leiturgies and helpes to devotion have their memory blessed by the benifit which many devout soules have acknowledged to have received from their labours and the crueltie which bloody Rebells exercised on the person of the late Arch-bishopp and their other barbarismes towards the Prelates to please that kennell by whome they acted their Rebellion hath satisfied the world of the nature of Sectaries of whose bloody disposition many by sheepes-clothing were much deceived Quilting of Scripture Phrase was wont to be the prayse of their long winded Lecturers who vsed it more for sound then sense but it seemes their spirit is changed The libeller will hardly gett credit vnles with those for whose sake he doth not professe to write that is his wise and well principled men the Sectaries if he affirme that there is more neede of Christian diligence in the bold and extempore bablinge of their senseles zealots then the compiling of those Leiturgies and Manualls he mentions And such as have observed the presumption of this rabble in their prayers will beleive they hate diligence as much as they want judgment Why English or saleable should dininish the esteeme of Divinitie is not vnderstood but becaused they are common termes he would have his readers vnderstand that they signifie nothing but common matter and he expects that some will thinke English and saleable Divinitie of no regard though they vnderstand no other But he proceedes such a kinde of Psalmastry or other verball devotion without suteable deedes cannot perswade any of Zeale and righteousnes in the person
people soe full of awe and reverence to his person as he dared to committ himselfe single among them If the King had knowne guiltines in himselfe he could not have hoped for that awe and reverence but his going single at such a time and after soe many affronts shewes the audacious scurrilitie of this Author that hath taunted at him soe often for seares and terrours and now sayes lie dared goe single among such outragious tumults And if awe and reverence to his person were a commendation to the people as this libeller would have it it must be the brand of infamy vpon him and his Rebellious packe that have troden awe and reverence vnderfoore and wickedly despised and murthered him He would prove that the King had no feares after all the reproachfull scoffing at his feares because he went into Scotland after the Bishopps had been worse handled then in England and after two Armies had entred England against him and this he sayes argues first that he was a stranger to England and full of diffidence To the Scotts only a native King in his confidence though not in his dealing next he sayes which shewes beyound doubting that all his feare of Tumults was but a pretence Wee cannot boubt that this Authors braine is a Giddy as the Tumults for to prove that the King had noe feare of the Tumults he affirmes him diffident to the English confident of the Scotts and labours much to make periods of non sense that he may vse words of Calumnie Might not the King have cause to feare in reguard of their malice though not his personall suffering And doth not his libeller shew his vaine falshood that heere makes the king feareles and soe lately made mirth of the terrours of the Tumults he libeller doubted he should not finde credit to his many contradictions touching the tumults therefore turnes about to another theame of the Kings relation to the scotts and is so voyde of sense as having affirmed within ten lines before that the king was confident of the awe and reverence of the people of England to his person heere sayes he was full of diffidence But he sayes he tooke occasion from the Tumults of absence from the Parliament to turne his disorderly bickerings to an orderly invadinge That the King might he absent without shewing a reason why from his Parliament noe man of knowledge or common reason ever doubted and he might as well goe to Yorke as into Scotland But he must be persecuted by disorderly Tumults if he stay and followed with a formed Army if he depart and they that sought Colours and disgiuses for the Tumults grow soe impudent to rayse an Army for the King to fight against him The King sayes he would not have weakened himselfe by soe many former and after Acts if he had meditated warr as some suspected when he left white hall The libeller sayes his former Acts did not weaken him it might come into his minde after passing these Acts. That which strengthened the Rebells must weaken him and was the Act for continuance of the Parliament without which they could not have sate nor acted nor deluded the people nor part of their strength nor the Kings weakenes But he that objects cunning fetches and evill Councellours to the king now allowes him nothing but improvidence and feare The King doubted not but all had gone well if the Parliament had sate still free as it was in its first election and sayes the libeller his not doubting was all good mens greatest doubt And theis are the good men that could not endure a free Parliament and the libellers Parliament that must governe is a new modell not a free Parliament as it was at first elected that stood not with their Rebellious disignes and his good men doubted that all would not soe well with them if that sate still free therefore the Iron flaile must thrust the Bishopps out of the Lords house and purge the lower house and yet it is still Tyrany and obstinacie in the King by this mans judgment not to accept all the Dictates of this ridiculous packe and he hath a narrow conscience and not fitt for the publique that follows not the cry of this kennell To the Kings resolution to heare reason and consent as farr as he could comprehend The libeller askes what if his reason comprehend nothing but his owne advantages was this a reason to be trusted with the common good of three nations Yes truly and it is noe Paradox that if the King comprehend his owne advantages it is sufficient for the common good of the three nations for whatever is their common good is his advantage and whatever is his advantage is their Common good but all his Patriotts for whome the libeller is soe Zealous have advantages of their owne that are opposite to the Common good of the three nations The King sayes as swine are to gardens soe are Tumults to Parliaments To this sayes the libeller The Parliament could best have told vs had they found it so And doubtles such of the Parliament as found it not may be accounted among the number of these swine or the herdsmē of them But he sayes one greate hogge may doe as much mischeife in a garden as many litle swine And it seemes that the like evil spirit as entred into the heard of swine hath possest this libeller and driven him on head long in his Rebellious impudence The King sayes he was some times prone to thinke that had be called this last Parliament to any other place in England the sad consequences might have been prevented To shew that the place could have made noe change the libeller instances in his Majest first Parliament at oxford which was dissolved What doth that prove to contradict what his Majest sayes that if he had called the Parliament at another place these fad consequences might have been prevented Does the libeller thinke that because there was misvnderstanding betweene the King and some of his Parliaments that they would therefore have run to the same extreamities that he faction in this last did or that these factionists could have brought this mischeife vpon the kingdome by like Tumults in another place He goes on to say that the King called his last Parliament at Oxford a Mungrell Parliament consisting all of his friends Noe doubt there were in that Parliament many loyally affected to his Majest but it cannot be denyed for time hath tryed it that there were many among them that were spyes and disturbers corrupted by the Rebell faction at Westminster and their owne base inclinations who sought to disorder all Councells and consultations The libeller would comprehend the whole people of England within the Tumults interprett the Kings prayer against the tumults to be a prayer against his people Is it not God that stilleth the raging of the sea madnes of the people And is not a prayer for the people to pray they may be
superstitious Images he had broken for the Author sayes they were never more mistaken in the object of their worshipp then in the Civill Kinde of Idolatrie in Idolizing their Kings It s apparent in the stories of our nation that superstitious Churchmen had their hands in those Rebellions the Author mentions therefore might induce the ignorant rabble to adore the Calves they had set vp in our dayes wee finde they have successours that teach the people doctrines of Devills and seduce them from obedience to those that had the rule over them Now with a besotted and degenerate basenesse of spirit ex cept some few who yet reteine in them the old English fortitude and love of freedome and have testified it by their matchles deedes the rest embastardized from the ancient noblenes of their Ancestours are ready to fall flat and give adoration to the Image and memory of this man who hath offred at more cunning fetcher to vndermine our libertie and put Tyrany into an Act then any Brittish King before him It s very strange that all except some few are so besotted as not to love libertie so naturall to man and those that have so contended for it as the English nation but if it were possible for Iconoclastes to deale faithfully wee might have expected that he would have told vs what that libertie was the people loved not which is the libertie of those ambitious Traytours that now lord it over them which are those few he mentions whose matchlesse villanies have wasted more English blood in these few yeares then all our Kings in their victorious warrs since the conquest The people doubtles love libertie but they finde themselves cheated of their just libertie vnder a lawfull King and brought vnder the slavery of many Tyrants who perswaded the poore people it was libertie to be without a King though subject to the licentious will of vpstart vsurpers and why is it degnerate basenes of spirit to vindicate their lawes liberties against Tyrants that have vsurped it and revenge the fraude iniury done them by deceivers that vnder pretence of law and libertie bereft them of both The best of the Rebells pretence which this Author defends is to fight for libertie and if the people finde their libertie taken away is it vnlawfull to resume it from Tyrants and vsurpers which this Author holds lawfull Kings It s true men were besotted with the name of libertie and those Mountebanques infused the principles of Rebellion into the people by telling there could be no libertie vnder Monarchy as if the nature of Governments were vnknowne till our time and thence this Author writes as if none but besotted people should reade him If these vipers had professed in the beginninge of their Rebellion that Simon Monford Thomas Earle of Lancaster had been saints and that they intended to follow the Example of such Traytours the people would not have been so besotted the miseries brought on the Kingdome by such seducers being so largely delivred in story but the people have now found by sad experience that the leaders of the present disorders are the Progenie of those cursed Rebels whose Actions made them odious to all posteritie and dishonoured the times wherein they lived and this Author would brand the whole nation making Rebellion their fortitude and love of freedome when its plaine to all readers that those Rebellions were the scourge of the nation which langiushed vnder the burthens that were encreased by those whome they followed against their kings How the people have been Idolized by those Rebells Tumults defended and the power over their king pretended for the justification of this odious Rebellion besides the declaration of those they call a Parliament this Author frequently tells vs in this answeare yet is soe carelesse of truth or shame as heere their reason and affection are as contemptible as their right in Government and some few must raigne over them The greatest vnhappines of the English nation hath been in the misfortunes of their kings the greatest dishonour in the prevalence of insolent and sly Rebells the noble blood of the most renowned persons being wasted in those disorders and Civilitie for many yeares destroyed If we place vertue in the insolent attempts of Rebells against lawfull Princes not only Christian fortitude but morall vertue grow contemptible rage and venom will sooner get a saint-shipp then Justice or innocence If so many are so ready to fall flat to the Image and memory of his late Majest as the Author sayes his Masterts have cause to vse new principles and as they fought against their king by faining a power in the people so they must now lay fetters on them and cast away the maske a Ceremony to be vsed no longer It was not a part of our liberties to be deprived of our king nor to Rebell against him such acts being contradictions not only to Christian but English libertie and such as take that libertie to themselves robb others of their just lawfull liberties Doe the present or did ever Traytours give libertie to any but their faction And doe they allow them any more then libertie at the will of the Commaunder And if libertie be so precious to these men why should John lilborne bemore restrained then Iconoclastes And why should any be more Cryminall that write or speacke against an vsurped power then they that wrote against the knowne legall authoritie Prisoners in Gayles hire persons of strong voyces to begg for them att the grate and the Rebells have found this Authors rancour and impudence so sublimated as his falsities and slanders were probable to infest the world though to knowing and honest men they sound the voyce of a Beast and not a man what one libertie of the English Nation is there now left Doe not all men see that their ridiculous howse and state Councell act at the will of their sword Master whose act those Cyphers are disposed of to signifie what he pleaseth Doe not all men see that the vse of the name libertie signifieth nothing but a sound to fill the peoples eares and deceive their vnderstandinge That Tyranny should be objected to the best King in whose time fewer men suffred death then in any time of like extent throughout all our Kings shewes hellish rage not common impudence In his Raigne of sixteene yeares vntill this abominable Parliament one only Peere of the Kingdome suffered death that not for any provocation or offence against the Kings person but for Crymes of another nature a raritie in the stories of the best Kings and yet so brutish is this man to say that he hath offred at more cunning fetches to vndermine our liberties and put Tyrany into an art then any brittish King before him Wherein should Tirany appeare was there any violence vsed in taking away mens Estates Can they object Covetuousnes or luxury to his late Majest they have not yet pretended it but they would make
private ends and ambition At first noe man lesse beloved noe man more generally condemned then was the King from the time that it became his Custome to breake Parliaments at home and cyther willfully or weakely betray protestants abroade to the beginninge of those combustions He would prove the people inconstant who doubts it there hath been proofe enough of it in their wretched levitie tossed to and fro by these Rebells Bene facere male audire Regium est will not be denyed by Iconoclastes to be a knowne truth and that it is the common lot of good Princes to be misreported That his late Majest suffered by the privy whispes of ambitious seducers to the credulous vulgar is easily graunted but it was their ingratitude not his merit and the Authors lesse beloved and more generally condemned is a supposition voyde of truth as the Act it selfe was voyde of dutie the causes he would have to be his Custome in breaking Parliaments and betraying Protestants Let vs examine what ground there was for this aversion from the King vpon either of theis There were in the time of King James men that made ill vse of Parliaments and insteede of amending what was amisse strived to make the people beleive things were out of order which they felt not and to create discontents at the Government This caused the breach of some Parliaments in that Kings time his late Majest finding the people possest with great jealosies of his match with spaine greate desires to breake the peace with that nation in order to the recovery of the Palatinate became the instrument of setling a right vnderstandinge betweene the King and his Parliament in the 21. th Yeare of his Raigne Then was the Treatie of the match and peace broken the session of Parliament concluded to the greate joy of the people and with their greate professions of affection to his late Majest for soe happy a worke King James was noe sooner dead and his late Majest by the Councell of the Parliament engaged in a dangerous warr but the seditious contrivers that had pretended such Zeale for the regaininge of the Palatinate cast about how they might ruine his Majest by that vndertaking and in his first Parliament without respect to their owne promises his Majest merit from them in procuringe their desires or the publique necesisities ingratefully withdrew their assistance from him and spread abroade rumours against his Government and when he called a Parliament the private annimosities personall thirst of revenge in some men were entertained in the house of Commons to exclude the consideration of the pressing necessities of his Majest affaires and forreigne agents had their fingers with these leaders in Parliament to divert all supplies from his Majest that both Protestants and all other his allies might be disappointed and which by that meanes was effected It s well knowne with what industrie difficultie his Majest in the middest of his necessities advanct releife to the Protestants and if they were betrayed the Treason must lie on the Parliaments credulitie to those vnderminers that forsooke their King in the prosecution of that worke To betray Protestants theis Traytours know signifies much to the people therefore they make it a reproach to their King against the knowne evidence of the fact and all sense and though they hipocritically pretend affection to the Protestant Religion the world knowes they doe not asmuch as give it a toleration for the Protestants doe not account Iohn of Leidon and the mad men of Munsters Protestants there is noe Religion but theirs now current in England This Author sees the cleerenes of the proofe against their malitious allegations of betraying Protestants and therefore descends a little in his termes and sayes either wilfully or weakely Could he betray them by impotencie of force or Councell that a new found Treason that the minde intends not but it s too much respect to such an absurd Calumnie to give it an answeare He goes on all men inveighed against him all men except Court vassalls opposed him and his Tyranicall proceedings Inveighinge against the King was vnknowne in England before such Monsters as this Author were hatcht by Rebellion and made their words accord with their Actions when their lying and hipocrisie could noe longer serve turne Before this time malecontents muttered their censures of Government and people that beleived them thought it their sin and shame to inveigh against their King Though discontents were nourisht among many few or none were soe impudent to inveigh There is noe Courtier whose observance to his Prince or his flatterie of him can binde him to like vassallage as he is that serves Rebells by false and impudent detractions of Rulers Noe slave soe base as he that wil be hired to murther the fame and honour of others There are some Courtiers among his new Masters whose falshood to their true Master and base observance of the Traytours to him entitles them to the worst of vassallage This Author goes an ill way to prove Tyranicall proceedings when he sayes they were soe opposed It s strange a Tyrant should suffer himselfe to be opposed and how were those Tyranicall proceedings opposed he will say by disputes in Courts of Justice was this Tyrany to admit contestations in ordinary Courts There was never time wherein there were not questions of right betweene King and subject is it Tyrany in a Prince to be a partie in a Proces And doth this Author hold malicious reports and rumours notes of disgrace vpon King or any other Magistrate good Princes lives confute detractours and though the people for a time may be deluded they will come to know a good King in his losse Rebellious humours are an Epidemicall pestilence whose violence cannot continue This full Parliament was at first vnanimous in their dislike and protestation against his evill Government This hath not the least colour of truth and as there was never time wherien somethinge was not to be amended soe in the beginninge of this Parliament there were things of that nature but not such as laid Cryme vpon his Majest Government nor did the Parliament judge soe but all corruptions of Courts Errours of Councell ill successes of Actions are charged by this Author as his Majest ill Government and every judgment of Parliament in a particular case made a protestation against it This Author cannot but know that the most vnamimous protestation that ever the Parliament made was to defend the Kings person honour and Estate and they that made this protestation could not be vnanimous in protesting against his evill Government nor in destroying both him and it They protested to defend the lawes of the land one of which they declared to be that the King could doe noe wrong and that if they should say his late Majest did they should speake against the law the affection of their owne hearts Can this Author finde any roome heere for an vnanimous protestation of the
sufferings of the people were lesse then when Parliaments were frequent they neede not be forbidden to complaine when their peace plentie were a reason strong enough to restraine them however querulous murmurings wrought by seditious contrivers may happē ought to be forbiddē in al just Governments Where vpon such illegall Actions and especially to get vast summs of mony were put in Practice by the King and his new Officers as Monopolies compulsive knighthoods Coate Conduct and Shipmony the seezing not of on Nabaoths Vineyard but of whole inheritances vnder the pretence of forrest or Crowne lands Corruption bribery compounded for with impunities graunted for the future as gave evident proofe that the King never meant nor could it stand with the Reason of his affaires ever to recall Parliaments All the pretences of Tyranny and oppression wherewith the Rebells have sought to maske their disloyaltie are reduced to this on summe to get money That Princes must have supplies from their people for support of the Kingdome cannot be doubted and where the lawes have given the King a richt to demaund money of partioular persons in certanie cases or of the whole people theis are no illegall exactions but due debts The King of England is entitled by law to diverse dues from his subjects and of such things his learned Councell and his Judges have the care that he loose not his rights and they are bound by oath to preserve them if in any cases they faile in their judgment their King cannot be guiltie of illegall exactions in following their Councell and of such nature are the particulars he mentions vnles Coate and Conduct money which had been disbursed by the Counties for the present where souldiers were raysed and was of inconsiderable value and to be repayed and only of practice in case of warr when necessitie requires greater contributions and such Actions as theis the best Governments could never avoyde and those formes of Government which theis Rebells Preferr before Monarchy ordinairly practis but they must supply with exclamations what they want of matter and having broken all bounds of dutie Justice and humanitie they seeke to make the common meanes which necessitie compells Governnours to vse for publique support the height of oppression and Tyranny The vast summs received by all the wayes were farr short of that greate charge which the Kingdome required and of what former Kings had received in the like space but inconsiderable in regard of the present exactions He resembles the legal proceedings in cases of civil right to Nabaoths vineyard so as al suites for recovery of deteined rights is the getting of Nabaoths vineyard but they that by the blood of many Naboaths have gotten their inheritances would have Civill Controversies not bloody murther the sin of Ahab Corruption and bribery compounded for with impunitie for the future is a denomination which cannot be fixt to any Actions of Majest That his Majest hath a power to pardon was never denyed and therefore no act of grace in that kinde can be illegall but this which they call corruption and bribery was no other then the fees which some officers received and were questioned to be above their due had they been convict their mulct was pecuniary and due to the King They vrged long Custome in their defence and in a case of that nature where only errour not corruption or bribery can be admitted it was neerer to justice then favour to forbeare profecution And as the fact was not illegal so had it been it was only theirs by whose Councell it was done and theis men that professe such zeale against corruption and bribery pretend that it was necessary to take away the starr chamber where such Crymes were punisht and from whence comes it that it could not stand with his majest affaires te recall Parliaments when his Majest desired to continue nothing but what was necessary for the Kingdome Having brought by theis irregular courses the peoples interest and his owne to so direct an opposition that he might foresee plainely if nothing but a Parliament could save the people it must necessarily be his vndoing The King had no interest but that which was common to the people with him and nothing that was their interest could be opposite to his The people were very farr from any such apprehensions of being Destroyed or that they might not be saved without the Kings vndoing And wherein could the King foresee his vndoing by Parliament must he necessarily foresee that a Parliament would follow Traytours against him Or must he necessarily foresee that a Parliament would vndertake an illegall and vn just power Must he necessarily foresee that a Parliament would produce a Rebellion when no Action was desired to be continued by him which was not according to law nor any greivance duely proved vnredressed But because in the Parliament which he called a faction destroyed him and hath vndone the Kingdome therefore Iconoclastes would have it plainely to be foreseene Such as know the difference of the last from former Parliaments know likewise that it was not from the condition of the Parliament but the conjuncture of affaires at the time of calling it that produced those wicked effects filling the mindes of many with ambitious thoughts and desire to lay the foundation of their private greatenes in the publique ruines It is impossible that the interest of a King can have an opposition to that of his people which is vainely fancied by him or that any thing by him alledged should worke such opposition And although there have been disputes in Courts and Parliaments touching the profitts and rights of the Crowne yet before this Rebell generation non were so shameles to pretend them causes of the subjects violence and necessarily desturctive to the King or people which had the people imagined would have been the issue of a Parliament they would have had a greater aversion to it then Iconoclastes supposes in his late Mejest And as the preservation of the people is the Kings interest so his preservation is theirs which the people now finde to late and could not foresee that such as made vse of the pretence of their interest minded it least Till eight or nine yeares after proceeding with a high hand in these enormities having the second time levied an injurious warr against his native countrey Scotland and finding all those other shifts of raysing money which bore out his first expedition now to faile him not of his own choice and inclination as any childe may see but vrged by strong necessities and the very pangs of State which his owne violent proceedings had brought him to he calls a Parliament Iconoclastes is very industrious to shew that he can expresse the malice of his heart with his pen and can give false denominations to Actions with greater confidence then true where it may advantag his Masters The gentle hand wherewith his Majest governed during the nine yeares he mentions
brands that high hand of slander and detraction which this breaker stretches out against him and it will fill posteritie with amazement at the folly of the present age that should take such things for enormities as fines for knighthood Coate conduct and shipmony whereof some of them were scarce felt or observed and the rest easily borne And submit themselves to contributions excises loanes and taxes to which those which he calls enormities hold no proportion But not contented with the false appellations of his Majest Civill Actions he proceedes to defy and reproach his Actions for preservation and defence of his Kingdome and calls it an injurious warr to resist an invading Enemy That the Scotts were entred neere a hundred mile into the Kingdome at the time he mentions he cannot be ignorant and to call the warr injurious on his Majest part cannot come from any that thinkes any thing injurious that Rebells commit or any thing just that Governours command When any Actions are rehearsed of his Majest against the Scotts the Traytours call them vnjust and amplifie their slander with the Circumstance of his native Countrey When the Scotts offer obedience to the King or he concurr with them they decry such Actions in respect they are of his native Countrey thus shifting saying and gainsaying to deceive the people If there any yet remaine that will trust such common Cheates His collection that necessitie and not choice brought the King to call a Parliament followes not from any of his premisses His Majest doth not exclude the necessitie of his affaires from moving him to call the Parliament When he sayes that he called the Parliament not more by necessitie then his owne choice doth he exclude necessitie or affirme his owne choice only without consideration of Circumstances Parliaments ought not to be called but vpon greate occasions and their too often Convention is a burthen not an ease to the people and such was the judgment of the late Parliament at the beginning It is not new that necessities have caused Kings to call Parliaments which yet was never made an Argument to prove their owne vninclinaâ—ion to call a Parliament His descant vpon strong necessities and pangs of state layes open the Treason of these conspiratours that plotted how their Country might pine and languish that so vnnaturall Emperickes might excercise their bloody practice and a mercilesse Tyrany could only be exspected from such as sought their power by their Countreyes sufferings And if his Majest proceedings had been violent they had not produced that necessitie First in Ireland which only was to give him four subsidies and so to expire then in England where his first demaund was but twelue subsidies to maintaine a Scotch warr condemned and abominated by the whole Kingdome promising their greivances should be considered afterwards The Parliament in Ireland he might have knowne was not the first that was called in the nine yeares he mentions but fals hood are so common that mistakes are not worth the observation and if the King had called that Parliament in Ireland to obtaine fower subsidies where had been the fault May not a King call a Parliament to be supplyed But if Iconoclastes had patience to know truth or speake it he might easily have found a greate number of good lawes made in that Parliament to worke a conformitie of that nation to England and he vnseasonably produced this instance of the Parliament of Ireland which so mainely contradicts his assertion for the necessities alone he supposes could not worke the calling of that Parliament where Parliaments had been so frequent before In England where he sayes his Majest first demaund was but twelue subsidies he hath lost his expectation and his Ironicall but hath lost its mirth for he cannot thinke that the people now apprehend twelue subsidies so greate a demaund by the King when they see a farr greater proportion given the Scotch for invading the Kingdome and after such an execrable warr and barbarous prodigalitie their greivance is increast and all that is effected or pretended to be done for them is the Destruction of King and Church and dividing the Estates of both among the Master Rebells vpon whose Arbitrary and vnlimited power they must now depend That these twelue subsidies were demaunded to maintaine Scotch warr hath no colour of truth it being not at al propounded And as it had been a sottish and perverse disposition to have condemned the warr against the Scotts when they were in preparation to invade England so it is as shamelesly said by Iconoclastes that it was condemned and abominated by the whole people Himselfe if a wicked obduration had not made him love lying must have conffessed that the late Earle of Essex though afterward in Rebellion against the King with greate demonstrations of Zeale and affection to his Majest went a Commaunder in that expedition And if we respect the qualitie or number of noble worthy persons that engaged themselves in that first warr our stories have rarely remembred an Army that went into Scotland of greater number of eminent persons so as Iconoclastes hath just cause to condemne and abominate himselfe for the Lewdenes and evidence of this vntruth and if the then Parliament had not been abused by some representing his Majest desires the designes of such as meant to make advantage of the breach of that Parliament had been disappointed and the Calamities ensuing had been prevented And as there were no greivances then in the Kingdome but might admit longer delay of redresse then the publique necessities of supply so his Majest might justly demaund subsidies in the first place with promise to redresse their greivances afterwards And Iconoclastes too late observes the order of that demaund of his late Majest to be amisse when the late Parliament graunted so many subsidies for the Scotts without expectation of any such promise Which when the Parliament who judged that warr it selfe on of their maine greivances made no haste to graunt not enduring the delay of his impatient will or els fearing the conditions of their graunt he breakes of the whole session and dismisses them and their greivances with scorne and frustration That the Parliament judged that warr any of their greivances that never mentioned it in their debates or resolutions is fit for the affirmation of this Author only But if the Parliament had judged that warr one of their maine greivances the rest whereof so greate noyse hath been made will hardly be thought weightie This warr was then newly begun the King had received no supply from the people for the charge past and could this be a maine greivance Wee see at what rate this man makes greivance and to what ordinary accidents he applies his exorbitant expressions The then Parliament would not have been slow in his Majest supply if some false Ministers had not interposed and some seditious persons had not plotted to impose a necessitie vpon his Majest to dissolue the Parliament They had not
and the protection of officers in the exercise of just authoritie against the hatred of frenitique persons The hipocrisie of the schismaticall partie that professed greate tendernes of conscience and greife to see Children whipp a top on a sunday was ridiculous to al sober men yet theis are the motives to embroyle a state That which he calls the superstitious rigour of his sundayes Chappell is noe other then observation of the order of the Church of England which none but the Bedlam Brownist ever called superstitious His Majest Chappell had nothing in the exercise of Devotion but what the lawes of his Predecessours had appointed and this must be his rigour That which he calls his sundayes Theatre it seemes are recreations vpon sundayes and to that he prophanely and scurrilously adds his Dominicall Jiggs Can a Christian that hath respect to the day make Dominicall the matter of his jest but having abused sacred titles to impious Actions they proceede to scoffe with them He intimates a booke published touching recreations wherein his Majest followed the example of his Royall father and the advice of the most learned Divines Judaisme and ridiculous superstition of the hipocriticall sectaries cheifely occasioned that booke both in the time of his Majest and King James Permission of sunday recreations is more agreeable to the doctrine practice of other Churches then the prohibition the pretended tendernes of conscience in the Sectaries appeares as false as frivolous and these Sectaries that make this imaginary rigour and remissenes a foundation to overthrow a Kingdome allow noe limits to their owne rigour and remissenes taking all libertie to themselves denying any to others Why are theis doughty objections made against his Majest when all know it touches not him particularly if it were considerable but his Father queene Elizabeth in whose times recreations of sundayes were more practised then in the time of his Majest by the way we may take notice of his scornefull appellation of his Father James And for the miscarriages in state wee may expect that as the Actions will be by this Author vnfaithfully related soe they will appeare of as litle weight for a ground to those Calumnies which he frames vpon them His Majest disavowed none of these acts till this Parliament and heere seekes to wipe of the envy of his evill Government vpon his substitutes His Majest allwayes disavowed illegall Acts and whatever other mens rigour or remissenes had contracted And must a King satisfie the curiositie malice of all that cast envy on his Government And was there ever a Parliament wherein lawes were not made to expiate the odium contracted When his Majest seekes to take away the occasions of evill in his substitutes he deserves the love and thankes of his people but it is the practice of Rebells to cast the rigour and remissenes of the substitutes vpon the Government His Majest ought not to beare the evill of other mens Actions and his Government wil be glorious to posteritie as it was happy to them that enjoyed it in despight of envy and this Author and such as seeke to wipe of the guilt of this lewde Rebellion by pretences of evill Government which can noe more justifie their fact then provocation a private Duell sufficiently cleere his Majest of their reproaches by the lightnes of these objections and by offering vulgar envy as a reason to destroy the Kingdome He goes on jeering the Kings promises for reforminge Religion as too late and because popular confusions had overtopt reason therefore he concludes their Justice in working mischeife and breaking all the bonds of faith and Religion The purposes which his Majest had for reforminge Religion could not by him be expressed artificiallie to gaine abatement of that violence vnder which he suffered for they are noe other then what he had often proposed in the beginninge of the Parliament and the workes of the dead King lose not their weight because they declare to the world the vnjust vsurpation of his authoritie All his vndertakings heeretofor declared him to have little or no judgment in that worke of Religion This libellers booke declares him to have little conscience of Religion no wonder if schismatickes are so shamles in the contempt of the greatest judgments that differ from them when they acknowledge the authoritie of no person over them and that which Iconoclastes pronounces-heere of the King he will not sticke to determine of all the world besides that agree not with his sect Sectaries are no lesse insolent and cruell then false and fantastique there being not any like excesse in such as attaine to highest preferments in Church or state by ordinary wayes as in those popular seducers presumption being of more force then truth with vulgar spirits and thence this Champion of shismatickes not only vilifies his Majest judgment in Religion but tells the world That his breeding or course of life could not acquaint him with a thing so spirituall The breeding and course of life of this generation of sectaries is not vnknowne and they seeke to supply with impudence what they want of abilitie It were a fault to mention heere his Majest parts learning and pietie and the Scripture which directs vs to try the spirits hath give vs such markes of the false and lying spirits as wee should be much wanting to ourselves if wee could not judge those men that are proud-boasters despisers of Parents despisers of Dominion Traytours faith-breakers to be such as descerne not the things of the spirit though they pretend to them The Reformation they could expect from him must be some politique forme of an imposed Religion or perpetuall vexation to such as comply not with that forme And let all the Churches that professe the name of Christ through the world be produced and there is none of them but have a forme of Religion which this libeller heere calls politicke and an imposed Religion and the observation of such formes are in all Churches exacted with some penalties and heereby all men may see that wee have not to doe with a confined Rebell that hath only disaffection to the Government of the place where he lives but one that accuses all Churches but his owne Conventicle to have litle ore no judgment in Religion and not acquainted with a thing so spirituall for the ground of this reproach is from his Majest resolution to vse formes in the publique duties of Religion in the Church The like amendment he sayes he promises in state not a step further then his reason and conscience told him was fiâ—t to be destred wishing he had kept with in those bounds and not suffered his owne judgment to have been overborne in some things And this he sayes is to set vp an Arbitrary Government all Brittany to be chained to the conscience judgment and reason of one man as if those guifts were entayled vpon him with his Fortune to be a King Wee know not the Misteries
King sayes They forbore not rude deportments contemptuous words and Actions to himselfe and his Court. And to this the libeller sayes It was not wonder having heard what treacherous hostilitie he had designed against the Citie and his whole Kingdome that they forbore to handle him as people in their rage have handled Tyrants heere to fore for lesse offences The supplicating and petitioning people may vse rude deportments contemptuous words and actions To what purpose hath he minced his Tumults into supplicating petitioning people when he defends their highest violence The King design'd Treacherous hostilitie against the Cittie and Kingdome The last thoughts that madd men had before their destraction run most in their fancie in the time of their frensie and these Traytours having lost all reason inculate still those ridiculous fraudes wherewith at first they seduced the people The designes of Treacherous hostilitie was one of the Ceremonies which its now time to give over Who but an Idiot can beleive that the King can have Treacherous designes against his Kingdome whereof shal he be King whome shall he have to execate hostilitie against his owne Kingdome but these dreames of the blowing vp of Thames and tales of winde mills and fiery Dragons are over and it s become the peoples sorrow and shame to looke backe vpon the cheates whereby they were deluded He cannot name any Tyrant ill handled by tumults vpon such pretences as he makes the most wicked Tyrant was not soe guiltie as that people which exercised their rage vpon him yet the libeller determines that the tumults fury is as justifiable as the Parliaments order for he ascribes noe more to the one then the other They were not a short ague but a feirce quotidian feaver And the libeller sayes he may best say it who most felt it He will rather boast of the greatenes of their villany then reprove the impietie of it and therefore he sports himselfe with the injuries of it after his appellations of mildnes and supplicating people and extolls the highest of their violence as a feirce quotidian feaver and he is soe Lunatique that out of his malice to the King he calls them milde out of his insolence confesses them violent and deadly The King would perswade vs that men scared themselves others without cause And al men are now satisfied of the truth of it the fraudes being soe apparent and confessed by this breaker Wise feare and suspition would finde weapons And we have found by experience that Rebells by suggesting vaine feares and suspitions have gotten weapons and armed the people to their owne destruction Vpon the Kings repeating the mischeifes done by the tumults that they first petitioned then protected dictate next and lastly overaw the Parliament They removed obstructions they purged the houses cast out rotten members He sayes if there were a man of Iron such as Talus by our poet spencer is fain'd to be the Page of Iustice who with his Iron flaile could doe all this and expedititiously without those deceitefull formes and Circumstances of law worse then Ceremonies in Religion I say God send it done whether by one Talus or by a thousand Religion lawes are lesse then Ceremonies in this Authors account and when Pages follow not nor acknowledge Masters Justice wil be ill waited on such cut-throates are not the Pages of Justice but the furies of hell and theis this libeller prayes to God for what will not such call Justice to satisfie their ambition and crueltie Poets are short in their fancies of what the English Rebells have acted Their Gyants were Pigmyes to theise Monsters and their Hidra too few heads too litle venom for the service of these Enemies of mankinde What a silly propertie does this libeller make Parliament and lawes that subjects them to Tumults and how barbarous are their proceedings that made endeavour to subvert fundamentall lawes a Capitall Cryme and heere he commends the fact calls them deceitefull formes and Circumstances of law Might he not better have said they would make good their villanies by the sword then prevaricate and say and vnsay and pretend Religion and yet pray God to send Tumults and Confusions to breake all lawes in order to their designes The King sayes they subdued the men of conscience in Parliament backed and abetted all seditious schismaticall proposalls against Government Ecclesiasticall and Civill To this he sayes That it was not the Kings grace but this Iron flaile the people that drove the Bishopps out of their Baronies Cathedralls Lords house Coopes surplisses papisticall innovations threw downe high Commission starr chamber gave vs a trienniall Parliament and what we most desired And is not this brave Is it a credit to a Church to be thus reformed Is this the Christian Religion to glory in oppression robery and Rebellion There is noe doubt but many things graunted by his Majest in the late Parliament were Acts of grace in respect of his compliance with importunitie in hope thereby to preserve the people from a Civill warr not in respect of the nature of the things graunted The libeller might have remembred that the King never consented to drive the Bishopps out of their Baronies or Cathedralls and his Trienniall Parliament which he soe much commends is repealed by his new Masters for the people must not looke for the execution of any such law And this Iron slaile the rashnes and crueltie of a disordered multitude hath thresht and broken the bones sinewes of the people and made them know the difference betweene a golden Scepter and an Iron flaile In revenge whereof he sayes he now soe bitterly inveighs against them And how can the libeller thinke it bitter when their Actions which he confesses exceede in impietie the greatest Crymes that ever were inveighed against And if we could wonder at any thing we might wonder at his mention of Schismaticall proposalls consented to by the King when he wel knowes noe one thing by him mentioned of Cathedralls or Ceremonies was consented to by the King noe lesse strange is it that the other particulars are by him recited as intended by the King to be the Seditious proposalls though all of them are not free from that name when as there were soe many seditious and Trayterous proposalls besides these That these Tumults played the hastie midwives and would not stay the ripening but went streight to ripping vp and forcibly cut out abortive votes to this he opposes that the Parliament complained not and therefore those confluxes were not by them thought Tumultous And were they not thought Tumultuous by such as they had expelled and driven away from the Parliament And did he but in his last words call them an Iron flaile and recount the wonders which they wrought and now would not allow them to be Tumults We may besure the seditious faction in Parliament stirred them vp and such as differed in judgment or affection from them were enforced
delivered from such madnes and yet this libeller sayes that the king praying to be delivered from the Tumults prayeth to be delivered from the people and blasphemously concludes God save the people from such intercessours And we cannot beleive that God is in his thoughts whose mouth soe often abuseth his name Vpon the Bill for TRIENNIALL PARLIAMENTS and for setling this c. HE sayes the Bill for Trienniall Parliaments was a good Bill and the other for setling this at that time very expedient And this he sayes in the Kings owne words was noe more then what the world was full confirmed he might in Iustice reason honour and conscience graunt them for to that end he affirmes to have done it This man hath a confirmed enmitie against truth cannot make a right recitall The Kings words are that the world might be fully confirmed in my purposes at first to contribute what in Iustice reason honour and conscience I could to the happy succes of this Parliament I willingly past the Bill for Trienniall Parliaments The greatenes of the trust which his Majest put vpon the people by passing that Bill was a strong Argument that he would deny nothing which in Justice reason honour and conscience he might graunt not that the world was confirmed he might graunt that Bill in reason honour and conscience in respect of the matter of it for a greate part of the world was of opinion he might with better reason have denyed it had not his desire to shew his purposes of contributing what he could to the happy successe of the Parliament moved him And they might be confirmed thereby of his purposes to deny nothing which in Justice reason honour and conscience he could contribute to the happy successe of the Parliament It is the Kings manner to make vertues of his necessities and that neither prayse nor thankes are due to him for these beneficiall Acts. It cannot be expected that Rebells will retaine gratitude that have cast of loyaltie but let vs looke on his reasons and the first is that this first Bill graunts much lesse then two former statutes yet in force by Edw. the 3. that a Parliament should be called every yeare or oftner if neede were Either the libeller is vaine in producing this instance or in commending the Bill that gave much lesse then two former lawes in force and he must make the Parliament very inconsiderate that would soe much Importune a law soe farr short of what former lawes had enacted His ancient law booke called the mirror and his late Treatise that Parliaments by our old lawes were to be twice a yeare at London carry as litle Authoritie as cleerenes what those Parliaments were they mention but neither the statutes nor law bookes did ever affirme the right of calling Parliaments in any other then the King or that he might not deferr the calling of them if he saw cause and these statutes were made to declare the subjects dutie to attend the King in his Parliament once a yeare or oftner if neede were and there was noe reason why oftner should have been inserted into the law if any obligation were intended thereby vpon the King And its contrary vnto the writt whereby Parliaments are called that the time of Parliaments should be defined for it is recited to be an Act of Councell to call a Parliament which needed not if it were necessary at a prefixed time The second Bill he sayes was soe necessary that nothing in the power of man more seemed to be the stay of all things from ruine then that Act. We are sure that nothing did more confirme the designes of the Traytours nor hasten that ruine of the Kingdome they have wrought then that Act. All men descerne the fraudulent artifices vsed to gaine that Bill by pretending publique debts which seditious faction had contracted and intended to encrease for the carrying on of their Rebellion and his Majest in graunting that Bill hoped to take of those occasions of it the Reports which they cast out among the people of his vnwillingnes to rayse money for discharge of the Armyes These charges were occasioned by the Kings ill stewardshipp but the world satisfied it was from a trayterous conspiracie of the guides of this Rebellion He alleadges his needeles raysing of two Armies to withstand the Scotts which noe man but a profest Rebell can soe call for should he have raysed noe Army but left all to the mercy of the invader next he had beggerd both himselfe the publique When by this libellers owne confession the King had received noe supplies from the publique for raysing those Armies and these shameles Traytours blush not to talke of the Kings beggering of the people when the greate plentie his Government had enriched them with is soe visible in those vast leavies which the Rebells have since made vpon them The King left vs vpon the score of his needy Enemies If they had not been too much friends to the traytours of England there had been noe score to them for all men know whatever they received from England was by the contrivance of the Trayterous faction in Parliament to accomplish their ends To disengage him greate summs were borrowed Which its well knowne was not to disengage the King but to advance the designes of the Traytours who dealt vnder hand with some of the Scotts to protract the Treatie that the charges might be encreast The errours of his Government had brought the Kingdomes to such extreames as were incapable of recovery without the absolute continuance of this Parliament They never did one act after that Bill but in order to the Kingdomes confusion and all men saw there were noe extreames to be recovered at the time of passing that Bill but the returne of the Scotts and the disbanding the faction in Parliament and the only recovery had been by setting an end to the Parliament which they that made it their propertie could not endure The King past these Acts vnwillingly It cannot be doubted but the King foresaw the danger of both and the libeller might have seene in the first section of this Chapter that his Maj was not without doubt that what he intended for a remedy might prove a disease beyound all remedy and though to avoyde a Civill warr he made some concessions in hope to bring the people to see their owne good which might turne to his and their greater mischeife if by them ill applyed yet his Majest deserves prayse and thankes for such Acts of grace and the necessitie which this libeller soe impudently vrges to take of his Majest just thankes was the danger of a Civill warr which his Majest sought by these Act to prevent and might have entred into with lesse hazard before the passing of these Bills then after The libeller only encreases the infamy of the Rebells ingratitude and his owne impudence by obtruding necessities to take of the Kings grace in passing those Bills and it had not the
shape of a Masterly brow but gracious aspect in his Majest saying the greatnes of the obligation above their deserts that he had put vpon them by passing the first Bill and the Masterly brow suites not with the following scurrilous conceite that the kings recital of the obligation he had putt vpon them by that Act was as if he had beggd an office to a sort of his desertles groomes and these desertles groomes now Rule the new Republique there being none that had the least desert that would accept such a Trayterous office That the King passed the latter Bill to prevent the encrease of the present disorders not out of consideration of the fittnes of that Bill he neede not spend time to prove and his consent was moved from the reason of the time not the matter and the libeller hath well observed that they had offended him much more after the passing of the former Bill which is not to their creditt but shame It was feare made him passe the Bill least the Parliament and people incensed by his conspiracies should resent his doings if he had added the denyall of this only meanes to secure themselves Either his memory is short or his absurditie vnnaturall that soe lately said the kings feares were pretences and does he thinke that his Majest could feare their resenting more at that time then afterward besides his supposed fantasticall conspiracies were not as much as named or spoken of to Parliament or people at the time of passing that Bill and there cannot be imagined any cause of his Majest passing that Bill but his earnest desire to avoyde a Civil warr and assure his people of his purpose by committing so greate a trust vnto them neither can there be imagined other cause why the passing of that Bill was soe much importun'd by the Rebells but to secure themselves for being conscious of their owne guilt they knew themselves vnsecure vnles they gained a power over King and lawes The libeller cannot excuse neither the ingratitude nor disloyaltie of the Rebel partie in Parliament from the Kings consent to these lawes to present disorders and mischeifes which in themselves had not been fitt for his consent at another time and their insolence in binding him first of all his Predecessours shewes their corruption and guilt that would vse soe much violence disloyaltie to a Prince whose gratious Government had least of all his Predecessours provoked it The King taxes them with vndoing what they found well done The libeller sayes They vndid nothing in the Church but Lord Bishopps Liturgies Ceremonies high Commission judged worthy by all true Protestants to be throwne out of the Church These Protestants which are true only to him will judge the like of all Kings and Rulers of State and all orders of the Church that are not of their Bedlem patterne These false Sectaries talke of Church true Protestants just as they doe of Parliament as long as it consists of their owne limbs it must be obeyed but if it dissent from their Commaunds then they are worse then Ceremonies in Religion Doubtles al true Protestants abhorre this den of Schismatickes that boast of their Rebellious defacing of the Church and hate their societie there having not been yet any true Protestant Church that ever pretended that Lord Bishopps Leiturgies Ceremonies or high Commission were worthy to be throwne out of the Church the greatest part of Protestants retaining the like The vndid nothing in the state but irregular and grinding Courts The Courts they tooke away were judged by al wisemen to have been profitable to the Kingdome and fitt to be continved and the best Governours sometimes graunt that to the peoples irregularities thereby to preserve them from proceeding to their owne ruine which were fitt to deny at another time it s their Zeale to publique safetie not feare and dissimulation as the libeller calls it It was a greater confidence of the people to put into one mans hand a power to Summon and dissolve Parliaments then the King put in the people by the 〈◊〉 of continuance of the Parliament And if the libeller could shew the Act whereby the people put that power in the King he had said some thing But how had they put it into his hands or what confidence was it if they might take it away when they list This man cannot see truth through his owne contradictions while he acknowledges the Kingly power to Summon and dissolve Parliaments forthwith adds that Kings could not dissolve Parliaments till all greivances were redressed and then where was the kings power to dissolve or the peoples confidence This is he sayes not only the assertion of this Parliament a strong proofe but of our ancient lawe bookes that noe man ever read which averr it to be an vnwritten law of Common right soe engraven in the hearts of our Ancestours and by them soe constantly enjoyed and claimed as that it needed not enrolling this is pretty poetry that because a law is no where to be found therefore it was engraven in the hearts of our Aucestours where are those law bookes But how many hundred yeares since was this engraving worne out surely if there had been either such an vnwritten law and soe constantly enjoyed and claimed it would have been often enrolled ere now but the libeller expected applause for his conceite not creditt to his assertion If the Scotts could charge the King with breach of their lawes for breaking vp that Parliament without their consent it were vnreasonable that the wisedome of England should be soe wanting to it selfe as not to provide against the not calling or arbitrary dissolving of Parliaments If they had provided against it where was the confidence he talked of It followes not that because the Scotts charged the King with breaking of the Parliament without their consent that therefore the King offended in it neither was the wisedome of the English nation wanting to it selfe in leaving the calling and dissolving of Parliaments Arbitrary to the King it being a power essentiall to Monarchy and we have seene that the taking away of that power dissolves the Government and drawes confusion and miserie vpon the state and it cannot be avoyded but that from a power erected to affront the soveraigntie there must follow sedition and Civill discord People must depend vpon their Kings grace and goodnes for redresse of their greivances whose power and safetie consists in their welfare not seeke by violence to be their owne Carvers and the people never found soe greate suffering by submission to their Kings as by seeking wayes to oppose them It appeares that if this Bill of not dissolving were an vnparalleld act it was a knowne and Common right That it was an vnparalleld Act he doth not deny that it was a Common right noe where appeares and how can that be an vnparalleld Act that is a Common right He sayes it s not enrolled and how then shall it appeare to be
he meanes wee shall know more plainely heereafter for obedience sufferinge are the servilitie and wretchednes which he calls the pulpit stuffe of the Prelates Wee may shortly expect that as theis miscreants have altered state Church soe they will compose an Index expurgatorius of the Bible for it cannot be imagined that they will object this hainous Cryme of preaching passive obedience to the Prelates and leave soe many places in the Gospell which commaund it themselves neede not the Gospell to make men obedient they have the sword and this Ceremony of Religion is abolished But what are these follow teachers of the Prelates of another name and sect why did he not speake out and name the Presbiterian was it not as easie to name him as describe him such termes are long in comming foorth that carry with them the reproach of the speaker The common guilt wherein theise sects and parties were involved appeares in their division and how they deceived the people and one another It s happy if any men that have gone farr in an evill way stopp and returne to the right path St. Paul gloried that men said of him that he now preacht the faith which before he destroyed if there be any though of another name and sect in the sense of this author that preach loyaltie which before they destroyed Its Gods greate mercy to them and that they reduce others from the errours of their way These Presbiterians may hence observe how vnhappily they were engaged against the Prelates and with this other sect in settinge foorth contumelious scoffing libells that now have the same language cast on themselves by theise brethren in evill Schisme Rebellion have noe meane and he is much deceived that thinkes to retaine either of them in any bounds without force and this the Presbiterian now findes to his losse who is growne as contemptible to those he meant to rule as he endeavoured to make the Prelates Besides their pulpit stuffe he sayes their lives the Tipe of all worldlines and hipocrisie without the least true patterne of vertue righteousnes or selfe denyall in their whole practice Of those Markes which the Scripture give for the Tryall of Hipocrites what one doe these Rebells want their pride in assuming holines to themselves denying it to others is held foorth by them on all occasions Stand further from me I am holier then thou was the old Jew and Lord I thanke thee I am not as other men nor as this Publican was the reformed Pharisee how impiously these Traytours appropriate to themselves righteousnes and selfe denyall as if none but Traytours could attaine the knowledge of such graces If righteousnes confist in Blaspheming God contempt of his ordinances and scorning the doctrine and practice of his saints these men may lay some claime to it And if such as deny not themselves the lives and Estates of others that deny not themselves any power or pleasure they like be the true selfe denyers we cannot exclude this Author and his Masters from attaining it Doe these men imagine that vsing the termes of righteousnes and selfe denyall which they have made much in fashion induces any man to thinke they esteeme it whose whole endeavours are selfe seeking Can they perswade any man that when our blessed saviour would pay Tribute though not due from him that he might not give offence that the righteousnes which he commended to his servants was not only to deny Tribute but to fight against those to whome it was due Are they greater practisers of selfe deniall that preach warr and blood rather then obey then those that preach passive obedience and suffering rather then violence Certenly the Alcaron Religion of these men cannot entitle them to that Evangelycall vertue of selfe deniall and their Actions being soe opposite to it their frequent vse of the word proves their confirmed hipocrisie resolved impenitencie He may well wonder if such pulpit stuffe and such lives as he mentions should attract soe many from his old English fortitude If he would have assigned a cause for such an eminent change as he supposes it should have been some way proportionable to the effect and his best way had been to have advanced the knowledge and subtile behaviour of the Prelates and their fellow teachers but madd men only will beleive him when he sayes men grosse in their doctrines and offenfive in their lives perswaded the most part from the olde English fortitude this shewes only a will to rayle not ane Argument to prove It wil be an hard taske for him to prove men the Tipe of worldlines whome his Masters have stript of all worldly meanes of living and exposed them and their families to begg or starve Was there ever a time in any one Kingdome when soe many have endured the spoyling of their goods vndergone soe greate povertie from plentie rather then renounce their faith former profession as the Prelates of England and their follow tachers hipocrisie and worldlines consist not with that condition and in this Estate they cannot charge the Prelates with ray-ling virulent language against their persecutors as the Rebell Ministers vsed against their Governours The people now discerne the difference betweene the Prelates humilitie and the pride of their present Imposters and that pride is lesse incident to just Titles then vsurpations and that popular insinuations never want ambition and arrogance The Bishopps eminent vertues and sufferings are soe conspicuous to all men as cannot be obscured by malicious detraction But such as make it their sin to preach passive obedience will judge Martirdome hipocrisie and patience worldlinesse His next cause he attributes to the factious inclination of most men divided from the publique by serveral ends and humours of their owne Factious inclinations carry men to Rebellion and disobedience and private ends divided from the publique are excentrique to lawfull Government All changes proceede from these ends and humours and submission to Rulers is inconsistent with them But the Author will have the resistance of parricide and Rebellion an effect of factious inclination as patience and passive obedience to be a worldly doctrine By his account Rebells only have care of the publique and all that oppose them have ends divided from it This humour of seditious Traytours hath been anciently discovered and yet by the peoples vnhappy credulities never prevented thence it comes that they complaine of faction and innovation while they are busie in contrivinge it And it is noe wonder that they that have found soe many deceived by their dissembled passions will offer such palpable absurdities to the people that men oppose them for private ends that themselves seeke only the publique whē by blood and rapine they have got possession of all the wealth power of the Kingdome and treade all vnder foote that had right to rule They say truly they seeke the publique but all men see it is for their
falsification will not sticke to slander thoughts and offer conjectures for convertions such as were most zealous in his Majest cause had a sobrietie vnblemishable by a Traytours malice and were not only free from druken distemper but brutish insolence and brazen impudence which the Rebells rather affect then repent of And is there not a just cause that the consciences of many should grow suspitious and corrected by the pretentions of the misnamed Parliament now proved false and vnintended What 's become of their making a glorious King lawes of the land priviledges of Parliament Doth not every man see they are all in the dirt among the Libellers Ceremonies But they never pretended to establish his Throne without our Libertie and Religion nor Religion without the word of God nor to judge of lawes by their being established but to establish them by their being Good and necessary They never pretended that his throne was inconsistent with libertie or Religion nor to judge of lawes otherwise then by being established But who must be the Dictatours the Parliament which is crumbled into a close Committee and state Counsell or any rabble that shall say this or that law is not good and therefore to be repealed though established he ought to have concluded that they never pretended priviledge of Parliament further then the subterranean junto or the Tumults should judge necessary To pray and not to governe is for a Monke not a King But is prayer inconsistent with Government Those men will accuse the King for being a Christian and have as litle love to prayer as obedience a monke will better governe then such a man pray who is constant to malice falshood and this man that sayes to governe by Parliament justifies his Rebellion to take away Kinglie Government His legislative Parliament and oppressed lawes cannot be admitted where other answeare is wanting but the Libeller hath long since thrust the force of them out of doores by his many prevarications confining them all in the Cabinet of his owne braine which must determine whether they be good and necessary He is constant to Iohn of Leidens principles that must take away other mens goods for doubt of ill vsing them and because the King sayes he feared the temptation of an absolute Conquest therefore it was pious and friendly in the Parliament to resist him Their pietie and friendshipp were much alike and the Libellers Riligion might come in for a share It s very probable that this warr had never been if the Act for continuance of the Parliament had not been consented to by the King and that Act might stopp the mouth of any reasonable man from saying there was such a power in the two houses as the Libeller dreames of that desired that Act from the King and it was never heard in our story that ever Parliaments made warr against Kings as Tyrants or otherwise for how could they make awarr that neither could nor ever did pretēd to sit longer then their King pleased the immodestie ingratitude of the present Rebells have farr exceeded the worst Examples He is obstinate to his principles and feares to attribute any thing to the Kings concessions or denyall and had he graunted lesse in all probabilitie himselfe and the Kingdome had suffred lesse It cannot be doubted but the Libeller will invert whatever the King sayes and it is a greate adventure that he sayes the sins of their lives not seldome fought against them and wee have greate cause to beleive their prosperitie did noe lesse that continue hardned in soe execrable a cause The King sayes he desires not any man should be further subject to him then all of vs should be subject to God And this Mountebanke holds this a sacriledge worse then Bishopps lands for he sayes he desires asmuch subjection as is due to God and so desires noe lesse then to be a god And is subjection to Princes in the Lord subjection to them as God And doth the King desire otherwise that would have them noe otherwise obey him then that they might obey God renouncing all obedience that consists not with obeying God but sale worke must be slight and the Libeller would not exceede his hire The Rebells desiring the Kings acquittall of them for the blood of the warr confirmes their guilt not their innocence Though God impute not to any man the blood shedd in a just cause in respect of the ground and reason of doing it yet there may be temptations vnto naturall infirmitie in acting a just cause and the King was not without a sense of such danger therefore the Libeller wretchedly beggs an argument of his guilt from his prayer not to have blood imputed to him Vpon the REFORMATION Of the Times NOveltie and perturbation are justly condemned not only by Christians but morall men and it is a noveltie taken vp only by Sectaries that would confine all Religion to their owne frensy and reject the vniversall consent of all times and places and not only boasting of the truth of their owne delusions but obtruding them vpon the world threatning fire and sword to gainsayers and yet they will pretend the example of our Saviours publishing his gospell and pretend like reason for their fanaticke conceites as for his divine revelations and miraculous Testimonies and because reformation may be necessary therefore they conclude it must be as often as these that are carried about with every winde of doctrine shall thinke fitt they would reduce Christianitie to a cloud without water tossed to fro with the breath of private opinion The first reformers in the time of Pope Adrian pretended not a reformation of the vniversall Church and a rejection of whatever was received by the primitive as those men now neither did they presume to enforce others to their perswasion and though noveltie and perturbation were objected to them yet they still deprecated that guilt and it is a most vnchristian and prophane disposition to desregard lawes established and Religion setled vpon presumption of private opinions and these of men neither learned discreete nor honest There is greate difference betweene a clamour and an vndeniable truth and we may not thinke that popular compliance dissolution of all order and Government in the Church schisme vndecencies confusions sacrilegious invasions contempt of the Clergy and their Leiturgie and diminution of Princes are lesse odious because Papists objected them or that any pretended reformation introduced by these detestable practices can be acted or approved by Christians All men are wittnes that the present Sectaries are guiltie of all these The former reformers did not give occasion for such aspersions that desired only the libertie of their owne consciences from the practice and beleife of errours newly enjoyned and anciently rejected in the Church or els followed the orderly reformations which Princes and states authorised in their owne Dominiōs but these new reformers obtrude their dictates vpon all the world and will dispose of all Kingdomes with
the Divill as in their donation Let it be produced what good hath been done by synods since the reformation It s like not the good he meanes to authorise all manner of Lewde sects and Lunaticke opinions But synods are customary and have their set times in all the reformed Churches and if there be fraude and packing in synods as he sayes whence come Parliaments that are of like constitution to be free Is there a priviledge of Parliament to change nature and that the members cannot be guiltie of fraude faction and Treason There is not only fraude and packing by insinuations conspiracies and corruptions of the vulgar but violence and confusion to Church and state by tumultuary reformations and what is this doctrine of rejecting synods but the justifying of all licentious violence and Lewde Rebellion to introduce mens private opinions The pulling downe of Church windowes and Crosses which were but Civill not Religious markes defacing the Monuments and inscriptions of the dead mentioned by the King are the effects of a popular and deceitefull reformation in the account of all true protestants That Protestants were accused by Papists as these are charged by the King will not parallell guilt nor hide the present Actions of these Traytours from view and detestation The Libeller doth very preposterously produce the Example of Iob whose sinceritie was accused to God as a protection for the hipocrisie of Sectaries while himselfe acts the part of him that accused Job to God and omits not the traducing of all proofes of pietie Religion and Justice in the late King But the infirmities of best men and scandalls of hipocrites in times of reforming can lay noe just blemissi vpon the integritie of others nor purpose of reformation Noe man sayes it did but if the Reformation it selfe be a noveltie pretending not the consent of any times but their owne opinions of places of Scripture different from all others if that which is offred in the name of reformation be in it selfe confusion and scandalous imputing Antichristianisme to all the Churches of God that were before them and that the way of introducing it be with presumption blood and Rebellion we cannot thinke that any promoters of such an vnchristian deformitie can have any integritie or Religion and they are not blemished with the Crymes of others but their owne They that have no publique place nor authoritie to reforme the Church cannot be excused of presumption if they meddle with it and such busy bodies are moved with Carnall selfe seeking and private ambition not sense of dutie If any thing grew worse and worse in the Church of England it was the encrease of Sectaries who would cover their hipocrisie with censure of superiours and lawes These Reformers pretend to reforme lawes not corruptions for though they talke of the time of the Kings Raigne they pretend to reforme nothing that was particularly worse in his time then before and he might aswell have asked why Queene Elizabeth in her fortie yeares raigne had not reformed as peevishly talke that his Majest should not reforme in twentie yeares when it was held strange that the Schismatickes should be soe distempered to pretend a necessity of reformatiō there being greater neede of strengthning what was established It is a Diabolicall Method to change the order of the Church by destruction of the Civill state just reformation never opposes lawfull authoritie in setting vp a Governmēt over others Though Christians might reforme themselves they allwayes judged it an abomination to impose their Religion vpō the state they lived in Private reformations are of Christian right but publique are the prerogative of supreame power and though Princes ought to serve God in the first place the people are not to destroy Princes in the first place they may worshipp God though they be persecuted they cannot truly if they take the sword to subdue them that are in authoritie and they feare not God that feare not their King our feare of God bindes vs to vse noe violence against our King nor vpon others our Alleagiance to our King being a part of our dutie to God and as the Apostle convinces those that hate their brother not to love God soe in vaine doe they pretend to feare God that offer violence to their King Can a Christian breake all the lawes of the second table vpon pretence of keeping the first And did not he that Commaunded to have noe other Gods but him commaund the honour of Father Mother May a private Christian robb and kill because persons are not of his Religion The scripture sajes he that is guiltie of the breach of one commaundement is guiltie of all and though Christians may not obey Commaunds contrary to the commaund of God they may not vse violence force but these are the Pharisees that teach men by making a vow vpon pretence of Gods service to disobey Parents which our Saviour soe much condemnes Christs Kingdome is spiritual in the hearts of the faithful not in a papall consistory nor a congregationall pullpitt they were best Christians that obeyed not wicked commaunds but detested by all Christians that vsed violence against their Pagan Governours and the reformed Churches may see what Communion can be had with those that professe those best Christians that were least subject to their King The King of Spaine may professe to have his Kingdome from Christ whatever his Religion be he hath a just Civill right which none ever doubted to acknowledge but these hell bred Sectaries that allow noe right but what is founded on their will his repetition of the Letter to the Pope vpon this occasiō shewes he is vnder a famine of reason that makes the Kings constācy to the doctrine of the Church of England to proceede from his letter to the Pope calling it enmitie to the true Church are any soe madd to thinke that the Pope was pleased with the doctrine of the Church of England Did the Libeller thinke there were a God would he write soe willfully against his owne vnderstanding that the King engaged himselfe to hazard life Estate for the Roman Religion he would then thinke that God were neere him writt downe those words which he will one day require an account of The King prayed against his hipocrisie and Pharisaicall washings whose prayer is thou who must give truth for hipocrisie suffer vs not to be miserably deluded by Pharisaicall washings Poeticall licence will not wash away willfull slander and malicious falsification but this man makes hipocrisie and Pharisaicall washings his cheife study and hates the prayers of others for his conversion from such wickednes Vpon his LETTERS taken and DIVULGED THE Publication of the Kings Letters had quite contrary effects to these which the publishers intended and insteede of discovering matter to their advantage cast shame on their false aspersions whereby they sought to withdraw the affections of his people from him they sett foorth both his judgment and affections opposite