when they were sent as spies to search the land it was one of the Cities of refuge which belonged vnto the Leuites but it was most of all honoured because the famous Patriarks Abraham Isaac and Iacob were there buried to whom the promises concerning the land of Canâ—an were made and to Iacob especially concerning the kingdome to be established in Iudah it waâ— therefore very fit that in that place David should be initiated king Mar. 2. Though Ziklag also belonged vnto Iudah yet Dauid thought that to be an vnfit place both because it was in the vtmost borders of Iudah and he held it now by the gift and graunt of the King of the Philistims therefore he desireth to remooue to some other Citie of Iudah more inward in the countrie Pellic. 3. He taketh with him his two wiues that as they had beene his companions in his troubles so they should partake with him in his happie estate Bor. herein Dauid also was a type of Christ who maketh them partakers of his glorie with him which did follow him in his afflictions as he saith to his Apostles Yee are they which haue continued with mee in my tentations therefore I appoint vnto you a kingdome as my Father hath appointed vnto mee Luk. 22.28.29 3. Qâ—est vers 4. Why Dauid is againe annointed King 1. This was done both for Dauids further confirmation that by this second annointing he might be strengthened in the vndoubted expectation of the kingdome for such is our weakenesse that it needeth to be continually supported Osiand 2. This also was an other reason thereof that as by the first annointing by Samuel Gods electing of Dauid was made manifest so by this second anointing by the men of Iudah their consent and approbation might be had Borr. 3. Herein also Dauid was a type of Christ whose spirituall anointing to be our Messiah was often testified and declared vnto the Church for our further confirmation as by the predictions of the old Prophets by the pointing out of Iohn by Gods own voice from heauen by diuerse signes and miracles Mar. 4. Quest. vers 4. Whether the men of Iudah were authors of Schisme in diuiding themselues from Israel 1. Though they are said to be the men of Iudah yet there ioyned with them diuerse out of the other tribes of Israel which vnderstood that it was the will of God that Dauid should be King as appeareth 1. Chron. 12. to v. 22. yet are they called the men of Iudah because the most and the chiefe were of that tribe Mar. 2. Though the tribe of Iudah apart from other tribes annointed Dauid King yet they therein as dissenting from all Israel beside did not make any rent or schisme for they were warranted herein Controv. Genâ—rall CouÌ„cills in matters of religion not alwaies to be staied for both in generall by the promise of God made concerning the preeminence of that tribe and in particular by the manifest declaration of Gods will touching the election of Dauid to be king 3. By this the Church of God learneth that when they haue a manifest warrant out of Gods word and so are certaine of Gods will they are not to stay or expect the calling together of synods or councells but incontinently to reforme religion and embrace the truth Mar. 5. Quest. vers 5. Of Dauids kind message to the men of Iabesh Gilead 1. Some thinke that this fact of the men of Iabesh Gilead was discommended vnto Dauid as beeing too much addicted vnto his professed enemie Mar. but it seemeth rather that Dauid made enquirie after the bodies of Saul and his sonnes to haue bestowed vpon them honourable buriall and by that occasion hee vnderstood of this thankefull seruice which the men of Iabesh Gilead had done Iun. 2. Dauid in commending this dutifull regard in them of Saul sheweth himselfe farre vnlike to the examples of those heathen Captaines and commanders Sylla Marius Antonius Octavius who sought reuenge vpon those who had taken part against them Mar. 3. Dauid wisheth that God would shew againe mercie and truth vnto them Gods mercie and goodnesse is seen in promising reward vnto our faithfull seruice and his truth and fidelitie in performing there is then no desert at Gods hands but he crowneth and rewardeth in mercie the faithfulnesse of his seruants Borr. 4. Dauid also promiseth for his part to recompence their kindnesse shewed toward their Master Controv. We deserue not at Gods hand at mans we may then this their louing affection toward their King deserued a reward at mans hand and Dauid succeeding in the kingdome tooke it to belong vnto him to see such good subiects recompenced At Gods hand they deserued not but at mans hand a good turne or blessing may deserue Thus Dauid doth beginne his kingdome with princely munificence and liberalitie which winneth the hearts of subiects who as they are in Gods stead here in earth so herein they doe represent and imitate that great King in mercie and bountie Borr. 5. Thus Dauid sheweth himselfe a patterne of a good King who is appointed as for the punishment of the wicked so for the praise and reward of weldoers as before he put to death the Amalekite for confessing he had killed Saul so now hee promiseth reward to the Iabeshites for their kindnesse toward him Osiand 6. Quest. vers 8. Of Abners making of Ishbosheth King 1. Abner offended three waies in making Ishbosheth King 1. Because he did it of an ambitious mind he set vp one that was simple and of meane parts to beare the name of a King but Abner ruled all as Abner not Ishbosheth is said to haue made all his power for the house of Saul c. 3.6 And that Ishbosheth was but a meane man and of a cowardly nature appeareth for he went not to battle with Saul as beeing vnfit and vnapt thereunto wherein his age can yeild him no excuse he beeing now 40. yeares old Borr. 2. Abner did herein against his conscience beeing not ignorant that God had appointed Dauid to be King as he himselfe confesseth c. 3.18 3. A third fault of his was that hee maketh Ishbosheth King whereas Mephiboseth the sonne of Ionathan the eldest sonne of Saul was now liuing Mart. 7. Quest. Why Abner brought Ishbosheth to Mahanaim 1. Some translate this word appellatiuely for the Host or Campe as L.S.A.P. but it is rather the name of a place on the other side of Iordan so first called by Iacob because there he met the Lords host Gen. 32. so C. Vat. Iun. 2. The cause why he fled with Ishbosheth to Mahanaim was as Iosephus thinketh that he might be safe from the Philistims whose countrie was on this side of Iordan bordering vpon the Sea but beside this two other reasons may be yeelded thereof because Abner suspected least the men of Iabesh Gilead whom Dauid had entreated so kindly should fall away from Ishbosheth and therefore he thought it the best course that the king should reside there to
these words v. 14. If he sinne I will chasten him with the rodde of men which some notwithstanding would thus apply vnto Christ he is said to sinne because our iniquities were laid vpon him tanquam ipse iniquè ègisset as though he had done euill himselfe Osiand or because whatsoeuer is in the members videri possunt aliquo modo pertinere ad caput may seeme to belong to the head Mart. And Salomon they say was not thus chastised because he had a flourishing kingdome Contra. 1. Though Christ bare our sinnes and tooke vpon him our transgressions and paid the punishment thereof euen as his righteâ—usnesse is imputed to vs yet the action of sinne which is personall can no wayes be imputed vnto Christ as to say he in any sense sinned Borrh. 2. The beginning and former part in deede of Salomons kingdome was glorious and prosperous but the Lord raised him vp enemies in the end of his dayes so that he was chastised then with the roddes of men as Hadad the Edomite and Râ—zan and Ieroboam 1. King 12. 3. And that these words are literally and historically vnderstood of the children of God and not of the blessed Messiah is euident Psal. 89.31 If they breake my statutâ—s and keepe not my commaundements c. then will I visit their transgression with the rodde c. yet my louing kindnesse will I not take from him 12. Quest. v. 33. How Christs kingdome is said to be for euer But the Apostle saith that Christ shall deliuer vp the kingdome vnto his father when he hath put downe all rule how then is Christs kingdome said to be for euer 1. This must be vnderstood of the oeconomicall kingdome of Christ which is committed vnto him as the Messiah as in subduing the enemies of his Church in making intercession for his seruants and in perfitting his members this kingdome hee shall in this behalfe resigne vnto God for when his mysticall bodie is perfected and there are no enemies lest to be subdued and conquered there shall be no longer any vse of that kingdome Iun. 2. Like as teâ—rene kings â—re appointed to punish euill doers and to keepe the people in order but when there shall be no more â—uill nor disorder as in the kingdome of God there shall be no more vse of any such kings So the kingdome of Christ in respect of such administâ—aâ—ion shall cease quoad effectum fructum regnandi non habet finem but in regard of the effect and fâ—ult of his kingdome it shall haue no ende Mart. 3. Christ then as he is God shall raigne for euer with his father and his humane nature shall for euer possesse that glorie and maiestie which by vertue of that blessed vnion belongâ—th 〈◊〉 it but that execution and administration of his Mediatorship in perfitting his members and confounding his enemies shall cease 13. Quest. v. 17. According to all these words spake Nathan why Nathan was sâ—nt to Dauid hâ— himselfe beeing a Prophet and of Nathans faithfulnesse 1. Though Dauid himselfe were a great Prophet and had receiued most cleare revelations from God touching the Messiah yet it pleased God to direct him in a matter of lesse moment concerning the building of the materiall Temple by another Prophet which the Lord doth to this ende to shewe what coniunction the Lord would haue betweene the members of his Church and a mutuall vse and communication of their gifts as S. Paul at large sheweth by that similitude of the members of the body how one ministreth to the necessitie of an other 1. Cor. 12. 2. And Nathan herein sheweth his faithfulnesse and humilitie that though he had otherwise aduised Dauid before yet now hauing receiued other direction from God he reuerseth his former sentence the like did Esaias the Prophet who hauing first told Hezekiah that he must die yet beeing so commanded of God brought him presently a contrarie message that the Lord had prolonged his dayes 15. yeares But Ionas was much grieued and had rather die then that his threats against Niniueh should not haue taken place 3. Dauids prudencie also is here commended who as many carnall men would haue beene readie to obiect doth not charge the Prophet with mutabilitie and inconstancie in saying and vnsaying But knowing that this alteration came of God hee doth as willingly heare him now as he did before Mart. 14. Quest. v. 18. How Dauid is said to haue sit before the Lord. 1. Some do so vnderstand it as though Dauid did sit downe and rest himselfe before the Arke which they would haue a type of Christs sitting at the right hand of God Borr. The like vse they had in time past not to bow the knee bâ—tweene the Pasch and Pentecost to signifie that Christ was ascended into heauen Mar. but this was somewhat curious 2. Some thinke that this gesture betokened a quiet minde in Dauid and prepared for attention for sometime the prostrating or standing of the bodie doth disturbe the minde Mart. 3. Vatablus thinketh that this was the priuiledge of Kings that they might pray before the Lord sitting 4. Pellican noteth that the gesture of the bodie in prayer is indifferent sometime Dauid praysed God dauncing sometime lying in his bed sometime kneeling there by shewing that it is the spirit which prayeth God regardeth not the position and site of the bodie 5. But the best sense here is that Dauid did sit that is remaine before God Geneuens Iun. Osiand for he continued a long time in this his prayer in the Tabernacle before the Arke for concerning the gesture of his bodie Iosephus thinketh he fell downe flatte before the Arke 15. Quest. v. 19. Of the meaning of these words This is the Lawe of man Lord God 1. Some vnderstand it thus this is the lawe of man that is this is the cheife happinesse of man in this life and the cheife scope that euerie one aimeth at to liue in prosperous state himselfe and to prouide also for his posteritie for Dauid had said immediately before thou hast spoken of thy seruants house for a great â—hile Bor. But Dauid did not rest in these temporall blessings he looked further 2. Chimhi by law vnderstandeth condition or disposition as if hee should haue said this is the condition of great men in this world to haue their honour and prosperitie setled in their posteritie and so he expoundeth it by that place 1. Chron. 17.17 Thou hast regarded me according to the state of an excellent man or of high desire so also Vatab. But as is shewed before Dauid looked higher then vnto these temporall and terrene blessings 3. R. Salom. readeth it with an interrogation is this the lawe and condition of man that thou shouldest so much respect them so also read B.G. doth this appertaine to man and they make this the sense this commeth of thy free mercie not of any worthinesse in man Genevens 4. Pellican also readeth it with an interrogation expounding it thus non hoc
kept the kings person Mart. Paul Burgens 2. Some giue an other deriuation of carath which signifieth to strike a couenant and pala excellent so called because they were worthie and excellent men 3. Chimhi expoundeth these names by Vrim and Thummim they were men of knowledge and integritie and as some thinke Dauids counsell but then Benaias being a man of warre should not haue beene set ouer them 4. Some thinke that these were strangers of other countries as the Cerethites were Philistims and that the King vsed them to guard his person as now the Switzers and Heluetians and Scots are in other countries appointed for the Kings guard Sa. But it is not like that Dauid would haue strange people beeing infidels and idolaters so neere his person Mart. 5. Vatablus readeth here Creti Pleti the Cretians and Pletians but he sheweth not what people or of what nation they were In the Apostles time we reade of Creetes that were at Ierusalem Act. 2.11 for then the Cretians were famous But in Dauids time they were not much regarded 6. Wherefore these Cerethites and Pelethites were proper names and it seemeth they were garrison souldiers the Cherethites which inhabited Chereth among the Philistims after Dauid had vanquished them for the Cherethites were counted among the Philistims 1. Sam. 30.14 Iâ—â—k 25.16 and the Pelethites were also garrison souldiers among the Iaphlethites whereof mention is made Iosh. 16.2 Iun. and the Chalde paraphrast also commeth neere this interpretation taking the Cherethites for archers and the Pelethites for slingers they were not then alwaies attending vpon the court but garrison souldiers employed in defense of the land and giuing their attendance by their course vpon the king as may be gathered c. 15.18 14. Quest. v. 18. Whether the sonnes of Dauid were Priests 1. The Hebrewe word cohamin the Latine interpreter translateth sacrerdotes Priests so also Montanus but it is not like that Dauids sonnes beeing of the tribe of Iudah tooke vpon them the Peiesthood which onely belonged vnto Leui the kingdome was inuested in Iudah and the priesthood in Leui they which attempted to confound these offices prospered not Vzziah the King was stricken with leprosie because he would haue burned incense which onely belonged to the Priests And the Macchabes beeing Leuites for vsurping vpon the kingdome procured much woe vnto themselues and to all the nation 2. Some thinke that they were discipuli sacerdotum schollers of the Priests and brought vp vnder them and therefore are called Priests as the schooles of the Prophets were called Prophets ex Pellic. but the Schooles of the Prophets afterward became Prophets as Elisha after Elias but these neuer were Priests 3. Wherefore they are better taken to haue beene Princes or cheife rulers as read P.V. Chald. B.G. for cohen sighifieth a cheife or principall man in bearing any publike office sacred or ciuill Borrh. and so they are called rishonim head or cheife men about Dauid 1. Chron. 18.17 4. But this aduancing of his sonnes so soone turned afterward to Dauids hurt for Absolom by this meanes aspired to the kingdome and Adoniah practised against Salomon yet Dauid did herein the part of a prudent Prince to acquaint his children with the affaires of estate Mart. 5. Here are now reckoned vp the cheife officers about Dauid both of the Ciuill and Ecclesiasticall state shewing that a kingdome cannot consist without good officers and gouernours of both kinds Borrh. CHAP. 9. 1. Quest. v. 1. Of Dauids kindnesse in remembring Ionathans posteritie 1. DAuid here sheweth himselfe both a good Prince and a good man the one in the administration of iustice mentioned c. 8.15 the other here in performing the couenant and promise made to Ionathan one may be a good man and yet not a good Prince for euerie one hath not the gift of gouernement but it is not possible for one to be a good Prince but he must also be a good man for hee that is euill in himselfe cannot be good to others as S. Paul He that cannot rule his owne house how shall he take care for the Church of God 1. Tim. 3.5 he which is not good to his owne at home can not shew his goodnesse abroad to others Mart. 2. Dauid before this time beeing busied in setling his kingdome at home and subduing his enemies abroad had no leisure or opportunitie to thinke of these priuate affaires But now beeing confirmed in his kingdome he calleth to mind the benefits which he had formerly receiued to recompence them not like vnto many in these dayes which when they are come to honour forget their olde friends as Pharaohs butler did not remember Ioseph of a long time Osiand 3. Now Dauid beginneth to bethinke himselfe of the great kindnesse which â—onathan had shewed him in his life time and of the league and couenant which he had made with him 1. Sam. 20.16 Dauid also sware vnto Saul to bee good vnto his posteritie 1. Sam. 24.22 But because Saul had falsified his faith and oath to Dauid diuerse times but Ionathan hee had founâ— most trustie and faithfull therefore he saith That I may shewe him mercie for Ionathâ—nâ— sâ—ke rather then for Saul Martyr 2. Quest. v. 2. Of Ziba who is said to be a seruant of the houshold of Saul 1. This Ziba is held to be a Canaanite because the Hebrewes could but serue seauen yeares vnlesse they would themselues for then they had their eares boared thorough if they were vnwilling to leaue their masters seâ—uice and then they serued till the 50. yeare But this Ziba had beene a seruant vnto Saul and he is still a seruanr vnto that family at this time which was seauen yeares after Sauls death Mart. Pellican 2. But he was a seruant of better sort and condition then ordinary he had also 20. seruants vnder him v. 10. There were three degrees of seruants ordinarij vicarij mediastini the ordinarie seruants the seruants for supply and thâ— seruants alwaies at hand these last were put to the vilest and basest seruices the first had their ordinarie and certaine seruice set them as to waite in the chamber to be cators and prouiders to attend the husbandrie and such like and these might haue seruants vnder them who were seruants in respect of their masters and they were masters themselues ouer their seruants of this sort of seruants was Ziba the third sort of seruants which wâ—re called vicarij which serued for supply had no certaine place or office appointed them Martyr 3. Quest. v. 3. Why it is called the mercie of God 1. Borrhaius thinketh it is called the mercie of God because in shewing mercie we are like vnto God 2. Some doe so expound it such mercie as shall bee pleasing and acceptable vnto God Geneuens 3. Some by the mercie of God vnderstand great mercie as such things which are excellent are said to bee of God Vatab. Osiand 4. But Dauid in this speech rather hath reference to the league and couenant made
sufficiencie of the Scriptures Lib. 36. de civ dei c. 38. Answ. â— Augustine giueth this reason why some of those bookes are now lost because they did write some things tanquam homines historica diligentia as men by an historicall diligence other things tanquam Prophetae inspiratione diuina as Prophets by diuine inspiration he seemeâ—h to thinke that those bookes which are not now extant were no part of the canonicall Scripture but this exception may be made to this answer that many of our Sauiours sermons and sayings are also now wanting Ioh. 20.30 which all if they were now extant should as well be canonicall as those which are written 2. We say then that though it be graunted that those bookes were propheticall and consequently canonicall yet that parâ— of the Scriptures notwithstanding is sufficient which remaineth for most of those bookes belonged vnto matter of historie rather then of doctrine and therefore the Lord thought them not to be so necessarie neither in them was contained any other forme of religion or rule of doctrine then is expâ—essed in the Scriptures which now we haue notwithstanding then the want of these bookeâ— the Scriptures are sufficient â—o make the man of God perfect to all good workes 2. Tim. 3.16 7. Quest. vers 19. Of Dauids Epitaph or funâ—rall song 1. It hath beene an auncient custom both among the heathen and the people of God to vse funerall orations in commendation of the dead Ieremias writ his lamentations ouer Ierusalem 〈◊〉 the destruction thereof and for the vntimely death of Iosias Hierome seemeth to haue beene much exercised in writing of Epitaphs This vse was taken vp among the Greekes to set forth the praises not onely of men but of women departed as the funerall oration of Aspasiâ— in Plato Suetonius writeth In Platon Menexen that Iulius Caesar did celebrate the publike commendations of his Grand-mother Iulia. Martyr 2. 〈◊〉 to vse funerall orations commendations and memorialls of the dead is not vnlawfull so that these rules be therein obserued 1. That it be done without adulation or flatterie that such be not commended and extolled for their vertues which were most vile and vicious men 2. That no partialitie be shewed in commending one before an other in setting forth the praise of a rich man or of a kinsman and not of a poore man or one not allyed they beeing all of like desert which is the greatest exception that can be taken to funerall sermons in mine opinion when as a man that hath ten shillings bequeathed him for a funerall sermon will commend such an one and an other of as good example of life wanteth that solemnitie 3. It must be done without superstition they must not imagine that the dead receiue any solace benefit or releefe by such funerall solemnities but such commendations and setting forth of the praise of the dead must altogether redound and be referred to the praise of God and to the vse exhortation and comfort of the liuing 4. It is then a fond collection of Bellarmine Lib. 1. de purgat cap. 3. that this was done ad invandas animas defunctorum to releeue the soules of the dead for 1. Saul died in despaire and so in the state of finall impenitencie and such in their owne doctrine are not to be prayed for 2. The ende of this song is expressed it was to be sung to teach them to shoote to stirre them vp to learne feats of warre vers 17. it was then for the benefit of the liuing not for the dead 3. Dauid tooke it to belong vnto him to make this lamentable epitaph vpon Saul and Ionathan both in respect of his alliance beeing Sauls sonne in lawe and Ionathan his deere friend as also because he was the successor in the kingdome and besides Dauid was the cheife and captaine of this companie to whom this newes was brought and he beeing indued with a propheticall spirit was exercised in making such heauenly songs Mar. 8. Quest. v. 20. How Dauid saith Tell it not in Gath seeing it was there knowne alreadie 1. Here the Imparatiue moode is taken for the Optatiue afâ—er the patheticall manner of those which mourne and expresse their griefe Bor. 2. There is a difference betweene the will and desire of man and his deliberation and election betweene wishing and choosing for a man may many times in his vâ—hement affection wish for such things which cannot be but his election is onely set vpon those thingâ— which are possible and likely to be obtained so that Dauid rather detesteth this which was alreadie done then forbiddeth it to be done Mar. 9. Quest. vers 21. Of the true reading thereof 1. In the first part of the verse the vsuall reading is or fields of offerings that is from henceforth beare ye no fâ—uiâ— whereof they should bring oblationâ— to the Lord the word tâ—rumah signifieth eleuations because they vsed to lift or heane-vp their offerings before the Lord the Sept. read agri 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the fieldâ— of first fruits but Iun. onely referreth it vnto the hills ô agri editi O yee high fields but the first interpretation better agreeth with the former words vpon you be neither dâ—â—e nor raine and the coniunction copulatiue in the latter reading is omitted vshedee and fields 2. In the latter part of the verse the common reading is the sheild of Saul was â—â—st downe as though he had not beene anointed with oyle V.P.B.G.S.L. Iunius interpreteth thus by the consumption or destruction of him that was anointed with oyle thâ— word is beli which both signifieth not and a consumption but the first reading is fâ—tteâ— according vnto the most vsuall signification of the word 3. Some referre the anointing to the sheild of Saul because they vsed to anoint their sheilds before battell Vatab. Sâ—pt but wiâ—h better sense is it applyed to Saul that he was ouerthrowne as any â—ther common souldier as though he had not beene the Lords anointed Mar. Osâ—anâ—â— 10. Quest. vers 21. Whether Dauids curse vpâ—n the mountaines of Gilboâ— tooke effect Vpon you be no dewe 1. Some thinke that this is onely a figurâ—tiue speech whereby the Prophet Dauid by a kind of Prosopopeia that is a faigning of â— person to expâ—esse his griefe imagineth as though the verie heauens and earth had a kind of sense and feeling of this calamitie the one withholding the dewe and raine the other the fruits and encrease thereof Borr. 2. Some other thinke that Dauid to shew the detestation of the very place where this slaughter was committed doth thus speake by way of wishing that the mountaines of Gilboa might be stricken with bâ—rrennesse Pellic. 3. Iunius thinketh that it is an hyperbolicall imprecation in cursing the place as Iob doth the time of his natiuitie Iob. 3. 4. Osiander saith it is a figuratiue speach 5. But I rather thinke that this is a propheticall curse and tooke effect accordingly and say with Pet. Mart. omnino voluit
retaine and continue their affections as also Mahanaim being in the Land of Bashan a fruitful and fertile countrie was in that behalfe verie fit to be the Kings Citie Mar. 3. That part of Israel is also described ouer the which Ishbosheth raigned Gilead is taken for all the countrie beyond Iordan a part beeing taken for the whole the countrie of Ashur was the furthest toward the North Iezrahel containeth the middle region of Ishachar Zebulun and Nephtali these with Ephraim and Beniamin did inhabit in al the breadth of the land between Iordan and the sea so in a manner it containeth a description of all Israel on each side of Iordan Iudah excepted Iun. 8. Quest. vers 11. Whether Ishbosheth raigned onely two yeares ouer Israel Whereas Ishbosheth is said to haue raigned two yeares ouer Israel and Dauid seauen yeares in Hebron before he obtained the kingdome ouer all Israel it seemeth that the kingdome of Israel lay vacant 5. yeares to reconcile these places and to remooue this doubt Reconcil 1. Some thinke that this interregnum or vacancie of the kingdome for fiue yeares followed immediately after Sauls death before Ishbosheth beganne to raigne Osiand But it is not like that they which tooke part with Dauid would suffer the house of Saul all that while to make a way for the kingdome and it seemeth by the order of the storie set downe v. 7.8 that as soone as Dauid had beene anoynted King by the men of Iudah Abner tooke Ishbosheth and made him King ouer Israel Iosephus also thinketh that this was done presently after Sauls death 2. Some thinke that these fiue yeares followed after Ishbosheths death Pellic. Borr. But this is more vnlike then the other that the Israelites hauing no head beeing well enclined to Dauid while Ishbosheth liued would withhold their consent from Dauid fiue yeares after his death 3. Therefore the best exposition is not that Ishbosheth raigned onely two yeares in all but that he had raigned two yeares vntill this time when Abner went out against Ioab as it followeth v. 12. R. Levi. Mart. Iun. As Saul is said to haue raigned two yeares ouer Israel 1. Sam. 13.1 not simply but after a sort as lawfull King he raigned no longer Quest. 9. v. 12. Why Dauid did not seeke by force of armes to recouer the kingdome 1. Dauid remembred the oath which he had made to Saul at that time when he had cut off the lap of his garment in the caue that he would not destroie the seed of Saul nor abolish his name 1. Sam. 24.22 and therefore he would not attempt any violence against Sauls house Mar. â— This skirmish was begunne by Abner who as Iosephus writeth was angrie with the tribe of Iudah for making Dauid King and therefore seeketh to be reuenged of them 3. Yet Dauid would not for his othes sake goe against his brethren himselfe but sendeth Ioab who also doth protract the time and deferreth to fight not for that he was the weaker but it is most like he did it by Dauids direction to shew how vnwilling he was to haue any warre with them Mar. Quest. 10. v. 14. Of Abners words to Ioab Let the young men arise and play before vs. 1. His meaning was that they should come forth and trie their valure one in hewing and cutting an other and so shew them a bloodie play Vatab. Iun. 2. This was like to the sword plaies among the Romanes Of the vnlawfulnesse of sword-playes when cruell spectacles were exhibited on each side in the shedding of humane blood as L. Florus maketh mention how Iunius Brutus did exhibite in the funerall of his father 22. couples of sword players which he intended to expiate the ghosts of the dead but it was rather to please the deuill This kind of sauage and beastly spectacles Theodosius the Emperour abhorred and would not behold them yea Demonax among the Athenians when the people coÌ„sulted about the shewing of these sword plaies said that they must first break down the altar of Mercie because such were so cruell and mercilesse sights 3. This kind of sword plaie and bloodie spectacle was farre worse then the monomachie or single cumbate when one to one did fight hand to hand for the victorie Mar. which was vnlawfull as hath beene shewed before in part vpon the 16. chap. of 1. of Samuel and now commeth further to be declared Quest. 11. v. 15. Of the setting forth twelue of Beniamin against twelue of Dauids seruants 1. It is simply vnlawfull to set one to one or a certaine number of men against the like number to trie it by dint of sword and shedding of blood as the Romans Albanes did put the triall of their gouernement vpon the aduenture of the three Horatij on the one side and the three Curiatij on the other 1. It is a tempting of God when as they put all vpon such an hazard there beeing other meanes beside for the triall of matters 2. They put their confidence in the arme of flesh trusting vnto their owne strength 3. Such cumbates are against charitie one seeking an others life 4. And against faith all such actions are hauing no warrant in the word 2. Diuerse causes may be pretended of such monomachies and single cumbates which are not yet sufficient to iustifie them or make them lawfull first they alleadge that when it can not otherwise be knowen to whom the right belongeth in the trialls of title and in other criminall causes who is guiltie who innocent that in such doubtfull case the matter may be decided by such a cumbate Contra. 1. There are fowre waies prescribed in Scripture whereby to sift out the truth by testimonie of witnes by euidence of writing Ierem. 32.10 by confession Iosh. 7. Achan acknowledged his offence or by the oath of the partie Exod. 22.11 if by none of these meanes the truth can come to light the partie accused is to be freed and the matter left vnto the iudgement of God 2. This were to tempt God to shew a miracle in giuing the victorie vnto the innocent as sometime they vsed to walke vpon an boat yron barefoot or to put their hand into scalding water for the triall of their innocencie 3. And this is an vncertaine way to trie out the truth for oftentimes it falleth out that in such fights the innocent partie is slaine Secondly an other cause is to trie their manhood and make ostentation of their vâ—louâ— as in publike turnaments and iustings But though such exercises are tolerable which are kept without danger of life as the running at tilt and such like yet the life of man is more precious in the sight of God then for publike ostentatioÌ„ to be brought into apparant perill and beside such challenges are against charity because certainly the one of them dieth Whether a Christian beeing challenged into the field hand to hand ought to take it Thirdly it will be obiected that when a man is
I am free from this woman and haue committed no such thing and therefore thou doest me wrong thus to charge me Iun. Vat. for the words themselues seeme to containe a deniall of the fact 10. Quest. v. 12. How Abner sent messengers for himselfe This word tactau hath diuerse expositions 1. Some read from his place Chald. 2. Some propter hoc because of this Iun. 3. Some he sent secretly B. 4. But the better reading is he sent pro se or loco sui for himselfe or in his stead so V.L.A.G.M. Iosephus also so interpreteth that he sent messengers in his stead he sent not this message or embassage in the name of Ishbosheth or of the state of Israel but in his own name Mart. and on his owne behalfe the word tachath signifieth pro for 11. Quest. v. 13. Whether Dauid did well in vsing the helpe of Abner and making a couenant with him 1. The thing which Abner now went about was not vnlawfull to bring the kingdom vnto Dauid to whom the Lord had giuen it though Abner did it of an euill minde as Rahab did not euill in not discouering the spies and so betraying the citie Ios. 2. nor the men of Luz in shewing the way into the citie by which meanes it was surprised Iudg. 1.23 This therefore not beeing an euill act of it selfe Dauid might therein vse Abner And so that which is done by an other not without sinne the seruants of God may make vse of without sinne as Iacob vsed the benefit of Labans oath that sware by his gods Gen. 31. as the tenne men whom Ismael would haue slaine with the rest saued their liues in feeding their enemies couetous desire alleadging that they had treasures in the field of wheat and barley oyle and honie which they would discouer vnto them if they would not slay them Ierem. 41.8 So a poore man is excused in taking vp money vpon interest for his necessitie though the vsurer be not therin blamelesse 2. But this libertie holdeth onely in things which are not in their nature euill for in such we can no way consent or giue liking but we must sinne 3. Hitherto then Dauid offended not in beeing contented to take aduantage of this message of Abner but herein Dauid was ouerseene first that in so waightie matter as this he did not first aske counsell of God secondly because he maketh a couenant with a wicked ambitious man and of a suspected life Pet. Mar. 12. Quest. v. 14. Why Dauid sendeth to haue his wife Michol restored vnto him The reasons which mooued Dauid were these 1. In respect of himselfe because she was his first wife and he had obtained her with his great danger for an hundred foreskinnes of the Philistims he gaue 200. not 600. as Iosephus 1. Sam. 18.27 though Sauls demaund were onely for an hundred 2. In respect of Michol to deliuer her from that reproach and infamie liuing now in adulterie for Dauid had not dismissed her The Rabbines thinke that Phaltiel did not companie at all with her but that is not like seeing he was so vnwilling to part with her v. 16. But Dauid knew that Michol was forced by her father to marrie to Phaltiel not of her own mind and therein therfore hath her excused 3. By this meanes Dauid maketh triall of the fidelitie of Abner 4. It was a meanes to make a way to the kingdome his wife beeing now returned that was Sauls daughter Mar. 13. Quest. v. 17. Of Abners perswasion vnto the Elders of Israel and Beniamin 1. First he presseth them that it was their owne desire to haue Dauid to be their King hee was a King of their owne choosing and one in whom they all delighted 2. He reasoneth à facili it was an easie matter for them and now in their owne power to doe 3. He vrgeth the authoritie of God that had appointed Dauid the Lord hath spoken of Dauid who here like an hypocrite maketh the word of God to serue his owne turne for it was not the word of God which mooued him but his owne malitious heart 4. He perswadeth them ab vtili from the commoditie which should grow thereby to all Israel that by the hand of Dauid the Lord would deliuer them from their enemies Mar. 14. Quest. v. 20. Whether Dauid did well in making Abner a feast 1. Abner did not content himselfe with that message which he had sent before because things are better dispatched by personall presence then by the ministerie and mediation of others and because he would certifie Dauid how he had dealt in his behalfe with all the Elders of Israel and how he had preuailed with them for these reasons he commeth himselfe in person to Dauid Iosep. 2. But Dauid did not well in making him a feast both because he had not first consulted with God but followed onely humane counsell and therefore it tooke no place Pellic. as also Abner beeing an euill disposed man it was not meete that Dauid should haue eaten with him Mar. This feast therefore ended afterward with mourning teaching vs what vncertaintie there is in these earthly ioyes that we may learne to vse them soberly and with moderation Borr. 15. Quest. v. 28. Of Ioabs treacherous killing of Abner 1. When Ioab had accused Abner to the King that he went but about to vndermine him and seeing that the King could not be induced to deale against Abner then he bethinketh himselfe to take a course to be reuenged and sendeth for him backe as it seemeth in the Kings name and so thinketh Iosephus 2. The causes which mooued Ioab to kill Abner was two his hatred for the murder of his brother Asahel and his enuie least Abner might haue growne too great in the Kings fauour and so obscured him Borr. But this latter was the greatest motiue as afterward vpon the like cause he killed Amasa yet he pretendeth the other the death of his brother as the end of the verse sheweth 3. Ioab smiteth Abner in the same place where he had smitten Asahel before and though Ioab herein committed that which was both vnworthy himselfe and his master the King and for the which he worthely suffered afterward vnder Salomon yet the iudgement of God was iust vpon Abner a wicked and bloodie man and the Lord turneth it to the great good of Dauid in taking out of the way a new reconciled enemie who would hardly haue prooued faithfull Mar. 16. Quest. Of the place where Ioab killed Abner 1. The most read that he tooke him into the middes of the gate L.V.P.M. rather within the gate C.I. or aside in the gate B.G.S. not to talke with him in an open and publike place to be without suspition for the gate was the place of iudgement Mar. But he rather tooke him aside and apart from the rest to talke with him more secretly Ioseph who thinketh also that his brother Abishai was by which is not vnlike for he also consented v. 30. 2. The
which were deuoted vnto God though they were neither Leuites nor preists did vse in the seruice of God religious actions See more of the Ephod 1. Sam. c. 2. qu. 5. and c. 22. qu. 13. So Dauid here did not shew himselfe as a Preist as they say Charles the 5. in his solemne inauguratioÌ„ at Bononia did put on a linen vesture to please the Papal societie as though he were consecrated one of their preists but he put it on not onely to be the lighter and to daunce the more nimbly Mart. but to shew his deuotion 4. Yet did he not strippe himselfe of his princely robes as thinketh Mart. as Saul was naked before the Prophets that is hauing laid aside his princely robes for vnder the linen Ephod he had a silke cloake or robe for so it is said that he had a silke robe and then vpon that a linen Ephod 1. Chron. 15.17 Some doe there read in the first place a linen garment as Vatab. Genevens but the word is butz which signifieth silke and the other bar linen he had therefore a long silke robe and vpon that a linen Ephod which was girt vnto him and kept the other garment cloase from flying abroad Osiand annot 1. Chron. 15. 21. Quest. v. 17. Of the Tabernacle where Dauid placed the Arke 1. This was not the Tabernacle which Moses had made where the Altar of burnt-offering was for that was now at Gibeon 1. Chron. 22.29 but it was a Tabernacle which Dauid had prepared of purpose for the Arke before he brought it thither 1. Chron. 15.1 Mar. Borrh. 2. Peter Martyr doubteth whether the great Tabernacle at this time in Gibeon were the same which Moses had set vp 200. yeare before yea 400. yeare in the desert but it is euident 1. Chron. 21.29 that it was the same Tabernacle which Moses had made in the wildernesse which might notwithstanding be repaired and renewed as there was need 3. Dauid maketh a Tabernacle for the Arke rather then any permanent building because he had now set it downe in his mind to build the Lord an house which was afterward performed by Salomon Mar. 22. Quest. v. 18. Of Dauids blessing the people 1. Though it be not like that Dauid here and Salomon who blessed the people also at the consecration of the Temple vsed that forme of blessing which is prescribed Numb 6.24 The Lord blesse thee and keepe thee which onely was appointed for the Preists to vse yet Dauid after some other holy manner blessed the people and wished well vnto them 2. And he doth not onely wish well vnto them in words but performeth the same also vnto them in deeds making a feast vnto all the people he gaue vnto euery one a cake of bread and a peece of flesh and a bottle of wine Iosephus omitteth the wine and speaketh of a wafer cake beside the bread that should be giuen vnto euery one but the text is of more credit with vs. 3. Dauid did not shew such bountie when he was confirmed in the kingdome by the people c. 5. to shew that he more reioyced in the true worship of God then in the honour of his kingdome Mart. 4. Dauid here executeth part of the preistly part of the princely office hee blesseth as a Preist and giueth bountifully to the people as a King So Melchisedech both blessed Abraham and brought forth bread and wine vnto him herein then Dauid was a type and figure of the Messiah both king and preist after the order of Melchisedech Borrh. 23. Quest. v. 20. Of Michols deriding of Dauid 1. Michol who should haue met the King her husband as the part of kind and dutifull wiues is with amiable salutations doth at the very first shew her scornefull heart toward him Osiand Iosephus thinketh that she commended all other things but onely findeth fault with him for his dauncing but the text maketh mention onely of her words of reproach not of any commendation at all It seemeth rather that she which scorned him before in her heart looking out at a window v. 16. could not containe her selfe but must needs goe forth to meete him to tell him her mind Mart. And whereas Dauid came to blesse his house she through her foolishnes turneth his blessing into a curse Borrh. 2. She is called the daughter of Saul because indeed herein refert ingenium patris she did shew the qualitie of her father Iun. he was an hypocrite and vaine glorious and sought onely the praise of men whereas Dauid referreth all vnto Gods glorie Pellican yet in the meane time shee forgetteth how her father Saul had in like sort behaued himselfe among the prophets prophecying naked that is without his princely robes before them 1. Sam. 19.24 Mar. 3. There are three parts of Michols scornefull reprehension 1. because he had forgotten himselfe that day not retaining his princely dignitie and therefore she taunteth him with an ironicall speach how glorious was the King of Israel this day 2. Because he had vncouered himselfe in the eyes of the handmaides not that either of purpose Dauid shewed his bare and naked bodie in dauncing beeing verie bewtifull as some thinke or that his bare flesh was seene vestibus ex tripudio diffluentibus his garments in dauncing flying abroad Osiander so also Iosephus but for that he had shewed light behauiour not beseeming the grauitie of a King in so much that the very maides scorned him and made iests of him 3. Because he had so carried himselfe that there was small difference betweene him and a foole that leapeth and daunceth vp and downe or like vnto some vile person that will be hired for a little to leape and skippe to mooue sport Mar. 4. After this manner deale the carnall men of this world which hold the zeale of Gods seruants to be but foolishnesse Borrh. and the pompous prelates and Abbots of the Romanists which ride vpon their mules beeing accompanied and attended vpon as Princes doe vpon the like ground despise the pouertie and simplicitie of the ministers of the Gospel Mart. 24. Qâ—est v. 23. Of Dauids defence and answer vnto Michol 1. Michol at once committed a treble fault she derided Dauid beeing both king and a Prophet and her husband and her reproachfull speech redounded to the dishonour of God and therefore Dauid iustified that which he had done Mar. 2. Dauids defence consisteth of these three parts for as Michol had obiected three things vncomelines in not behauing himselfe as a King that he had exposed himselfe to the scorne of the maids and made himselfe equall vnto vile and base fellowes Dauid answereth vnto euery part 1. He did this before the Lord before whom Kings are as other men and therefore it was no dishonour vnto him so to abase himselfe in the presence of the King of kings 2. Remembring the mercie which he had receiued of the Lord in preferring him before Saul and his house hee could not shew himselfe too vile and low in
house built though not by him nor at that time Borrh. 3. And the Lord here also to this end maketh a rehearsall and commemoration of these benefits therein commending and setting forth Dauids thankefulnesse that in a thankefull remembrance thereof would haue erected an house vnto the Lord placet Dauidis institutum gratitudo Dauids purpose and thankefulnesse is pleasing vnto God 4. And the Lord by rehearsing how Dauid was called to the place of gouernment saith thus much in effect vnto him reliquam partem officij exequere execute the other part of thy office Iun. thou hast other matters of the kingdome wherein thou maiest occupie thy selfe be secure for this 5. Fowre benefits the Lord rehearseth which he had done for Dauid 1. his exaltation from so lowe and meane an estate 2. Gods continuall assistance as when hee encountered Goliah went against the Philistims and tooke 200. of their foreskinnes 3. God destroied all his enemies as Saul Doeg and the rest 4. And made his name famous and renowned all abroad And therefore as God had hitherto blessed him so hee would not leaue him hee should not then thinke that the Lord had refused him in this worke as though his fauour were chaunged toward him Mart. 9. Quest. v. 10. How the Lord is said to plant his people now which was done long before 1. Some thinke that this promise for Dauids sake was peculiarly made to Ierusalem but the text is euident that the Lord intendeth this blessing here promised to all the people of Israel 2. And whereas the Lord had planted them before in the land of Canaan D. Chimhi vnderstandeth this promise of the encrease of those former blessings that the land should be blessed with greater fruitfulnes and the kingdome with a more sure estate then before 3. This planting of the people here spoken of hath relation also vnto the Temple which the Lord would cause to be built in a sure place Osiand 4. And whereas the people after this were afflicted of the Aramites the Assyrians Egyptians Chaldeans by whome they were carried into captiuitie this promise must both be vnderstood by way of comparison that yet they endured not such afflictions and captiuitie as in Egypt and in the time of the Iudges And these promises haue a condition included that if they continued in obedience and kept the law of God they should enioy these promises otherwise the Lord doth not so bind himselfe as to stoppe the course of iustice Mart. 5. And whereas it will be obiected that in the daies of Ehud one of the Iudges the land had rest 80. yeares which may be compared for length with the peaceable yeares vnder Dauid and Salomon Iudg. 3.30 it may be answered that yet those daies are not to be compared with Dauids times for vnder the Iudges the Cananites still dwelt among the Israelites so that their peace was not perfect whereas they were expelled and finally vanquished by Dauid and Salomon 6. But these blessings in part fulfilled in Dauid and Salomons raigne yet haue their full accomplishment spiritually in the Messiah Borr. 10. Quest. v. 11. How the Lord is said to make Dauid an house 1. The Hebrew phrase to make an house is to giue one issue and posteritie and so the meaning is that the Lord would giue vnto Dauid a succeeding posteritie and an enduring family which should possesse the kingdome after him Vatab. 2. This priuiledge was not graunted to any of the Iudges nor vnto Saul the Kings of Israel after the kingdome was diuided had some of them a succession in their posteritie but it continued not long Among the Romane Emperours from Iulius Cesar to Antoninus none of them left a sonne to succeede in the Empire Vespasian had two sonnes Titus and Domitian which were Emperours after him but they could not leaue it to their sonnes 3. The Turkes haue had a succession in one family aboue 250. yeares but it is by parricide and crueltie the father killeth the sonnes one brother an other but Dauids kingdome continued 400. yeares in a lawfull gouernment Mart. 11. Quest. v. 12. What seede the Lord speaketh of when he saith I will set vp thy seede after thee c. 1. Some thinke that this promise of the perpetuitie of Dauids kingdome is wholly to be applied v40â— the Messiah and not at all vnto Salomon As Augustine would perswade by these reasons because the Lord promiseth that his kingdome should be for euer Lib. 18. de ciuit Dei c. 10. so was not Salomons and that he should haue domum fidelem a faithfull house which Salomon had not for he brought strange women and idolatrie with them vnto his house Lib. 3. in Luk. Ambrose addeth further that Salomon was anointed King his father yet liuing whereas the Lord speaketh of Dauids seede which he would set vp after him Contra. 1. The eternitie of this kingdome was indeed fulfilled in Christ but yet the other may be and are vnderstood of Salomon 2. By a faithfull house is meant a sure stable house for the word neman signifieth both 3. Though Salomon were anointed King while his father liued yet he was onely appointed then to succeede his father in the kingdome the gouernment was still in Dauid while he liued 2. The Iewes doe also vnderstand this prophesie of the Messiah that he should build a materiall Temple which should continue for euer but of Christ they say it can not be meant for he built no Temple Contra. As though there is no other Temple but that which is made of lime and stones Christ hath built vnto the Lord a spirituall house the Catholike Church and so is house taken in Scripture for a spirituall building as when the Scripture maketh mention of the house of Abraham Isaak and Iacob they are not so blind and absurd as to vnderstand it of an externall house 3. Some againe mislike that this should at all be applied to the Messiah obiecting that when we can not otherwise interpret a place we runne into allegories But as allegories deuised of man are vncertaine and prooue not so yet such allegories as are warranted by the Scripture doe make euident demonstration as that of Ionas beeing three daies in the bellie of the Whale and that allegorie of the free woman and bondwoman Gal. 4. So likewise this place the Scripture it selfe interpreteth of Christ as Hebr. 1.5 I will be his father and he shall be my sonne these words by the Apostle arâ— properly applied vnto Christ. 4. Wherefore the safer way is both to reteine an historicall sense in ascribing vnto Salomon these things which agree vnto him and vnto Christ that which cannot be giuen vnto any mortall man as that his kingdome shall be for euer that God will be his father that his dominion shall be to the endes of the world that kings shall worship him Psal. 72. 5. But some things here spoken of can by no meanes be referred vnto Christ as
manum suam c. to set or oppose his hand toward Euphrates but the word iatzab signifieth to settle to establish not to oppose or set against and there he referreth iado his hand to Dauid whereas here he vnderstandeth it of Hadadezer but it must haue the same sense in both places likewise there is great affinitie betweene the word Iashab here vsed which signifieth to constitute or place and iatzab to settle establish 3. It seemeth therefore that Hadadezer rather sought to inuade Dauids bounds then onely to passe through them for that had beene no iust occasion of warre and by this occasion that prophesie Genes 15.18 was fulfilled that the Lord would giue vnto Abrahams seede that land euen vnto the great riuer Euphrates 5. Quest. v. 4. What number of chariots and horses Dauid tooke from Hadadezer There is mention made 1. Chron. 18.4 of a thousand charets and seuen thousand horsemen and 20. thousand footemen but here the number is a thousand seauen hundred horsemen Reconcil and 20. thousand footemen lib. 7. antiq c 5. 1. Iosephus is farre wide that speaketh onely of fiue thousand horsemen and 20. thousand footemen for he agreeth with neither of these numbers 2. Pet. Martyr thus reconcileth the places that here onely the principall horsmen are spoken of which were 1700. in the other place the whole number and multitude 3. But the best solution is this that to the first number of a thousand must be added charrets he tooke a thousand charrets as it is in the other place and the same number of a thousand chariots Iosephus also hath And by 700. horsemen here wee must vnderstand 700. companies of horsemen which euery one had tenne which make in all seauen thousand see the like c. 10.18 where it is said that Dauid destroied seuen hundred chariots of the Aramites but 1. Chron. 19.18 they are said to bee seuen thousand chariots which make but 700. companies or bandes allowing tenne to euery companie Iun. 6. Quest. v. 4. Why Dauid houghed some of the chariot horse and reserued some 1. It is said that Dauid houghed all the chariots that is the chariot horses sauing an hundred this Dauid did to make them vnfit altogether for the seruice of warre as Ioshuah did the like by the Lords direction c. 11.6 It was not lawfull for Dauid to take them all to his owne vse because the king is directly forbidden to multiplie horses Deut. 17.16 least they might put their confidence in horses neither was Dauid to destroy them all because they were not Cherem that is anathema vowed to destruction Dauid therefore taketh a course betweene both neither to destroy the horse nor yet to reserue them for his owne vse but to hough them and so make them vnfit for warre though they might serue for other workes of tillage and husbandrie 2. Yet Dauid reserueth an 100. chariots that is fowre hundred horse for foure horse went to a chariot as the Hebrewes gather out of that place 1. King 10.29 where it is said that Salomon gaue 600. shekels for a chariot that is an 150. shekels for an horse These Dauid might reserue for his owne vse for in respect of the whole seruice of the kingdome 400. horse were not many Mart. 7. Quest. v. 5. Of the Aramites that came to aide Hadadezer against Dauid 1. Iosephus thinketh that this kings name was Hadad and that the succeeding kings of Damascus were called by that name as the kings of Egypt were called by the name of Ptolomees and that Benhadad the third from this king was both of the same name and line who afflicted Israel vnder the raigne of Achab thus Iosephus reporteth out of Nicolaus an olde historiographer But it is like rather that the title and name of Hadad should come from Hadadezer the king of Sabah Borrh. but seeing there is no certaintie either of the one or of the other out of the text wee may so leaue it 2. This King of Aram or Damascus here taking part with Hadadezer and medling with a matter which appertained not vnto him looseth his owne libertie which example should teach Princes how they take in hand any vnlawfull battell Osiand As it was the ruine and ouerthrowe of good Iosias when he went against the King of Egypt beeing not prouoked 3. Here now is fulfilled the prophesie of Baalim That there should rise a scepter of Israel and smite the coasts of Moab and destroy all the sonnes of Seth Numb 24.17 These Aramites are counted among the sonnes of Seth because all the posteritie and offspring of Cham perished in the flood Borrh. 8. Quest. v. 7. How farre it is lawfull to reioyce for the destruction of our enemies Thai king of Hamath who had continuall warre with Hadadezer whome Dauid had discomfited sendeth his sonne Ioram to reioyce with him because his mortall enemie was vanquished and to enter into league of amitie and friendship with him It is here then to bee considered how farre it is lawfull to reioyce in the fall of an enemie 1. First in the spirituall fall of an enemie as into sinne and wickednesse it is not lawfull to reioyce but therein we ought much to be grieued as S. Paul bewayled them which sinned among the Corinthians 2. Cor. 12.21 2. In other temporall calamities some thinke it is not lawfull to reioyce ouer the ruine of our enemies as long as the will of God is not reuealed in the iust punishment of such but when God hath euidently declared his will in the iudging of such then they hold it lawfull to reioyce as Moses did triumph in the ouerthrowe of Pharaoh and of the Egyptians in the red Sea 3. But this matter must otherwise be considered of for when God doth iudge an enemie we must consider whether we ioy therein in respect of our own priuate quarrell or as it concerneth the glorie of God for it is vnlawfull for vs in any priuate respect to insult ouer our enemies fall as the wiseman saith in the Prouerbs Be not glad when thyne enemie falleth c. least the Lord see it and it displease him Prou. 24.17 But if we consider Gods glorie which was hindred by such enemies and the Churches common good then we may reioyce and be thankefull vnto God that hath therein also together iudged our cause as Dauid gaue thanks vnto God when he heard of the death of Nabal But it seemeth that this Thai reioyced onely of a carnall mind because his enemie was foyled and ouercome 4. Yea it often falleth out that these two affections of griefe and ioy together may concurre in Gods seruants that their naturall compassion may be mooued to shewe their sorrow in the calamitie and ruine of their foes as Dauid mourned for Saul and yet in respect of Gods glorie and the truth which was hindred by such they may be gladde that they are taken out of the way as Dauid no doubt in the ouerthrowe of Saul did thankefully and humbly
between them in the name of God and now therefore according to the same will performe the mercie and kindnes which they Ionathan and Dauid promised each to other Iun. 4. Quest. v. 7. Of the kindnes which Dauid shewed to Miphibosheth 1. It will be said that Dauid in restoring vnto Miphibosheth the lands of Saul did performe no great matter seeing they were of right due vnto him as the next heire to this R. Salomon answereth that it was in the power of the King to take from whom he would and giue vnto another at his will and pleasure as Samuel describeth the office of a King 1. Sam. 8.12 Hee will take your feilds and your vineyards and your best oliue trees and giue them to his seruants And therefore Dauid did shew great kindnes in giuing these lands to Miphibosheth which he might haue bestowed vpon another But D. Chimhi herein opposeth himselfe to R. Salomon shewing that it is not in the power of the king to dispose of mens grounds and possessions at his pleasure as Ahab though a wicked king yet would not by violence take away Naboths vineyard the fruits of their lands were to serue the kings vse they were thereof to giue toward the prouision of his house but their possessions simply he was not to dispose of But it was otherwise in this case for Ishbosheth hauing rebelled against Dauid the lawfull king might iustly haue beene depriued and likewise Miphibosheth for taking part with him as is most like Iun. of all the right which they had in the goods and possessions of Saul and therefore Dauid sheweth herein great mercie in restoaring of them vnto Miphibosheth Mart. 2. It will further be obiected that Dauid was bound to doe this by vertue of the former league made betweene Ionathan and Dauid and therefore he was in a manner forced to shew this kindnesse It is true Dauid was tied vnto it by the force of the league yet Dauids faithfulnesse is therein no whit lesse to be commended that was so mindfull of the couenant these circumstances specially considered as 1. that Ionathan was now dead and could not challenge Dauid 2. The house of Saul had resisted him and put him to much trouble which might haue seemed a iust cause for Dauid to haue violated that league 3. And some might haue pretended policie that it was not safe to aduance the house and familie of a contrarie faction Dauid notwithstanding all these obiections which might haue bin pretended extendeth his kindnes and therein sheweth his goodnes and faithfulnesse 3. But Dauid promised Ionathan that he should be the next and second vnto him in the kingdome 1. Sam. 23.17 he therein kept not his promise with Ionathan yes Dauid made good herein that promise to the full for Miphibosheth is nourished at the kings table as one of the kings sonnes who were cheifest in reputation as is before shewed c. 8.18 and Miphibosheth was counted among them But in that Miphibosheth was not imployed in any place of gouernment it was not Dauids fault but because hee in respect of his lamenesse was not fit for any such employment Mart. 5. Quest. v. 8. Why Miphibosheth calleth himselfe a dead dogge 1. Miphibosheth so calleth himselfe as vile and contemptible in diuerse respects 1. In regard of his familie which was reiected of God and Dauid chosen to be king in the place of Saul Mar. 2. And herein he confesseth and acknowledgeth the trespasse of that familie against Dauid by the which they deserued to be cast off and despised of Dauid as a dead dogge Pellican 3. He confesseth himselfe in respect of his person to be as an abiect and forlorne man not worthie to be respected of Dauid Osiander 2. But this speach must not be vnderstood as simply spoken but therein there is both an hyperbole in that by way of amplification to set forth his miserable state he resembleth himselfe to a dead dogge it is also spoken by way of comparison in respect of Dauid and of his princely estate hee taketh himselfe to be but as a dead dogge 6. Quest. Whether any to shew their humilitie may make a lie of themselues It may seeme that Miphibosheth did more abase himselfe then he needed and confessed himselfe to be that which he was not which giueth occasion of this question which may thus be resolued 1. It is not lawfull for any to lie of himselfe to expresse his humilitie for S. Pauls rule is generall Rom. 3 8. that we must not doe euill for good to come thereof neither is it lawfull to make a lie Ibid. v. 7. that the veritie may now abound thorough my lie vnto his glorie nay it is not lawfull for to make a lie for Gods cause for then as the Apostle saith wee should be found to be false witnesses of God 1. Cor. 15.8 Epist. 8 ad Hier. And Augustine well sheweth by occasion of these words that it is no lesse sinne falsa laudare de Deo quam de eo vera non credere to speake by way of commendation false things of God as not to beleeue that which is true if it be not lawfull for Gods honour to tell a lie much lesse to preserue the credite of our modestie and humilitie 1. Tim. 1.13 2. But Saint Pauls example will be obiected that saith he was peccatorum primus the first or chiefe of sinners and yet there were greater sinners then hee And the Prophet Agur saith of himselfe Prov. 30.1 that hee was more foolish then any man yet was not he the foolishest among men 1. Some here answer that they thus spake in respect of their own weakenesse confessing they had no strength at all of themselues but from God 2. It may further be added that they thus confessed in their owne opinion who thought themselues to be inferiour vnto all 3. But here is a difference to be made betweene a generall confession of the weaknes and impotencie of our nature which the most perfect in this world may truely ackowledge and a particular ackowledgement of some actuall sinne which no man is to confesse of himselfe beeing not guiltie thereof as S. Paul though he say he was the chiefest sinner yet he doth not make himselfe an adulterer Idolater or such like which sinnes he was free from 4. Saint Paul also speaketh by way of comparison with those which were called that none of them had so persecuted the way of Christ as he had done consequently none of them had so greatly sinned in that behalfe so also the Prophet Agur doth acknowledge his ignorāce not simply but in respect of the high things of God which he was not able to comprehend Mar. 7. Quest. v. 10. Whether Miphibosheth did in deed eate at the Kings table The occasion of this question is this v. 10. Dauid saith Thou and thy sonnes and thy seruants shall till the land and bring in that thy masters sonne may haue foode to eate but
haue died as the former did and therefore Dauid told her that this child was borne vnto the kingdome and that the Messiah should come of him whereupon she required Dauid to sweare vnto her that he should be king But as it is certaine that Dauid did sweare vnto her for this matter 1. King 1.30 so it is vncertaine whether it was at this time her name indeede signifieth the daughter of an oath but she was so called before this oath was made vnto her by Dauid 3. The speciall comfort that Dauid ministred vnto her was in declaring vnto her how God had forgiuen them their sinne Mart. 4. This also is to be noted that whereas at the birth of the first child conceiued in adulterie she was called the wife of Vriah v. 15. now the Lord hauing forgiuen their sinne and ratified the mariage she is called Dauids wife Pellic. 26. Quest. v. 24. Of Salomons name who gaue it him and why 1. Here Dauid is said to call his name Salomon but 1. Chron. 22.9 the Lord is said also to haue giuen him that name so Dauid gaue it by direction from God by the hand that is ministerie of his Prophet Nathan by whom also the Lord sent and called him by an other name Iedidiah that is beloued of God Some vnderstand that Dauid sent the child by Nathans hand that is committed the education of him to the Prophet Osiand But it is euident Prou. 31. in the title that Salomon in his infancie and childhood was brought vp vnder his mother Bathshebah and he was yet too young to be committed to any other 2. And here it is to be obserued that the Lord vseth the ministerie of Nathan as before in sending an heauy message to Dauid so now in bringing comfortable newes as Isaias to Hezekiah was a messenger both to tell him of death and againe of the prolonging of his dayes least there might be thought some difference and variance betweene the Prophets if the Lord should haue vsed any other messengers then them Mart. 3. And in that Salomon is called Iedidiah beloued of God it may be an argument of his eternall saluation that he was not a reprobate or cast-away but was renewed againe after his fall by repentance 4. These two names Salomon and Iedidiah signifie the one peace which Israel enioyed vnder Salomons raigne and the loue of God toward Salomon this latter more was giuen him baghabur iehouah for the Lord that is for Christs sake in whom he was acceptable vnto God Iun. and of whome he was a liuely type both in respect of the spirituall peace of Christs kingdome and he was indeede the onely beloued sonne of God Borrh. 27. Quest. v. 27. What citie of waters it was that Ioab had taken 1. Ioab continued almost a yeare in besieging the citie of Rabbah which was the cheife citie of the kingdome for it was no maruell that God gaue him no better successe abroad Dauid hauing so displeased him by his sinne at home and Dauid also beeing lulled asleepe and giuing himselfe to pleasure had no care to set forward that publike businesse Mart. 2. This citie of the kingdome called afterward the citie of waters as some thinke was an other citie beside Emman Sa. but it is euident v. 29. that it was the same citie 3. Some thinke that the citie consisted of diuerse parts whereof one that was environed with water and so stronger then the rest was held by the king which Ioab had now taken Borrh. Vatab. Osiand as the citie Syracuse had foure parts like fowre little cities one was called Insula the Island an other Acrodina the third Tychia the fourth Neapolis Mart. But though Ioab had taken some part as it might be the base townes or suburbs yet it is euident that he had not taken the cheife part for afterward Dauid came and besieged Rabbah and tooke it where the king was whose crowne he tooke to himselfe 4. Therefore Iunius interpretation here is more fit that he tooke the citie of waters that is by a certaine figure called hypallage the waters of the citie and so Iosephus saith praecisis aquae ductibus the conduits of water beeing cut off the citie was in great distresse pinched both with hunger and thirst so that it was an easie matter now to take it 5. Ioab as he was a companion of Dauid in all his afflictions so now he is studious of Dauids honour and would not haue this victorie ascribed vnto himselfe Pellican 28. Quest. v. 30. Of the King of Ammons crowne which Dauid tooke from his head 1. It seemeth that it was the vse of Kings in those dayes to weare their crownes in battell as Saul had his crowne with him when he was slaine in battell which the Amalekite tooke and brought to Dauid And so here the kings crowne was taken from him and set vpon Dauids head 2. It was a verie massie crowne it waighed a talent of gold which Budeus valueth at 7700. French crownes of gold Munster at 18000. French crownes Osiander at 1â—594 Rhene peices of gold but this estimation is too great the ordinary talent beeing set but at 60. pound waight of gold Iun. 3. It was too massie to bee worne vpon any ones head for there was as much gold in it as went to the making of the golden candlesticke in the Sanctuarie Exod 25. therefore some thinke that there was a load stone in the crowne and so it was drawne vp with yron and hung in the aire but this is a meere deuise Hierome taketh here the word molcham which is translated their king for their idol Milchom for so they vsed to set crownes vpon their gods heads but the word is molcham their king not milchom which was the name of the idoll this massie crowne therefore was not vsually worne but it was a crowne of estate which was onely set vpon the heads of their kings at their coronation and other solemne times 4. Now Dauid conuerted this crowne to his priuate vse and yet transgresseth not that commandement whereby they were charged not to bring into their houses the things consecrated to idols Deut. 7.25 not because Dauid tooke it not himselfe but it was brought vnto him by an other which is R. Chimhi his conceit for if it were not lawefull to take it himselfe neither was it lawefull to receiue it at an others hands But that charge was onely concerning the idolatrous implements of the Cananites which they were not to meddle with the spoiles of other nations they might take so that they purged them with water or fire and so they conuerted to their vse the spoile of the Madianites Numb 31.23 Lyran. Mart. 5. This falleth out iust vpon this vnciuill King that as hee had cut the beards and garments of Dauids messengers so he is spoyled of his princely robes and his head is left naked without a crowne Borrh. 29. Quest. v. 31. Of Dauids casting the Ammonites into the tile-kill 1. The most doe so
to haue his sonne returne againe and his reason is because after Absalom was returned Ioab came not at him for two yeares neither would come being sent for till Absalom had caused his field of barley to be set on fire But it is euident that Ioab did it to pleasure Absalom as appeareth ver 22. where Ioab giueth great thankes vnto the King for graunting his request And afterward Ioabs minde might somewhat change toward Absolom as he sawe the kings minde to alter and because the king would not haue him see his face neither would Ioab visit him and courtiers beside are forgetfull of their friends and variable At this time it is like Ioab thinking Absalom like to succeede in the kingdome would by this meanes insinuate himselfe into his fauour 2. Quest. Why Ioab dealeth couertly by parable with the King not directly Whereas there are two kind of examples some are true some are fained the fained are of two sorts either parables or fables and parables sometime are vsed for illustration onely sometime for proofe and demonstration this parable is of this latter sort Borrh. which Ioab here putteth into the womans mouth for these causes 1. Parables doe mooue much and leaue a vehement impression behind them 2. They were very vsuall in those dayes 3. But the cheifest reason of all was opus erat obliqua petitione in causa mala in an euill cause it was necessarie to vse an oblique and indirect petition Osiand for it would haue seemed an harsh and vnsauourie petition at the first to request a parricide of his brother to be restored Antonius Caracalla after he had killed his brother Geta would haue had Papinian the lawyer to defend the fact who made this franke answer paricidia facilius committentur quà m defenduntur that parricides are more easily committed then defended but for this his free speach hee was slaine Mart. 4. This diligence of Ioab in bolstring out a badde cause should teach vs not to be slacke in following of a good cause Mart. 3. Qâ—est Of the woman of Tekoah whom Ioab vsed 1. This Tekoah some thinke to haue beene a citie in the tribe of Asher Bor. Mar. Pellic. but it is found to haue beene in the tribe of Iudah 2. Chron. 11.6 Iun. Genev. 2. The Rabbines thinke that this towne brought forth many wittie and eloquent men and women out of which place came the Prophet Amos and therefore Ioab made choice to take a woman from this place 3. Pellican thinketh that this woman indeed did truely put this case of her two sonnes which killed one the other but it is otherwise expressed in the text v. 3. that Ioab taught her what she should say 4. Ioab therefore maketh choice of this woman whom he knew to be of a subtile wit and readie speech to put forth this parable to the King and to take vpon her the person and habite of a mourner which part was fittest to be played by a woman full of passion and so able to mooue compassion 4. Quest. Of the womans speach in generall 1. The womans parabolicall narration consisteth of two parts of the proposition of the parable to v. 12. then the reddition and accomodation of it to Absalom v. 12. to v. 21. Borrh. 2. The reasons which the woman vseth to perswade compassion are specialy three taken ab honesto vtili facili it was an honest thing which she desired profitable and easie to be done first it was honest both by the lawe of nature which teacheth a man to defend himselfe and to repell wrong by force and might as this her sonne did defend himselfe from his brothers wrong it was honest by the written lawe which appointed cities of refuge for such inuoluntatie offenders It was also a thing profitable to her house that her sonne should liue otherwise her sparke should be put out if both her sonnes should be taken way And it was an easie matter for the King to determine who was as an Angel of God that is of great dexteritie in hearing good and bad 3. The woman alleadgeth many vnlike things in her parable which were not true in the case betweene Amnon and Absalom 1. One of these supposed sonnes did not intend an others death but they fell out vpon the sudden but Absalom had purposed Amnons death long before 2. one of these inuaded an other but Amnon did not assault Absalom 3. there no witnesses were present here all the Kings sonnes were assembled together 4. the cities of refuge were not appointed for wilfull murderers such as Absalom was 5. she pretended that if her other sonne died all hope of posteritie should be cut off but though Absalom should neuer returne the King had more sonnes Mart. Thus she of purpose inserteth into this her oration some vnlike things least the King should at the first perceiue her purpose Osiand 5. Quest. v. 9. What the woman meaneth when she saith This trespasse be vpon me and my fathers house 1. Some thinke that she cunningly turneth the speach and curse vpon her selfe which she meaneth toward the King that if he did not helpe in this case and deliuer her sonne from them that pursued him that God would require it at his hand Borrh. Mart. But it is not like that she would either apertly or couertly vse any such commination all her speach beeing petitionarie 2. Therefore this rather is her meaning that if it were so that the king should offend in redeeming her sonne that had killed his brother she would before the Lord take all the fault vpon her selfe and her familie the King and his throne should be innocent Iun. Osiand 6. Quest. v. 11. Why the woman saith to the King Remember the Lord thy God 1. The Chalde paraphrast seemeth to giue this sense that he would remember what is written in the law of God concerning the pursuit of blood that they should not pursue deadly the innocent 2. Osiander giueth this sense remember the Lord thy God to imitaate him in shewing of mercie 3. But it appeareth by Dauids immediate answer which he bindeth with an oth that the woman for her better assuraÌ„ce did couertly desire it of the king Iun. Vat. Mar. 4. And whereas the king seemed but to speake of one reuenger of blood ver 10. bring him to me that speaketh against thee she desireth a more generall graunt of the king that he would not suffer the reuengers of blood to be multiplied that not onely one but all it might be inhibited by the King Pel. 5. The King by this oath was not tied to graunt her request following for Absalom for his was a diuerse case from this here propounded by the woman and confirmed by Dauids oath 6. Neither did the King abase himselfe in swearing to the woman to confirme his promise it beeing so waightie a matter seeing that God did so much condiâ—cend to Abraham to confirme the promises made vnto him by swearing by himselfe Mart. 7. Quest. v. 13. Of the
time last Iun. 2. Quest. v. 1. Of the fowre titles which Dauid here giueth himselfe 1. Dauid nameth himselfe by his father Ishai as not beeing ashamed of his meane parentage and the obscuritie of his familie from the which he was aduanced to the kingdome Osiand As also he maketh speciall mention of him because he was appointed of God out of whose stocke and familie should come for the present the Kings of Israel and for the time to come the Blessed Messiah as Isai. 11.1 There shall come a rod forth of the stocke of Ishai Borrh. 2. Secondly he setteth forth his dignitie he was set vp on high that is exalted to the regall dignitie 3. His vocation also is expressed the Annointed of the God of Iaacob the Latine readeth cui constitutum est de Christo c. to whom it was appointed concerning Christ that is who was assured and confirmed concerning the Messiah to come of his seed Osiand But the words in the originall will not beare this interpretation for there is onely expressed the Messiah not of or concerning the Messiah he was then the Annointed of God to the kingdom of Israel but therin also a type of the Messiah the verie Anointed of God for the euerlasting kingdome 4. The last title is taken from his propheticall gift of singing he was most sweet in the songs of Israel in making songs for the vse of Israel which they vsed to sing in the Tabernacle to the praise of God Borrh. Iun. and they were sweet non solum compositione modis not in the manner of making onely and measure but in their force and efficacie for as they were effectuall to allaie Sauls maladie so they are most comfortable to a perplexed and troubled conscience Mart. Osiand 3. Quest. v. 2. Who it was that spake to Dauid 1. God the Father and God the Sonne who is v. 3. called the rock of Israel spake vnto Dauid by the holy Ghost here then is an euident demonstration of the Trinitie the Father Sonne and holy Ghost which collections although they are not sufficient to conuince the incredulous Iewes yet to vs that are perswaded of this beleefe they are most comfortable 2. Hence also may be gathered that the Father Sonne and holy Ghost are all of one and the same substance and power because the same action is ascribed to them all they are all said to speake vnto Dauid Mart. 3. And herein the dignitie and worthinesse of the Psalmes is also set forth which were not made by any priuate motion but proceeded from the spirit of God who spake by the mouth of Dauid as the Apostle witnesseth which by the mouth of thy seruant Dauid hast said Act. 4.25 Osiand 4. Quest. v. 3. What the Lord said to Dauid 1. Some referre these words bearing rule ouer men beeing iust and ruling in the feare of God vnto God himselfe that the strength of Israel the iust ruler and gouernour God himselfe thus said vnto Dauid that the Messiah that Iust and righteous King should take flesh of his seed Osiand but if this be vnderstood of God that speaketh then nothing is expressed that here should be spoken vnto Dauid 2. Some doe referre it to the Messiah that the Lord here spake to Dauid and promised him that the Messiah should come of him who should gouerne the people vprightly in the feare of God Chalde Pellican 3. But it is better vnderstood of Dauid not that it was so much a prophecie or prediction of him by Samuel that he should gouerne the people in iustice Vatablus for Dauid failed diuersly in his gouernment but it was rather a commandement which the Lord gaue vnto Dauid that he should both in ciuill matters gouerne the people iustly and vprightly and for religion in the feare of God and as this was required on Dauids behalfe so the Lord for his part promiseth vnto Dauid a sure house as it followeth in the next words v. 4. Iun. But herein Dauids gouernment beeing iust but in part and in some measure was a type and figure of the most perfect kingdom of the Messiah whereof the Prophet speaketh Psal. 45.6 the scepter of thy kingdom is a scepter of righteousnesse 5. Quest. v. 4. Of the meaning of these words as the morning light c. without cloudes c. 1. Some make this the sense that here are two similitudes briefly put together the one taken from the bright morning Sunne shine without clouds the other from the Sunneshine mingled with clouds and raine which causeth the grasse to grow to the first Dauids house is compared not to the second which is an imperfect light cast ouer and obscured with clouds Vat. Mar. Pellic. And to make this interpretation more probable some insert a negatiue in the second clause so shall mine house be not as the grasse c. G.B. But seeing there is no such negatiue particle in the originall it is not safe so to read 2. Therefore the better exposition is that here are two similitudes produced to the same effect to set forth the flourishing state of Dauids house which shall be like vnto the morning sunne without clouds and the growing grasse after raine Iun. Borr. Osiand 6. Quest. v. 5. Of the meaning of these words so shall not mine house be with God 1. Some read affirmatiuely so shall mine house be with God Pellican and the words chilo they take for imo but or verily as they say they are vsed Gen. 18.15 chilo verily thou didst laugh But it is euident that this particle lo is neuer vsed in the Hebrew but negatiuely and so is it taken in that place giuen in instance which is read thus not so but thou didst laugh and beside there the words are lo chi not chi lo as here 2. Some reading here negatiuely expound thus so shall not mine house be that is not like the grasse which groweth speedily and soone fadeth and withereth againe Mar. Genevens Vata But it is shewed before that the similitude taken from the growing grasse is vsed in the latter sense as Psal. 72.6 Hee shall come downe like the raine vpon the mowne grasse 3. Osiander following the Latine translater thus interpreteth neither is my house so with God that hee should make with mee an euerlasting couenant that is I acknowledge that it is not of my worthinesse that God should make such an euerlasting couenant with me that the Messiah should come of my seed so also Emmanuel Sa. But this seemeth rather to be the reddition to the former similitude which otherwise were imperfect 4. Iunius thus vnderstandeth it although my house be not so with God that is yet this promise is not accomplished concerning the prosperitie of my house by reason of my sinne yet I trust in the Messiah it shall be accomplished in whom all my health and desire is but in this sense and interpretation also their wanteth the reddition to the former similitude 5. Wherefore I preferre before the rest here
saying aske of Abel 20. q. 13 Abishai His inconsiderate zeale in Dauids cause 16. q. 4 Of his exploites 23. q. 18 Abner Why hee made Ishbosheth King 2. q. 6 Why hee brought him to Mahanaim 2. q. 7 Of Abners words let the young men play 2. q. 10 His perswasion to Ioab to giue ouer 2. q. 27 Whether hee indeed went into Rispah 3. q. 5 Of Abners answer to Ishbosheth 3. q. 7 8 9 Of Abners message to Dauid 3. q. 10 Of his perswasion to the Elders of Israel 3. q. 13 Whether Dauid did well in vsing the helpe of Abner for the kingdome 3. q. 11 Whether he did well in making Abner a feast 3. q. 14 Of the treacherous murther of Abner 3. q. 16 Of the place where hee was killed 3. q. 16 Dauids lamentation for Abner 3. q. 20 Abshalom Dauids desire to Abshalom 13. q. 18. Ioabs endeauour to bring againe Abshalom 14. q. 1 Whether Dauid did wel in sparing Abshalom 14. q. 10 Of Abshaloms beautie 14. q. 1â— What mooued Abshalom to aspire to the kingdome 15. q. 1 Of his practises to obtaine the kingdome 15. q. 3. Why hee maketh choise of Hebron 15. q. 4 Of Abshaloms conspiracie and the manner thereof 15. q. 5 After what 40. yeares hee spake to the King 15. q. 3 Absalons incest how it might stand with Gods will c. 16. q. 12 Why Dauid would not haue Abshalom killed 16. q. 7 Of the great slaughter of Abshaloms men 16. q. 9. Of Abshaloms hanging by the haire 16. q. 10 Of Abshaloms manner of death 16. q. 15 Of Abshaloms children 16. q. 16 Why Dauid mourned for Abshalom 16. q. 19 Why Dauid wished to die for Abshalom 16. q. 20 Achitophel Of Achitophels wicked counsell to Abshalom to go in to his Fathers Concubines 16. q. 11 Why his councell is likened to the Oraclâ— of God 16. q. 13 His peruerse Counsell against Dauid 17. q. 1 Of the meaning of his words as the returning of all c. 17. q. 2 Of Achitophels desperate end 17. q. 9 Adulterie Of Davids adulterie what vse is to be made thereof 11. q. 2 Dauids practise in concealing of his adulterie 11. q. 7 Whether it be lawfull to marie one with whom adulterie is committed 11. q. 12 How Dauid herein displeased God 11. q. 13 Of the greatnesse of Dauids sinne of Adulterie 11. q. 14. Of the diuerse punishments of adulterie 12. q. 12. What nations punished adulterie by death 12. q. 12 Whether adulterie ought to be punished by death 12. q. 17 Whether an adulterous woman vpon her repentance may be receiued 12. q. 14 Whether a man is bound to accuse his wifâ— dismissâ—d for adulterie 12. q. 15 Whether adulterie be a greater sinne in the man or in the woman 12. q. 14 Why our Sauiour spareth the woman taken in adulterie 12. q. 17. q. 74 Adino One of Dauids Worthies 23. q. 10 Of the number slaine by him 23. q. 11 Ahimaaz Whether he knew of Absalons death and why hee told not Dauid 16. q. 18 Amalekite Whether hee lied vnto Dauid that he had killed Saul 1. q. 1 Whether he were iustly put to death 1. q. 4 Amasa Killed treacherously by Ioab 20. q. 7 Ammon Why Dauid shewed kindnesse to the King of Ammon 10. q. 1 Of the euill counsell of the King of Ammons Princes 10. q. 2 The Ammonites despite offred to Dauids seruants 10. q. 3. from whom they hired their souldiers 10. q. 4 Of the King of Ammons crowne which David tooke 12. q. 28 Why Dauid put the Ammonites into the tilekil 12. q. 29 Of his seueritie in putting them vnder sawes and harrowes 12. q. 30 Amnon Of his vnlawfull loue of his sister Thamar 13. q. 2. Of his impotent affections and loue sickenes 12. q. 3. Of Amnons hatred of his sister 13. q. 8 Whether Dauid sinned not in sparing Amnon 13. q. 10 Of Amnons slaughter and Dauids mourning for him 13. q. 13 Anabaptists Their error confuted in condemning warre the vse of weapons 5. q. 5.2 q. 20 Aramites That came to aide Hadadezer 8. q. 7 Of the number that were slaine 8. q. 10.10 q. 7 Arke Of Dauids consultation in bringing the Ark 6. q. 2 Of the place from whence he brought the ark 6.3.7.8 How the name of God was called vpon the Arke 6. q. 4. Why the Arke was put on a new cart 6. q. 6. Why they sacrificed when they had gone sixe paces with the Arke 6.17 How many bullockes they then offered 6. q. 18 Why Dauid would haue the Arke caried againe into the citie 15. q. 18 Asahel Of Asahels swiftnesse 2. q. 14. Of his death and slaughter 2. q. 15 At what time he was buried 2. q. 21. Baptisme Want of baptisme condemneth not but the contempt 12. q. 22 Bathsheba Of the beautie of Bathsheba 11. q. 5 Her willingnesse in consenting to Dauid 11. q. 6 How Dauid comforted her 12. q. 25 Berothites Of their fleeing to Gittaim and when 4. q. 1 Bithron What place it was thorough the which Abner passed 2. q. 19 Blasphemie How Dauid caused the enemies of God to blaspheme 12. q. 19 Blind Who were the blind and lame that Dauid smit 5. q. 6.7.8 Of the meaning of the prouerbe the blind and the lame shall not come into that house 5. q. 8 Booke Of the inscription and title of this second booke of Samuel why so called 1. p. 1 Of the argument of the booke 1. p. 1.2 Of the profite and vtilitie of this booke p. 2.3 How many yeares the historie of this booke containeth p. 2.4 Chelcath hazzurim What place it was 2. q. 12 Cherethites And Petethits who they were 8. q. 13 Cherubim How God is said to sit betweene the Cherubims 6.5 Child Why Dauids child borne in adulterie dieth 12. q. 20 Why Dauid besought the Lord for the child whoÌ„ the prophet foretold should die 12. q. 21 Vpon what seauenth day the child died 12. q. 22 Why Dauid leaueth weeping the child beeing dead 12. q. 24 Christ How Christs kingdome is said to be for euer 7. q. 12 Christ prophesied of where Dauid saith this is the law of man 7. q. 15 Of Christs passions and affections 13. q. 16 Combates Singular combats whether lawfull 2. q. 11 Whether a Christian challenged to a Combate ought to take it 2. q. 11 Concubine Of the shutting vp of Dauids concubines 20. q. 2 Couenant How the Israelites madâ— a couenant with Dauid before the Lord. 5. q. 2 Counsells Generall Counsells not alwaies to be staied for in matters of religion 2. q. 4 Cushai Of Dauids counsell to him whether he taught him to dissemble 15. q. 11 Whether he lied or dissembled ibid. Of Cushai his salutation to Abshalom 16. q. 9 Of the truth of his speach as I serued thy father 16. q. 10 Of Cushai his counsell in generall 17. q. 3 Of the seuerall points of Cushai his counsell 17. q. 4 Of the preferring Cushai his counsell before Achitophels