Design 'T is 〈◊〉 the stomack of the Scots were sharp set still crying Give give but never satisfied King Iames as bounâ—â—ful and open handed towards them as they could desire But neitheâ— were they to impudent as to crave nor the King to impotent as to give a whole Bishopâ—ick 〈◊〉 onâ—e especially so rich a Bishoprick as this of Durham But the truth is that George Hume Earl of Dunbar Lord Treasurer of Scotland and highly favour'd by the King having procur'd a grant of all the batable grounds as they then called them upon the Borders of both Kingdoms began to cast his eye upon Norham-Castle and the Lands about it belonging to the See of Durham conceiving it a fit place to command the rest But being a well principled man and a great Minister of that Kings in restoring the Episcopal Government to the Church of Scotland he acquainted Bishop Bancroft with his desires who knowing what great use might be made of him for the good of this Church and being sure enough of the consent of Dr. Matthews then Bishop of Durham he thus ordered the business Whereas the Revenue of Norham-Castle and the lands adjoyning were valued at one hundred twenty pounds per annum in the Bishops Rental it was agreed that the Earl should procure of the King an abatement of sixscore pounds yearly out of the annual pension of a thousand pound which had been said upon that Bishoprick by Queen Elizabeth as before is said Secondly that he should obtain from the King for the said Dr. Matthews and his Successors a restitution of his House in the Strand called Durham-House with the Gardens Stables and Tenements thereto appertaining which had been alienated from that Bishoprick ever since the dissolving of it by King Edward the sixth Thirdly that in consideration hereof Bishop Matthews should make a grant of Norham-Castle and the Countrey adjoyning in Feefarm to the King by him immediately to be convey'd to the Earl of Dunbar And fourthly that his own 〈◊〉 being thus serv'd the said Earl should joyn with Bishop Bancroft and his friends for obtaining from the King an Act of Parliament whereby both he and his successors should be made uncapable of any the like Grants and Alienations for the time to come which as it was the 〈◊〉 Markeâ— that ever Toby Matthews was at so was it the best bargain which was ever driven for the Church of England so â—ar from swallowing up that Bishoprick that it was the only means to save that and preserve the rest And yet perhaps the credible information which our Author speaks of might not relate unto the Bisâ—oprick but the Deaâ—ry of Durham bestowed by that King being then not well studied in the Composition of the Church of England on Sir Adam Newton a Courtier prevalent enough as having been Tutor to Prince Henry the Kings eldest Son And possible it is that the Scots might have kept it in their hands from one generation to another if Dr. Hunt not otherwise to be remembred had not bought him out of it and put himself into the place Fol. 59. And as about this time some perchance overvaluâ—d the Geneva Notes out of that especial love they bare to the Authors and place whence it proceeded so on the other side some without cause did slight or rather without charity did slander the same â— I trow our Author will not take upon him to condemn all those who approve not of the Genevian Notes upon the Bible or to appear an Advocate for them though he tells us not many lines before that they were printed thirty times over with the general liking of the people I hope he will not do the first for King Iames his sake who in the Conference at Hampton-Court did first declare that of all the Translations of the Bible into the English Tongue that of Geneva was the worst and secondly that the Notes upon it were partial untrue seditious and savouring too much of dangerous and traiterous conceits For pâ—oof whereof his Majesty instanced in two places the one on Exod. 1. vers 19. where disobedience to Kings is allowed of the other in â— Chron. 8. 15 16. where Asa is taxed for deposing his Mothâ—r only and not killing her A Note wheâ—eof the Scottish Presbyterians made special use not only deposing Mary their lawful Queen from the Regal Thâ—one but prosecuting â—er openly and under hand till they had took away her life These instances our Author in his Summary of that Conference hath passed over in silence as loath to have such blemishes appear in the Genevians or their Annotations And I hope also that he will not advocate for the rest For let him tell me what he thinks of that on the second of St. Matthews Gospel v. 12. viz Promise ought not to be kept where Gods honour and preaching of his truth is hindered or else it ought not to be broken What a wide gap think we doth this open to the breach of all Promises Oaths Covenants Contracts and Agreements not only betwixt man and man but between Kings and their Subjects Whâ—t Rebel ever took up Arms without some pretences of that nature What Tumults and Rebellions have been rais'd in all parts of Christendom in England Scotland Ireland France the Netherlands Germany and indeed where not under colour that Gods honour and the preaching of the truth is hindered If this once pass for good sound Doctrine neither the King nor any of his good Subjects in what Realm â—oever can live in safety Gods Honour and the preaching 〈◊〉 his Truth are two such pretences as will make void all Laws elude all Oathes and thrust our all Covenants and Agreements be they what they will Neâ—â— I would have our Author tell me what he thinks of this Note on the ninth of the Revelation ver 3. where the 〈◊〉 which came out of the smoak are said to be 〈◊〉 teachers Hereticks and worldly subtil â—relates with 〈◊〉 Fâ—iers Cardinals Patriarchs Archbishops Bishops 〈◊〉 Batchelors and Masters Does not this note 〈◊〉 fasten the name of Locusts on all the Cleâ—â—y of 〈◊〉 Realm that is to say Archbishops Bishops and all 〈◊〉 as are graduated in the University by the name of Doctors Batchelors and Masters And doth it not as plainly yoak them with Fâ—iers Monkâ— and Cardinals pâ—incipal instruments in all times to advance the Popecom I know the words which follow after are alleadged by some to take off the envy of this Note viz. who forsake Christ to maintain false doctrines But the enumeration of so many particulars makes not the Note the lets invidious the said explication notwithstanding because the Note had been as perfect and significant had it gone thus in generals only that is to say by Locusts here are meant false Teachers Hereticks and other worldly subtil men that seduced the people perswading them to foâ—sake Christ to maintain false Doctrine But the Genevians who account Archbishops and Bishops to be limbs of the Pope
Lindsey Lord High Constable â— Our Author borrows this Error as he does some others from the former History and makes it worse by an addition of his own For first The Earl of Lindsey was not made High Constable upon this occasion nor did he act there in that capacityâ—â— He had been made High Constable to decide the difference between the Lord Rey and David Ramsey which being an extraordinary case was likely to be tried by battle But in this case there was no need of any such Officer the Triall being to be made by proofs and Evidences the verdict to be given by the Lords of Parliament and sentence to be pronounced by the Lord High Steward all â— things being to be carried and transacted in due form of Law Secondly The Court being broken up which was before the passing of the Bill of Attainder in the end of April the Office of Lord High Steward expired also with it And therefore when our Authour speaks of a Request which was made unto the King in Parliament that the Earl of Pembroke should be made Lord High Steward in the place of the Earl of Arundel then absent fol. 430. he either speaks of a Request which was never made or else mistakes the Lord Steward of the Kings houshold which place might possibly be desired for the Earl of Pembroke not long before turn'd out of the Office of Lord Chamberlain for the Lord High Steward of the Kingdome And now we are fallen on his mistakes touching these great Officers I shall adde another It being said in our Authours unfigured Sheets that the King having signed the Bill of Attainder sent Sir Dudly Carlton Secretary of State to acquaint him what he had finished An errour too grosse and palpable for our Authour to be guilty of considering his Acquaintances in the Court and relations to it which may perswade me to beleeve that these unfigured Sheets patcht in I know not how between fol. 408. and 409. should be none of his But whether they be his or not certain I am that there was no Secretary at this time but Sir Henry Vane Windebank being then in France and his place not filled with the Lord Falkland till the Christmas after Sir Dudly Carlton Lord Imbercourt and Vicount Dorchester was indeed Secretary for a while but he died upon Ashwednesday in the year 1631. which was more then nine years before the sending of this message and I perswade my self the King did not raise him from the grave as Samuel was once raised at the instance of Saul to go on that unpleasing errand Sir Dudly Carlton whom he means being Brothers son unto the former was at that time one â—f the Clerks of the Councel but never attained unto the place and honour of a principall Secretary Our Authour having brought the businesse of the Earl of Strafford toward a Conclusion diverts upon the Authour of the Observations on the former History to whom he had been so much beholden for many of the most materiall and judicious Notes in the former part of his Book and he chargeth thus Fol. 406. I conceive it convenient in more particular to clear two mistakes of our Authours concerning the Articles of Irâ—land and the death of the Earl of Strafford reflecting upon the late most Reverend Prelate the Archbishop of Armagh Primate of all Ireland whilest he was liuing and worse pursued since his decease somewhat too sharp also upon D. Bernard What Fee or Salary our Authour hath for this undertaking I am noâ— able to determine but if he be not well paid by them I am sure he hath been well paid by another who in his Answer to D. Bernards Book entituled The â—udgement of the late Primate of Ireland Ac. hath fully justified the Observator against all the exceptions which either our Authour or D. Bernard or the Lord Primate himself have made against him in these two points Which being extrinsecall as to the matter of this History shall not be repeated the Reader being desired if he want any further satisfaction to look for it there All I shall here observe is this that our Authour grounds himself in his whole Discourse of that businesse upon somewhat which he had in writing under the hand of the said Lord Primate and more which he hath took verbatim out of the said Book of D. Bernards who being both parties to the Suit ought not to be admitted for Witnesses in their own behalf And yet our Authour having driven the matter to as good a conclusion as he could from such faulty Premises conceives an hope that by the â—ight of those Testimonies he will be of more moderation notwithstanding he hath there shewn much disaffection to the Primate in endeavouring to his utmost to evade divers of those particulars either in giving the worst sense of them or turning them to other ends But as I can sufficiently clear the Observator from bearing any disaffection to the Lord Primates person and the equal Reader may defend him from the imputation of giving the worst sense of any thing which he found in the Pamphlet called The Observator observed or turning it to other ends then was there intended so am I no more satisfied by this tedious nothing touching the Articles of Ireland or the death of the Earl of Strafford as they reflect upon the Archbishop of Armagh then I was before As little am I satisfied with the following passage in the last Folio of the unfigured Sheets viz. That D. Iuxon Bishop of London resigned his Office of Treasurer of England into the hands of five Commissioners more sufficient then he could be Our Authour might have spared these last words of disparagement and diminution and yet have left his Proposition full and perfect But taking them as they come before me I must first tell him that the Lord Bishop of London resigned not his Office of Treasurer into the hands of any Commissioners but only into the hands of the King who not knowing at the present how to dispose of it for his best advantage appointed some Commissioners under the great Seal of England to discharge the same And next I would have him tell me what great sufficiency he found in those Commissioners which was not to be found in the Bishop of London how many of his debts they paid what improvement they made of his Revenue what stock of money they put him into toward the maintaining of the Warre which not long after followed In all which particulars the Bishop of London had very faithfully performed his part though not as to the Warre of England to the great honour of the King and content of the Subject But to look back upon some passages in the businesâ—e of the Earl of Strafford which are not toucht at by the Observator or his alteridâ—m the first we meet with is a very pretty devise of the Bishop of Lincoln to cheat the poor Gentleman of his head by getting a return of the
endued with the spirit of Prophesie which I think he will not if not then a contingency so remoâ—e could not be taken by him into consideratior as indeed it was not For first London at that time was the chief City of the Kingdom of East-sex one of the weakest of the seven and so not likely to prevail over all the rest Secondly if any of the greater Kingdoms of Mercia West-sex or Northumberland should in fine prevail it was not not probable that the Conquerors would remove the Seat Royal from their own Dominions into any of the conquered Countries And thirdly though the Kings of the West-Saxons who prevailed at last and became Monarchs of the whole setled the Royal Seat in London yet was it not till Winchester their own Regal City was destroyed by fire and made unable to receive them Fol. 60. The first cast of his office was to call a Councel for the Saxon and British Bishops to come together in the confines of the Wiccians and West-Saxons Our Author placeth this meeting within few lines after in the confines of Worcester and Herefordshire and more rightly there Worcestershire or the Countrey of the Wiccii confining on the County of Hereford but bordering in no place on the Kingdom of West-sex the whole County of Glocester being interposed So that our Author being mistaken in the place of the meeting it is no wonder if he stumble at the Monuments and Records thereof Of one of which he telleth us Fol. 61. That we can part with it without any losse to our selves and therefore bids it to make shift for its own Authenticalness fol. 60. The Record slighted thus is a Memorial of the Answer of the Abbot of Bancor to Archbishop Austins proposition communicated by Peter Moston a Welch Gentleman to that learned and industrious Antiquary Sir Henry Spelman and by him placed in his collection of the British and Saxon Councils Which honour he had never given it had he not conceived it worthy to deserve that place nor had the Papists used such violence to wrest it from us without the hope of gaining somewhat to themselves But to proceed this conâ—erence being ended without success there followed not long after the great slaughter of the Monks of Bancor for which our Author in a merrier humor then becomes the sadness of the matter or the gravity of an Ecclesiastical History hath caused Austin to be indited impanelling a Jury and producing his evidence Amongst which Matthew Parker the learned Archbishop of Cantâ—rbury and Iohn Iewel the renowned Bishop of Salisbury must be reâ—ected by the Jury as incompetent witnesses partly because of their known opposition to the Romish Church and partly because of their modern writing almost a thousand years after the matter in fact fol. 64. And all this done to add the greater honour to Mr. Fox as Modern as either of the two and as averse as either of them from the Church of Rome But Mr. Fox was Mr. Fox no friend unto the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England whereas the other two were Bishops and great sticklers for them This maâ—â—es our Author magnifie Foâ— for his moderation whose moderate testimony saith he much moved the whole Court and as much to condemn the others for the sharpeness of their expressions against Austin whom our Author himself reproacheth often for his pride and haughtinesâ— fol. 62. which made them of lesse credit amongst the Jury A thread of which fine spinning we shall finde frequently interwoâ—en in the whole web of this History and towards the latter end thereof not a few whole pieces made of no better yarne And let the Reader take this with him for a taste of our Authors good affections to the severall parties that it is bare M. Parker and plain Bishop Iewel without welt or guard but reverentâ— Mr. Fox by all means and so let him passe And let us passe also to the residue of the Acts of Austin Fol. 66. Who all this while was very industrious and no lesse successfull in converting the Saxons to the Châ—istian faith Insomuch that a certain Author reporteth how in the River Swale near Richmond in Yorkshire be in one day baptized above ten thousand The certain Author whom he means is an old fragment of a namelesse Author cited by Camden fol. 136. who rels the story otherwise then our Author doth For though the Fragment tell us that the River was callâ—d Swale yet that it was the River Swale near Richmond in York-shire is the addition of our Author That there is a River of that name neer Richmond is affirmed by Camden who withall telleth us That it was reputed very sacred amongst the antient English for that in it when the English-Saxons first embraced Christianity there were in one day baptized with Festival joy by Paulinus the Archbishop of York above ten thousand Men besides Women and little Children Of Austins baptizing in this River not one word saith he Neither doth Beda touch upon it as ceâ—tainly he would have done had theâ—e been ground for it And therefore if I may have leave to venture my opinion I shall concur with the old fragment as to the name of the Riveâ— and yet not carry Austin ouâ— of Kent and much lesse into Richmondshire to performe that office For when we finde in Camden that the Medwayâ—alling â—alling into the Thames is divided by the Isle of Sheppey into two great branches of which the one is called East-Swale the other West-Swale I see no reason why we should look any where 〈◊〉 foâ— that River Swale mentioned in the old fragment which before we spake of But herein I must submit â—y self to more able judgements The place agreed on â—e should next inquire into the numbers but that our Author seems to grant as much as the fragment craveth Only he telleth us that Fol. 66. If so many were baptized in one day it appears plainly that in that age the Administration of that Sacrament was not loaded with those superstitious Ceremonies as essential thereunto of crossing spittle Oyl Cream Salt and such like Trinkets Our Author here reckoneth the sign of the Crosse in Baptism amongst the 〈◊〉 trinkets and superstitious Ceremonies of the Church of Rome and thereby utterly condemneth the Church of England which doth not only require it in her Rubricks but also pleads for it in her Canons Not as essential to that Sacrament the Papists not making Spittle Oylâ—â—ream Salt c. to be essential thereunto as our Author saith but only for a Sign significative in token that the party signed shall not be ashamed to confess the faith of Christ crucified and manfully to fight under his Banner against sin the world and the Devil and to continue Christs faithful Souldier and servant unto his lives end A Ceremony not so new as to be brought within the compass of Popish Trinkets though by them abused For when the point was agitated in the Conference
King Edward having no dominion over them could not impose a Law upon them Not was it probable that he should borrow any of their Lawes or impose them on his natural subjects considering the Antipathy and disaffection betwixt the Nations There were indeed at that time in England three kinds of Lawes The first called Dane-lage or the Danish Lawes prevailing for the most part in the Kingdom of the East-Angles and that of Northumberland secondly Saxon-lage used generally in the Kingdoms of the West-Saxons East-Saxons South-Saxons and that of Kent and thirdly Merceâ—-lage extending over all the Provinces of the Kingdom of Mercia As for the Britans of Cornwal and Cumberland they had no distinct Law for themselves as had those of Wales but were governed by the Lawes of that Nation unto which they were subject By these three sorts of Laws were these Nations governed in their several and respective limits which being afterwards reduced into one body and made common equally to all the subjects did worthily deserve the name of the Common-Law But secondly I dare not give the honour of this action to King Edward the Confessor The great Iustinian in this work was another Edward called for distinctions sake King Edward the elder who began his Reign Anno 900. almost 150 years before this Confessor to whom our Author hath ascribed it But the truth is that these Lawes being suppressed by the Danish Kings who governed either in an arbitrary way or by the Lawes of their own Countrey they were revived and reinforced in the time of this Edward from whence they had the name of Edward the Confessors Lawes and by that name were sued and fought for in the time succeeding of which more hereafter Now as this work may be ascribed to his love to justice so from his piety his successors derive as great a benefit of curing the disease which from thence is called the Kings evill which some impute as our Author tels us to secret and hidden causes Fol. 145. Others ascribe it to the power of fancy and an exalted imagination Amongst which others I may reckon our Author for one He had not else so strongly pleaded in defence thereof But certainly what effect soever the strength of fancy and an exalted imaginationâ— as our Author cals it may produce in those of riper years it can contribute nothing to the cure of children And I have seen some children brought before the King by the hanging sleeves some hanging at their Mothers breasts and others in the armes of their Nurses all touch'd and cur'd without the help of any such fancies or imaginations as our Author speaks of Others lesse charitably condemn this cure as guilty of superstiâ—ion quarrelling at the Circumstances and Ceremonies which are used and this they do Saith he ibid. either displeased at the Collect consisting of the first nine verses of the Gospell of St. John as wholly improper and nothing relating to the occasion c. Our Author tels us more then once lib. 11. 167. of his being a Clerk of the Convocation but I finde by this that he never came so high as to be Clerk of the Closet Which had he been he would not have mistaken the Gospel for a Collect or touched upon that Gospel which is lesse material without insisting on the other which is more pertinent and proper to the work in hand or suffered the displeased party to remain unsatisfied about the sign of the Crosse made by the Royall hands on the place infected as it after followeth when there is no such crossing used in that sacred Ceremony the King only gently drawing both his hands over the sore at the reading of the first Gospel But that both he and others may be satisfied in these particulars I have thought fit to lay down the whole form of prayers and readings used in the healing of that malady in this manner following The form of the Service at the healing of the Kings-evill The first Gospel is exactly the same with that on Ascension day At the touching of every infirm person these words are repeated They shall lay their hands on the sick and they shall recover The second Gospell begins the first of St. Iohn and ends at these words Full of grace and truth At the putting the Angell about their necks were repeated That Light was the true light which lighteth every man that cometh into the world Lord have mercy upon us Christ have mercy upon us Lord have mercy upon us Our Father which art in Heaven hallowed be thy Name c. Min. O Lord save thy servants An. Which put their trust in thee Min. Send unto them help from above An. And evermore mightily defend them Min. Help us O God our Saviour An. And for the glory of thy name sake deliver us be merciful unto us sinners for thy names sake Min. O Lord hear our Prayer An. And let our cry come unto thee The Collect. Almighty God the eternal health of all such as put their trust in thee hear us we beseech thee on the behalf of these thy servants for whom we call for thy merciâ—â—l help that they receiving health may give thanks â—nto thee in thy holy Church through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen The peace of God c. This is the whole form against which nothing is objected but the using of the words before mentioned at the putting on of the Angel the pertinency whereof may appear to any who consider that the Light which was the true Light and lighteth every man which cometh into the world did not shine more visibly at the least moâ—e comfortably upon the people then in the healing of â—o many sick infirm and leprous persons as did from time to time receive the benefit of it But it is time I should proceed Fol. 148. These chose Harald to be King whose Titlâ— to the Crown is not worth our deriving of itâ— much 〈◊〉 his râ—lying on it A Title not so deâ—picable as our Author makes it nor much inferior unto that by which hiâ— Predecessor obtain'd the Kingdom Harald being â—on to Earl Godwin the most potent man of all the Sâ—â—xons by Theyra the natural Daughter of Canutus the fiâ—st was consequently Brother by the whole bloud to Harald Harâ—agar and Brother by the half bloud to Canutus the â—econd the two last Danish Kings of England In which respect being of Saxon Anceâ—â—ry by his Faâ—her and of the Danish Royal bloud by his Mother he might be look'd on as the fittest person in that conjâ—ncture to conâ—ent both Nations But whatsoever his Title was it was undoubtedly better then that of the Norman had either his success been answerable or his sword as good Upon occasion of which Conquest our Author telleth us that Ibid. This was the fifth time wherein the South of this Island was conquered first by Romans secondly by Picts and Scots thirdly by Saxons fourthly by the Danes and fifthlyâ— by the Norman But this I can by no means
Wolsey or otherwise exchanged on very reasonable terms I shall grant as easily but Whitehall was none of his to give as belonging to the Archbishop in the right of the See of York and then called York place But the Kings Palace at Westminster being lately burnt and this House much beautified by the Cardinal the King cast a longing eye upon it and having attainted the Cardinal in a Praemunire he seised upon this house with all the furniture thereof as a part of the spoil Which when he found he could not hold as being the Archbishops and not the Cardinals he sent an Instrument unto him to be signed and sealed for the surrendry of his title and estate therein and not content to have forc'd it from him the Cardinal honestly declaring his inability to make good the grant he caused the Dean and Chapter of York to confirm the same unto him under their Common Seal in due form of Law which being obtained and much cost bestowed upon the House he caused it to be called Whitehall gratifying the Archbishops of York with another House belonging then to the See of Norwich and now called York-house Fol. 170. So that lately there were maintained therein one Dean eight Canons three publick professors of Divinity Hâ—brew and Greek sixty Students c. Our Author tels us Lib. 4. that the spent seventeen weeks in this Vniversity but he that looks on this and some other passages will think he had not tarryed there above seventeen hours For besides his omitting of Dr. Newlin spoken of before and his giving of the name of Censors to the Deans of Magdalen which I finde afterwards Lib. 8. â— 7. he is very much mistaken in the matters of Christ Church For first the three Professors of Divinity Hebrew and Greek are no necessary parts of that foundation nor can be properly said to be founded in it Till of late times they were and might be of other Colledges as they are at this present this Colledge being only bound to pay them for their annual Pensions fourty pounds apiece In after times King Iames annexed a Prebends place in this Church to the Professor of Divinity as King Charles did another to the Hebrew Reader But for the Greek Reader he hath only his bare pension from it and hath no other relation to it but by accident only the last Greek Reader of this House being Dr. Iohn Perin who died in the year 1615. And secondly he is very far short in the number of Students diminishing them from an hundred to sixty there being an Hundred and one of that foundation by the name of Students equivalent to the Fellowes of most other Colleges in the Revennes of their place and all advantages and incouragements in the way of learning But this perhaps hath somewhat in it of design that by making the foundations of Oxford to seem lesse then they are those in the other Vniversity might appear the fairer Fol. 171. And here Wolsey had provided him a second Wife viz. Margaret Countesse of Alanzon sister to Francis King of France As much ouâ— in his French as his English Heraldry For first the Lady Margaret here spoken of was never Countess though sometimes Dutchess of Alanzon as being once wife to Charls the fourth Duke thereof And secondly at the time when King Henries divorce from Queen Katherine was first agitated this Lady was not in a capacity of being projected for a Wife to King Henry the eighth being then actually in the bed of another Henry that is to say Henry of Albret King of Navarre as appears plainly by the Articles of Pacification which were to be propounded for the restoring of King Francis the first being then Prisoner in Spain Anno 1525. to his Realm and Liberty In which it was propounded amongst other things that Francis should not send any Aid to the said Henry of Albret for the recovery of his Kingdom notwithstanding that he had marryed the Kings Sister and other Sister that King had none but this Margaret only Fol. 178. Yet had he the whole Revenues of York Archbishopâ— ick worth then little lesse then four thousand pounds yearly besides a large Pension paid him out of the Bishoprick of Winchester And a large Pension it was indeed if it were a Pension which amounted to the whole Revenue But the truth is that Wolsey having gotten the Bishopâ—ick of Winchester to be holden by him in Commendam with the See of York was suffered to enjoy it till the time of his death Anno 1631. After which time as Dr. Edward Lee succeeded him in the Church of York so then and not before Dr. Stephen Gardiner principal Secretary of State was made Bishop of Winchester by which name and in which capacity I finde him active in the Convocation of the following year Fol. 184. The Clergy of the Province of Canterbury alone bestowed on the King One hundred thousand pounds to be paid by equall portions in the same year say some in four years say others and that in my opinion with more probability Here have we three Authors for one thing some others and our Author himself more knowing then all the â—est in his own opinion But all out alike This great sum was not to be paid in one year nor in four years neither but to be paid by equall portions that is to say by twenty thousand pound per annum in the five years following And this appears plainly by the Instrument of Grant it self Where having named the sum of an hundred thousand pounds by them given the King they declare expresly Ad usum Majestatis ejusdem intra quinquiennium ex nunc proxime immediate sequens per quiâ—q aequales portiones solvend ' c. The first payment to be made the morrow after Michaelmas day then next ensuing after the day of the date thereof which was the 22 of March 1530. Fol. 186. But he might have remembred which also produced the peerless Queen Elizabeth who perfected the Reformation Either our Author speaks not this for his own opinion as in that before or if he do it is an opinion of his own in which he is not like to finde many followers The Puritan party whom he acts for in all this work will by no means grant it comparing that most excellent Lady in their frequent Pasquils to an idle Huswife who sweeps the middle of the house to make a shew but leaves all the dirt and rubbish behinde the door The grand Composers of the Directory do perswade themselves that if the first Reformers had been then alive they would have joyned with them in the work and laboured for a further Reformation And what else hath been clamoured for during all her Reign and by the Ring-leaders of the Faction endevoured ever since her death but to carry on the work of Reformation from one step to another till they had brought it unto such a perfection as they vainly dreamt of and of which
the said Canons Orders Ordinances and Constitutions and to all and every thing in them contained And furthermore we do not only by our said Prerogative Royall and Supreme Authority in causes Ecclesiasticall ratifie confirme and establish by these our Letters Patents the said Canons Orders Ordinances and Constitutions and all and every thing in them contained as is aforesaid but do likewise propound publish and straightly enjoyne and command by our said Authority and by these our Letters Patents the same to be diligently observed executed and equally kept by all our loving Subjects of this our Kingdom both within the Province of Canterbury and York in all points wherein they do or may concerne every or any of them according to this our Will and Pleasure hereby signified and expressed No other Power required to confirme these Canons or to impose them on the people but the Kings alone And yet I â—row there are not a few particulars in which those Canons do extend to the property and persons of such Refusers as are concerned in the same which our Author may soon finde in them if he list to look And having so done let him give us the like Precedent for his Houses of Parliament either abstractedly in themselves or in cooperation with the King in confirming Canons and we shall gladly quit the cause and willingly submit to his â—er judgement But if it be Obâ—ected as perhaps it may That the Subsidies granted by the Clergy in the Convocation are ratified and confirmed by Act of Parliament before they can be levied either on the Granters themselves or the rest of the Clergy I answer that this makes nothing to our Authors purpose that is to say that the person or property of Refusers should not be subjected to temporal penalty without consent of Parliament For first before the submission of the Clergy to King Henry the 8. they granted Subsidies and other aids unto the King in their Convocations and levied them upon the persons concerned therein by no other way then the usuall Censures of the Church especiall by Suspension and deprivation if any Refuser prove so refractary as to dispute the payment of the sum imposed And by this way they gave and levied that great sum of an Hundred thousand pounds in the Province of Canterbury only by which they bought their peace of the said King Henry at such time as he had caused them to be attainted in the Praemunire And secondly there is a like Precedent for it since the said Submission For whereas the Clergy in their Convocation in the year 1585. being the 27 year of Queen Elizabeth had given that Queen a Subsidy of four shillings in the pound confirmed by Act of Parliament in the usual way they gave her at the same time finding their former gift too short for her present occasions a Benevolence of two shillings in the pound to be raised upon all the Clergy by vertue of their own Synodical Act only under the penalty of such Ecclesiastical Censures as before were mentioned Which precedent was after followed by the Clergy in their Convocation an 1640. the Instrument of the Grant being the same verbatim with that before though so it hapned such influence have the times on the actions of men that they were quarreld and condemned for it by the following Parliament in the time of the King and not so much as checkt at or thought to have gone beyond their bounds in the time of the Queen And for the ratifying of their Bill by Act of Parliament it came up first at such times after the Submission before mentioned as the Kings of England being in distrust of their Clergy did not think fit to impower them by their Letters Patents for the making of any Synodical Acts Canons or Constitutions whatsoever by which their Subsidies have been levied in former times but put them off to be confirmed and made Obligatory by Act of Parliament Which being afterwards found to be the more expedite way and not considered as derogatory to the Churches Rights was followed in succeeding times without doubt or scruple the Church proceeding in all other cases by her â—â—tive power even in cases where both the person and property of the Subject were alike concerned as by the Canons 1603 1640. and many of those past in Q. Elizabeths time though not so easie to be seen doth at full appear Which said we may have leisure to consider of another passage relating not unto the power of the Church but the wealth of the Churchmen Of which thus our Authoâ— Fol. 253. I have heard saith he that Queen Elizabeth being informed that Dr. Pilkington Bishop of Durham had given ten thousand pounds in marriage with his Daughter and being offended that a Prelates daughter should equal a Princesse in portion took away one thousand pounds a year from that Bishoprick and assigned it for the better maintenance of the Garrison of Barwick In telling of which story ouâ— Author commits many mistakes as in most things elâ—e For first to justifie the Queens displeasure if she were displeased he makes the Bishop richer and the Portion greater then indeed they were The ten thousand pounds Lib. 9. fol. 109. being shrunk to eight and that eight thousand pound not given to one Daughter as is here affirmed but divided equally between two whereof the one was married to Sir Iames Harrington the other â—nto Dunch of Berk-shire Secondly this could be no cause of the Queens displeasure and much lesse of the Courâ—ieâ—s envy that Bishop having sat in the See of Durham above seventeen years And certainly he must needs have been a very ill Husband if our of such a great Revenue he had not saved five hundred pounds per annum to prefeâ— his Children the income being as great and the charges of Hospitality lesse then they have been since Thirdly the Queen did not take away a thousand pound a year from that Bishoprick as is here affirmed The Lands were left to it as before but in regard the Garrison of Barwick preserved the Bishops Lands and Tenants from the spoil of the Scots the Queen thought fit that the Bishops should contribute towards their own defence imposing on them an annuall pension of a thousand pound for the better maintaining of that Garrison Fourthly Bishop Pilkington was no Doctor but a Batchelor of Divinity only and possibly had not been raised by our Author to an higher Title and Degree then the University had given him but that he was a Conniver at Non-conformity as our Author telleth us Lib. 9. fol. 109. Lastly I shall here add that I conceive the Pension above mentioned not to have been laid upon that See after Pilkingtons death but on his first preferment to it the French having then newly landed some forces in Scotland which put the Queen upon a necessity of doubling her Guaâ—ds and increasing her Garrisons But whatsoever was the cause of imposing this great yearly payment upon that Bishoprick certain I
Katheriâ—e Parr the Widow of King Henry the eighth and wife unto Sir Thomas Seimor the Lord here mentioned is generally charactered for a Lady of so meek a nature as not to contribute any thing towards his destruction Had the Dutchesse of Somerset been lesse impetious then she was or possest but of one half of that aequanimity which carryed Queen Katherine off in all times of her troubles this Lord might have lived happily in the armes of his Lady and gone in peace unto the grave We finde the like match to have been made between another Katherine the Widow of another Henry and Owen Tudor a private Gentleman of Wales prosperous and comfortable to them both though Owen was inferior to Sir Thomas Seimor both in Birth and Quality and Katherine of Valois Daughter to Charles the sixth of France far more superiour in her bloud to Queen Katherine Parr The like may be said also of the marriage of Adeliza Daughter of Geofry Earl of Lâ—vain and Duke of Brabant and Widow to King Henry the first marryed to William de Albeney a noble Gentleman to whom she brought the Castle and Honour of Arundel conâ—erred upon her by the King her former Husband continuing in the possession of their posterity though in severall Families to this very day derived by the Heirs general from this House of Albeney to that of the Fitz-â—lans and from them to the Howards the now Earls thereof Many more examples of which kinde foâ—tunate and succesful to each party might be easily â—ound were it worth the while Fol. 421. This barren Convocation is entituled the Parent of those Articles of Religion forty two in number which are printed with this Preface Articuli de quibus in Synodo Londinensi c. Our Author here is guilty of a greater crime then that of Scandalum Magnatum making King Edward the sixth of pious memory no better then an impious and leud Impostor For if the Convocation of this year were barren as he saith it was it could neither be the Parent of those Articles nor of the short Catechisme which was Printed with them countenanced by the Kings Letters Patents preâ—ixt before it For First the Title to the Articles runneth thus at large viz. Articuli de quibus in Synodo Londinensi Anno 1552 inter Episcopos alios eruditos viros convenerat ad tollendam opinionum dissensionem consensum verae Religionis firmandum Regia Authoritate in lucem editi Which title none durst have adventured to set before them had they not really been the products of that Convocation Secondly the King had no reason to have any such jealousie at that time of the major part of the Clergy but that he might trust them with a power to meddle with matters of Religion which is the only Argument our Author bringeth against those Articles This Convocation being holden in the sixth year of his Reign when most of the Episcopal Sees and Parochial Churches were filled with men agâ—eeâ—ble to his desiâ—es and generally conformâ—ble to the form of worship theâ— by Law established Thiâ—dly the Church of England for the first five years of Queen Elizabeth retained these Articles and no otheâ— as the publick tendries of the Church in poinâ—s of Doctrine which ceâ—tainly she had not done had they been reâ—ommended to her by a lesse Authoâ—ity then a Convocation Fourthly and lasâ—ly we have the testimony of our Author against himself who telling us of the Catechisme above mentioned that it was of the sanâ—e extraction with the Book of Articles addes afteâ—wards that being first composed by a single person it was perusâ—d and allowed by the Bishops and other learned men understand it the Convocation and by Royall Authority commended to all Subjecâ— and câ—mmanâ—ed to all School-masters to teach it their Scholars So that this Catechism being allowed by the Bishops and other learned men in the Convocation and the Articles being said to be of the same extraction it must needs follow thereupon that these Articles had no other Parent then this Convocation The truth is that the Records of Convocation during this Kings whole Reign and the first years of Queen Mary are very imperfect and defective most of them lost and amongst others those of this present year and yet one might conclude as strongly that my Mother died childless because my Christning is not to be found in the Parish Register as that the Convocation of this year was barren because the Acts and Articles of it are not entred in the Journal Book The Eighth Book OR The Reign of Queen MARY WE next proceed unto the short but troublesome Reign of Queen Mary in which the first thing 〈◊〉 occurs is â—ol 1. But the Commons of England who for many yeâ—â—s together had conn'd Loyalty by-heart out of the Staâ—â—â—e of the succession were so perfect in their Lesson that they would not be put out of it by this new started design In which I am to note these things first that he makes the Loyalty of the Commons of England not to depend upon the primogeniture of their Princes but on the Statute of Succession and then the object of that Loyalty must not be the King but the Act of Parliament by which they were directed to the knowledge of the next successor and then it must needs be in the power of Parliaments to dispose of the Kingdom as they pleas'd the Peoples Loyalty being tyed to such dispositions Secondly that the Statutes of Succession had been so many and so contrary to one another that the common people could not readily tell which to trust to and for the last it related to the Kings last Will and Testament so lately made and known unto so few of the Commons that they had neither opportunity to see it nor time to con the same by heart Nor thirdly were the Commons so perfect in this lesson of Loyalty or had so fixt it in their hearts but that they were willing to forget it within little time and take out such new lessons of disobedience and disloyalty as Wiat and his Partizans did preach unto them And finally they had not so well conn'd this lesson of Loyalty in our Authors own judgement but that some strong pretender might have taught them a new Art of Oblivion it being no improbable thing as himself confesseth to have heard of a King Henry the ninth if Henry Fitz-Roy the Duke of Somerset and Richmond had liv'd so long as to the death of King Edward the sixth Fol. 11. Afterwards Philpot was troubled by Gardiner for his words spoken in the Convocation In vain did he plead the priviledge of the place commonly reputed a part of Parliament I cannot finde that the Convocation at this time nor many years before this time was commonly reputed as a part of the Parliament That antiently it had been so I shall easily grant there being a clause in every letter of Summons by which the Bishops were required to attend in
resolved to joyn them with the rest of his members Fryers Monks and Cardinals and our Author being a great favourer of the Presbyterians must not take notice of this scandal especially considering that Papacy and Praelacy are joyn'd together in the language of the present times and therefore fit to go together in this Annotation Fol. 68. In this Parliament Dr. Harsnet Bishop of Chichester gave offence in a Sermon preached at Court pressing the word Reddite Caesari quae sunt Caesaris as if all that was levied by Subsidies or paid by Custom to the Crown was but a redditum of what was the Kings before This Parâ—â—ament is placâ—â— by our Author in the year 1613. but 〈◊〉 Parliament in the sitting whereof Bishop Haâ—â—â—et 〈◊〉 the Sermon above mentioned was held by Proâ—ogation in the year 1609. and afterwards dissolved by Proclâ—mation in December of the year next following Concerning which Sermon King Iames gives this account to the Lords and Commons assembled before him at White-hall March 23. and therefore sâ—ith he That Reverend Bâ—shop here amongst you though I hear by divers he was miâ—â—aken or not well understood yet did he preach both learnedly and 〈◊〉 ancient this point concerning the power oâ— a King for what he spake of a Kings power in abstracto is most true in Divinity for to Emperors or Kings that are Monarchs their Subjects bodies and goods are due for their defence and maintenance But if I had been in his place I would only have added two words which would have cleared all for after I had told as a Divine what was due by the Subjects to their Kings in general I would then have concluded as an English man shewing this people that as in general all subâ—ects were bound to relieve their King so to exhort them that as we lived in a setled state of a Kingdom that was governed by his own fundamental Laws and Orders that according thereunto they were now being assembled for this purpose in Parliament to consider how to help such a King as now they had and that according to the antient form and order established in this Kingdom putting so a difference between the general power of a King in Divinity and the setled and established state of this Crown and Kingdom and I am sure that the Bishop meant to have have done the same if he had not been straiâ—ned by time which in respect of the greatness of the present Preaching befoâ—e us and such an Auditory he durst not presume upon 〈◊〉 that the doctrine of the Bishop being thus justified and explained by King Iames and the Parliament continuing undissolved till December following we have no reason to believe that the Parliament was dissolved upon this occasion and much less on the occasion of some words spoken in that Parliament by Bishop 〈◊〉 of which thus our Author Ibid. Likewise Dr. Neile Bishop of Rochester uttered words in the House of Lords interpreted to the disparagement of some reputed zealous Patriot in the House of Commons â— In this passage I have many things to excepâ— against As 1. That this Patriot is not nam'd to whoâ—e disparagement the words are pretended to be uttered And 2. that the words themselves are not here laid down and yet are made to be so hainously taken that to sâ—ve the Bishop from the storm which was coming â—owards him the King should principally be occasion'd to â—â—ssolve that Parliament 3. That Dr. Neile is here call'd Bishop of Rochester whom twice before viz. sel. 64. 67. he makes to be Bishop of Coventry and Leiâ—hfield And 4. That the words here intimated should be spoken in Parliament Anno 1613. whereas by giving Dr. Neile the Title of Rochester it should rather be referred to the Parliament holden by prorogation till the last of December Anno 1610. when it was dissolved and then dissolved as appears by the Kings Proclamation for not supplying his necessities and other reasons there expressed whereof this was none Fol. 70. Some conceive that in revengâ— Mr. John Selden soon after set forth his Book of Tithes wherein he Historically proveth that they were payable jure humano and not â—therwise Whether the acting of the Comedy called Ignoramus might move Mr. Selden at the first to take this revenge I enquire not here though it be probable it might that Comedy being acted before King Iames Anno 1614. and this Book coming out about two years after Anno 1616. But here I shall observe in the first place our Authors partiality in telling us that Mr. Selden in that book hath proved Historically that Tithes are payable 〈◊〉 humano and not otherwise whereas indeed he undertook to prove that point but proved it not as will â—ppear to any which have read the Answers set out against him I observe secondly our Authors ignorance in the Book it self telling us within few lines after that the first part of it is a meer Iew of the practice of Tithing amongst the Hebrews the second a Christian and chiefly an English man whereas indeed that part thereof which precedes the manner of Tithing amongst Christians hath as much of the Gentil as of the Iew as much time spent upon examining of the Tithes paid by the Greeks and Romans as was in that amongst the Hebrews Thirdly I must observe the prejudice which he hath put upon the Cause by telling us in the next place that though many Divines undertook the Answer of that Book yet sure it is that never a fiercer storm fell on all Parsonage Barn since the Reformation then what this Treatise raised up And so our Author leaves this matter without more ado telling us of the Churches danger but not acquainting us at all with her deliverance from the present storm neither so violent not so great nor of such continuance as to blow off any one Tile or to blow aside so much as one Load of Corn from any Parsonage barn in England For though this History gave some Countrey Gentlemen occasion and matter of discourse against paying Tithes yet it gave none of them the audaciousness to deny the payment So safe and speedy a course was took to prevent the mischief which since our Author hath not told us as had he plaid the part of a good Historian he was bound to do I will do it for him No sooner was the Churches Patrimony thus called in question but it pleased God to stir up some industrious and learned men to undertake the answering of that History which at the first made so much noise amongst the people Dr. Tillesly Archdeacon of Rochester first appeared in the Lists managing that part of the Controversie which our Author cals a Christian and an English-man relating to old Chartularies and Infeodations The three first Chapters which Dr. Tillesly had omitted concerning the payment of Tithes by the Iews and Gentiles were solidly but very smartly examined and confuted by Mr. Mâ—ntague at that time Fellow of Eaton Colledge and afterwards Lord
severally chalenged that Trial against the French King and by Charles of Arragon and Peter de Taâ—â—acone for the 〈◊〉 of Sicilie Either the Author or the Printer is much mistaken here The title to the Realm of Sicilie was once indeed intended to be tried by Combat not between Charles of Arragon and Peter of Tarracone as is here affirmed but between Peter King of Arragon and Charles Earl of Anâ—ou pretending severally to that Kingdom 10. Such another mistake we have Fol. 55. Where it is said that there were some preparations in King James his time intended betwen two Scotch mâ—n the Lord Ree and David Ramsey Whereas indeed those preparations were not made in King Iames but King 〈◊〉 his time Robert Lord Willoughby Earl of 〈◊〉 and Lord great Chamberlain of England being made Lord Constable pro tempore to deside that Controversie Fol. 83. Katherine de Medices Pope Clements Brothers Daughter and Mother of King Charles c. 11 Katheriâ—e de medices was indeed wife to Henry the second and mother to Charles the ninth Frâ—nch Kings but by no means a â—â—â—thers daughter to Pope Clement the seventh For first Pope Clement being the natural son of 〈…〉 who was killed young and unmarried had nâ— brother at all And secondly Katherine de Medeces was Daughter of 〈◊〉 Duke of Vrbin son of Peter de Medeâ—es and Grâ—ndson of Laurence de Medicâ—s the brother of 〈◊〉 before mentioned By which account the father of that Pope and the great Grandfather of that Queen were Brothers and so that Queeu not Broâ—hers Daughter to the Pope Of nearer kiâ— she was to Pope Leo the tenth though not his Brothers Daughter neither Pâ—pe Leo being Brother to Peter de Medices this great Ladies Grand-father Fol. 84. This yâ—â—r took away James Hamilton Earl of Arran and Duke of Castle-herauld at Poictures a Province in France The name of the Province is Poictou of which Poictires is the pâ—â—â—cipal City accounted the third City next to Paris and 〈◊〉 â—ll that Kingdom And such anothâ—r slight mistake we have fol. 96. where we finde mention of the absâ—nce of the Duke of Arran Whereas indeed the chief of the Hamiltons was but Earl of Arrar as he after calls him the Title of Duke being first confâ—â—'d by King Charls upon Iames Marquess of Hâ—milâ—on created Duke Hâ—milâ—on of Arran Anno 1643. The like mâ—â—nomers we have after fol. 139. Where we finde mention of the History of Q. Elizabeth writ by 〈◊〉 whereas 〈◊〉 writ no further then King Henry 8. the rest which follows being clapt to by the publisher of it and possibly may be no other then Camdeâ—s Annals of that Queen in the English Tongue The like I frequently observe in the name of Metallan Metellanus he is called by their Latine Writers whom afterward he rightly calleth by the name of 〈◊〉 fol. 149. Fol. 156. The Leagures with some iustice in Rebellion elect 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a degree nearer to the Crown then Navar. Not so but one degree at the least further off the Cardinal of 〈◊〉 called â—harls being the yongest Son of â—harls Duke of 〈◊〉 whereas Henry King of Navar was the onely Son and Heir of Anâ—hoâ—y the eldest Brother So that not oâ—ely the King of Navar but the Princes of the Hâ—use of 〈◊〉 deriv'd from Francis Duke of Anghein the second Brother had the precedency in Title before this 〈◊〉 But being of the Catholick party and of the Royal Hâ—use of Bourbon in which the Rights of the Crown remained and withal a man of great Age and small Abilities he was set up to serve the turn and screen'd the main Plot of the Lâ—aguers from the eyes of the people Fol. 161. Sir Thomas Randolph bred a Civilian was taken from Pembroke Colledge in Oxford Not otherwise to be made good in case he were of that House in Oxford which is now called Pembroke Colledge but by Anticipation Lavinaqueveâ—t Littora as in the like case the Poet has it that which is now called Pembroke Colledge was in those times call'd Broadgates Hâ—ll not changed into a Colledge till the latter end of the Reign of King Iames and then in Honor of William Earl of Pembroke Chancellor of that University and in hope of some endowment from him called Pembroke Colledge Fol. 189. The other Title was of the Iâ—â—ant of Spain In laying down whose several Titles the Author leaves out that which is most material that is to say the direct and lineal Succession of the Kings of Spain from the Lady Katherine Daughter of Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster marryed to Henry the third King of Castile and Mother to King Iohn the second from whom descend the Kings of Castile to this very day Fol. 191. Hawkins Drake Baskervile c. Fiâ—e sâ—ne Towns in the Isle Dominica in the West Indies They fired indeed some Towns in Hispanâ—olâ— and amongst others that of Dominica or St. Domâ—ngo But they attempted nothing on the Isle of Dominica which is one of the Châ—rybes and they had no reason that Island being governed by a King of its own at deadly enmity with the 〈◊〉 anâ— conseqâ—ently more likely to be aydâ—d then annâ—yed by those Sea Adventurers A like mistake we had before in the name of Câ—â—mâ—rdin fol. 157. That party who discovered unto Queen Elizabeth the Estate of the Customs not being named 〈◊〉 but Carwâ—rdin Fol. 229. Sr. Thomas Erskin created Earl of Kelly and by degrees Knight of the Garter Not so Knight of the Garter first by the name of Thomas Viscount Fenton as appeares by the Registers of the Order and then Earl of Kelly Thus afterwards we finde Sr. Iohn Danvers for Sr. Charles Dâ—nvers fol. 238. And Iohn Lord Norris for Sr. Iohn Norris fol. 243. And some mistakes of this nature we finde in the short story of the Earle of Essex in which it is said first that Fol. 233. He was eldest son to Waltar Devereux c. created by Queen Elizabeth Earl of Essex and Ewe Not so but Earl of Essex onely as appears by Camden in his Britannia fol 454. If either he or any of his Descendants have taken to themselves the Tittle of Earl's of Ewe they take it not by vertue of this last Creation but in right of their descent from William Boâ—rchier created Earl of Ewe in Normandy by King Henry the fift and father of Henry Bourchier created Earl of Essex by King Edward the fourth Secondly it is said of Robert Earl of Essex the son of this Walâ—er that in 89. he went Commander in chief in the expedition into Portugal Fol. 233. whereas indeed he went but as a Voluntier in that expedition and had no command And so much our Author hath acknowledged in another place saying that Ambitious of common fame he put himself to Sea and got aboard the Fleet conceiting that their respect to his biâ—th and quâ—liâ—y would receive him their chief but was mistaken in that honouâ— Fol. 155. Thirdly it is said of this
Earl of Essex that he went Deputy into Ireland Fol. 234. Whereas indeed he was not sent over into Ireland with the Title of Deputy but by the more honourable Title of Lord Leviâ—enant having power to create a Lord Deputy under him when his occasions or the the necessities of the state should require his absence Fol. 2â—1 The 26. of February 1â—00 was born the Kings third son and Christnâ—â— Charles at Dunferling The Kings third son and afterwards his Successor in the Crown of England was not born on the 26. of February but on the 19. of Noveâ—â—er as is averred by all others who have written of it and publickly attested by the annual ringing of Bells upon that day in the City of London during the whole time of his pâ—wer and prosperity The like mistake we finde in the tiâ—e and day of the Birth of Queen Elizabeth of whom it is â—â—id Fol. 261. 25. That she gave up the Ghost to Gâ—d oâ— that day of her Birth from whom she had it intimating thaâ— she died on the Eve of the same Lady-day on which she was born But the truth is that she was born on the Eve of the Nativity of the Virgin Mary being the seventh day of September and died on the Eve of the Annuntiation being the 24. of March And so much for the History of the Reign of Queen Mary and King Iames her Son as to the Realm of Scotland onely both of them Crowned as Iames the fift had also been in their tenderest infancy But whereas our Author tells us Fol. 8. that Q Mary 〈◊〉 the kingdom to her son who was born a King I can by no means yeild to that I finde indeed that our Saâ—iour Christ was born King of the Iews and so proclaimed to be by the Angel Gabriel at the very time of his Conception And I have read that Sapores one of the Kings of Persia was not onely born a King but crowned King too before his birth for his Father dying withouâ—â—â—ue as the story saith left his wife with child which child the Magi having signified by their Art to be a Male the Persian Princes caused the Crown and Royal Ornaments to be set upon his Mothers Belly acknowledging him there by for their King and Sovaraign But so it was not with King Iames who was born on the 19 of Iune Anno. 1566. and Crowned King on the 24. of Iuly being the 5. day after his Mothers resignation of the Crown and Government Anno. 1567. ADVERTISEMENTS ON THE REIGN DEATH OF KING IAMES Of GREAT BRITAIN FRANCE and IRELAND the first WE are now come unto the Reign of King Iames as King of England or rather as King of England and Scotland under the notion of Great Britain of whose reception as he passed through Godmanchestâ—r the Historian telleth us that Fol. 270. At Godmanchester in the Counâ—y of Notthamptonshire they presented him with 70 Teem of Horses c. beâ—â—g his Tenants and holding their Land by that Tenure But first Godâ—aâ—chester is not in Northampton but in Huntiâ—gtonshire And secondly Though it be a custom for those in Godmanchâ—ster to shew their Bravery to the Kings of England in that rustical Pomp yet I conceive it not to be the Tenure which they hold their Lands by For Camden who is very punctual in observing Tenures mentions not this as a Tenure but a Custom onely adding withal that they make their boast That they have in former time received the Kings of England as they passed in their progress this way with ninescore Ploughs brought forth in a rustical kinde of Pomp for a gallant shew If onely for a gallant shew or a rustical Pomp then not observed by them as their Tenure or if a Tenure not 〈◊〉 from ninescore to 70. all Tenures being â—ixt not variable at the will of the Tenants Fol. 273. This most honorable Order of the Garter was instituted by King Edward the third c. So far our Author right enough as unto the â—ounder and rigâ—â— enough as to the time of the institution which he placeth in the year 1350. But whereas he telleth us withal that this Order was founded by King Edward the third 〈◊〉 John of France and King James of Scotland being then Prisâ—ners in the Tower of London and King Henry of Castile the Bastard expulst and Don Pedro restored by the Prince of Wales called the Black Prince in that he is very much mistaken For first It was David King of the Scots not Iames who had been taken Prisoner by this Kings Forces there being no Iames King of the Scots in above fifty years after Secondly Iohn of France was not taken Prisoner till the year 1356. nor Henry of Castile expulsed by the Prince of Wales till ten years after Anno 1366. By consequence neither of those two great Actions could precede the Order But worse is he mistaken in the Patron Saint of whom he tells us that Fol. 273. Among sundry men of valor in ancient days was Geo. born at Coventry in England c. This with the rest that follows touching the Actions and Atchievements of Sir George of Coventry is borrowed from no better Author then the doughty History of the Seven Châ—mpions of Christendom of all that trade in Knighthood-errant the most empty Bable â—But had our Author look'd so high as the Records of the Order the titles of Honor writ by Selden the Catalogue of Honor publisht by Mills of Canterbury Camdens Britannia or any other less knowing Antiquary he might have found that this most noble Order was not dedicated to that fabulous Knight Sâ—â— George of Coventry but to the famous Saint and Soldier of Christ Jesus St. George of Cappadocia A Saint so universally received in all parts of Christendom so generally attested to by the Ecclesiastical Writers of all Ages from the time of his Martyrdom till this day that no one Saint in all the Calender those mentioned in the holy Scriptures excepted onely can be better evidenced Nor doth he finde in Matthew Parts that St. George fought in the air at Antioch in behalf of the English the English having at that time no such iâ—â—eress in him but that he was thought to have been seen figâ—ting in behalf of the Christians Fol. 275. Earldoms without any place are likewise of two kindes either in respect of Office as Earl-Morshal of England or by Birth and so are all the Kings Sons In the Authority and truth of this I am much unsatisfied as never having met with any such thing in the course of my reading and I behold it as a diminution to the Sons of Kings to be born but Earls whereby they are put in an equal rank with the eldest sons of Dukes in England who commonly have the Title of their Fathers Earldoms since it is plain they are born Princes which is the highest civil Dignity next to that of Kings It was indeed usual with the Kings of England to bestow upon
their yongest Sons some Earldom or other until the time of Edward the third after which time they were invested with the Title of Dukes as appears evidently to any who are studied in their Chronologies But that they or any of them were Earls by Birth is a new piece of learning for which if the Historian can give me any good proof I shall thank him for it Fol. 278. Henry the eight thus cousened into some kindness both by his own power and purse makes Charls Emperor and the French King his Prisoner 1519. Neither so nor so For first though King Henry did contribute both his power and purse to the taking of the French King Prisoner yet to the making of Charls Emperor he contributed neither the one nor the other And secondly though Charls were created Emperor Anno 1519 yet the French King was not taken Prisoner till six years after Anno 1525. Fol. 31â— Oswald united the Crowns of England and Scotland which were 〈◊〉 afterwards for many Ages 3â— That Oswald King of Northumberland here mentioned was a Puiâ—â—ant Prince as being the ninth Monarch of the English I shall easily grant but that he united the two Kingdoms of England and Scotland is not any where found Our Author therefore must be understood of his uniting the two Realms of Deâ—ra and Pernicia part of which last hath for long time been accounted part of Scotland which after his decease were again divided Fol. 317. Whose Results notwithstanding are not to be obtruded on the Sâ—culars to be obsâ—rved with the Authority of Laws until they be allowed by assent of the King and both Houses An error far more pardonable in our present Author to whom the concernments of the Church are not so necessary to be known or studied then in our Church Historian where before we had it and which hath had a full Conâ—utation in our Animadversions to which for brevity sake I shall now refer Fol. 320. Rory Duke of Solia from France Either the Printer or the Author are mistaken here The Ambassador who was sent from France was neither called Rory nor Duke of Solia but Marquess of Rhosney created afterward Duke of Sully and Lord High Treasurer of that Kingdom by King Henry 4. A Protestant and therefore purposely selected for that imployment Of whom it is reported in the conference at Hampton-Court that having observed the order and gravity of our Church Service in the Cathedral Chuâ—ch at Câ—nâ—erbury he was heard to say that if the like had been used in France there would have been many thousands of Protestants more then were at that present Fol. 329. Ceâ—il foâ— his good Service was created Earl of Salisbury That is to say for so it must be understood for his activity and diligence in discovering the Powder-Treason But he was Earl of Salisbury before that Discovery call'd so by the Historian himself in the course of thaâ— Naâ—rative and made so by King Iames in the Mâ—y foregoâ—ng at what time also his Brother Thomas Lord Burley was made Earl of EXCESTER The like mistake I finde in the advancement of Thomas Lord Buckhurst to the Earldom of Dorcet plac'd by the Author fol. 342. in the year 1605. whereas indeed he was created Earl of Dorcet in the first year of King Iames March 13. Anno 1603. Fol. 333. The Earl of Flanders c. being by Storm cast upon our Coast c. was fain to yield to all the Kings demands in delivering up the Countess of Warwick and other Fugitives resident in Flanders This story is well meant but not rightly told there being at that time no Earl of Flanders commonly so called to be cast upon the Coast of England nor any such Woman as a Countess of Warwick whom King Henry the seventh could be afraid of the truth is that the person here meant was Philip King of Castile Duke of Burgundy Earl of Flanders c. who in his return from Spain was driven by Tempest on the Coast of England and being Royally Feasted by King Henry the seventh was detained here till he had delivered into the Kings hands the Earl of Suffolk who had fled into the Nether-lands for protection and began to work new troubles against his Soveraign The story whereof we have at large in the History of King Henry the seventh writ by the Lord Viscount St. Alban from fol. 222. to 225. Fol. 334 The fate of that Family evermore false to the crown This spoken of the Piercies Earls of Northumberland too often false to the Crown though not always so For Henry the second Earl of this Family lost his life fighting for King Henry the sixth in the Battle of St. Albans as Henry his Son and Successor also did at the Battle of â—owton And so did Henry the fifth Earl in the time of King Henry the seventh for his Fidelity to that King in a tumultuous Insurrection of the Common People not to say any thing of his Son and Successor who dyed without any imputation of such disloyalty Fol. 362. Zutphen and Gelders did of right belong to the Dukâ— Arnold who being Prisoner with the last Duke of Burgundy who died before Nancy that Duke intruded upon his Possession c. 40. Not so it was not Arnold Duke of Gelders that was Imprisoned by Charls Duke of Burgundy but his Son Adolphus who having most ungratiously Imprison'd his aged Father was vanquished by Duke Charls and by him kept Prisoner and the old Duke restored again to his power and liberty In a grateful acknowledgement of which favor he made a Donation of his Estates to Duke Charls and his Heirs to commence after his decease though it took no effect till Conquered under that pretence by Charls the fifth uniting it unto the rest of his Belgick Provinces Anno 1538. Fol. 423. Sir William Seymour Grandchilde to the third Son and the Heir of the Earl of Hertford created by Henry the eighth whose sister he marryed c. And being thus near the Crown c. In this business of Sir William Seymer now Marquess of Hertford there are two mistakes For first the Earl of Hertford from whom he derived his discent married not any of the Sisters of King Henry the eighth he having but two Wives in all the first the Daughter of Filol of Woodland from whom comes Baronet Seymer of the West the second Anne Daughter of Sir Edward and Sister to Sir Michael Stanhop from whom discends the House of Hertford still in being It s true King Henry married a Sister of Sir Edward Seymer by him created Earl of Hertford but not é contra the Earl of Hertford married not with a sister of his Secondly The nearness of this House to the Crown of England came not from any such Marriage of this first Earl with that Kings Sister but from the Marriage of Edward the second Earl with a Neece of that Kings that is to say with 〈◊〉 Daughter of Henry Duke of Suffolk and of Fâ—aâ—ces his Wife
of Millain into Flanders So that if there had not been some other reason why the Spaniards engaged themselves in the Conquest of this Countrey then the opening a free passage for their Armies to march out of Italy into the Netherl it might have remained unconquered by them to this very day But the truth is that both the Emperor and the Duke of Bavaria being wholly acted by the Counsels of the Jesuits resolv'd upon some compulsory courses to bring all Germany under the obedience of the Pope of Rome and to that end thought fit to begin with the Prince Elector Palatine as appears by several Letters exemplified in the Book entituled Cancellaria Bavarica as being the chief head of the Calvinian party in the Empire and having made himself doubly obnoxious to a present proscription which Proscription being issued out the Execution of it was committed to the Duke of Bavaria who was to have the upper Palatinate together with the Electoral Dignity the better to enable him to carry on the Design and to the King of Spain as best able to go thorow with it who was to have the lower Palatinate wholly to himself that his Forces might be always in readiness to carry on the War from one Prince to another till the Emperor had made himself the absolute Master of them all From Germany we pass into Scotland where we finde the busie Arch-Bishop so he calls him in a time of high discontentment pressing a full conformity of the Kirk in Scotland with the English Discipline So here and hereupon the credit of hear-say onely but in another place where he rather acts the part of an Historian then of one that is to speak in the Prologue he relates it thus King Iames had a Design not once but always after his coming into England to reform that deformity of the Kirk of Scotland into a decent Discipline as in the Church of England which received Opposition and Intermissions till the year 1616. Where at Aberdine their General Assembly of Clergy made an Act authorizing some of their Bishops to compile a form of Liturgy or book of Common Prayer first for the King to approve which was so considerately there revised and returned for that Kingdom to pâ—actice which same Service Book was now sent for by this King and committed to some Bishops here of their own to review and finding the difference not much from the English he gave command in Scotland to be read twice a day in the Kings Chappel at Holy-Rood House at Eâ—inburgh that the Communion should be administred in that form taken on their knees once a Moneth the Bishop to wear his Rochet the Minister his Surplice and so to inure the people by president of his own Chappel there first and afterwards in all parts for the publick The Scotch Bishops liked it reasonable well for the matter but the maner of imposing it from hence upon them was conceived somewhat too much dependancy of theirs on our English Church and therefore excepting against the Psalms Epistles and Gospels and other Sentences of Scripture in the English Book being of a different Translation from that of King Iames they desired a Liturgy of their own and to alter the English answerable to that and so peculiar to the Church of Scotland which indeed was more like to that of King Edward the sixth which the Papist better approved and so was the rather permitted by the King as to win them the better to our Church And so had it been accustomed to the Scotish several Churches for some years without any great regret and now particularly proclaimed to be used in all Churches c. fol. 221. In all which Narrative we finde no pressing of the Book by the busie Arch-Bishop how busie soever he is made by the Author in the Introduction None having power to carry away his nine parts or any part until the propriâ—tâ—ry had set out his tenth part Our Author speaks this of the miserable condition of the poor Scotish Husbandman under the Lords of new erection as they commonly called them who on the dissolution of Abbies and other Religious Houses to which almost all the Tithes in Scotland had been appropriated iâ—grost them wholly to themselves And were it no otherwise with the poor Husbandman then is here related his condition had been miserable enough it not being permitted unto him in default of the Parsone or his Bailyff to set apart the Tythes in the presence of two or three sufficient Neighbors as with us in England But their condition if I remember it aright was far worse then this not being suffered to carry away their own Corn though the Tithes had been set out in convenient time before the Impropriator had carried his by means whereof they were kept in a most intollerable slavery by these their Masters who cared not many times for losing the tenth part so they might destroy the other nine By means whereof the poor Peasants were compell'd to run swear fight to kill and be killed too as they were commanded From which being freed by the Grace and goodness of King Charls they prov'd notwithstanding the most base and disloyal People that the Sun ever shined on This Bishop John Maxwell Minister of Edinburgh was set up by Laud then Bishop of London who finding him Eloquent and Factious enough placed him a Bulwark against adverse Forces This Bishop the Bishop of Ross he meaneth was by the King preferred to great Offices of Trust both in Church and State That he was Eloquent is confessed by our Author and that he was a learned man appears by his judicious and elaborate Treatise entituled Sacro-sancta Regum Majestas in which he hath defended the Rights and Soveraignty of Kings against all the Cavils of the Presbyterian or Puritan Faction But that he was also Factious was never charged upon him but by those who held themselves to the Assembly at Glasco by whom he was indeed lookt on as a Factious person for acting so couragiously in defence of his own Episcopal Rights the publick Orders of the Church and the Kings Authority According to which Rule or Noâ—ion the generality of the Bishops in all the three Kingdoms might be called a Faction if Tertullian had not otherwise stated it by saying this viz. Cum pii cum boni coëunt non factio dicenda est sed Curia The like unhandsome Character he gives us of Sir Archiâ—â—â— Atchison of whom he tells us That he was of such a◠〈…〉 he means his first coming out of 〈…〉 to all thâ—se afâ—er-Seditions But ceâ—tainly the paâ—â—y whom he speaks of was of no such temper For being of a â—udge in 〈◊〉 made the Kings Sollicitor or Procuratoâ— for the Realm of Scotland he diverâ—â—d the King from 〈◊〉 the intended Act of Revocatâ—on which indeed 〈◊〉 have brought more fuel to the fire then could be suddenly extinguisht advising rather that he should enter his Action in the Courts of Iustice against
some of the 〈◊〉 of those who had possest themselves of the Crown â—ands in his â—athers Minority in which course he might hope to finde good success without noise or dangeâ— And â—f this may be called the adding of fuel to the fiâ—e of 〈…〉 King will finde a safe way to recover his own 〈…〉 from him by power and pride unless he do 〈…〉 strong hand which findes no resistance For which good serâ—ice if he were afterwards Knighted and made second Secretary of Estate the principal being called Lord Secretary in the stile of that Kingdom it was no more then he had worthily deserv'd for his sound Advice â—rom the Title and the Introduction proceed we next unto the History it self in which the first mistake we meet with 〈◊〉 the placing of the â—uneral of King Iames on the 14 of May which Mr. H. L. in his History of the Reign of King Chaâ—ls had 〈…〉 on the fourth in both erronâ—ously alike But the 〈◊〉 of the â—ormer History hath corrected his error by the 〈…〉 and placed it rightly on the seventh which the 〈…〉 Historian might have done also having so thorowly 〈…〉 all the Passages in those Observations 〈…〉 land had nothing but foul weather triste lugubre Coelum when she was at the Sea and the worst of foul weathers from the time of her landing to the very minute of her death The like tempestuous landing is observed to have happened to the Princesse Catharine daughter of Ferdinand and If bellâ— Kings of Spain when she came hither to be married to Prince Arthur eldest Son to King Henry 7 which afterwards was lookt on as a sad presage of those Calaâ—â—ities which hapned to that pious but unfortunate Lady in the last part of her life And certainly such presages are neither to be rejected as superstitious nor too much relied on as infallible such a middle course being to be steeâ—'d in such conjecturals as is advised to be held in Prophetical or presaging dreams not wilfully to be slighted nor too much regarded â—ol 6. The Parliament to be subordinate not coordinate with the Prince c. though King Charles unadvisedly makes himself a member of the house of Peers which the Parliament would never acquit him A passage which the Author likes well enough and hopes the Reader will do the like as it comes from himself but will not let it go uncensured in the Oâ—servator It is noted in the Observations p. 62. that the King having passed away the Bishops votes in Parliament did after by a strange improvidence in a Message or Declaration sent from York the 17. of Iune reckon himself as one of the three Estates which being once slipt from his pen and taken up by some leading men in the Houses of â—â—â—â—ament it never was let fall again in the whole agitatiâ—n of those Controversies which were bandied up and down between them Our Author says the same thing though in fewer words and yet corrects the Observator for taâ—ing notice of the Kings strange impâ—ovidence in a message 〈…〉 Iune 17. where he reckons himself as one of the 〈…〉 member of the House of Peers Fol. 10â— for which he 〈◊〉 to call him to a further account in 〈…〉 and so perhaps he may in a second edition of his History there being no such thing to be found in this 〈◊〉 Councels are privy and publick his Privy Councel by his own 〈…〉 electionâ—â— publick his Parliament Peers and people In these words there are two things to be enquired after first why the Bishops are not named as Members of this publick Councel and secondly why the people are admitted art thereof That the Bishops are to be accounted of as necessaâ—y members of this publick Councel appeareth by the 〈◊〉 writ of Summons by which they are severally and respectively called to attend in Parliament In which it is declared that the King by the advice of his Privy Councel hath called a Parliament unto this end ut cum Pralatis 〈…〉 Regâ—â— Colloquium haâ—eret that he for his part might confer with the Prelatâ— Peers and great men of the Realm and that they for their parts super dictis Negotiis tractarenâ— coâ—â—ilium suum impenderent should debate of all such difficult matters concerning the preservation of the Church and State as the King should recommend unto them and give their faithful Counsel in them accordingly So that the Author dealt not well with the Bishops in excluding them from being a part of the Kings publick Councel and putting the people in their room who never were beheld as members of it till so made by our Author the Commons being called to Parliament to no other purpose but ad consenâ—iendum faciendum to give consent and yield obedience to all such things as by the great Councel of the Kingdom 〈◊〉 communi Concilio Regni nostri shall be then ordained But if our Author say that he includes the Bishops in the name of Peers though I allow his meaning and am able to defend him in it yet I must still except against his expression because not plain and full enough to the vulgar Reader Ibid. But 〈◊〉 Iames altered that course aâ— best able of any his Predecessors to speak for him self It was indeed the common usage of the Kings of England to speak to their people in â—arliament by the mouth of the Chancellors not that they were not able to tell their own tales and express their own meâ—ning but that it was held for a point of State not to descend so much beneath themselves as to play the Orators Yet somtimes as they saw occasion they would speak their own mindes in Parliament and not trouble their Chancellors as appears by that speech of King Henry 7. when he resolved to engage himself in a war with France a copy whereof we have in the History of his Reign writ by the Lord Viscount St. Alban which he thus beginneth My Lords and you the Commons when I purposed to make a war in Britain by my Lieutenant I made declaration thereof to you by my Chancellor But now that I mean to make war upon France in person I will declare it to you myself c. Fol. 96. But King Iames thinking himself an absolute Master in the Art of speaking and desirous that his people should think so too in the opening of all his Parliaments and the beginning of each Session and many occasions on the by used no tongue but his own Which though it might seem necessary at the opening of his first Parliament to let the Lords and Commons see how sensible he was of that Affection wherewith the whole body of the Nation had imbraced his coming to the Crown yet the continual use thereof made him seem cheaper in the eyes of the People then might stand with Majecty Nor was this all the inconvenience which ensued upon it for first it put a necessity upon his son and â—â—â—cessor of doing the like to whom it
would otherwise have been imputed for a Defect that he was not able or for a Crime as if he thought himself too great to speak to his people and secondly it put the Commons on a â—og of following the Kings example not onely in making long speeches but of printing them also of which more hereafter Ibid. His place being 〈…〉 of King William Rufus where he is to 〈◊〉 totius Regni 〈◊〉 Our 〈◊〉 speaks this of the Speaker of the house 〈…〉 but he speaks without Book the Commons noâ— being called to Parliament in the time of Rusus as all our 〈…〉 agree â—oyntly He that was called 〈◊〉 〈…〉 might be a speaker of the Parliament though not of 〈…〉 in regard hâ— delivered the kings minde to the 〈◊〉 and Peers of that great Counsil and theirs 〈◊〉 to him Which office was commonly performed by the lord Chancellor of the Kingdom who is therefore 〈◊〉 the Speaker of the house of Peers And when the Commons had the Honour to be called to Parliaments they also had their Spâ—akâ— to perform the same Offices betwixâ— the King and them as the Lord Chancellor performed between the King and the Peers who theâ—forâ— was as still he is at the Kings Nomination and appointment admitted rather then elected on that nomination by the house of Commons It was not properly and Originally the Speakers Office to sit still in the Chair and â—earken to those trim Oratioâ—s which the Gentlemen of the House were pleased to entertain the time and themselves with all but to signifie to the people the Command 〈◊〉 thâ— King and to present unto the King the desire of his people It â—s from speaking not from hearing that he takeâ— his name though none have spoken lesse in thaâ— House since the time of King Iames then the Speaker himself as if he were called Speaker by that figure in Rhetorick by which Lucus is said to take its name a non lucenâ—â— Fo◠◠〈…〉 in the Prince Elector to 〈◊〉 〈…〉 Bohemia so no â—ustice in the House of 〈◊〉 to 〈…〉 Palatinate from him Neither so not so 〈…〉 Prince Elector had no coulour to accept of thâ— Kingdom of 〈◊〉 at our Author plainly saies he had not then was iâ— no inâ—ustice in the House of Austâ—â—a to â—ade conquer and detain the 〈◊〉 from him as our Author plainly saies it was In the last of these two propositions the Author shall confute himself and save me the Labour he telling us within few lines after that an 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 Then for the first of the two propositions I must needs tell him that the Prince Elector had not only some colour to accept the Crown of â—â—mia but a fair one too The kingdom of Bohemia according to the fundamental constitutions of it was elective meerly And though the Electoâ—â—used constantly to keep them selves to the royal family except onely in the case of George Pogibrachio yet they reserved a latitude unto themselves of chusing one rather then another many times pretermitting the eldest son of the former King and pitching on a younger brother and sometimes on some other more remote from the Crown But Mathias the Emperor being childlesse adopted Ferdinand of Gâ—ats the next Heir male of the House of Austria for his Son and successor and caused him without any formal election as the Bohemâ—ans did pretend to be Crowned King of that Kingdom and put him into the actual possession of it in his own life time But after his decease the Bohemians rejecting Ferdinand as not lawfully chosen elected Frederick the fift Prince Palatine of the Rhene for their King and Soveraign as lineally deâ—cended from Ladislaus 2. King of Poland and Bohemiâ— from whom the House of Astria also do derive their Claim â—o that his Action was not so precipitae and his ground more justifiable in accepting that Crown then our Author hath been pleased to make it Fol. 163. And had King Iames espoused that quarrel as all generally did expect he would have done he might with far lesse charges have assured the possession of that Crown or at the least have preserved the 〈◊〉 from the hand of Ruin then he did put himself unto by sending Embassadors to excuse the one and mediate the restitution of the other In which last point I grant him to have been for some years deluded not onely by the Emperour but the K. of Spain but that he was deluded by the Spaniards also in the businesse and treaty of the Match I by no means grant and could sufficiently prove the contrary if it had not been already done in the Observations on the former History But our Author hath not yet done with the Spaniard telling us that Ibid The Crown of Spain hath enlarged her bounds these last 60. years more than the Ottoman Not so neither The House of Austria within sixty years from the time that our Author writ this part of the History hath been upon the losing hand the Kingdom of Portugal with all the appendixes thereof being revolted from that Crown as also are the Countries of Catalonia and Rousillon in the Continent of Spain it self the lower Palatinate surrendred to its lawful Prince according to the Treaty at Munster and many of his best Towns if not entire provinces in the Netherlands extorted from him by the French besides the seven united Provinces which within the compasse of that time have made themselves a free state and are now rather confederates with that King then Subjects to him whereas upon the other side the Ottomans within that compasse of time have regained Babylon and all the Countrey there about from the hands of the Persians and conquered a great part of the Isle of Candy from the State of Venice Ibid. The Kings Mercer infected and fled no purple velvet to be had on the suddain and so the colour of his Robes was changed by necessity This passage is brought in out of season as not relating to the Parliament but the Coronation The Author of the former History had told us out of Mr. Prinne that the King upon the day of his Coronation was arraied in white Sattin contrary to the custom of his Predecessors who were clothed in purple which change although the King affected to declare the innocency of his heart or to expresse that Virgin purity wherewith he came unto the marriage betwixt him and his Kingdoms yet our Author would fain have it to be done upon necessity and not upon designe or choice How so Because saies he the Kings Mercer being infected and fled there was no purple velvet to be had on the suddain But first though the Kings Mercer was infected and fled yet there were other Mercers in the City who could have supplied the King with that commodity Secondly at the time of the Coronation the infection had been much abated the Air of London being generally corrected by a very sharp winter and most of the Citizens returned again to their former dwellings amongst
which the Kings mercer might be one for any thing which our Author can assure us to the contrary Thirdly it appears by another passage in our Author himself that there was Purple velvet enough to be had for this occasion he telling us out of Mr. Fullers Church History out of whom he borrows his description of the Coronation that the train of the Kings vest or Royal Robe consisted of six yards of purple velvet Some purple velvet then was to be had at the Coronation though the Kings Mercer were infected and had left the City And finally there was no such need that any such provision should be made on a suddain neither there being ten moneths from the Kings coming to the Crown and his Coronation and as much time for providing a few yards of purple as for preparing all the other royal necessaries which concerned that day Fol. 11. And so accounting to them the disbursmenâ— of his Land and Naval Forces with a clear and even auâ—â—c of the charge and expence to come they were so candid that the Laâ—y gave him without Conditions two Subsidies from Protestants and four from Papists And candid they had been indeed if on so fair an auditing of the Kings Account for all expences as well past as to come they had given unto him such a present supply as would have equalled that account toward the carrying on of the War which themselves projected and given those two Subsidies over and above as a Testimony of their good Affections to his sacred Person But these two Subsidies from Protestants and four from Papists were so short from carrying on that work that there was nothing of â—ngenuity or Candor in it The particular of the Kings Account stood thus viz. 32000 l. for securing of Lâ—eland 47000 l. for strengthning the Forts 37000 l. for the repair of the Navy 99000 l. upon the four English Regiments in the States Countrey 62000 l. laid out for Count Mansfield total 287000 l. Besides which he sent in a Demand of 200000 l. and upwards upon the Navy 48000 l. upon the Ordnance 45000 l. in charges of the Land-men 20000 l. a moneth to Count Mansfield and 46000 l. to bring down the King of Denmark the total of which latter sum amounts to 339000 l. both sums make no less then 626000 l. to which the grant of two Subsidies from Protestants and four from Papists hold but small proportion especially considering to how low a pitch the Book of Subsidies was fallen Our Author tells us somewhere in this present History that in Queen Elizabeths time a single Subsidy amounted to Ninety thousand pound and that in these times whereof he writes a single subsidy of four shillings in the pound amounts but to fifty six thousand only and I am able to tel our Author that in the time of King Henry the eighth a single Subsidy of four shillings in the pound amounted to eight hundred thousand pound sterling as appears by this passage in I. Stowâ— In which we find that the Cardinal he means Cardinal Wolseâ— accompanied with divers Lords both Spiritual and Temporal acquainted the House of Commons with the Kings necessity of waging war against the Emperor Charls the fifth thereupon required a Subsidy of 800000 l. to be raised by 4â— in the pound out of every mans Estate throughout the Kingdome and that it was accorded by the Commons after a long and serious debate upon the matter to give two shillings in the pound which by his calculation did amount to 400000 l. But then he is to know with all that in the raising of Subsidies in that Kings time there was not onely an oath prescribed to the Assessors to give a perfect valuation of all mens estates as far as they could understand them but an oath imposed also on the subjects who were to pay it to bring in a true and just account of their Estates and several penalties injoyn'd if they did the contrary as of late times upon Delinquents as they call them when they were admitted to compound at Goldsmiths and Haberdashers Halls which course held also all the time of King Edwards Reign but being intermitted in Queen Mary and Queen Elizabeths time on good reasons of State the Subsidies were brought so low by little and little that before the death of the last Queen they came not up to an hundred thousand and sunk so sensibly in the time of King Iames that they came not to above sixty thousand or thereabouts so that although the Parliament in the one and twentieth of that King bestowed upon him three Subsidies and three Fifteens when they first ingaged him in this War yet King Charls told them in his first Speech to this very Parliament that those supplies held no Symmetry or proportion with the charge of so great an enterprize And though the charges of the Enterprize which he was in hand with much exceeded his Fathers as much as the addition of a Navy of an hundred and twenty sail could amount unto and that he prest them earnestly at Oxford to a further grant yet nothing more could be obtained but that sorry pittance sufficient onely for advance money for ingaging those Sea and Land Forces which he had provided by means whereof the Expedition proved dishonorable to the King and Kingdom Nor came these two Subsidies so clearly and so candidly from them but that the King was fain to gratifie them in two points which they mainly drove at that 〈◊〉 to say the granting them a publick Fast to begin their Parliament and laying some restraints on the Lords Day which never could be obtain'd from any of his Predecessoâ—s For when such Fasts had first been moved in Queen Elizabeths time and afterwards in all the Parliaments of King Iames till the 21 of his Reign it was answered that there were soâ—many ordinary Fasting-days appointed by the Laws of the Land on which they might humble themselves before the Lord that there was no necessity or use of any such extraordinary Fasts as they desired Such Fasts in those times were conceiv'd to have too much in them of Aerius an old branded Hereâ—ick by whom it was held forth for good Catholick Doctrine Non celebrand esse jejunia Statuta sed cum quisque voluerit jejunandâ—m And when the Commons in the 23 of Elizabeth finding no hopes of gaining any such Fast by the Queens Authothority had voted one to be solemniz'd at the Temple Church for such of their own Members as could conveniently be present at it upon notice thereof the Queen sent a Message to them by Sir Thomas Henneage then Vice-Chamberlain declaring with what admiration she beheld that incroachment on her Royal Authority in committing such an apparent innovation without her privity or pleasure first known On the receit of which sharp Message the House desired Mr. Vice-Chamberlain to present their submission to the Queen and to crave her pardon for which Consult the Book entituled The
Free-holders grand Inquest pag. 57. No news of any such attempt in all the rest of her Reign nor of any Parliament Fasts as far as I can remember till the 21 of King Iames when they first engaged him in this War whose example followed by King Charls who indeed was not in a condition to dispute the point gave such incouragement to the Commons that no Parliament could begin without them and gave them such an head at last as to appoint and continue Fasts by their own Authority not onely without the Kings consent but against the very express words of his Proclamations How well this Fast was kept by some leading Members when they had procured it that is to say with a good neck of Mutton and broath in the Morning a Collation of sweet Meats between the Sermons and a Sabbatarian Supper in the Evening I could make known by a very memorable story had I list and leisure And what ill use was made of another in the Pulpits Prayers and Sermons of many seditious Lectures to stir up and continue the War rais'd against this King appears by his Proclamation of the fifth of October Anno 1643. by which he endeavored to translate the then Monethly Fast from the second Wednesday to the second Friday in every Moneth but without success Of this indulgence of the Kings our Author takes no notice as he doth of the other viz. the laying of such a restraint from Recreations on the Lords day as never had been known in this Kingdom since the Reformation Concerning which he telleth us that Fol. 13. These Lawes are enacted this Sessions viz against Abuses committed on Sundayes c. Now it appeareth by the Act that the Abuses as he calls them which were prohibited at that time were first the Concourse of people out of their own Parishes on the Lords-day for any sports or Pastims whatsoever and secondly the use of Bull-baiting Bear-baiting Enter ludes common plaies and other unlawful exercises and pastimes used by any person or persons within their own parishes In the composure of which Act the first clause made against the concourse of people out of their own Paâ—ishes on that day was purposely intended for a counterballance to the Declaration of King Iames about lawful sports and was afterwards made use of by some publick ministers of Justice to suppresse the Annual feasts of the dedication of Churches commonly called and known by the name of Wakes Such feasts of love and entertainments of good Neighbour-hood though they drew some People out of their own Parishes were no abuses in themselves though so called by our Author And as for Bull-baiting Bear-baiting and the rest there mentioned they had been all prohibited by a Proclamation of King Iames bearing date the 7. of May in the first year of his Reign Anno 1603. Nor were they used upon that day for ought that I am able to call to mind in all the time of my Boyage So that this Parliament by interdicting those rude Sports did but actum agere save that they gained unto themselves the reputation of more then ordinary Zeal to the day of worship and laid the first foundation of those many Rigorâ— which afterward they imposed upon it For in the next Parliament of this King they passed an Act that no Carrier with any horse or horses no Waggon men with any waggon or waggons nor Carmen with any Cart or Carts nor Wain-men with any wain or waines nor any Drovers with Cattle should fourty dayes next after the end of that Session by themselves or any others travel upon the said day upon pain that every person or persons so offending should forfeit 20 s for every such offence committed and that no Butcher after the said time should kill or sell any Flesh upon that day on the forfeiture of 6s 8 d. toties quoties Matters whith had been moved in Parliament in the 18 year of K. Iames but without success the Lords unanimously opposing the Bill when sent up by the Commons as tending to the disturbance of the Trade of the Kingdom and some inconveniencies to the Poor But having brought the King to a condition of denying nothing they obtain'd this also of him as they had done the other and at last became their own Carvers imposing since the first beginning of the long Parliament by their Orders and Ordinances so many several restraints on that day from all kindes of lawful pleasure and civil businesses that greater never were imposed on the Jews by the Scribes and Pharisees nor by some Casuits on the Papists nor by Dr. Bound the first Broacher of these Sabbath-speculations in the Church of England on his Puritan Proselytes But notwithstanding these condescensions of the King to the desires of the Commons the Commons were resolv'd to condescend in nothing to the desires of the King unless as they had moved the war so they might also be made acquainted with the Kings Design in the conduct of it which point they prest with such importunity that the King commanded M. Glanvil to serve as Secretary to the Navy for that Expedition that knowing all the secrets and intentions of it when he was at Sea he might acquaint the members with it at his coming back Fol. 20. For Mansel was vice-Admiral of the Narrow Seas that 's his Office and there indeed he succeeds to the Admiral Our Author is as much out in this particular as the Mariners had been in another The Mariners thought if Mr. H. L. report them rightly that Sr. Robert Mansel the then vice-Admiral had an unquestionable right to the chief conduct of that Enterprise upon the Dukes default The Mariners in this point sailed without their compasse as is proved by the Observator And this our Author building upon the Observator calls a Monstrous Error although not half so Monstrous as that Error which himself committeth in making this Sr. Robert Mansel to be no other then the vice-Admiral of the Narrow seas and restraining his Office and Authority to those Seas alone But had he consulted with the Sailers as Mr. H. L. may be thought to have done they would have told him that Sr. Robert Mansel was vice Admiral of England and that it belonged unto his Office next under the Admiral to see the Royal Navie kept in good reparation the wages of the Mariners and shiprights to be duly paid and that the ships should be provided of all things necessary for any occasionall expedition They could have told him also that there is no such Officer as a Vice-Admiral of the narrow Seas but that those narrow Seas are commanded by two several Admirals which hold their places from the King and not by grant or patent from the Lord Admiral of England and that one of these Admirals commandeth in the East and the other in the Western partâ— of those Seas And finally that at the time of his Expedition Sr. Henry Palmer was Vice-Admiral of the Eastern parts of those
Religious Predecessors and namely the Laws Customs and Franchises granted to the Clergy by the glorious King St. Edward your Predecessor according to the Laws of God the true profession of the Gospel establiâ—hed in this Kingdom and agreeable to the Prerogative of the Kings thereof and the ancient Customs of this Land The King answers I grant and promise to keep them Arch-Bishop Sir Will you keep Peace and godly agreement entirely according to your power both to God the holy Church the Clergy and the People Rex I will keep it Arch-Bishop Sir Will you to your power cause Iustice Law and discretion in Mercy and Truth to be executed in all your Iudgements Rex I will Arch-Bishop Sir Will you grant to hold and keep the Laws and rightful Customs which the Commonalty of this your Kingdom have and will you defend and uphold them to the Hâ—nor of God so much as in you lieth Rex I grant and promise so to do Then one of the Bishops reads this admonition to the King before the People with a loud voice Our Lord and King we beseech you to pardon and to grant and to preserve unto us and to the Churches committed to our charge all Canonical Priviledges and due Law and Iustice and that you would protect and defend us as every good King in his Kingdom ought to be a Protector and Defender of the Bishops and the Churches under their Government The King answereth With a willing and devout heart I promise and grant my Pardon and that I will preserve and maintain to you and the Churches committed to your charge All Canonical Priviledges and due Law and Iustice and that I will be your Protector and Defender to my power by the assistance of God as every good King ought in his Kingdom in right to protect and defend the Bishops and Churches under their Government Then the King ariseth and is led to the Communion Table where he makes a solemn Oath in sight of all the People to observe the premises and laying his hand upon the Book saith The things which I have before promised I shall perform and keep So help me God and the contents of this Book Such was the Oath taken by the King at his Coronation against which I finde these two Objections First That it was not the same Oath which anciently had been taken by his Predecessors and for the proof thereof an Antiquated Oath was found out and publisht in a Remonstrance of the Lords and Commons bearing date the twenty sixth of May 1642. And secondly It was objected in some of the Pamphlets of that time that the Oath was falsified by D. Laud Arch-Bishop of Canterbury to make it more to the Kings advantage and less to the benefit of the Subject then it had been formerly For answer whereunto the King remits the Lords and Commons to the Records of the Exchequer by which it might be easily prov'd that the Oath was the very same verbatim which had before been taken by his Predecessors Kings and Queens of this Realm And to the Pamphleters it is answered by Mr. H. L. the Author of the former History That there was no variation from the old forms but the addition of a clause to a Prayer there mentioned and that this varâ—ation was not the solitary act of Laud alone but of a Committee And this saith he I positively assert as minding the reformation of a vulgar Error thrown abroad in loose Pamphlets that Bishop Laud altered the Coronation Oath whereas the Oath it self was precisely the same with former precedents More candidly in this then the Author of the present History how great a Royalist soever he desires to be reckoned Fol. 31. This necessary Message produced no other supply then this insolency from a Member Mr. Clement Cook It is better says he to dye by a foreign Enemy then to be destroyed at home And this seditious speech of his was as seditiously seconded by one Dr. Turner of whom the King complain'd to the House of Commons but could finde no remedy nor was it likely that he should He that devests himself of a Natural and Original power to right the injuries which are done him in hope to finde relief from others especially from such as are parcel-guilty of the wrong may put up all his gettings in a Semtress thimble and yet never fill it But thus King Iames had done before him one Piggot a Member of the House of Commons had spoken disgracefully of the Scots for their importunity in begging and no less scornfully of the King for his extream profuseness in giving adding withal that it would never be well with England till a Sicilian Vesper was made of the Scotish Nation For which seditious Speech when that King might have took the Law into his own hands and punisht him as severely by his own Authority as he had deserv'd yet he past it over and thought that he had done enough in giving a hint of it in a Speech made to both Houses at White-Hall on the last of March Anno 1607. I know saith he that there are many Pigots amongst them I mean a number of Seditious and discontented particular persons as must be in all Commonwealths that where they dare may peradventure talk lewdly enough but no Scotish man ever spoke dishonorably of England in Parliament It being the custom of those Parliaments that no man was to speak without leave from the Chancellor for the Lords and Commons made but one House in that Kingdom and if any man do propound or utter any seditious Speeches he is straightly interrupted and silenced by the Chancellors Authority This said there was an end of that business for ought I can learn and this gave a sufficient encouragement to the Commons in the time of King Charls to expect the like From whence they came at last to this resolution not to suffer one of theirs to be questioned till themselves had considered of his crimes Which as our Author truly notes kept them close together imboldned thus to preserve themselves to the last fol. 35. This Maxim as they made use of in this present Parliament in behalf of Cook Diggs and Eliot which two last had been Imprisoned by the Kings command so was it more violently and pertinaciously insisted on in the case of the five Members Impeacht of High Treason by the Kings Attorney on the fourth of Ianuary Anno 1641. the miserable effects whereof we still feel too sensibly Fol. 40 And though the matter of the Prologue may be spared being made up with Elegancy yet rather then it shall be lost you may please to read it at this length Our Author speaks this of the Eloquent Oration made by Sir Dudly Diggs to usher in the Impeachment of the Duke of Buckingham which being amplified and prest in six tedious Speeches by Glanvil Pim Selden Wansford Herbert and Sherland was Epilogued by Sir Iohn Eliot A vein of Oratory not to be found in the Body
place for a Summers progress It is Nantes in Bretaigne which he means though I am so charitable as to think this to be a mistake rather of the Printer than our Authors own With the like charity also I behold three other mistakes viz. the Emperor of Vienna fol. 137. and the Archdutchesse of Eugenia fol. 139. Balfoure Caselie for Bolsovey Castle fol 192. By which the unknowing Reader may conceive if not otherwise satisfied that Balfour Castle was the antient seat of the Balfours from whence Sr. William Balfour Lieutenant of the Tower that false and treacherous Servant to a bountifull Master derives his pedigree Eugenia which was a part of that Ladies Christian name to be the name of some Province and Vienna the usual place of the Emperors residence to be the name of an Empire But for his last I could alledg somewhat in his excuse it being no unusual thing for Principalities and Kingdomes to take Denomination from their principal Cities For besides the Kings of Mets Orleans and Soissons in France we finde that in the Constitutions of Howel Dha the Kings of England are called Kings of London the Kings of South-Wales Kings of Dyneuor and the King of North-Wales Kings of Aberfraw each of them from the ordinary place of their habitation For which defence if our Author will not thank me he must thank himselfe The mention of Nantes conducts me on to Count Shally's Treason against the French King who was beheaded in that City of which thus our Author Fol. 63. The Count upon Summons before the Privy Councel without more adoe was condemned and forthwith beheaded at Nantes the Duke Momerancy then under Restraint suffered some time after But by his leave the Duke of Monmorency neither suffered on the account of Shalley's Treason nor very soon after his beheading which was in the year 1626. as our Author placeth it For being afterwards enlarged and joyning with Mounsier the Kings Brother in some designe against the King or the Cardinal rather he was defeated and took prisoner by Martial Schomberg created afterwards Duke of Halwyn and being delivered over to the Ministers of Justice was condemned and beheaded at Tholouse Anno 1633. Ibid. Our Wine-Merchants ships were arrested at Blay-Castle upon the Geroud returning down the River from Burdeaux Town by order of the Parliament of Rouen That this Arrest was 〈◊〉 by Order of the Parliament of Rouen I shall hardly grant the jurisdiction of that Parliament being confined within the Dukedome of Normandy as that of Renes within the Dukedome of Bretaigne neither of which nor of any other of the inferior Parliaments are able to doe any thing Extra Sphaeram Activitatis suae beyond their several Bounds and Limits And therefore this Arrest must either be made by Order from the Parliament of Burdeaux the Town and Castle of Blay being within the jurisdiction of that Court or of the Parliament of Paris which being Paramount to the rest may and doth many times extend its power and execute its precepts over all the others Fol. 92. At his death the Court was suddenly filled with Bishops knowing by removes preferments would follow to many expected advancements by it Our Author speaks this of the death of Bishop Andrews and of the great resort of Bishops to the Court which ensued thereupon making them to tarry there on the expectation of Preferment and Removes as his death occasioned till they were sent home by the Court Bishops with the Kings Instructions But in this our Author is mistaken as in other things The Bishops were not sent home with the Kings Instructions till after Christmas Anno 1629. and Bishop Andrews dyed in the latter end of the year 1626. after whose death Dr. Neil then Bishop of Durham being translated to the Sea of Winchester Febr. 7. 1627. Dr. Houson Bishop of Oxon succeeded him in the Sea of Durham in the beginning of the year 1628. Doctor Corbet Dean of Christ-church being consecrated Bishop of Oxon the 17 day of October of the same year so that between the filling up of these Removes and the sending the Bishops home with the Kings Instructions there happened about 15 Moneths so that the great resort of Bishops about the Court Anno 1627. when they were sent back with the Kings Instructions was not occasioned by the expectation of such Preferments and Removes as they might hope for on the death of Bishop 〈◊〉 Fol. 105. In Michaelmas Term the Lady Purbeck daughter and heir to the Lady Hatton by her former Husband and Wife to the Viscount Purbeck Brother to the Duke passed the tryall for adultery c. Our Author is here out again in his Heraldry the Lady Purbeck not being Daughter to the Lady Hatton by her former Husband but by her second Husband Sr. Edward Coke then Attorny Generall and afterwards successively Chief Justice of either Bench. Yet I deny not but that she was an Heir and a rich marriage as it after followeth For being Daughter to Thomas Cecil Earl of Exeter she was married by the care and providence of her Grandfather the Lord Burleigh to Sr. William Newport who being the adopted sonne of the Lord Chancellor Hatton succeeded in his name as well as in his Lands In ordering of which marriage it was agreed on that the vast Debt which the Chancellor owed unto the Crown should be estalled to small Annual payments and that in lieu thereof Sr. William in defect of issue should settle on his wife and her Heires by any Husband whatsoever the Isle of Purbeck and some other of the out parts of his Estate By means whereof her Daughter Frances which she had by Sr. Edward Coke was heir to Corse Castle in the Isle of Purbeck and so much of the rest of the Lands of Hatton as the mother being a woman of great expence did not sell or aliene Fol. 106. The King for all his former Arrears of loan was put to it to borrow more of the Common Councel of London 120000. l. upon Mortgage on his own land of 21000. l. per an And here I think our Author is Mistaken also the Citizens not lending their money upon Mortgage but laying it out in the way of purchase Certain I am that many goodly Mannors lying at the foot of Ponfract-Castle and appertaining to the Crown in right of the Duchy of Lancaster were sold out-right unto the Citizens at this time and therefore I conclude the like also of all the rest But whether it were so or not I cannot chuse but note the sordid basenesse of that City in refusing to supply their King in his great Necessities without Sale or Mortgage especially when the mony was to have been expended in defence of the Rochellers whose cause they seemed so much to favour But for this and other refusals of this nature the Divine vengeance overtook them within few years after the long Parliament draining them of a Million of pounds and more without satisfaction for every
Commons in matters Doctrinally delivered without the least diminution of the Kings Authority in Ecclesiastical Causes there is nothing of the Presbyter or the Papist to be charged upon him as the Historian to create him the greater odium would fain have it to be Fol. 115. But how suddenly the Commons House 〈◊〉 upon the Lorâ—s liberties excluding the words the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in the very grant of the Bill of Subsidies c. And to say truth the Lords were but serv'd in their own kinde who having so unworthily joyn'd with the Commons in devesting the King from whom they deriv'd all their Honors of his just Prerogatives are now assaulted by those Commons and in danger of losing their own Rights which by the favor of the King or his Predecessors were conferr'd upon them which might have given them a sufficient warning but that there was a Spirit of Inâ—atuation over all the Land not to joyn with them any more in the like Designs against the King whose Authority could not be diminisht without the lessening of their own nor any Plot carried on toward his Destruction by which they would not be reduc'd to the same condition with the rest of the People But Quos Iupiter vult perdere dementat prâ—us so it prov'd with them Fol. 123. His body brought to York House and after sumptuously intombed at Westminster in St. Edwards Chappel The Church of Westminster was indeed founded by King 〈◊〉 the Confessour whom they called sometimes by the name of St. Edward the King 〈◊〉 that part of it that lies betwen the crosse Isle and the Chappel of King Henry 〈…〉 best known by the name of the Chappel of 〈◊〉 by reason of the many Kings and Queens which are there 〈◊〉 In a side Isle or inclosure whereof the Dukes body was Sumptuously interred with this glorious Epitaph which in honour of his invincible fidelity to his gracious Masters for I am otherwise a meer stranger to all his Selatious I shall here Subjoyn P. M. S. Vanae multitudinis improperium hic jacet Cujus tamen Hispania Prudentiam Gallia Fortitudinem Belgia Industriam Tota Europa mirata est Magnanimitatem Quem Daniae Sweciae Reges integerrimum Germaniae Transilvaniae Nassautiae Princip Ingenuum Veneta Reipublica Philobasileia Sahaudiae Lotharingiae Duces Politicum Palatinus Comes Fidelem Imperator Pacificum Turca Christianum Papa Protestantem Experti sunt Quem Anglia Archithalassum Cantabrigia Cancellarium Buckinghamia Ducem habuit Verùm siste viator quid ipsa Invidia Sugillare nequâ—t audi Hic est ille Calamitosae virtutis Buckinghamius Maritus redamatus Pater amaâ—s Filius obsequens Frater amicissimus Affinis Beneficus Amicus perpetuus Dominus Benignus Optimus omnium servus Quem Reges adamarunt optimates honorarunt Ecclesia deflevit Vulgus Oderunt Quem Iacobus Carolus Regum perspicacissimi intimum habuerunt A quibus Honoribus auctus negotiis onustus Fato succubuit Antequam par animo periculum invenit Quid jam Peregrine Aenigma mundi moritur Omnia fuit nec quidquam habuit Patriae parens hostis audiit Deliciae idem querela Parliamenti Quidum Papistis bellum infert insimulatur Papista Dum Protestantium partibus consulit Occiditur à Protestante Tesseram specta rerum humanarum At non est quòd serio triumphet malitia Interimere potuit laedere non potuit Scilicet has preces fundens expiravit Tuo ego sanguine potiar mi Iesu dum mali pascuntur meo Fol. 127. But the Religious Commons must reform Gods causâ— before the Kings nor would they be prescribed their Consultations but resolved to remit the Bill of Tunnage and Poundage at pleasure This is another new incroachment of the House of Commons that is to say the poasting off of the Kings businesse and the publick concernments of the State till they had either lessened his prerogative weakned the Authority of the Church or advanced the interest of the people Which resolution of not being prescribed their Consâ—ltations became at last so fixt amongst them that when the King had frequently recommended to them his Message of the 20. of Ianuary Anno 1641. So necessary for the setling of the peace of the Kingdome they returned answer at the last that it was an infringing of their Priviledges to be pâ—est with any such Directions Fol. 128. And King Iames commended them over to the Synod of Dort and there asserted by suffrage of those Doctors and were afterwards commended to the Convocation in Ireland Our Authour takes this Errour from the former Historian but takes no notice of the correction of it by the Observator though it â—ppears by his citation in the margin that he had consulted with those Observations in this very point And therefore I must let him know since otherwise he will not take notice of it that this is a strange Hysteron Proteron setting the Cart before the Horse as we use to phrase it The Convocation in Ireland by which the Articles of Lambeth were incorporated into the Articles of that Church was holden in the Year 1615. the Synod of Dort not held till three years after anno 1618. and therefore not to Dâ—rt first and to Ireland afterwards The like mistake in point of time we finde in our Authour fol. 134. where speaking of that wilde distemper which hapned in the House of Commons on the dissolving of the Parliament Anno 1628. he telleth us That the effects of those Malignities flew over Seas and infected the French Parliaments about this time where that King discontinued the Assemblies of the three Estates upon farre lesse Provocations Whereas he lets us know from the Observator within few lines after that those Assemblies of the three Estates in Francâ— were discontinued by King Lewis thâ— 13. and a new form of Assembly instituted in the place thereof Anno 1614. So that the malignity of those distempers which happened in the Parliament of England Anno 1628. could not about that time passe over the Seas and infect the French Parliaments which had been discontinued and dissolved 14. years before Fol. 133. This was ratiâ—ied by the Contract of this Nation which the Conquerour upon his admittance had declared and confirmed in the Laws which he published Our Author speaks this of an hereditary Freedom which is supposed to have been in the English Nation from paying any Tax or Tallage to the King but by Act of Parliament And I would fain learn so much of him as to direct me to some creditable Authour in which I may finde this pretended contract between the Norman Conquerour and the English Subject and in what Book of Statutes I may finde these Laws which were publisht by him to that purpose The Norman Conquerour knew his own strength too well to reign precariò to ground his Title on his admittance by the people or to make any such contract with them by which he might more easily win them
King as our Authour words is it gave the King occasion to consider of the generall tendency of the Puritan doctrine in this point unto downright Iudâ—â—sme and thereupon to quicken the reviving of his Fathers Declaration about Lawfull sports in which the signification of his pleasure beareth date the 18. of October in the 9. year of his Reign Anno 1633. A remedy which had been prescribed unseasonably to prevent and perhaps too late to cure the disease if Bradburns Book had been publisht six years before as our Authour makes 〈◊〉 Our Authour secondly relating this very businesse of Bradburnes Book or rather of Barbarous Books as he cals them there fol. 196. must either be confest to speak Vngrammatically or else the coming out of these Barbarous Books must be one chief motive for setting out that Declaration by King Iames Anno. 1618. Thirdly This Bradbuâ—u was not made a Convert by the High Commission Couâ—t bâ—t by a private conference with some Learned Divines to which he had submitted himself and which by Gods blessing so far prevailed with him that he became a Converts and freely conformed himself to the Orthodoxall Doctrine of the Church of England both concerning the Sabbath day and likewise concerning the Lords day So Bishop White relates the Story in his Epistle Dedicatory before his Book to the Aâ—ch-Bishop of Canterbury Anno 1635. Fourthly Whereas our Authour tels us fol. 175. That the Declaration was not 〈◊〉 on the Ministers to publish more proper for a Lay-Officer or a Constable I must needs grant that the publishing of this Declaration was not prest on the Minister by any expresse command of the King But then I would fain know withall how the Bishops could take Order that publication thereof be made in all the Parish Churches of their severall Diocesses according to his 〈◊〉 will and pleasure but by the mouth of the Ministers The Constable and other Lay-Officers whom our Authour thinks more proper for that Employment were not under the Bishopâ— command as to that particular and therefore as he â—ad nâ— Authority so he had no reason to require any such duty from them And as for the Church-Wardens which are more liable to the power and command of the Oâ—dinary it happeneth many times especially in Countrey-Villages that they cannot reade and theâ—efore no such publication of the Kings pleasure to be laid on them The Ministers who had takeâ— an Oath oâ— Canonicall Oâ—edience to their severall and respective Bishops must consequently bâ— the fittest men for that Employment implicitly intended though not explicitly named in the Declaration As many mistakes there are concerning the decay and repair of S. Pauls Church in London For first the high Spire was not burnt down by accident of Lightning in the time of Queen Elizâ—beth as our Authour tels us fol. 176. That vulgar Errour hath been confuted long agoe and no such thing as the burning of Pauls Steeple by Lightning hath for these twenty years and more occurred in the Chronologies of our common Almanacks that dreadfull accident not happening by the hand of Hâ—aven but by the negligence of a Plumber who leaving his pan of Coals there when he went to Dinner was the sole occasion of that mischief Secondly The Commission for the Repair of this Church issued in the time of King Charles came not out in the year 1632. where our Authour placeth it but had past the Seal and was published in Print the year before Anno 1631. Thirdly The Reparation of the Church began not at the West end as our Authour tels us fol. 177. the Quire or Eastern part of the Church being fully finisht before the Western part or the main body of the Chuâ—ch had been undertaken Fourthly The little Church called S. Gregories was not willingly taken down to the ground the Parishioners opposing it very strongly and declaring as much unwillingnesse as they could or durst in that particular and fiftly the Lord Mayor for the time then being was not named Sir Robert 〈◊〉 as our Authour makes it but Sir Robert Ducy advanc'd by â—is â—ajesty to the dâ—gree of a Baronet as by the Commission doth appear so many mistakes in so few linâ—â— are not easily met with in any Author but our present Histâ—â—rian But we proceed Fol. 179. â—he Turkâ— hâ—ve Auxiliâ—ry friendâ—hip of the 〈◊〉 Tartar Chrim from whose Ancestors Tamberlain proceeded â— A Proposition strangely mixt of truth and falshood it being most true that the Turks have Auxiliary Forces from the Tartar Chrim and no less false that Tamberlain dâ—â—cended from him All who have written of that great Prince make him the son of Og or Zain-Cham the Cham of Zagathey a Province some thousands of miles distant from the dwellings of the Tartar-Chrim which Og or Zâ—in-Châ—m was the Grand-childe of another Zâ—in-Cham the third great Cham of the Tartars and he the Grand-childe of Cingis the first great Cham who laid the foundation of that mighty and for a time most terrible Empire Whereas the Chrim-Tartar or the Tartar-Chrim as our Authâ—r calls him derives 〈◊〉 from Lochtan-Cham descended from one Bathu or Roydo a great Commander of the Tartars who during the Reign of Hoccata the second great Cham subdued these Countries But this mistake I shall more easily pardon in our Author then another of like nature touching Vladislaus King of Poland of whom he tells us that being the fâ—urth of that name he succeeded his Brother Sigismund in that Kingdom Vladislaus the fâ—â—rth saith he was after the death of his Brother Sigismund by the consent of the States preferred to the â—hroâ—e fol. 182. In which few words there are two things to be corrected For first Vlâ—dislâ—us who succeeded Sigâ—smund was not his Brother but his Son And secondly he succeeded not by the name of Vladislaus the fourth but of Vladâ—slâ—us the sevenâ—h Adde herein his making of Smolensko a Town of Pâ—land ibâ—d which most of our Geograpâ—ers have placed in Râ—ssia A Town whâ—ch sometime by the chance of War or otherwise hâ—th been in possession of the Pole though properly belonging to the great Duke of Muscovy which can no more entitle it to the name of a Polish Town then Calice may be now said to be an English Colony because once a Colony of the English Nor does our Author speâ—k more properly I will not say more understandingly of the Affairs of Ireland then of those of Poland For first He tells us fol. 185. That the Conquest of it was never perfected till its subjection to King Charls whereas there was no other subjection tendred by that People to King Charls then by those of his other two Kingdoms of England and Scotland Secondly Forgetting what he had said before he tells us fol. 186. That Mountâ—oy made an end of that War in the Reign of King James and yet he says not true in that neither â—or the War was ended by Mountjoy at the Battle of Kingsale by which that great Rebel the Earl
Secondly he bought not the Dutchy of Gelders neither but possest himself of it by a mixt Title of Arms and Contract The first Contract made between Charls the Warlike Duke of Burgundy and Arnold of Egmond Duke of Gelders who in regard of the great Succors which he received from him when deprived and Imprisoned by his own ungracious son passed over his whole Estate to him for a little mony But this alienation being made unprofitable by the death of Charls the intrusion of Adolph the son of Arnold and the succession of Charls the son of Adolph this Emperor reviv'd the claim and prest Duke Charls so hotly on all sides with continual Wars that he was forc'd to yield it to him upon condition that he might enjoy it till his death which was afterwards granted Thirdly if he had any right to the Dukedom of William it accrued not to him by discent as King of Spain but as a â—ief forfeited to the Empire for want of Heirs male in the House of Sforsa which not being acknowledged by the French who pretended from the Heir General of the Galeazzo's he won it by his Sword and so disposed thereof to his Son and Successor King Philip the second and his Heirs by another right then that of Conquest The proceeding of the short Parliament and the surviving Convocation have been so fully spoken of in the Observations on the former History that nothing need be added here But the long Parliament which began in November following will afford us some new matter for these Advertisements not before observ'd And first we finde That Fol. 336. There came out an Order of the Commons House that all Projectors and unlawful Monopolists that have or had â—â—tely any benefit from Monopolies or countenanced or issued out any Warrants in favor of them c. shall be disabled to sit in the House A new piece of Authority which the Commons never exercised before and which they had no right to now but that they knew they were at this time in such a condition as to venture upon any new Incroachment without control For ancientlyâ— and legally the Commons had no power to exclude any of their Members from their place in Parliament either under colour of false elections or any other pretence whatsoever For it appears on good Record in the 28 year of Queen Elizabeth that the Commons in Parliament undertaking the examination of the chusing and returning of Knights of the Shire for the Counâ—y of Norfolk were by the Queen sharply reprehended for it that being as she sent them word a thing improper for them to deal in as belonging onely to the Office and Charge of the Lord Chancellor from whom the Writs issue and aâ—e returned And if they may not exclude their Members under colour of undue Elections and false Returns much less Authority have they to exclude any of them for acting by vertue of the Kings Letters Patents or doing any thing in order to his Majesties Service For if this power were once allowed them they might proceed in the next place to shut out all the Lords of the Privy Councel his Counsel learned in the Laws his Domestick Servants together with all such as hold any Offices by his Grant and Favor because forsooth having dependance on the King they could not be true unto the Interest of the Commonwealth And by this means they might so weed out one another that at the last they would leave none to sit amongst them but such as should be all ingag'd to drive on such projects as were laid before them But whereas our Author tells us in the following words that it was Ordered also That Mr. Speaker should issue out new Warrants for electing other Members in their places he makes the Commons guilty of a greater incroachment then indeed they were All that they did or could pretend to in this case was to give order to the Speaker that intimation might be given to his Majesty of the places vacant and to make humble suit unto him to issue out new Writs for new Elections to those places But the next Incroachment on the Kings Authority was far greater then this and comes next in order Fol. 360. The Bill for the Trienial Parliament having pâ—ssed both Houses was confirmed with the Kings Royal Assent Febr. 16. And then also he past the Bill of Subsidies fol. 361. The Subsidies here mentioned were intended for the relief of the Northern Counties opprest at once with two great Armies who not onely liv'd upon Free Quarter but raised divers sums of money also for their present necessities the one of them an Army of English rais'd by the King to right himself upon the Scots the other being an Army of Scots who invaded the Kingdom under colour of obtaining from the King what they had no right to So that the King was not to have a peny of that Money and yet the Commons would not suffer him to pass the one till he had before hand passed the other which the King for the relief of his poor Subjects was content to do and thereby put the power of calling Parliaments into the hands of Sheriffs and Constables in case he either would not or should not do it at each three years end But the nexâ— incroachment on the Power and Prerogative Royal was worse then this there being a way left for the King to reserve that Power by the timely calling of a Parliament and the dissolving of it too if called within a shorter time then that Act had limited But for the next sore which was his passing of the Bill of Tonnage and Poundage there was no Plaister to be found the King being for'd remember that the Commons had an Army of Scots at their devotion to pass away all his Right unto it before he could obtain it but for three Moneths onely as was said before In which Bill it is to be observ'd that as they depriv'd the King of his Right to Tonnage and Poundage so they began then to strike at the Bishops Rights to their Vote in Parliament For whereas generally in all former Acts the Lords Spiritual and Temporal were distinctly named in this that distinction was left out and the Bill drawn up in the name of the Lordâ— and Commons which being disputed by the Bishops as well fore-seeing what the Commons intended by it was notwithstanding carried for the Commons by the Temporal Lords who thereby made a way for their own exclusion when the Commons were grown as much too strong for them as they were for the Bishops The secular Lords knew well that the Lords Spiritual were to have the precedence and therefore gave them leave to go first out of the House that they themselves might follow after as they ought to do Proceed we next to the business of the Earl of Strafford aâ— whose Tryal our Author tells us That Fol. 376. The Earl of Arundel was made Lord High Steward and the Earl of
promise which the King is said to have made him of not consenting to his death The sum of the story is briefly this viz. That the King had promised the Earl of Strafford under his hand that his prerogative should savâ— him that he would never passe the Bill nor consent to the acting of any thing to take away his life that being satisfied in all other scruples he rested in this only affirming that in regard of this promise he could not passe the Bill though the Earl were guilty the Bishop of Lincoln finding him harping on that string assured him that he thought that the Earl was so great a Lover of his Majâ—sties peace so tender of his conscience and the Kingdoms safety that he would willingly acquit the King of that promise that though the King received this intimation with a brow of anger yet the said Bishop in pursuance of the Earls destruction sends a Message to him to that purpose by the Lieutenant of the Tower or some other person whom he found attending near the place that as the devil and he would have it the Earl received that intimation with great disdain saying that if that were all which bound the King he would soon release him and thereupon opening his Cabinet drew out that Paper in which the Kings promise was contained and gave it to the said Lieutenant or that other person but whether sealed or unsealed that he cannot tell by whom it was delivered to the Bishop of Lincoln and finally that the Bishop of Lincoln finding no other scruple to remain in the Kings Conscience but the respect he had to that promise he put the fatall paper into the Kings hands which as it seems gave a full end to the conference and the Kings perplexities This is the substance of the Legend and in all this there is nothing true but the names of the parties mentioned in it And first I would fain know from what Authour he received this fiction unlesse it were from say I and say some as his own words are that is to say either from himself or from some body else but he knew not whom Most certainly he had it not from any of the Bishops then present the Lord Primate affirming in the end of his first Narrative that neither he nor the rest of his Brethren knew what was contained in that Paper and no lesse certain it is that the Bishop of Lincoln was too wise to accuse himself of such a practise if he had been really guilty of it And then as for the thing it self no man of reason can imagine that the King would either make such a proviso to the Earl or that the Earl would so far distrust his own integrity as to take it of him If the Kings knowledge of his innocence of his signal merits and the declaration which he made in Parliament to the Lords and Commons that he could not passe the Bill with a good Conscience were not sufficient to preserve him there was no help to be expected from such Paper-promises Such a Romance as this we finde in Ibrahim the Illustrious Bassa who is said to have obtained the like promise from Solyman the Magnificent which notwithstanding the Mufti or Chief Priests of the Turks devised a way to discharge the Emperour of that promise and to obtain from him an unwilling consent to the Bassa's death as the Bishop of Lincoln is said to do for the Earl of Straffords Secondly There was no such scruple of conscience propounded to the Bishops in the morning conference as the obligation which that promise laid upon him there being no other question propounded at that time but whether he might in justice passe the Bill of Attainder against the Earl To which the Bishops gave their Answer when it was again renewed in the Evening as appears by the Lord Primates first Narrative that if upon the Allegations on either â—ide at the hearing whereof the King was present he did not conceive him guilty of the crime wherewith he was charged he could not in justice condemn him and by this answer it appears that no such scruple as the obligation of that Paper-promise had been before tendred to the Bishops Thirdly Admitting that the Bishop of Lincoln might be so bold as to make that overture to the King forgetting a release of that promise from the Earl of Strafford yet was he too carefull of himself too fearfull of the Kings everlasting displeasure to pursue that fatall project when he perceived his Majesty to entertain it with a brow of anger Fourthly Admitting this also that the Bishop was so thirsty of the Earls bloud as to neglect his own safety in pursuance of it yet cannot our Historian tell us whether that intimation were sent by the Lieutenant of the Tower or some other person And certainly as the Lieutenant of the Tower was not so obscure a person but that he might easily be known from another man so is it most improbable that he should go on such an errand without speciall order from the King or that the Earl should admit of such an intimation from any other who was like to run on the Bishops bidding but only from the Lieutenant himself Fifthly It cannot be beleeved that the Earl should fall into such a passion when the Tale was told him considering that he knew that by a Letter sent unto the King on the Tuesday before he had set the Kings Conscience at liberty most humbly beseeching him for the prevention of such mischief as might happen by his refusall to passe the Bill So that the passing of the Bill could be no News to him which he had reason to expect because it was a thing so much prest by his enemies and so humbly and affectionatelyâ— desired by himselfe Sixthly and finally Though our Historian make it doubtfull whether that Paper-promise were sent back sealed or unsealed yet no man can suspect the Earl to be so imprudent in his actions so carelesse of his own honour and so untrusty to the King in so great a secret as to send it open by which it must needs come first to the eyes of others before it came unto the Kings And if it were not sent unsealed how came our Authour to the knowledge that that paper contained the Kings promise as he saies it did But nothing more betrays the vanity and impossibility of this fiction then the circumstance in point of time in which this promise must be made which must needs fall between the passing of the Bill of Attainder and the Kings conference with the Bishops sent to him for the satisfaction of his Conscience by the Houses of Parliament Our Authour tels us that at the conference with the Bisâ—ops the King being satisfied in all other scruples started his last doubt If in his Conscience he could not passe the Bill although the Earl were guilty having promised under his hand that his prerogative should save him never to passe that Bill nor to
the Church-Wardens generally in all the Parishes of the Kingdom notwithstanding they were told that the Lords had never given their consent unto it and that it would be safest for them to suspend their proceedings till the Parliament was again assembled But so mighty was the name of Pym that none of them durst refuse Obedience unto his Commands Nor did the Lords ever endeavour to retrench this Order but suffered their Authority and priviledge to be torn from them peece-meal by the House of Commons as formerly in imposing the Protestation of the third of May so now in this great Alteration in the face of the Church Fol. 432. The late Irish Army raised for the Assistance of the Kings Service against the Scots was disbanded and all their armes brought into Dublin This though our Authour reckoneth not amongst the grounds and reasons of the Irish Rebellion yet was it really one of the chief encouragements to it For when the King was prest by the Commons in Parliament for the disbanding of that Army a Suit was made unto him by the Embassadour of Spain that he might have leave to List three or four thousand of them for his Masters Service in the wars The like Suit was made also by the Embassadour of France and the King readily condescended to their severall motions and gave order in it accordingly But the Commons never thinking themselves safe as long as any of that Army had a sword in his hand never left importuning the King whom they had then brought to the condition of denying nothing which they asked till they had made him eat his word and revoke those Orders to his great dishonour Which so exasperated that Army consisting of 10000 Foot and 1500 Horse that it was no hard matter for those who had the managing of the Plot to make sure of them And then considering that the Scots by raising of an Army had gain'd from the King an Abolition of the Episcopall Order the reâ—cinding of his own and his Fathers Acts about the reducing of that Church to some Uniformity with this and setled their Kirk in such a way as best pleased their own humours why might not the Irish Papists hope that by the help of such an Army ready raised to their hands or easily drawn together though disperst at that present they might obtain the like indulgences and grants for their Religion Tantum Religio potuit suadere Malorum as true on the one side as the other Fol. 443. The next Morning the Vpper house sent them down to the House of Commons by the Lord Marshal Privy Seal c. the Lords Goring and Wilmot Our Authour speaks this of the first Letter sent from Ireland touching that Rebellion but is mistaken in the last man whom he makes to be sent down with these Letters The Lord Wilmot at that time was no Peer of England and therefore had no place in the English Parliaments The honour of an English Baron being first conferred on his Son the Lord Henry Wilmot by Letters Patents bearing date 29. of Iune Anno 1643. And as I am sure that the Lord Wilmot was not of that number so I am doubtfull whether the Lord Marshall were or not Our Authour not long before tels us that his Office of Lord High Steward was like to be begg'd from him in regard of his Absence which is to be understood of his absence out of the Realm and if he were then absent out of the Realm he could not now be present in the House of Peers Either not absent then or not present now is a thing past questioning Fol. 462. The King returns from Scotland magnificently â—easted by the City of London But while the Citizens at one end of the Town were at their Hosanna some of the Commons at the other end were as busie at their Crucifige intent on hammering a Remonstrance which they entitled A Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdom in which they ript up all the actions which they had complained of in the King and sum'd up all those services which they had done for the common people The whole so framed that it served for a pair of Bellows to blow that fire which afterwards flamed out and consumed the greatest part of the Kingdom In the presenting whereof to the King at his coming from Scotland though the Lords refused to joyn with them in it yet was it presented to the King by some of their Members an Order made for the publishing and dispersing of it and the Lords brought at last to justifie what they had condemned Nor did the Citizens continue long in their good Affections For though they gave him Rost-meat now yet they beat him with the Spit in the Christmas following of which our Authour tels us saying Fol. 471. The loose people of the City and the Mechanick sort of Prentices were encouraged by the Ministers and Lecturers and other Incendiaries in tumultuous manner to come down to Westminster and by the way at Whitehall to be insolent in words and actions And insolent they were indeed both in words and actions some of them crying out as they past by that the King was not fit to live others that the Prince would govern better all of them with one voice that they would have no Porters lodge between them and the King but would come at him when they pleased using some other threatning words as if they meant to break open the Gates But so it happened that some of the Officers of the Kings late Army being come to the Court some of them to receive the Arrears of their pay and others to know the Kings Commands before they returned into the Low Countries to their severall Charges and observing the unsufferable Insolencies of this Rascal Rabble sallied upon them with drawn swords in which scuffle some of that tumultuous Rabble were slightly hurt and others dangerously wounded To these men being profest Souldiers was the Name of Cavaliers first given communicated afterwards to all the Kings party and Adherenâ—s though never in Arms or otherwise appearing for him then in the Loyalty of their Affections Fol. 477. This fell out as many would have it a lâ—â—â—ing case to their confusion How so Because saith he at a conference desired by the Lords with the House of Commons they were told by the Lord Keeper that this Petition and Protestation of the twelve Bishops was extending to the deep intrenching upon the fundamentall priviledges and beings of Parliaments c. Upon which Declaration the Bishops were voted to be guilty of High Treason committed first to the custody of the black rod and from thence to the Tower But first the Authour is to know that the Lord Keeper at that time was not altogether so rectus in Curia as might have been wished and therefore having received that Petition and Protestation from the hands of the King to whom in the first place it was addressed he communicated it privately to such of both
amount unto commanded the Officers of the late Army before-mentioned to attend his pleasure till he saw some issue of the practices which were held against him On which command they followed him to Hampton Court Ianuary the tenth 1641. at his Removall from Whitehall for avoiding such fresh Insolencies as the people in their triumphant conducting of the accused Members to the Houses of Parliament might have put upon him These Officers now known by the Name of Cavaliers were lodged at Kingston and upon them the Lord Digby accompanied with Col. Lunâ—â—ord in a Coach with six Horses intended to bestow a visit no Troops of Horse being raised by him nor any other appearance of Horse at all except those six only His Majesties Declaration of the 12. of August hath so cleared this businesse that I marvell our Authour could let it passe by without Observation Fol. 485. And so the breach between the King and Parliament was stitcht up That is to say that great breach of pretended priviledge in the Kings coming to the House of Commons to demand the five impeached Members And yet this breach was not stitcht up now nor in a long time after For fol. 495. we finde the Parliament again at their five Members insisted on in the preamble to the Ordinance about the Militia fol. 498. and prest in their Petition delivered to the King at Royston fol. 501. and finally made one of the Propositions presented to the King at Oxford fol. 599. So far was this breach from being stitcht up in the end of Ianuary Anno 1641. that it was not made up in the Ianuary following at what time those Propositions were brought to Oxford From the five Members passe we to the Militia of which he telleth us That Fol. 496. The Parliament having now the Militia the security of the Tower and City of London Trained Bands of the Kingdom and all the Forces out of the Kings hands Our Authour placeth this immediatly after the Kings coming back from Dover whither he went with the Queen and the Princesse Mary there shipped for Holland at what time the Parliament had neither the command of the Tower nor of the Trained Bands in the Countrey or of any Forces whatsoever but their City-guards For fol. 498. we finde his Majesty sticking at it especially as to the Militia of London or of Towns incorporate and after fol. 502. when they petitioned him about it being then at New-Market and not as our Authour saith at Royston he answered more resolutely then before that he would not part with it for a minute no not unto his Wife and Children After which time finding the King too well resolved not to part with such a principall flower of his prerogative they past an Ordinance for entituling themselves unto it and did accordingly make use of it in the following war against the King Nor was the Petition any thing the better welcome for the men that brought it viz. the Earls of Pembroke and Holland both of them sworn Servants to him both of them of his Privy Councell both in great favour with him when he was in Prosperity and both perâ—idiously forsaking him when his Fortunes changed unto the worse Particularly our Authour tels us of the Earl of Holland That Fol. 501. He was raised and created to become his most secret Counsellour the most intimate in affection the first of his Bed-chamber his constant companion in all his Sports and Recreations Yet notwithstanding all these favours this Earl as much promoted the Puritan affairs of the Court but secretly and under-hand as his Brother the Earl of Warwick more openly and professedly did in the Countrey Of which thus Viscount Conway in a Letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury dated at Newcastle Iune 8. 1640. I assure my self saith he that there is not any lesse your friend then my Lord of Holland and I beleeve that at all times you ought to take heed to your self with him c. My Lord of Warwick is the temporal head of the Puritans and my Lord of Holland is their spirituall Head or rather the one is their visible Head the other their invisible Head Peradventure not because he means to do either good or hurt but because he thinks it is a Gallantry to be the principall pillar on which a whole Caball must rely Fol. 511. And taking only a guard for his person of his Domesticks and Neighbour Gentry went in person the 23. of April but contrary to his expectation the Gates were shut upon him the Bridges drawn up and Hotham from the Wals flatly denies him entrance Of this Affront Hotham being first proclaimed Traitor under the Wals of the Town the King complains to the Houses of Parliament but he had more reason to complain of some about him For in his Answer to their Petitition about the Magazine of Hull delivered to him in the beginning of April he had let them know how confident he was that place whatsoever discourse there was of private or publick Instructions to the contrary should be speedily given up if he should require it Being thus forewarn'd it was no wonder that they were fore-arm'd also against his Intentions or that he was â—epulst by Hotham at his coming thither For which good Service as Hotham was highly magnified for the present so he had his Wages not long after For being suspected to hold intelligence with the Marquess of Newcastle he was knockt down on that very place on which he stood when he refused the King admittance into the Town sent Prisoner unto London together with his eldest Son and there both beheaded the Son confessing that he had deserv'd that untimely death for his Disloyalty to the King the Father whining out his good affections to the Parliament and still expecting that reprieve which was never intended Fol. 512. All which that is to say the Kings going to Hull being by the King a high breach of Priviledge and violation of Parliaâ—ent they think fit to clear by voting it and Hotham justifâ—ea and send a Committee of Lords and Commons to reside there for the better securing Hull and him April 28. The breach of priviledge objected was the Kings endeavor to possess himself of the Town of Hull his own Town and to get into his hands a Magazine of Arms and Ammunition which he had bought with his own money To hinder which and to justifie Hotham the Lord Fairfax Sir Philip Stapleton Sir Henry Cholmnâ—y and Sir Hugh Cholmnly were sent by the House of Commons as a standing Committee to reside at York And had they come thither on no other business then what was openly pretended it had been such an extent of Priviledge making the House of Commons as wide as the Kingdom as never was challenged before But they were sent on another errand that is to say to be as Spies on all the Kings Actions to undermine all his Proceedings and to insinuate into the people that all their hopes of Peace
a Consideration of the straits he was driven unto by the King which he might easily have prevented by keeping himself in the more open Country of Devonshire where he might have had Elbow room enough on both sides and a Countrey rich enough to furnish him with all sorts of Provisions His Army was every way equal to the Kings if not superior he drawing after him no fewer then 50 Brass Pieces of Ordâ—ances and 700 Carriages and it appears by the number of Arms delivered up by Composition amounting to 8000 in all that his Foot could not consist of less then ten or twelve thousand And for his Horse no fewer then 2500 made a clear escape So that he might have kept the Field and put the King to it in a Battle if there had not been somewhat more in it then our Author speaks of It was therefore thought by some knowing men which understood the state of Affairs that knowing his Horse were gone off without any danger and that his Foot might save themselves by a Composition he was willing to keep the Seas even as before was intimated For partly being discourag'd from pursuing the War by his first success at Edge-Hill and partly coming to know more of the Intentions of such as managed the design then had been first imparted to him he begâ—n to grow more cold in carrying things on unto the utmost then befoâ—e he was Upon which ground as he had neglected the opportunity of marching directly towards Oxford when he had removed the Kings Forces out of Reading so on the defeat of Waller at Lands-Down he writ unto the Houses to send Petitions to the King for Peace as appears by this History fol. 625. For which coldness of his so plainly manifested it was not onely moved by Vassal in the House of Commons that he should lay down his Command but many jeers were put upon him and some infamous Pictures made of him to his great dishonor Considering therefore that on the defeat of Prince Rupert at Marston-Moor all the North parts were like to be regain'd to the Houses of Parliament he was willing to let the King remain as absolute in the West as they were like to be in the North which since he could not do with Honor by hearkning to the Kings fair proffer seconded by a Letter from all the chief Officers of his Army he cast himself into such necessities as might give him some colour to shift for himself and leave his Foot to some Agreement with the King No way but this as he conceiv'd to bring the leading Members of both Houses unto such a Temper as might induce them to meet the King half way in the Road to peace and if this could not do it the coming on of Winter might perhaps cool them into some conditions which the King might be as willing to hearken to as they to offer This I remember to be the summe of such Discourses as were made at that time in and about the Court by men of the best knowledge and understanding in the state of businesses but whether they hit upon the right string or not I am not able to affirm This I am able to affâ—rm that cur Authour is mistaken in telling us that the Earl of Essex did quit his glorious Command upon this occasion For afterwards we finde him in his glorious Command at the fight near Newbery and he continued in it till the Spring next following when by the Ordinance of Self-deniall and the new modelling of the Army under the Command of Sir Thomâ—s Fairfax he was quitted of it All that he did at this time was to qâ—it his Army for which the Houses of Parliament cried quits with him as before is said Fol. 714. The King regains Monmouth and returns to Oxford the 23 of November That Monmouth was regained for the King is undoubtedly true but that it was regain'd by the King is undoubtedly false Our Author in some lines before had left him at Hungerford in the County of Berks and now he brings him thorow the ayr to the taking of Monmouth But the truth is that Monmouth having been betrayed to Massey then Governor of Glocester by Major Kyrl a Garrison of 600 Soldiers was put into it who having a Design to surprize Chepstow left the Town so naked that the Lord Charls Somerset one of the yonger Sons of the Marquess of Worcester taking with him 150 Horse from Ragland-Castle and assisted by some Foot from the Neighboring Garrisons which held for the King fell on the Town on Tuesday morning the 19 of November Anno 1644. and makes himself master of the place before our brave Adventurers at Chepstow heard any thing of it Fol. 719. Next Morning July 2. the Prince advances after them resolving to give them Battle by Noon c. The Battle hear meant is that of Marston-Moor near York between Prince Rupert for the King the Earls of Manchester and Leven better known by the name of Colonel Lesly and the Lord Ferdinando Fairfax commanding over their several Forces fot the Houses of Parliament Concerning which our Author tells us That at first Prince Rupert got the Ground that those in the main Battle were so hard put to it that they â—ell on the Reserve of Scots which were behinde them that the right Wing of the Enemies Horse being as hard put to it by the Princes left Wing committed the like Disorder on the Lord Fairfax his Foot and the Scotch Reserves and were pursued very fiercely by their Conquerors and finally that no Horse being sent to make good the Ground which those who followed the Chace had left the broken Army of the Enemy rallied again and got the better of the day But the Gentlemen of York 〈◊〉 who liv'd nâ—ar the place tell us more then this viz. That Prince Rupâ—rt had not onely got ground at the first and 〈◊〉 the right Wing of the Enemies Horse but so disordered the main Battle that he postest himself of the Canon the three Generals retâ—â—â—ing out of the field with more haste then Honor. And so the News came flying to Oxford reported in divers places by such of the â—nemies Soldiers as had fled out of the field and at Oxford it was entertained with Bells and Bone-â—â—res and the shooting off of all the Ordnance about the Town But Prince Rupert better knowing how to get then pursue Advantages and his â—oldiers busie upon Pillage gave opportunity to Colonel Cromwel who commanded the Earl of Manchesters Horse and who onely had made a fair retreat in the heat of the fight to put new life into the Battle and having put the broken Foot into some good order first gave a check unto the Prince and after pressing hard upon him tuâ—n'd the whole fortune of the Day For which good service Cromwel is cryed up by his party to beâ— the Saviour of three Kingdoms of which the Scots who had done very well that Day and bore the greatest part
have read that he called in any of the Scyâ—hick Nations to assist him against the Saracens so there was no reason why he should The Saracens in his time had neither extended their Conquests nor wasted his Empire so far Northwards as to necessitate him to invite any such Rake-Hâ—ll Rabble of Scythâ—ans to oppose their proceedings By doing whereof he must needs expose as great a part of his Dominioâ—s to the spoil of the Scythians as had been wasted and in part conquered by the Saracens I read indeed That Cosâ—oâ—s one of the Kings of Persia the better to annoy Herâ—â—lius in those parts of the Empire which were dearest to him hired a compounded Army of Sâ—laves Avares Gepidâ— and others neighboring near unto them to invade Thrace and lay siege unto Constantinople the Imperial Seat to curb whose Insolencies and restrain their further progress into the heart of that Countrey Heraclius hired another Army compounded of the like Scythick Nations which in those days passed under the common name of the Chasnari and it was very wisely done For by that means he did not onely waste those Barbarous Nations all of them being his very bad Neighbors in warring one against another but reserved his own Subjects for some other occasions And as it was done wisely so was it done as lawfully also there being no Law of God or Man which prohibits Princes when they are either invaded by a foreign Enemy or overlaid by their own Subjects to have recourse to such helps as are nearest to them or most like to give them their Assistance Which point our Author prosecutes to a very good purpose though he mistake himselfe in the instance before laid down The Irish were then upon the point of calling the French unto their aid under pretence that their own King was not able to protect them against the Forces of those men who had conâ—iscated their Estates and were resolved upon their final extermination And had the King upon the first rising of the Scots poured in an Army of the Danes to waste their Countrey and fall upon them at their backs as Heraclius poured in the Câ—snari upon the Selaves Avares and the rest of that Rabble he had done his work and he had done it with half the charge but with more security then the bare ostentation of bringing an English Army to the Borders of Scotland did amount unto Which as he might have done with less charges so I am sure he might have done it with far more security The Danes being Lutherans fear nothing more then the grouth of the Calvinian party and therefore would have fought with the greater Zeal and the fiercer Courage on the very merit of the cause And having no confederacies or correspondencies with the Scots in order to Liberty or Religion as the Scots had with too many of the people of England the King might have relied upon them with a greater confidence then he could do on a mixt Body of his own in which the Puritan party being more pragmatical might have distempered all the rest Such aids were offered him by his Uncle of Denmark when the two Houses had first armed his people against him But he refused them then for fear of justifying a Calumny which cunningly had been cast upon him of admitting Foreign Nations into the Kingdom to suppress the Liberties of the people and to change their Laws Afterwards when he sought for them then the could not have them the Houses no less cunning hiring the Swedes to pick a Quarrel with the Danes the better to divert that King from giving assistance to his Nephew in his greatest needs But the consideration of this mistake in my Author about the Scythians hath ingaged me further in this point then I meant to have been I go on again Fol. 1002. But the Members were not well at ease unlâ—sse some settlement were made for them by Orders and Ordinances c. â— Nor were they at ease till they had made the like settlement for some others beside themselves Some sequestred Divines conceiving that all things were agreed on between the King and the Army had unadvisedly put themselves into their Benefices and outed such of the Presbyterians as had been placed in them by the Committee for Plandered Ministers or the Committees in the Countrey And on the other side divers Land-holders in the Countrey conceiviâ—g that those Ministers who had been put into other mens livings could not sue in any Court of Law for the Tythes and Profits of those Churches for want of a Legall Title to them did then more resolutely then ever refuse to make payment of the same For remedy of which two mischiefs the Independent Members having setlâ—d themselves by Orders and Ordinances concur with the Presbyterian Members to settle their Brethren of the Clergy in a better condition then before And to that end they first obtained an Ordinance dated the 9. of August Anno 1647. in which it is declared That every Minister put or which shall be put into any Parsonage Rectory Vicarage or Ecclesiasticall Living by way of Sequestration or otherwise by both or either the Houses of Parliament or by any Committee or other person or persons by Authority of any Ordinance or Order of Parliament shall and may sâ—e for the Recovery of his Tythes Rents and other duties by vertue of the said Ordinance in as full and ample manner to all intents and purposes as any other Minister or other person whatsoever This being obtain'd to keep in awe the Landholders for the time to come they obtained another Ordinance dated the 23 of the same Moneth for keeping the poor sequestred Clergy in a far greater awe then the others were by which iâ— was Ordered and Ordained That all Sheriffs Mayors Bayliffs Justices of the Peace Deputy Lieutenants and Committees of Parliament in the several Counties Cities and places within this Kingdom do forthwith apprehend or cause to be apprehended all such Minister as by authority of Parliament have been put out of any Church or Chappell within this Kingdom or any other person or persons who have entred upon any such Church or Chappell or gained the possession of such Parsonage Houses â—ithes and profits thereunto belonging or have obstructed the payment of Tithes and other profits due by the Parishioners to the said Ministers there placed by Authority of Parliament or Sequestrators appointed where no Ministers are setled to receive the same and all such persons as have been Aiders Abettors or Assisters in the Premises and commit them to prison there to remain until such satisfaction be made unto the severall Ministers placed by the said Authority of Parliament for his or their damages sustained as to the said Sheriffs Mayors c. shall appear to be just c. So little got the Sequestred Clergy by their Petition and Addresse to Sir Thomas Faâ—rfâ—x that their condition was made worse by it then it was before in that the Acts of the Committees
Monroe an old experienced Commander with his three thousand old and experienced Scots train'd up for five or six years then last past in the Wars of Ireland By whose assistance it is possible enough that he might not have lost his first Battle not long after his Head which was took from him on the same day with the Earl of Hollands But God owed him and that Nation both shame and punishment for all their â—reacheries and Rebellions against their King and now he doth begin to pay them continuing payment after payment till they had lost the Command of their own Countrey and being reduced unto the form of a Province under the Commonwealth of England live in as great a Vassalage under their new Masters as a conquered Nation could expect or be subject to Fol. 1078. This while the Prince was put aboard the revolted Ships c. and with him his Brother the Duke of York c. the Earls of Brentford and Ruthen the Lord Cuâ—pepper c. In the recital of which names we finde two Earls that is to say the Earls of Brentford and Ruthen which are not to be found in any Records amongst our Heralds in either Kingdom Had he said General Ruthen Earl of Brentford he had hit it right And that both he and his Reader also may the better understand the Risings and Honors of this Man I shall sum them thus Having served some time in the Wars of Gustavus Adolphus King of Sweden he was Knighted by him in his Camp before Darsaw a Town of Pomerella commonly counted part of Prussia and belonging to the King of Poland Anno 1627. at what time the said King received the Order of the Garter with which he was invested by Mr. Peter Yong one of his Majesties Gentlemen Huishers and Mr. Henry St. George one of the Heralds at Arms whom he also Kinghted In the long course of the German Wars this Colonel Sir Patrick Ruthen obtain'd such a Command as gave him the title of a General and by that title he attended in a gallant Equipage on the Earl of Morton then riding in great pomp towards Windsor to be installed Knight of the Garter At the first breaking out of the Scots Rebellion he was made a Baron of that Kingdom and Governor of the Castle of Edinburgh which he defended very bravely till the Springs which fed his Well were broken and diverted by continual Batteries Not long ater he was made Earl of Forth and on the death of the Earl of Lindsey was made Lord General of his Majesties Army and finally created Earl of Brentford by Letters Patents dated the 27 of May Anno 1644. with reference to the good Service which he had done in that Town for the fiâ—st hanselling of his Office So then we have an Earl of Brentford but no Earl of Ruthen either as joyn'd in the same Person or distinct in two Not much unlike is that which follows Ibid. His Commissions to his Commanders were thus stiled Charls Prince of great Britain Duke of Cornwal and Albany Here have we two distinct Titles conferred upon one Person in which I do very much suspect our Authors Intelligence For though the Prince might Legally stile himself Duke of Cornwal yet I cannot easily believe that he took upon himself the Title of Duke of Albany He was Duke of Cornwal from his Birth as all the eldest Sons of the Kings of England have also been since the Reign of King Edward the third who on the death of his Uncle Iohn of Eltham E. of Cornwal invested his eldest Son Edw. the Black Prince into the Dukedom of Cornwal by a Coronet on his head a ring on his finger and a silver Verge in his hand Since which time as our learned Camden hath observed the King of Englands eldest Son is reputed Duke of Cornwal by Birth and by vertue of a special Act the first day of his Nativity is presumed and taken to be of full and perfect age so that on that day he may sue for his Livery of the said Dukedom and ought by right to obtain the same as well as if he had been one and twenty years old And he hath his Royalties in certain Actions and Stannery Matters in Wracks at Sea Customs c. yea and Divers Officers or Ministers assigned unto him for these or such like matters And as for the Title of Duke of albany King Charls as the second Son of Scotland receiv'd it from King Iames his Father and therefore was not like to give it from his second Son the eldest Son of Scotland being Duke of Rothsay from his Birth but none of them Dukes of Albany for ought ever I could understand either by Birth or by Creation Fol. 1094. And so the dignity of Arch-Bishops to fall Episcopal Iurisdiction also Our Author concludes this from the general words of the Kings Answer related to in the words foregoing viz. That whatsoever in Episcopacy did appear not to have clearly proceeded from Divine Institution he gives way to be totally abolished But granting that the Dignity of Arch-Bishops was to fall by this Concession yet the same cannot be affirmed of the Episcopal Iurisdiction which hath as good Authority in the holy Scripture as the calling it self For it appears by holy Scripture that unto Timothy the first Bishop of Ephâ—sus St. Paul committed the power of Ordination where he requires him to lay hands hastily on no man 1 Tim. 5 22 And unto Titus the first Bishop of Crete the like Authority for ordaining Presbyters or Elders as our English reads it in every City Tit. 1. v. 5. Next he commands them to take care for the ordering of Gods publick Service viz. That Supplications Prayers Intercessions and giving of Thanks be made for all men 1 Tim. 2. 1. which words relate not to the private Devotions of particular persons but to the Divine Service of the Church as it is affirmed not onely by St Chrysostom Theophylact and Oâ—cumenius amongst the Ancients and by Estius for the Church of Rome but also by Calvin for the Protestant or Reformed Churches Next he requires them to take care that such as painfully labor in the Word and Doctrine receive the honor or recompence which is due unto them 1 Tim. 5. 17. as also to censure and put to silence all such Presbyters as preached any strange Doctrine contrary unto that which they had received from the Apostles 1 Tim 1. 3. And if that failed of the effect and that from Preaching Heterodoxies or strange Doctrines they went on to Heresies then to proceed to Admonition and from thence if no amendment followed to a rejection from his place and deprivation from his Function 1 Tit. 3. 10. as both the Fathers and late Writers understand the Text. Finally for correction in point of Manners as well in the Presbyter as the people St. Paul commits it wholly to the care of his Bishop where he adviseth Timothy not to receive an Accusâ—ation against
of the brunt did afterwards very much complain in a Pamphlet of theirs which they call 〈◊〉 Manâ—â—est How faintly General King carried himself in this Battle hath been shewn already and what became afterwards of Prince Rupert how he squandered away his great Body of Horse the surrendry of York and what eâ—â—e happened in that Country after this Fight is referred to our Author I onely adde that I have heard from some Gentlemen of that County who had command to buâ—y the dead that they found no fewer then the Bodies of Eight thousand Men wâ—â—ch had been killed in that Fight the greatâ—st number which were slain in any one Battle in 〈…〉 Fol. 802. To Blackington House where Colonel Windebank kept a Garrison for the King But by his leave Windebank never kept a Garrison at Blechington not Blackington House but onely was commanded to remain there with a party of Horse and a few Foot-Souldiers the better to keep open the Markets till Woodstock House was fortified and made fit to be garrison'd So far was Blechington House from being held like a Garison that it had not so much about it as a wooden Pale And when Major Windebank the second Son of Sir Francis Windebank had cut down two Trees to make Pallisadoes for defence of the place upon complaint made by the Lady Coghil to Col. William Legg then Governour of Oxford he was commanded to restore them Which notwithstanding he was called before a Court of War for giving up an undeâ—enced place which was impossible to be made good and partly by the eager pursuit of Col. Legg whose Contributions were diminished by Windebanks quartering in that House and some back friend which he and his Father had at Court he was condemned to be shot to death his Fathers Services and Sufferings being qâ—ite forgotten which death he suffered on Saturday the 1. of May with much Christian courage Fol. 719. And having leave to go to the King they cause him c. But the King knew their mindes not to engage for him and so they returned It may be collected from these words that this message was a matter of Lipâ— businesse only the Embassadors not having instructions to engage their Superiours for him nor the King any opinion of the reality of their intentions toward him But in the processe of the businesse we shall finde it otherwise For first Our Authour tels us that they were both 〈◊〉 Kâ—ights and Barons by the King fol. 804. Not both made Knights and Baroâ—s I am sure of that but the one of them a Baron and the other a Knight Baronet that is to say Iohn de Remsworth of Uâ—recht desâ—â—â—ded from the Noble Family De Rede in Cleveland created 〈…〉 by Letters Patents bearing date the 24. of March Anno 1644. and William de Boreel created Baronet on the 22. of March in the same year And secondly This appears more plainly by a Letter of Complaint sent from our New States in England to the old States of Holland In which they tell them how their Ministers had abused their Trust to their prejudice shewing themselves rather interessed persons then publick Agents noâ— satisfied to reproach them to their faces but to glory in it Certainly neâ—ther had the King conferred those Honours on the Embassadours nor the Houses complain'd so much against them if they had been sent hither to no other end but to settle Trade and to see how the Game went which our Authour makes the only reason of their coming And thoâ—gh the King obtained not such helps from the â—tates of the Netherlands as their Embassadours had engaged for yet so much he effected by their mediation that the Houses had not such Assistances from those parts as they had before a matter of no small advantage to the Kings affairs Fol. 806. Whilest Rupert and Maurice with the Horsâ—e and some seâ—ect Foot fetcht off the King from Oxford By which words the Reader cannot but conclude that Oxford was in no small danger and the Kings person in as much which must necessâ—tate the two Princes with all their Horse and a select number of Foot to fetch him off But at that time there was no Enemy near the one nor any danger appearing toward the other The King was at that time in a gallant Condition and had drawn his Souldiers out of their Winter Garisons ready to march into the field attending only till the other part of his Army which was employed about Glocestershire was in readinesse also News whereof beiâ—g brought unto him he went out of Oxford accompanied by the saâ—d two Princes in a more glorious and magnificent manner then ever foâ—merly The precise time wheâ—e of being noted by George Wherton a profesâ—ed Asâ—â—ologer he erected a Scheme according to the Rules of Art And finding the Houses well disposed and the Aspects of the Planets and Constellations to be very favourable he prognosticated that this expedition should prove very fortunate to the King his Successes glorious and his return to Oxford as magnificent as hâ— going out Which being published in Print and disproved by the sad events which followed gave great occasion unto Lilly Culpepper and others of that faculty to deride him for it Men every way as faulty in that kinde themselves as he had been unfortunate in his predictions Witnesse those terrible presagings which they gave us of the Ecclipse happening in the end of March 1652. to the great terrour of of poor people but without any visible effects But above all things witnesse that Observation of M. Culpepper in the end of his Dotages on the Moneths of February foregoing in which he signifieth that if the Emperour died that moneth we must remember who told us of it But for all his great insight into the Stars the Emperor neither died that moneth nor in six years after Thus Augur ridet Augurem as the Proverb is the people in the mean time being deceived and abused by both whilest they make sport with one another Glocester Association in much want received three hundred and fourty Auxiliâ—ries from the Grand Garison Newport pannell oâ—t of Buckinghamshire No such grand Garison neither as to be worthy of that name A Garison had been formed there for the King at the request of Sir Lewis Dives the better to secure his Rents and Tenants in Bedfordshire But bâ—ing found to be too far off to receive Relief if any distresse should fall upon it the Ordnance and Souldiers were removed to â—owcester seven miles from Northampton to restrain the â—nsolencies of that Garison but at the opening of the Sâ—â—rng brought back to Oxford and mingled with the rest of the Army On which deserting of Newport-Pagnell by the Kings Kings Souldiers â— Garison was put into it for the Houses of Parliament till the Kings Souldiers were removed to Towcester to counter-ballance which this Garison had been made at Newport of which there being then no longer use and Glocester standing in need of supply the