obtained saith Martin fol. 29. The Empresse with many honourable tryumphs and solemnities was received into the Cities of Circester Oxford Winchester and London but the Londoners desiring the restitution of King Edwards Lawes which she refused which proved her ruine and the restitution of King Stephen out of prison and to the Crown again and after some fresh bouts betwixt King Stephen and Duke Henry Mauds eldest Son a Peace was concluded betwixt them in a Parliament at Westminster and that Duke Henry should enjoy the Crown after King Stephen At the receiving of which he took the usuall oath and being like to have much work in France c. being held in thereby from all exorbitant courses he was therefore Wary to observe at first all meanes to get and retain the love and good opinion of this Kingdom by a regular and easie government and at Waldingford in Parliament saith Daniel fol. 80. made an act that both served his own turn and much eased the stomackes of his people which was the expulsion of strangers wherewith the Land was much pestered but afterwards was more with Becket the traytorly Arch-bishop of Canterbury And after him succeeds his Son Richard the first At the beginning of this mans Reigne a miserable massacre was of the Jewes in this Kingdom who went to the holy wars and was taken prisone by the Emperour as he came home of whom Daniel saith fol. 126. that he reigned 9 years and 9 moneths Wherein he exacted and consumed more of this Kingdome then all his Predecessours from the Norman had done before him and yet lesse deserved then any His brother Duke John being then beyond Seas with his Army was by the then Archbishop of Canterburies meanes endeavoured to be made King Who undertooke for him that he should restore unto them their Rights and govern the Kingdome as he ought with moderation and was thereupon after taking three oathes which were to love holy Church and preserve it from all Oppressours The Kings Oath to govern the State in justice and abolish bad Lawes not to assume this Royall honour but with full purpose to rerform that he had sworn Speed 534. crowned King And because the title was doubtfull in regard of Arthur the Posthumus Son of Geffery Duke of Brittain King Iohns eldest brother Speed fol. 532 he receives the Crown and Kingdome by way of election Daniel fol. 127. the Archbishop that crowned him in his Oration professing before the whole Assembly of the State That by all reason Divine and Humane none ought to succeed in the Kingdome but who should bee for the worthinesse of his vertues universally chosen by the State as was this man And yet notwithstanding all this he assumed power by his will and prerogative to impose three shillings upon every plough-land and also exacted great Fines of Offenders in his Forrests And afterwards summons the Farles and Barons of England to be presently ready with Horse and Arms to passe the Seas with him But they holding a conference together at Lecester by a generall consent send him word That unlesse he would render them their rights and liberties they would not attend him out of the Kingdome Which put him into a mighty rage but yet he went into France and there took his Nephew Arthur prisoner and put him to death by reason of which the Nobility of Britaigne Anjou and Poictou took Armes against him and summon him to answer at the Court of Justice of the King of France to whom they appeale Which he refusing is condemnâ—d to lose the Dutchy of Normandy which his Ancestors had held 300. yeares and all other his Provinces in France which he was accordingly the next yeare deposed of And in this disastrous estate â—aith Daniel fol. 130. he returnes into England â—nd charges the Earles and Barons with the reproaches of his lâ—sses in France and fines them by his Prerogative to pay the seventh part of all their goods for refusing his aid And after this going over into France to wrasâ—le another fall was forced to a peace for two years and returnes into England for more supplies where by his will iust and prerogative he layes an imposition of the thirteenth part of all moveables and other goods both of the Clergie and Laitie who now saith Daniel seeing their substances consume and likely ever to be made liablâ— to the Kings desperate courses began to cast about for the recovery of their ancient immunities which upon their former sufferance had been usurped by their late Kings And hence grew the beginning of a miserable breach between the King his people Which saith he folio 131. cost more adoe and more Noble blood then all the warres for raigne had done since the Conquest For this contention ceased not though it often had fair intermissions till the GREAT CHARTER made to keep the Beame right betwixt SOVERAIGNTY and SVBJECTION first obtained of this King JOHN in his 15. and 16. yeares of his yeares of his reigne and after of his sonne Henry the 3. in the 3. 8. 21. 36. 42. yeares of his reigne though observed truly of neither was in the maturity of a judiciall Prince Edward the first freely ratified Anno regni 27. 28. But I am confident that whosoever seriously and impartially readeth over the lives of King John and his sonne Henry the third will judge them Monsters rather then men Roaring Lions Ravening Wolves and salvadge Boares studying how to destroy and ruine the people rather then Magistrates to govern the people with justice and equity For as for King John he made nothing to take his Oath and immediatly to break it the common practice of Kings to grant Charters and Freedomes and when his turn was Consider compare and conclude served to annihilate them again and thereby and by his tyrannicall oppressions to embroyle the Kingdoâ—e in Warres Blood and all kind of miseries In selling and basely delivering up the Kingdome that was none of his own but the peoples as was decreed in the next Parliament Speed fol. 565. by laying down his CROWN Scepter Mantle Sword and Ring the Ensignes of his Royalty at the feet of Randulphus the Popes Agent delivering up therewithall the Kingdome of England to the Pope And hearing of the death of Geffery Fitz Peter one of the Patrons of the people rejoyced much and swore by the Feet of God That now at length he was King and Lord of England having a freâ—r power to untie himselfe of those knots which his Oath had made to this great man against his will and to break all the Bonds of the late concluded peace with the people unto which he repented to have ever condescended And as Daniel folio 140. saith to shew the desperate malice this King and Tyrant who rather then not to have an absolute domination over his people to doe what he listed would be any thing himselfâ— under any other that would but support him in his violences There is recorded an
Sons might in regard of that large promise that was made to David that his Sons should sit upon the Regall Throne for many Generations Again the King page 443. ingages to maintain the Priviledges of Parliament as far as ever any of his Predecessours did and as farre as may stand with that Justice which he owes to his Crown which what that is I have before declared and is very fully declared in that Oath which he himself hath taken page 291. although it fail and is very short of that he ought by law and right to take so that now I have fully proved I am confident of it without any starting hole left for contradiction That the King receives his Crown by contract and agreement unto which by Law and Right he is bound and tied I thought to have here inserted some excellent passages for the further illustration of the Position out of the first and second parts of the Observations and a late Book called Maximes unfolded But in regard I have I am afraid been over-tedious already I will refer you to the bookes themselves or in case they be hard to come by to that abridgment of the marrow of them which you shall finde in an excellent and rationall Discourse of Mr. Lilburns against those Vipers and grand Enemies to the Liberties of England the monopolizing Merchants in his Book called Innocenciè and Truth justified page 57 58 59 60 61. I come now to the last branch of the minor Proposition which is THAT KING CHARLES HATH BROKEN HIS CONTRACT AND AGREEMENT And for the proofe of this I must lay downe this assertion That the Parliament is the only proper competent legall supreame Judge of this as well as of all other the Great Affaires of the Kingdom â—s is before largely proved And for further illustration reade Book Declar. pag. 100 112 171 172 170 202 693 716. Now in the next place let us consider what the Parliament in their publike Declaration say of the King who confesses himself as well as the Parliament asserts and proves it that his Oath taken at his Coronation tyes him to raigne and govern according to Law Yet whosoever seriously reades over the first Petition and remonstrance of the State representative of England commonly called the House of Commons who onely and alone have and ought to have that title Pag. 264. 336. 508. 613. 628. 654. 655. 703. 705. 711. 724. 725. 726. 728. 729. 730. The House of Peers being meer usurpers and inchroachers and were never intrusted by the people who under God the fountaine and Well-spring of all just power as well legislative as other with any legislative power who meerly sit by the Kings prerogative which is a meer bable and shaddow and in truth in substance is nothing at all there being no Law-making-power in himselfe but meerly and onely at the most a Law-executing-power who by his Coronation Oath that he hath taken or ought to have taken is bound to passe and assent to all such Lawes as his people or Commons shall chuse as is largely by the forecited Declarations of the Parliament proved Now if he have not a legislative power in himselfe as the Lords themselves by joyning with the Commons in their Votes and Declarations do truly confesse and notably prove how is it possible for him to give that to them which is not inherent in himselfe Or how can they without palpable usurpation claime and exercise a Law-making-power derivatively from the King alone when he hath none in himselfe which they themselves confesse and prove wherefore how can the House of Commons the representative body of England without willfull perjury having so often sworne to maintaine the Liberties of England and without being notoriously guilty of Treason to themselves and others and all those that chuse them and trusted them suffer the Lords to continue in their execution of their usurpations many times to the palpable hazard yâ—a almost utter ruin of the Kingdome by their denial thwarâ—ing and crossing of those things that evidently tends to the preservation of the whole Kingdome and by their pretended leg slative power destroy whole families and fill the Jayles of Londm at their pleasure contrary to Law and right with COMMONS with whom they have nothing to do without being controled by the Trusteâ—s of the people the HOUSE of COMMONS although they be legally appealed to for that end witnesse Mr. Lâ—lburne Mr. Staveley prisoner in the Fleete Mr. Learner for himselfe and servants Mâ— Overton c. to their everlasting shâ—â—â— and disgâ—ace bâ—â—â— spoken Oh therefore awake awake and 〈◊〉 with strength and resolution ye chosen and betrusted ones of England the earthly arme strength thereof and free your Masters and betrusters the whole State of England from those invading â—â—urping Tyraâ—â—â—call Lords Bondage and Thraldoms lest to your shame they do it themselves and serve them as they did the Bishops for preservation your selves siy is just Pag. 44. 150. 207. 496. 637 72â— 226. and is as antient a Law as any is in the Kiâ—gdâ—m pag. 207. And you have also the 17. Aprill last declared that you wilâ— suffer no arbitrary tyrannicall power to be exercised over the freemen of England but the Lords do it therefore if ye be true and just men such who would be believed and trusted do as you say before the Lords by their plots with the enemies of the freedoms of England such as wicked English and Scots Lords and other prerogative Courtiers and corrupt Clergy and patentee Monopolizers and contentious wrangling jangâ—ing and pety fogging Lawyers and by their own impudent and uncontrouled injustice imbroyle this Kingdome in a second warre they and their associates and confederates having been the cause of the by-past warres not for any love to the Liberties of England though that was their pretence but meerly out of malice to the raigning and ruling party at Court whose utmost desire was to unhorse them that so they might get up into the saddle and ride raigne and rule like Tyrants themselves they loving at this very day the King-Prerogative Tyranny and oppression as dearly as any of these at Court which they complained of witnesse their dayly actions and the actions of all their fore-mentioned faction which is lively haracterised in a late Discourse called A Remonstrance of many thâ—usand Citizens and other Free-born People of England to their owne House of Commons and will more fully be laid open shortly in the second part of it But if the Lords think they are wronged by this digression and that their right to their Legislative power is better then is here declared I desire their Lordships or any other for them to let the Kingdome know what better right they have to sit in Parliament then the old Popish Abbots had that are long since as Incrochers abolished Or then the Bishops or the Popish Lords that are lately defunct do Sure I am the right they had was as good as any their
Knaves Fooles Tyrants or Monopolizers or unjust wretched persons that must of necessity have their Prerogative to rule over all their wickednesses Secondly Observe from hence from what a pure Fountain our inslaving Lawes Judges and Practises in Westminster Hall had their originall namely from the will of a Conqueror and Tyrant for I find no mention in History of such Iudges Westminster Hall Courts and such French uâ—godly proceedings as these untill his dayes the burthen of which in many particulars to this day lies upon us But in the 21. of this Tyrants reigne After that the captivated Natives had made many struglings for their liberties and he having alwayes suppressed them and made himself absolute He began saith Daniel fol. 43. to govern all by the customes of Normandy whereupon the agrieved Lords and sad People of England tender their humble Petition beseeching him in regard of his Oath made at his Coronation and by the soule of St. Edward from whom he had the Crown and Kingdome under whose Lawes they were born and bred that he would not adde that misery to deliver them up to be judged by a strange Law whâ—â—h they understâ—â—d noâ— Aâ—d saith he so earnestly they wâ—ought that he was pleased to confirme that by his Charter which he had twice â—ore-promâ—â—d by â—is Oath And gave commandment unto his Iâ—stitiaries to see those Lawes of St. Edward to be inviâ—lably observed thâ—ough uâ— the Kingdome And yet notwithstanding this coâ—firmatio◠〈◊〉 the Câ—â—râ—ers afterward granted by Henry the seconâ— â—nd King Iohn to the same effect There followed a great Innovation bâ—th in Lawes and Government in England so that this seemes rather to hâ—ve bâ—en done to acquit the people with a shew of the confiâ—mation of their antient Customes and liberties then that they enjoyed them inessect For whereas before those Lawes they had were written in their tongue iâ—telligible unto all Now they are traâ—slated into Latine and French And whereas the Causes of the Kingdome were before determined in every Shire And by a Law of King Edward sâ—nior all matters in question should upon speciall penalty wâ—tkâ—ut â—urther deferment be finally decided in their Gemote or Conventions held monethly in every Hundred A MOST GALLANâ— LAW But he â—et up his â—udges four times a yeare where he thought good to heâ—â— their Causes Again before his Conquest the inheritances descended not alone but after the Germane manner equally divided to all the children which he also altered And after this King alias Tyrant had a cruell and troublesome raign his own Son Robert rebelling against him yea saith Speed fol. 430. all things degenerated so in his cruell dayes that tâ—me and domestickâ— fowles as Hens Geese Peacocks and the like fled into the Forrests and Woods and became very wild in imitation of men But when he was dead his Favourites would not spend their pains to bury him and scarce could there be a grave procured to lay him in See Speed fol. 434. and Daniel fol. 50. and Martin fol. 8. WILLIAM THE SECOND to cheat and cosen his eldest brother Robert of the Crown granted relaxation of tribute with other releevements of their dolencies and restored them to the former freedome of hunting in all his Woods and Forrests Daniel fol. 53. And this was all worth the mentioning which they got in his dayes And then comes his brother Henry the first to the Crown and he also stepping in before Robert the eldest brother and the first actions of his government tended all to bate the people and suger their subjection as his Predecessour upon the like imposition had done but with more moderation and advisednesse for he not only pleaseth them in their releevement but in their passion by punishing the chiefe Ministers of their exactions and expelling from his Courtall dissolute persons and eased the people of their Impositions and restored them to their lights in in the night c. but having got his ends effected just tyrant-like he stands upon his Prerogative that is his will and lust but being full of turmoiles as all such men are his Son the young Prince the only hope of all the Norman race was at Sea with many more great ones drowned after which he is said never to have been seen to laugh and having besides this great losse many troubles abroad and being desirous to settle the Kingdome upon his daughter Maud the Empresse then the wife of Coffery Plantaginet in the 15. year of his reign he begins to call a Parliament being the first after the Conquest for that saith Dan. fol. 66. he would not wrest any thing by an imperiall power from the Kingdome which might breed Ulcers of dangerous nature he took a course to obtain their free consents to observe his occasion in their generall Assemblies of the three Estates of the Land which he convocated at Salisbury and yet notwithstanding by his prerogative resumed the liberty of hunting in his Forrests which took up much faire ground in England and he laid great penalties upon those that should kill his Deere But in this Henry the first ended the Norman race till Henry the second For although Henry the first had in Parliament caused the Lords of this Land to swear to his Daughter Maud and her Heires to acknowledge them as the right Inheritors of the Crown Yet the State elected and invested in the Crown of England within 30. dayes aftter the death of Henry Stephen Earle of Bolloign and Montague Son of Stephen Earl of Blois having no title at all to the Crown but by meer election was advanced to it The Choosers being induced to make choice of him having an opinion that by preferring one whose title was least it would make his obligation the more to them and so they might stand better secured of their liberties then under such a one as might presume of a hereditary succession And being crowned and in possession of his Kingdome hee assembleth a Parliament at Oxford wherein hee restored to the Clergie all their former liberties and freed the Laity from their tributes exactions or whatsoever grievances oppressed them confirming the same by his Charter which faithfully to observe hee took a publike Oath before all the Assembly where likewise the BBs swore fealty to him but with this condition saith Daniel folio 69. SO LONG AS HE OBSERVED THE TENOVR OF THIS CHARTER And Speed in his Chronicle fol. 468. saith that the Lay-Barons made use also of this policiâ— which I say is justice and honesty as appeareth by Robert Earl of Glocester who swore to be true Liege-man to the King AS LONG AS THE KING WOVLD PRESERVE TO HIM HIS DIGNITIES AND KEEPE ALL COVENANTS But little quiet the Kingdome had for rebellions and troubles dayly arose by the friends of Maud the Empresse who came into England and his Associates pitching a field with him where he fought most stoutly but being there taken hee was sent prisoner to Bristell And after this Victory thus
the Dutely of Normandy and doe him homage for the same And then to make all sure with Pope Alexander whose thuâ—der-bolts of Excommunication were then of extraordinary dread and terror he promised him to hold it of the Apostolick See if hee prevailed in his enterprize Whereupon the Pope sent him a Banner of the Church with an Agnus of gold and one of the haiâ—es of St. Peter which was no small cause of prevailing the â—ase Clergy being then at the Popes beck and more minding their own particular self-interest then the welfare of their own native Countrey or the lives liberties estates of their brethren according to the slesh thereupon were the principall instrumentall cause that William the Bastard commonly called William the Conqueror had so easie an entrance to the possession of this kingdome Speed fol. 403 404. 405. 406. 413. 417. Daniel fol. 28 29 35 36. By means of which the Clergy beeraied their native Countrey to Robbers and Pirats and left the poore Commons to the mercilesse fury of mercilesse men And I wish they doe not now again the same with poore England now in her great distractionâ— for their interest is visible not to be the publickes but their pride covetousnesse and greatnesse Therefore O yee Commons of England beware of them and take heed you trust them not too much lest you be so deluded by them to your ruine and destruction And when William by their means principally as Daniel saith fo 36. had got possession of the Kingdom as you may partly before read p. 14 15 16 17 how extraordinary tyrannically he dealt with the poor natives and inhabitants By changing their laws and robbing them of their goods and lands at his will and pleasure and gave them away to his Norman Robbers And the poor Englishmen having all their livelihoods taken from them became slaves and vassals unto those Lords to whom the possessions were given And if by their diligence afterwards they could attain any portion of ground they held it but onely so long as it pleased their Lords without having any estates for themselves or their children and were oftentimes violently cast out upon any small displeasure contrary to all right Daniel fo 47. Speed 421 423 425. Insomuch that in those days it was a shame even among Englishmen to be an Englishman Speed fol. 422. 429. By means of all which he bestowd great rewards upoÌ„ all those great men that came along with him and made them by hâ—s will the great men of England to help him to hold the people in subjection bondage and slavery for he made William Fitz-Auber the Norman the principall man under him to help for his designe Earle of Hartford who singly of himselfe took upon him meerly by the power of his own will to make Lawes in his own Earldome And unto Allayn another of his Comrades or trusty and well-beloved Consins he gave all the lands of Earle Edwin where on he built a Castle and whereof he made the Earldome of Richmond And unto William of Warren another of his Norman Robbers Marder ers he gave the Earldome of Surrey Speed fol. 437. And unto Walter Bishop of Durham another of his Comrades he sold the Earldome of Northumber land who there by the law of his owne will maintained Murderers and Rogues and there was murdered himselfe And unto his Brothers who came of his mother Arlet the Whore who after William the Bastard was borne was married to Harlain a Norman a Gentleman but of mean substance Odo and Robert he gave the Earldome of Ewe and Mortaigne Speed 417. Daniel 32. And afterwards Odo Earle of Kent and after that in his absence Vice-Roy of England And how this Beggar now set on Horse-back governed this poore distressed kingdome let the Conquerors own speech declare recorded by Speed fol. 431. At the time when William came out of Normandy found his brother Odo a Bishop as well as an Earle at the Isle of Wight with divers Noble men and Knights his attendants then going to Rome with an expectation there to be Pope being grown extraordinary rich with his polling of this poore Kingdome Vpon which the King in presence of his Nobles thus spake Excellent Peeres I beseech you hearken to my words and give me your counsell At my sailing into Normandy I lest England to the government of ODO MY BROTHER who a little further in his speech hee saith hath greatly oppressed England spoyling the Churches of land and rents hath made them naked of Ornaments given by our predecessors and hath seduced my Knights with purpose to train them over the Alps who ought to defend the land against the Nations of Scots Danes Irish and other enemies over-strong for me And a little below that my brother saith he to whom I committed the whole kingdom violently plucketh away their goods cruelly grindeth the poore and with a vain hope stealeth away my Knights from me and by oppression hath exasperated the whole land with unjust taxations Consider therefore most NOBLE LORDS and give mee I pray you your advice what is herein to be done And in conclusion the King adjudged him to prison yet not as a Bishop who then it seemes had large exemptions but as an Earl subject to the lawes and censure of his King Which accordingly saith Speed was done upon seizure of estate this Prelate was whose found so well lined in purse that his â—eaps of yellow mettle did moveadmiration to the beholders So that here you have the true story of the subversion of the ancient manner of Parliaments the ancient Lawes and Liberties of Government of this Kingdome and a Law innovated and introduced flowing meerly froÌ„ the will of a Bastard Thief Robber tirant You have here also a true Declaration of the original rise of the pretended legislative power of Earles Lords and Barons the Peers Competitors and trusty and wel-beloved Cousins and Hereditary Counsellors of our Kings which was meerly and only from the wills and pleasures of this cruell and bloudy Tyrant and his Successors And no better claime have our present house of Peers either for their legislative power or judicative power then this as is cleerly manifest by their own fore-mentioned Declaration cited pag. 45. and therefore say I are no legall Judicature at all nor have no true legislative or law-making power at all in them having never in the least derived it from the people the true legislaters and fountain of power from whom only and alone must be fetched all derivative power that either will or can be esteemed just And therfore the Lords challenging all the power they have by their bloud and deriving it from no other fountain but the Kings Letters-Pattents flowing meerly from his will pleasure I groundedly conclude they have thereby no judicative power no nor legislative power at all in them for the King cannot give more to them then he himself hath and he hath neither of these powers viz. a
ruled and governed by the King and his Prerogative Nobles and by lawes flowing from their wils and pleasures and not made by common consent by the peoples commissions assembled in Parliament as it is now at this day but he and his successors giving such large Charters to their Compeeres and great Lords as to one to be Lord great Chamberlain of Englands another Lord Constable of England to another Lord Admirall of England c. By meanes of which they had such vast power in the kingdome having then at their beck all the chiefe Gentlemen and Free-holders of England that used to wait upon them in blew Jackets so that they were upon any discontent able to combine against their Kings their absolute creators and hold their noses to the grind-stone and rather give a Law unto them then receive a law from them in which great streits our former Kings for curbing the greatnesse of these their meere creatures now grown insolent were forced to give new Charters Commissions and Writs unto the Commons then generally absolute vassals to choose so many Knights and Burgesles as they in their own breasts should think fit to be able by joyning with them to curb their potent and insolent Lords or trusty and well-beloved Cousins which was all the end they first called the Commons together for yet this good came out of it that by degrees the Commons came to understand in a greater measure their rights and to know their own power and strength By means of which with much struggling we in this age come to enjoy what wee have by Magna Charta the Petition of Right and the good and just Lawes made this present Parliament c. which yet is nothing nigh so much as by right we ought to enjoy For the forementioned Author of the book called The manner of holding Parliaments in England as 20 21. pages declares plainly that in times by-past there was neither Bishop Earle nor Baron and yet even then Kings kept Parliaments And though since by incursion Bishops Earles and Barons have been by the Kings prerogative Charters summoned to sit in Parliament yet notwithstanding the King may hold a Parliament with the Commonalty or Commons of the Kingdome without Bishops Earles and Barons And before the Conquest he positively declares it was a right that all things which are to be affirmed or informed granted or denied or to be done by the Parliament must be granted by the Commonalty of the Parliament who he affirmes might refuse though summoned to come to Parliament in case the King did not governe them as he ought unto whom it was lawfull in particular to point out the Articles in which he misgoverned them And suitable to this purpose is Mr. John Vowels judgment which Mr. Pryn in his above-mentioned book pag. 43. cites out of Holinsh Chro. of Ireland fol. 127 128. His words as Mr. Pryn cites them are thus Yet neverthelesse if the King in due order have summoned all his Lords and Barons and they wil not come or if they come they will not yet appear or if they come appear yet will not do or yeeld to any thing Then the King with the consent of his Commons may ordain and establish any Acts or Lawes which are as good sufficient and effectuall as if the Lords had given their consents but on the contrary if the Commons be summoned and will not come or coming will not appear or appearing will nor consent to do any thing alleadging some just weighty and great cause The King in these cases * Cromptons jurisdictioÌ„ of courts fo 84 Hen. 7. 18. H. 7 14. 1. H. 7 27. Parliament 42. 76 33â— H 6. 17. dju-lged accordingly prerogative 134. cannot with his Lords devise make or establish any Law The reasons are when Parliaments were first begun and ordained THERE WERE NO PRELATES OR BARONS OF THE PARLIAMENT AND THE TEMPORALL LORDS were very few or none and then the King and his Commons did make a full Parliament which authority was never hitherto abridged Again every Baron in Parliament doth represent but his owne person and speaketh in he behalf of himself alone But the Knights Citizens and Burgesses are represented in the Commons of the whole Realm and every of these giveth not consent for himself but for all those also for whom he is sent And the King with the consent of his COMMONS had ever a sufficient and full authority to make ordain and establish good wholesome Lawes for the Common-wealth of his Realm Wherefore the Lords being lawfully summoned and yet refusing to come sit or consent in Parliament canâ—ot by their folly abridge the King and the Commons of their lawfull proceedings in Parliament Thus and more John Vowel alias Hooker in his order usage how to keep a Parliament which begins in the foresaid History pag. 121. and continues to pag. 130. printed Cum Privilâ—gio And Sir Edward Cook in his Institutes on Magna Charta proves That the Lords and Peers in many Charters and Acts are included under the name of the Commons or Commonalty of England And in his Exposition of the second Chapter of Magna Charâ—a 2. part Institutes fol. 5. He declares that when the Great Charter was made there was not in England either Dukes Marquesse or Viscounts So that to be sure they are all Innovators and Intruders and can claime no originall or true interest to sit in Parliament sith they are neither instituted by common consent nor yet had any being from the first beginings of Parliaments in England either before the Conquest or since the Conquest nor the first Duke saith Sir Edward Cook Ibidem that was created since the Conquest was Edw. the black Prince In the 11. year of Edw. the third and Rob. de Vere Earl of Oxford was in the 8. year of Richard the 2. created Marquesse of Dublin in Ireland And he was the first Marquesse that any of our Kings created The first Viscount that I find saith he of Record and that sate in Parliament by that name was John Beumont who in the 8. yeer of Hen. the 6. was created Viscount Beumont And therefore if Parliaments be the most high and absolute power in the Realm as undeniably they are for Holinshed in his fore-mentioned Chronicle in the Dâ—scription of England speaking of the high Court of Parliament and authority of the same saith pag. 173. thereby Kings and mighty Princes have from time to time been deposed from their Thâ—ones â—awes either enacted or abrogated offendors of all sorts punished c. Then much more may they disthrone or depose these Lordly prerogative Innovators and Intruders and for my part I shall think that the betrusted Commissioners of the Commons of England now assembled in Parliament have not faithfully discharged their duty to their Lords and Masters the people their impowerers till they have effectually and throughly done it And if the Lords would be willing to come and sit with them as one house
in the House of Lords p. 64. 65 69. Barons in Parliament represent but their own persons p. 97. C Challenges against the Lords p. 5. pag. 70. Clergy base inslavers of this land of old p. 89 90 93 94. Contents of this Discourse p. 6 62. Common-Councel p. 27. Charles-Stewarts jugling pag. 50 51. Charles Stewart not GOD but a meer man and must not rule by his will nor other Kings but by a Law pag. 9 10 11. Charles Stewart received his Crown and Kingdom by contract p. 33. and hath broken his contract pag. 9 14 41 42 43 50 51 52 57. Charles Stewart confuted in His vain proud words p. 32 33. Charles Stewarts Confession and Speeches against himself p. 40 41 56 57. Charles Stewart as Charles Stewart different from the King as King p. 35. Charles Stewart guilty of Treason p. 52 53 54 55 57. C. R. ought to be executed p. 57. D Dukes of Normandy first second third fourth fifth sixth and seventh p. 87. Dukes Marquesses and Viscounts not in England when the great Charter was made p. 98. Davies Sir I. Clotworthies friend his basenesse pag. 102 103 104 105 106. E Edwardus Râ—x Segnier pag. 15 16 88. His gallant Law p. 16. Edward the second p. 26 27 57 58. deposed and his eldest Son chosen p. 27 58 59. Edward the third pag. 27 28 29 30. Excommunication for infringing Magna Charta p. 28. Edward 4. and 5. p. 30 31. Earl of Manchesters and Colonel Kings basenesse p. 49 10â— Englishmen made slaves by the Normans p. 90. F False imprisonment it is to detain the prisoner longer then he ought p. 81. First Dake p. 9â— First Marquesse First Viscount First Parliament in the 1â— of H. 1. see pag. 17. G Government by Kings the worst government of any lawfull Magistracie p. 14. Greenland Company oppressors pag. 101. H Heathens more reasonable then the Lords p. 2. House of Peers illegality p. 43 45 86. and basenesse to the people pag. 44. Henry the 1. p. 17. Henry Mauds eldest son King after Stephen p. 19. Henry the 3. crowned and his basenesse p. 22 23. Henry the 4 5 7 and 8. p. 30 31. Hunscot the Prelates Catchpole now the Lords Darling p. 83. I John brother to R. the 1. chosen King p. 19. His basenesse to the Common-wealth p. 20 21 39. His end p. 22. Judges corrupt p. 23. Imprisonment of L. C. Lilburn p. 63 66. Ireland in her distressed condition cheated and couzened by Sir John Clotworthy and his friend Davies p. 102. to p. 106 K King is intrusted p. 34. Kings tyrannicall usurpation none of Gods institution pag. 7. 8. Kings subordinate to Lawes by God p. 8. and men p. 9 18 19 23 24 26 27 28 29 31 32 33 34 35 36 39 40 41 42 43 52 53 85 86. Kings must not be imposed but by the peoples consents p. 7. 20 32 41 60 61. Kings deposed p. 27 58 59 98. Knights Citizens and Burgesses represent the Lawes p. 97. King no propriety in his Kingdome p. 34. or Cities thereof or Jewels of the Crown and as King not so much as the Subjects in the Kingdoms pag. 32 38. Kings illegall Commands obeyed punished pag. 35 52 53 54. Kings are lyable to be punished pag. 41 59. K. Harrold p. 84 94. L Lawes made this Parliament pag. 33 34. Lieutenant of the Towers basenesse against L. C. Lilburn pag. 5. 48. Lords cause of loosing the Kingdome at first p. 93. Lords no legislative power by consent of the people p. 45 46. Lords may not lawfully sit in the house of Commons pag. 98 99. Lords contradict themselves p. 63. Lords power wholly cashiered p. 40 47 92. Lords overthrown by the Law see p 72. to p. 78. Lords illegality and basenesse against L. C. Lilbarn pag. 47 48. 65 66 67 84. proved so to be p. 62. 81. Lords no Judges according to Law p 69. Lawes included though not expressed Kings must not violate pag. 62. Lords no Judicature at all p. 84 85 86. M Maud p. 17 18. the Empresse taketh K. Stephen in bat tel p. 18. Massacre of the Jewes in England when pag. 19. Magna Charta what it is p. 26. Magna Charta's Liberties confirmed by Hen. the 3. p. 24. And by Edw. the 2. p. 27. And by Edw. the 3. p. 28 29. Members of the House of Commons taxed p. 100 101 102. Merchant-Adventurers p. 99. overthrown p. 42. N Normans whence they came pag. 86 87. Ninety seven thonsand one hundred ninety and five pounds which was for Ireland pursed by 4 or 5 privare men see p. 103 O Orders Arbytrary and illegall against L. C. Lilburn p. 2 47 48. 63 64 66. Odo the Bishop a Bastard seeketh to be Pope pilleth the Kingdom pag. 91 92. Oaths of Kings at their Coronation p. 19 26 28 31 32 33. Oath of K. Stephen p. 18. Oath of Justices p. 29. Objection about H. 8. alteration of the Oath of Coronation answered by the Parliament p. 32. Order of the house of Commons for L. C. Lilburn p. 84. Originall of the House of Peeres pretended power p 94. P Petition of Right confirmed p. 33. the Lords break it p. 2. Petition of L. C. Lilburns wife p. 72. to p. 78. Postscript of L. C. Lilburns p. 6. People must give Lawes to the King not the King to the people p. 85. Popes judgment refused by the people to be undergone by the King as insufferable p. 26. Power of Lords both of judicative and legislative throwne down p. 92 93. Parliament what it is p. 34. their institution p. 95. The manner of holding them p. 95. how kept p. 97. Parliaments greatnesse p. 34 36 37. Prerogative Peerage flowed from rogues p. 86 87. Proceedings of the Lords against L. C. Lilburn condemned by the Commons p. 64. Parliaments kept in old time withou t Bishops Earles or Barons Pag. 96 97. Q Questions of great consequence pag. 101 102. R Rehoboams folly pag 60 61. Richard the 1. pag. 19. Remedy against fraud p. 26. Richard the 2. p. 30. Deposed p. 30. Richard the 3. p. 30 31. Rebellion of the King 90 51. Rewards conferred by William the Conqueror upon his assistants p. 90 91. S Sir John Clatworthies basenesse p. 102. to 106. Stephen Earle of Bollaigne chosen King by free election p. 18. When hee was imprisoned by Maud p. 18 19. the people restituted him out and he was set up again p. 18. Sheriffes of London Foot and Kendrick their illegality pag. 68. Sentence of the Lords against L. C. Lilburn p. 70 71. T Ten Commandements explained p. 9 10. Tyrants Kings plagued by Gods justice p. 11 12 13 17. Tyrannie of Kings p. 13 17 19 20 21 22. Towers chargeablenesse of Fees p. 49. Tryals ought to be publike and examples for it page 81 82 83 84. Turkie Merchants pag. 99. W William the Conquerors History of him p. 14 15 16 45 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 a Bastard p. 87. His end
wâ—â—ch brought the curse uâ—on him and all his Posterâ—cy that he was not content with the stâ—tion aâ—d condition that God creaâ—ed him in but did asoâ—re unto a bâ—tter and more excellent namely to belike his Creator which proved his ruine yea and indeed hâ—d been the eveâ—lâ—sting rainâ— destruction of him and all his had not GOD bâ—en the more merciâ—ull uâ—to him in the promised Messiah Gen. Chap. 3. Now for the government of England It hath been by custome principally and for the most part by the tyrannicall usurpation of a King and therefore it will be requisiâ—e to search inâ—o the Scripture and see whether ever GOD approbationally instâ—tuted it or onely permissively suffered it to be as he doâ—h all the other evils and wickednesse in the world and for the better understanding of this It is requisite to remember that we find in Scripture That GOD was not only Israels husband and did perform all the offices of a loving husband in his sweet and cordiall embracements of her and loving dispensations to her but also he was her KING himself to â—aign and rule over her and to protect and defend her and being the Lord Almighty and knowing all things past present and to come knew well that Israel would be forgetfull of all his kindnesse and though he had chosen them out of all the world in a speciall manner to be his peculiar ones yet they would forsake him and desire to be like the World And Moses declares thus much of them after they had enjoyed the good things of God in abundance But Jesurun waxed fat and kicked Thou art waxed fat tâ—ou arâ— grown thicke thou art covered with fatnesse then he forsook God which made him and lightly esteemed the Rock of his salvation Deut. 32. 15. And therefore they knowing that when he possessed the Land of Canaan they would reject him and desire a King like all the rest of â—he Heathens and Pagans to reign over them Yet they being dear unto him he would not wholly reject them but gave them a Law for the chusing of a King and his behaviour which we find in Deuâ— 17. 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 in these words When thou art â—ome into the Lanâ— wâ—â—ch Jehovah thy God giveth thee and shalt possesse it and shalt dwell therein and shalt say I will set a King over me like as all the Nations that aâ—e about me Thâ—u shâ—lt in any wise set him King over thee whom Jehovah thy God shall chuse one from among thy Brethren shalt thou set King over thee Thou mayst not set a stranger over thee which is not thy brother But he shall not multiply horses to himsâ—lf nor cause the people to retuâ—n to Egypt that is to bondage or slavery to the end thâ—t he should multiply horses Foâ—asmuch as Jehovah hath said untâ— yâ—u Ye shall henceforth return no morâ— that way that is to say â— shall be no mâ—re slaves Neither shall he multiply â—ivâ—s to himself that his heart turn not away neither shall â—â— gâ—eâ—tly multiply to himselâ— silver and Gold And it shâ—ll be when he sitteth â—pon the â—â—hrone of his Kingâ—om that he shall write him a Copy of this Law in a Book on of that which is before the Priests the Levites And it shall be with him and he shall reade therein all the dayes of his lifâ— that he may learn to feare Jehovah his God to keepe all the words of this Law and thâ—se Statutes and do them That his heart be not listed up above his Brethren and that he turn not aside from the Commandement to the right hand or to the left to the end that he may prolong his dayes in his Kingdome he and his children in the middest of Israel So that to me it is very cleer that all Government whatsoever ought to be by mutuall consent and agreement and that no Governour Officer King or Magistrate ought to be betrusted with such a Power â—s inables him when he pleaseth to destroy those that trust him Aâ—d wickedness in the highest it is for any King c. to raign and govern by â—is Prerogative that is to say by his will and pleasure and as great wickednesse it is for any sort of men to sufâ—â—r him so to do For the proofe of this I lay down my Argumenâ— thus and we will apply it to the King of England in perticular He that is not GOD but a meer man cannot make his will a rule and law unto himself and others But Charles Stewart alias Charles Rex is not God but a meer man Ergo he cannot make his Will a rule and Law unto himselfe or to the people of England Secondly He that by contract and agreement receives a Crowne or Kingdome is bound to that contract and agreement the violating of which absolves and dâ—singages those that made it from him But King Charles received His Crowne and Kingdome by a contract and agreement and hath broken His contract and agreement Ergo. c. Now for the clearing of the first proposition it is confest by all that are not meer Athists That GOD alone rules and governs by his Will and that therefore things are legall just and good Because GOD wills them to be so And therefore all men whatsoever must and ought to be ruled by the Law of GOD which in a great part is engraven in Nature and demonstrated by Reason As for instance It is an instinct in Nature that there is a GOD Rom. 1. or a mighty incomprehensible power And therefore it is rationall that we should not make Gods unto our selves and this is the pith of the first Commandement Nature telling me There is a God And therefore secondly its rationall he only should be worshipped served and odored and that 's the marrow of the second Commandement And in the third place seeing nature tells me there is a GOD reason dâ—ctâ—â—â—s unto me that I should speak reverently and honourably of hâ—m And this is the sumâ—e of the third Commandement Fouâ—thly Nature dictating to me there is a GOD. It is rationaâ—l I should â—et some time apart to do him homage and service And seeing the inâ—â—â—â—ct of Nature causes me to look upon him as a Soveraign over me â—s but rationall haâ— he should appoint a Law unto me for the matter manner and time of his worship and service and this is the substance of the fourth Commandement Again seeing nature teacheth me to defâ—â—d my self and preserve my life Reason telleth me in th◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it is but just that I should not doe that unto another which I would not have another doe to me but that in the affirmative I should do as I would be done unto And this is the marrow of the whole second Table of Gods Law from whence all Lawes amongst men ought to have their derivation And therefore because by nature no man is GOD or Soveraign one over another Reason tells me I ought not to have a law imposed
both on him and all that had a finger in furthering of his usurpation vers 23 24 45 53 54 for afterward the Tyrant thaâ— they had set up destroyed them all for their pains and in the end had his scull broke to pieces with a piece of a mill-stone thrown from the hand of a woman And after many miseries sustained by the people of Israel for their revolt from their loyalty to GOD their LORD and KING Yet in their distresse hee took compassion of them and senâ— them Samuel a just and righteous Judge who judged â—hem justly all his dayes But the people of Israel like foolish men not being content with the Government of their Soveraign by Judges who ouâ— of doubt took such a care of them that he provided the best in the world for them would reject their Liege Lord and chuse one of their own namâ—y a King that so they might be like the Pagans and Heathens who ive without God in the world which Act af theirs God plainly declares was a rejection of him thâ—t he should not reign over them 1 Sam. 87. and chap. 10. 19. Buâ— withal he descâ—â—beth vnto them the behaviour of the King vers 11 12 13 14 16. which 1 Sam. 8. 7. and 10. 9. is that he will rule and govern them by his own will just Tyrant like for saith Samuel he will take your Sons and appoint them for himselfe for his Chariots and to be his horâ—emâ—n and ome shall run before his Chari t s and he will take by his Prerogative your Fiâ—lds and your Vineyards and youâ— Oliveyards eveâ— the hest of them and give them to his Servants and he will take your men-servants and your maid-servants and your goodliest young-men and your Asses and put them to his worke c. And saith Samuel you shall cry out in that day because of your King which ye shall have chosen unto you but the Lord will not hear you in that day And Samuel in the 12. Câ—apâ—er gives them positively the reason ofiâ— which was that although GOD in all their straights had taken compassion on them and sent them deliveries and at the last had by himself set them free on every side so that they dwelt sately Yet all this would not content them but they would have a King to reigne over them when sâ—â—h Samuâ—l the â—ord your God was your King therefore chap. 1â— 19. saith Samuel ye have this day rejected your God who himself saved you out of all your adversities c. yea and in the 19. ver of the 12. chap. the People acknowledged that they had added unto all their sins this evill even to ask a King Whereb we may evidently pâ—rceive that this office of a King is not in the least of Gods institution neither is it to bâ— given to any man upon earth Because none must rule by his will but God alone And therefore the Scripture saith He gave them a King in his anger and took him away in his wrath Hosa 13. 11. In the second place for the proofe of the minor Proposition which is That Charles R. received his Crown and Kingdome by contract and agreement and hath broken his contract and agreement I thus prove And first for the first part of the position History makes it clear that WILLIAM THE CONQVEROVR OR TYRANT being a Bastard subdued this Kingdome by force of Armes Reade Speeds Chronicle folio 413. There being slain in the first Battell betwixt him and the English about sixty thousand men on the English party As Daniel records in his History fol. 25. And having gained the Country he ruled it by his sword as an absolute Conqueror professing that he was beholding to none for his Kingdome but God and his sword making his power as wide as his will just Tyrant like giving away the Lands of their Nobles to his Normans laying unwonted taxes and heavie subsidies upon the Commons insomuch that many of them to enjoy a barren liberty forsook their fruitfull inheritance and with their wâ—ves and children as out-lawes lived in woods preferring that naked name of freedome before a sufficient ☞ maintenance possest under the thraldome of a Conquerar who subvertâ—ed their Lawes disweaponed the Commons prevented their night meetings with a hâ—aviâ— penalty that every man at thâ— day closing should cover his fiâ—e and depart to his rest there by depriving them of all opportunity to consult together how to recover their liberties collating Officeâ—s all both of command and judicature on those who were his 〈◊〉 made saith Daniel page 46. his domination such as heâ— would have it For whereas the causes of the Kingdome were before determined in every Shire And by a Law of King Edward Segâ—ier all matters in question should upon speciall penalty without further deferment be finally decidâ—d in the Gemote or Convâ—â—â—ions held monethly in every Hundred Now he ordained That four times in the yeare for certain dayes the same businesse should be determâ—ned in such place as he would appoint where he constituted Judges to 〈◊〉 to that purpose and others from whom as from the bosomâ— of â—he Prince all litigâ—tors should have justice And to make them â—s miserable as slavâ—s could be made He ordered that the Laws should be practised in French Aâ— Pâ—itions and businesses of Câ—urt â—n French that so the poor miserable people might be gulled and cheated undone and destroyed not onely at his will and pleasure but also at the will and pleasure of his under Tyrants and Officers For to speak in the words of Martin in his History page 4 He enacted and established strict and severe Lawes and published them in his own language by meanes whereof many who were of great estate and of much worth through ignorance did transgressâ— and their smâ—llest offences were great enough to entitle the CONQVEROR to their lands to the lands and riches which they did possesse All which ke seized on and took from them without remorse And in page 5. he declares hat he erected sundry Courts for the administraâ—iâ—nâ— his â—ew Lawes and of Justice and least his Iudges shâ—uld bear toâ— great a sway by reason of his absence he caused them all to follow his Court upon all removes Whereby he not only curbed thâ—ir dispâ—siâ—ions which iâ—cited them to be great but also tired out the English Nâ—tion with extraordinary troubles and excessive charges in the prosecution of Suites in Law From all which relations we may observe First from how wicked bloudy triviall base and tyrannicall a Fountain our gratious Soveraignes and most excellent Majesties of England have sprung namely from the Spring of a Bastard of poore condition by the Mothers side and from the pâ—rnitious springs of Robbery Pyracie violence and Murder c. Howsoever fabulous Writers strivâ— as Daniel saith to abuse the credulity of after Ages with Heroicall or mircaulous beginnings that surely if it be rightly considered there will none dote upon those kind of Monsters Kings buâ—
Ambassage the most and impious that â—ver was sent by any Christian Prince unto Maramumalim the Moâ—â—â— intituled The great King of Africa c. Wherein he offered to render uâ—to him his Kingdome and to hold the same by tribuâ—â— from him as his Soveraign Lord to forgoe the Christian faith which he held vaâ—â— and receive that of Mahomet But leaving him and his people together by the cares striving with him for their â—â—â—râ—es and freedomes aâ— justly they might which at last brought in the French amongst them to the almost utter ruine and destruction of the whole Kingdome and at last he was poysoned by a Monk It was this King or Tyrant that enabled the Citizens of London to make their Annuall choyce of a Mayor and two Seriffes Martaine 59. The Kingdome being all in broyles by the French who were called in to the aid of the Barons against him and having got footing plot and endevour utterly to extinguish the English Nation The States at Glâ—cester in a great Assembly caused Henry the third his sonne to be Crowned who walked in his Fathers steps in subverting the peoples Liberties and Freedomes who had so freely chosen him and expelled the French yet was hee so led and swayed by evill Councellors putting out the Natives out of all the chief places of the Kingdome and preferred strangers only in their places Which doings made many of the Nobility saith Daniel folio 154. combine themselves for the defence of the publick according to the law of Nature and Reason and boldly doe shew the King his error and ill-advised course in suffering strangers about him to the disgrace and oppression of his naturall liege people contrary to their Lawes and Liberties and that unlesse he would reforme this excesse whereby his Crown and Kingdome was in imminent danger they would withdraw themselves from his Councell Hereupon the King suddenly sends over for whole Legions of Poictonions and withall summons a Parliament at Oxford whither the Lords refuse to come And after this the Lords were summonedto a Parliament at Westminster whither likewise they refused to come unlesse the King would remove the Bishop of Winchester and the Poictonians from the Court otherwise by the common Counsell of the Kingdom they send him expresse word They would expell him and his evill Councellors out of the land and deale for the creation of a new King Fifty and six yeares this King reigned in a manner in his Fathers steps for many a bloody battell was fought betwixt him and his people for their Liberties and Freedomes and his sonne Prince Edward travelled to the warres in Africa The State after his Fathers death in his absence assembles at the New Temple and Proclaim him King And having been six yeares absent in the the third yeare of his reigne comes home and being full of action in warres occasioned many and gâ—eat Levies of money from his people yet the most of them was given by common consent in Parliament and having been three years out absent of the Kingdom he comes home in the 16. year of his reign And generall complaints being made unto him of ill administration of justice in his absence And that his Judges like so many Jewes had eaten his people to the bones ruinated them with delays in their suits and enriched themselves with wicked corruption too comon a practice amongst that generation he put all those from their Offices who were found guilty and those were almost all and punished them otherwise in a grievous manner being first in open Parliament convicted See Speed folio 635. And saith Daniel folio 189. The fines which these wicked corrupt Judges brought into the Kings Coffers were above one hundred thousand marks which at the rate as money goes now amounts to above three hundred thousand Markes by meanes of which he filled his empty coffers which was no small cause that made him fall upon them In the mean time these were true branches of so corrupt a root as they flowed from namely the Norman Tyrant And in the 25. yeare of his reigne he calles a Parliament without admission of any Church-man he requires certain of the great Lords to goe into the warres of Gascoyne but they all making their excuses every man for himselfe The King in great anger threatned that they should either goe or he would give their Lands to those that should Whereupon Humphry Bohun Earle of Hereford High Constable and Roger Bigod Earle of Norfolk Marshall of England made their Declaration That if the King went in person they would attend him otherwise not Which answer more offends And being urged again the Earle Marshall protested He would willingly go thither with the King and march before him in the Vantguard as by his right of inheritance he ought to doe But the King told him plainly he should goe with any other although himself went not in person I am not so bound said the Earle neither will I take that journey without you The King swore by God Sir Earle you shall goe or hang. And I sweare by the same oath I will neither goe nor hang said the Earle And so without leave departed Shortly after the two Earles assembled many Noblemen and others their friends to the number of thirty Baronets so that they were fifteen hundred men at Arms well appointed and stood upon their own guard The King having at that time many Irons in the fire of very great consequence judged it not fit to meddle with them but prepares to go beyond the Seas and oppose the King of France and being ready to take ship the Archbishops Bishops Earles and Barons and the Commons send him in a Roll of the generall grievances of his Subjects concerning his Taxes Subsidies and other Impositions with his seeking to force their services by unlawfull courses c. The King sends answer that he could not alter any thing without the advice of his Councell which were not now with them and therefore required them seeing they would not attend him in this journey which they absolutely refused to doe though he went in person unlesse he had gone into Fraâ—câ— or Scotland that they would yet do nothing in his absence prejudiciâ—â—l to the peace of the Kingdom And that upon his return he would set all things in good order as should be fit And although he sayled away with 500. sayle of ships and 18000. men at Armes yet he was crossed in his undertakings which forced him as Daniel saith to send over forâ—more supply of treasure and gave order for a Parliament to be held at York by the Prince and such as had the managing of the State in his absence wherein for that he would not be disappointed he condescends to all such Articles as were demanded concerning the Great Charter promising from thence-forth never to charge his Subjects otherwise then by their consents in Parliament c. which at large you may reade in the Book of Statutes for which the Commons of
the Realm granted him the ninth peny Aâ— so deer a rate were they forced to buy their own Rights at the hands of him that was their servant and had received his Crown and Dignity from them and for them But the People of England not being content with the confirmation of their Liberties by his Deputies presse him at a Paâ—l at Westminster the next year to the confirmation of their Charters he pressing hard to have the Clause Salvo Jure Coroae nostrae put in but the People would not endure it should be so Yet with much adoe he confirmes them according to their mind and â—hat neither he nor his heires shall procure or do any thing whereby the Liberties of the Great Charter contained shall be infringed or broken and if any thing be procured by any person contrary to the premises iâ— shall be held of no force nor effect And this câ—st them dear as I said before So that here you have a true relation of the begetting the conception and birth of Magna Charta The English-Mans Inheritance And how much blood and money it cost our fore-fathers before they could wring it out of the hands of their tyrannicall Kings and yet alas in my judgment it falls far short of Edward the Confessors Laws for the ease good and quiet of the people which the Conqueror robbed England of for the Norman practises yet in Westminster-Hall by reason of their tediousnesse ambiguities uncertainties the entries in Latine which is not our own Tongue their forcing men to plead by Lawyers and noâ— permitting ☞ themselves to plead their own causes their compelling of persons to come from all places of the Kingdom to seek for Justice at Westminster is such an Iron Norman yoak with fangs and teeth in it as Lieutenant Colonell Lilburn in his late printed Epistle to Judge Reeves cals it That if we werefree in every particular else that our hearts can think of yet as the same Author saith were we slaves by this alone the burthen of which singly will pieâ—ce gaul our shoulders make us bow stoop even down to the ground ready to be made a prey not only by great men but even by every cunning sharking knave Oh therefore that our Honourable Parliament according to their late Declaration would for ever annihilate this Norman innovation reduce us back to that part of the antient frame of government in this Kingdome before the Conquerors dayes That we may have all cases and differences decided in the County or Hundred where they are committed or do arise without any appeale but to a Parliament And that they may monethly be judged by twelve men of free and honest condition chosen by themselves with their grave or chiefe Officer amongst them and that they may swear to judge every mans cause aright without feare favour or affection upon a severe and strict penalty of those that shall do unjustly And then farewell jangling Lawyers the wildfire-destroyers and bane of all just rationall and right-governed Common-wealths And for the facilitating of this work and the prevention of frauds I shall onely make use of Mr. John Cookes words a Lawyer in Grays-Inne in the 66. page of his late published Book called A Vindication of the Professours and Profession of the Law where he prescribes A ready remedy against Frauds which is That there might be a publike office in every Countie to register all Leases made for any Land in that County and also all conveyances whatsoever and all charges upon the Lands and all Bonds and Contracts of any value for saith he It is a hard matter to find out Recognizances Judgments Extents and other Charges and too chargable for the Subject that so for 12. d. or some such small matter every man might know in whom the Interest of Land remains and what incuâ—brances lie upon it and every estate or charge not entered there to be void in Law And that the Country have the choosing of the Registers in their respective Counties oncâ— a yeare upon a fixed day and that they have plaine rules and limitations made by authority of Parliament and severe penalties enacted for transgressing them But after this digression let us return to Mag. Charta whosoever readeth iâ— which eveâ—â— man may at large at the beginning of the book of Statuâ—es shaâ—l fiâ—d it an absolute Contract betwixt the Kings of England and the People thereof which at their Coronations ever since they take an Oath inviolable to observe And we shall find in the dayes of â—his Pâ—incâ— who is noted for one of the best that we have that English-men understood themselves so well that when the Pope endeavoured to meddle in a businesse betwixt the Scots and the Crown of England there was letters sent from Lincoln at a Parliament which did absolutely tell the Pope that the King their Lord should iâ— no sort undergo his Holinesse judgement therein Neither send his Pâ—ocurators as was required â—bout that businesse whereby it may seeme that doubâ—s were made of their Kings title to the prejâ—dice of the Crowne the Royall Dignity the Liberties Customâ—s and Lawes of England which by their oath and duty they were bound to observe and would defend with their lives Neither would they permit nor could any usuall unlawful and detrimental proceeding but that which is most observable is in the next clause viz. nor suffer their King if he would to do or any way to attempt the same Daniel fol. 199. After the warlike King succeeded his Son Edward the second who was continually at variance with his people although never any before him was received with greater love of the people then he as saith Daniel fol. 204. nor ever any that sooner leâ—t it His very first actions discovered a head-strong wilfulnesse that was unconcealable regarding no other company but the base Parasites of of the times the head of which was Gaveston which made his Nobles at Westminster when he and his Queen was to be crowned to assemble together and require him that Gaveston his darling might be removed from out of the Court and Kingdome otherwise they purposed to hinder his Coronation at that time Whereupon the King to avoid so great a disgrace promises on his saith to yeeld to what they desired in the next Parliament And at the next Parliament the whole Assembly humbly besought the King to advise and treat with his Nobles who then it seemes were abundantly honester then these are now concerning the state of the Kingdome for the avoiding of iminent mischiese likely to ensue through the neglect of Government and so far urged the matter as the King consents thereunto and not only grants them liberty to draw into Articles what was requisite for the Kingâ—ome but takes his Oath to ratifie whatsoever thâ—y should câ—nclude Whereupon they elect certain choice men both of the Clergy Nobility and Commons to compose those Articles which donâ— the Archbishop of Canterbury lately recalled from exile with
the rest of his Suffragans solemnly pronounced the Sentence of Excommunication whiâ—h then was a feâ— full thunder-bolt against all such who should contradict those Articles which were there publikely read before the Barons and Commons of the Realme in the presence of the King Amongst which the observation and execution of Magnae Charta is required with all other ordinances necessary for the Church and Kingdome and that as the said King had done all stâ—angers should be banished the Court and Kingdome and all ill Councellors removed That the businesse of the State should be treated on by the Councell of the Clergy and the Nobles That the King should not begin any war or go any way out os the Kingdom without the common Councell of the same Daniel fol. 205. Speed fol. 652. But this King for his evill government breaking his Oaths and Contracts with his People was therefore by common consent in full Parliament deposed Which we shall have occasion bâ— and by more fully to speak of and the Bishop of Hereford as the mouth of those Messengers that were sent by the Parliament the Body of the State told him that the Common-wealth had in Parliament elected his eldest Son the Lord Edward for King and that he must resigne his Diadem to him or after the refusall suffer them to elect such a person as themselves should judge to be most fit and able to defend the Kingdome This Prince being crowned raigned above 50. years and hath the best commendation for Manhood and Justice of any Prince that went before him or that followed after him who yet notwithstanding though he came in by election and took the Oath at his Coronation which his Father took before him yet he fayled often in the performance of it Of which the BBp. of Canterbury in an Epistle written to him when hee was in France tells him home of it in these words That it was the safety of Kings and their Kingdoms to use grave and wise Councellors alleadging many examples out of holy Writ of the slourishing happinesse of such as took that course and their infelicity who followed the contrary Then wills him to remember how his Father led by evill Councell vexed the Kingdome putting to death contrary to the Law of the Land divers of the Nobility and wished him to consider what hapned thereby unto him 〈◊〉 to call to mind how himself at first through evill Councell about 〈◊〉 almost lost the hearts of his people But afterwards by the great 〈◊〉 and care of his Prelates and Nobles his affaires were 〈…〉 into so good order as he recovered them and is reputed the noblest Prince in Christendome But now again at present through the 〈◊〉 Councell of such as effect their own prosit more then his honour oâ— the welfâ—re of his People he had caused Clergy-men and others to be arâ—ested and held in prison by undue proceeding without being indicted or convilled contrary to the Laws of England which he saith he was â—â—â—nd by his Oath at his Coronation to observe and against Magna Charta which whosoever shall presume to infringe are to be by the Prelates excommunicate so that hereby he incurred no small detriment to his Soule and to the State and his Honour which he doubted if he proceeded in it would loose both the hearts of the people and their ayd and helpe Daniel Foli 229. 230. For which the King sharply according to his prerogative power reproveth him But shortly after the King found much to doâ— in the Parliament held at London being earnestly petitioned by the whole Assembly that the great Charter of Liberties and the Charter of Forrests might be duly observed and that whosoever of the Kings Officers inâ—ringed the same should loose their place That the high Officers of the Kingdome should as in former times * Read Daniel fol. 149. be elected by Parliament But the King stood stiff upon his prerogative but yet yeelded that these Officers should receive an Oath in Parliament to do justice unto all men in their Officâ—s and thereupon a Statute was made and confirmed with the Kings Seal both for that and many other Grants of his to the Subjâ—cts which notwithstanding were for the most part presently after revoked Daniel fol. 231. But forasmuch as About this time in the Statute-Bookes at large fol. 144. l find was an excellent Oath made in the 18. of Edw. 3. Anno 1344. intituled The Oath of the Justices I conceive it may be worth the reading and therefore it is not unnecessary here to insâ—rt it which thus followeth YE shall swear that well and lawfully ye shall serve our Lord the King and his People in the Office of Iustice and that lawfully ye shall counsell the King in his businesse And that ye shall not counsell nor assent to any thing which may turn him in dammage or disherison by any manner way or colour And that ye shall not know the dammage or disherison of him whereof ye shall not cause him to be warned by your self or by others and that ye shall do equall Law and execution of right to all his Subjects rich and poore without having regard to any person And that you take not by your self or by other privatly nor apertly guift nor regard of gold nor silver nor of any other thing which may turn to your profit unlesse it be meat or drinke and that of small value of any man that shall have any plea or processe hanging before you as long as the same processe shall be so hanging nor after for the same cause And that ye take no Fee as long as ye shall be Justice nor Robes of any man great or small but of the King himself And that ye give none advice nor counsell to no man great nor small in no case where the King is party And in case that any of what estate or condition they be come before you in your Sessions with force and arms or otherwise against the peace or against the form of the Statute thereof made Stat 2. E. 3. 3. to disturb execution of the Common-Law or to â—â—â—ace the people that they may not pursue the Law that ye shall cause their bopies to be arrested and put in prison And in case they be such that ye cannot arrest them that ye certifie the King of their names and of their misprision hastily so that he may thereof ordain a conveniable remedy And that ye by your selfe nor by others privily nor apertly maintain any plea or quarrell hanging in the Kings Court or else-where in the Country And that ye deny to no man common right by the Kings Lettâ—rs nor none other mans nor for none other cause in case any Letters come to you contrary to the Law that ye do nothing by such Letters but certifie the King thereof and proceed to execute the Law notwithstanding the same Letters And that ye shall do and procure the profit of the King and his Crown with
all things where you may reasonably do the samâ— And in case ye be from henceforth found in default in any of the points aforesaid ye shall be at the Kings will of Body Lands and Goods thereof to be done as shall please him As God you helpâ— and all Saints But now in regard we shall for brevities sake but only touch at Richard the sâ—câ—nd who for his evill government was Articâ—ed against in Parliament Martine fol. 156 157 158 159 160. Speed fol. 742. The substance of which in Speeds words were First in the front was placed his abuse of the publike treasure and unworthy waste of the Crown-Land whereby he grew intollerable grievous to the Subjects The particular causes of the Dukes of Gloucester and Lancaster the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury the Earle of Arundel filled sundry Articles They charged â—im in the rest with dissimuâ—ation faâ—shood â—osse of honour abroad in the world extortioâ—s rapine deniall of Justice rasuâ—es and eâ—bâ—zelling of records dishonourable shifts wicked Axiâ—mes of Sâ—atâ— cruelty covetousnesse subordinations lasciviousnessâ— reason to the rights of the Crown perjuries and briâ—fly wiâ—h all sorts of unkingly vices and with absolute tyranniâ— Upon which it was concluded That he had broken his Contâ—act made with the Kingdome or the Oath of Empire taken at his Coronation and adjudged by all the States in Parliament That it was sufficient cause to depose him and then the diffinitive sentence was passed upon him And wee shall wholly passe over Henry the 4. 5. and 6. Edward 4. and 5. Richard 3. Hen. 7. and 8. and shall come down to King Charles and not mention the particular miseries blood-sheds cruelties treason tyrannies and all manner of miseries that the free-born people of this Kingdome underwent in all or most of their wicked raigns especially in the Barons warres In which time the Inhabitants of England had neither life liberty nor estates that they could call their own there having been ten Batteâ—s of note fought in the Bowels of this Kingdome in two of their Râ—igns only viz. Hen. 6. and Edw. thâ— 4. In one of which 〈◊〉 there was 37. thousand English slâ—iâ— Martine fol 393 394 â—95 I say wâ— wiâ—l pâ—ssâ— by all these aâ—d give you the Copy of the Oath that King Edward 2. and Kâ—â—g Edward hâ— 3. by authority of Parliamenâ— took and which all thâ— Kings and Queens of England since to this day at thâ—iâ— Coronation â—ither took or ought to have taken never having bâ— auâ—â—oriâ—y of Parliament bâ—en altered since that I could hear of by which it will cleerly appeare that the Kings of England receive their Kingdoms coâ—diâ—ioâ—allâ— The true Copy of whicâ— as I find it in this Parliaments Declaration made in reply to the Kings Declaration or answer â—o their Remonstrance dated 26. May 1642. and set down in the Booke of Declarations page 713. SIR Will you grant and keep and by your Oath confirme unto the People of England the Lawes and Customes granted to them by antient Kings of England rightfull men and devout to God and namely the Lawes and Customes and Franchâ—ses granted to the Clergie and to the People by the glorious King Edward to your power Sir Yee keepe to God and to Holy Church to the Clergie and to the People Peace and accord wholly after your power Sir Yee do to be kept in all your Domes and Iudgments true and even Righteousnesse with Mercie and Truth The King shall answer I shall doe it Sir Will you grant defend fulfill all rightfull Laws and Customes the which the COMMONS of Your Realme shall choose and shall strengthen and maintain them to the Worship of GOD after Your power The King shall answer I grant and behight And then the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury at the time of the Coronation goes or should goe to the four sides of the Scaffold where the King is crowned and declares and relates to all the People how that Our Lord the King had taken the said Oath enquiring of the same people If they would consent to have him their King and Liege Lord to obey him as their King and Liege Lord who with one accord consenâ—ed thereunto Now let all the world be judge whether the Kings of England receive their Kingdomâ—s by contract yea or no. And if they do receive them by contract as is already undeniably proved before Then what becomes of that wicked and tyrannicall Maxime avowed by King Charles immediatly after his Answer to the Petition of Right Book Statutes fol. 1434. viz. That he did owe an account of his actions to none but GOD alone And of that erroneous Maxime mentioned in Book Declaration pag. 266. viz. That Kingdomes are Kings own and that they may do with them what they will as if Kingdomes were for them and not they for their Kingdomes But if any man shall object and say that King Henry the 8. with his own hands altered this Oath and therefore it is not the same Oath which King Charles hath taken To which I aâ—swâ—r and say The Parliament in their Declaration gâ—aâ—â—s that King Hen. the 8. c. aâ—tered it but they also say pag. 712. They do conceive that neither he nor any other had power to alter it without an Act of Parliament And in pag. 708. 709. They say They well know what Kings have dâ—ne in this point But we know also say â—â—ey that what they have done is no good rule alwayes to interpret what they â—â—ght to have done for that they are bound to the observation of Lawes by their Oath is out of question and yet the contrary practised by them will appear in all ages as often But to put this out of doubt whosoever reades the Oath taken by this King which he himself sets down in his Declaration Book Declar. pag. 290 291. will find no materiall difference betwixt that which hee took and that which he ought to have taken saving in that clause of passing New Lawes But there is enough in that he tooke to prove my assertion viz. That he received his Crown by a Contract which further to prove I alledge the Petition of Right which whosoever seriously readeth with his Answer to it shall finde it to be a large and absolute Declaration of a contracted duty betwixt him and his people viz. That it was his duty to govern them by Law and not by his Prerogative Will And when his first answer to their Petition did not please the Parliament they pressed him again out of Right to give a satisfactory one Which he out of Duty doth saying Let right bâ— done as is desired So that this is a clear demonstration and enough to prove that there is not only a bare Contract betwixt the King and the People but also that he is bound by duty to grant such Lawes as they shall rationally choose although there were no such Statute as the 25. of Edward the 3. which they mention in pag. 268 nor no such clauses as they speak
of pag. 706 707 714. In the Records of 1 R. 2. Num 44. and R. 2. Num 34. and 40. Again it will clearly appear that there is a contract betwixt the King his People yea and such a one as ties up all his public official actions to be according unto Law and not according to the rule of his own Wiâ—l if we seriously weigh but the Lawes made and past this present Parliament but especially that for abolishing the Star-Chamber and regulating the Councell-Table the Act for abolishing the high Commission Court two Acts for the levying and pressing Souldiers and Marriners and an Act declaring unlawfull and void the late proceedings touching Ship-money And an Act for preventing vexatious proceedings touching the order of Knight-hood And an Act for the free bringing in and free making of Gun-powder But if all this will not serve let us a little further consider what the Parliament saith who are the States representative of all the individuals of the State universall of England Book Declar. pag. 171. 264. 336. 508 613. 628. 654. 655. 703. 705. 711. 724. 725. 726 728. 729 730. And therefore are the highest supreamest and greatest Court Counncel and Judge of this Kingdome pag. 141 143 197 207 213 271 272 278 280 281 303 457 693 703 704 711 718 725. And who may justly be called the legall Conservators of Englands Liberties 281 277 282 264 496 587 588 617 693 698. Yea the legall and publike eyes and heart of Englands Politike Body pag. 213 278 340 690. Of whom a dishonourable thing ought not to be conceived of them pag 281 654. much lesle to be acted or done by them pag. 150. And they say pag. 266. That the King hath not that right to the Towns and Forts in England which the people in generall have to their estates the Towns being no more the Kings own then the Kingdome is his own And his Kingdome is no more his own then his people are his own And if the King had a propriety in all his Towns what would become of the Subjects propriety in their houses therein And if he had a propriety in his Kingdom what would become of the Subjects propriety in their Lands throughout the Kingdom or of their Liberties if his Majestie had the same right in their persons that every Subject hath in their Lands or Goods and what should become of all the Subjects Interests in the Towns and Forts in the Kingdome and in the Kingdom it self if his Majestie might sell them or give them away or dispose of them at pleasure as a particular man may do with his Lands and his Goods This erroneous Maxime being infused inâ—o Princes that their Kingdoms are their owne and that they may do with them what they will as if their Kingdoms were for them and not they for their Kingdoms is the â—oot of all the Subjects misery and of the invading of their just Righâ—s and Liberties whereas indeed they are only intrusted with their Kingdomes and with their Towns and with their People and with the publike Treasure of the Common-wealth and whatsoever is bought therewith And by the known Law of this Kingdom the very Jewels of the Crown are not the Kings proper Goods but are only intrusted to him for the use and ornament thereof As the Towns Forts Treasure Magazine Offices and the People of the Kingdome and the whole Kingdome it self is intrusted unto him for the good and safety and best advantage thereof And as this Trust is for the use of the Kingdom so ought it to be managed by the advice of the Houses of Parliament whom the Kingdom hath trusted for that purpose it being their duty to see it discharged according to the condition and true intent thereof and as much as in them lies by all possible meanes to hinder the contrary and therefore say they pag. 276. by the Statute of 25. Ed. 3. It is a levying of warre against the King when it is against his Lawes and Authority though it be not immediatly against his Person And the levying of Force against his Personall Commands though accompanied with his presence if it be not against his Lawes and Authority but in the maintainance thereof is no levying of warre against the King but for him for thâ—re is a great difference betwixt the King as King and the King as Charles Stuart And therefore say the Parliament pag. 279. That Treason which is against the Kingdome is more against the King then that which is against his Person because he is King for that very Treasor is not Treason as it is against him as a man but as a man that is a King and as he hath relation to the Kingdome and stands as a Person intrusted with the Kingdome discharging that Trust And therefore page 722. that Alexander Archbishop of Yorke Rob. Delleer Duke of Ireland Trisiilian L. chief Justice the rest in the time of Richard the 2. were guilty of Treason and so adjudged by two Acts of Parliament viz. 11. R. 2. 1. 2. and 1. H. 4. 3. and 4. which to this day are both in force for levying Forces against the Authority of Parliament and to put to death divers principall members of both Houses although they had the Kings expresse Command to do it and the promise of his presence to accompany them which yet for all that neither would nor did save their lives in regard as they say page 723. It is a known rule in Law that the Kings illegall Commands though accompanied with his presence do not excuse these that obey him therfore if the Kingdom be in danger and the King wil not hearken to the Parliament in those things that are necessary for the preservation of the peace and safety of the Kingdome Shall they stand and look on whilest the Kingdome runs to evident ruine and destruction No page 726 for safety and preservation is just in every individuall or particular page 44. 150. 207. 382. 466. 496. 637. 690. 722. much more in the Parliament who are the great and supream legall Councell from whom there is no legall appeale as is before declared Yea and in their Declaration of the 19. of May 1642. page â— 7. they tell us that this Law is as old as the Kingdome viz. That the Kingdom must not be without a meanes to preserve it selfe which that it might be done without confusion say they this Nation hath entrusted certain hands with a power to provide in an orderly and regular way for the good and safety of the whole which power by the constitution of this Kingdome is in his Majesty and in his Parliament together Yet since the Prince being but one person is more subject to accidents of nature and chance whereby the Common-wealth may be deprived of the fruit of that Trust which was in part reposed in him in cases of such necessity that the Kingdome may not be inforced presently to return to its first principall and every man
left to do what is aright in his own eyes without either guide or rule the wisdome of this State hath intrusted the Parliament with a power to supply what shall bee wanting on the part of the Prince as is evident by the constant custome and practice thereof in cases of nonage naturall disability and captivity and the like reason doth and must hold for the exercise of the same power in such cases where the Royall Trust cannot bee or is not discharged and that the Kingdome runs an evident and eminent danger thereby which danger having been declared by the Lords and Commons in Parliament there needs not the authority of any person or Court to affirme nor is it in the power of any person or Court to revoke that judgment for as they well say in their Declaration of the 26. of May 1642. page 281. it is not agreeable to reason or conscience that it should be otherwise seeing men should be put upon an impossibility of knowing their duty if the Judgment of the highest Court should not be a rule and guide to them And if the Judgment therefore should be followed where the question is who is King as before in that Declaration they have rpoved it ought much more what is the best service of the King and Kingdome and therefore those that shall guide themselves by the judgment of Parliament ought what ever happen to be secure and free from all account and penalties upon the grounds and equity of this very Statute of 11. Hen. 7. Chap. 1. And again page 697. they say very rationally There must be a Judge of the question wherein the safety of the Kingdome depends for it must not lie undetermined And if then there be not an agreement betwixt his Majesty and the Parliament either his Majesty must be Judge against his Parliament or the Parliament without his Majesty It is unsound and irrationall to give it to his Majestie who out of the Courts is not Judge of the least dammage or trespasse done to the least of his Subjects but the Parliament is the Representative Body of the whole Kingdome and therefore the absolute proper and legall Judge Besides If his Majesty in the difference of Opinions should be Judge he should be Judge in his own case but the Parliament should be Judges between his Majesty and the Kingdome And if his Majesty should be Judge hee should be Judge out of his Courts yea and against his highest Court which he never is nor can be but the Parliament should only judge without his Majesties personall consent which as a Court of Judicature it alwayes doth and all other Courts as well as it Therefore if the King be for the Kingdome and not the Kingdome for the King And if the Kingdome best knowes what is for its own good and preservation and the Parliament be the Representative Body of the Kingdome It is easie to judge who in this case should be Judge And therefore the Parliament are bound in duty to those that trust them to see that the king dispose aright of his trust being that right that the King hath as King in the things he enjoyes is of a different nature and for different ends to the right of propriety which a particular man hath in his Goods and Lands c. That of propriety is a right of propriety which a particular man may dispose of as hee pleaseth according to his own discretion for his own advantage so it bee not contrary to the publike good but the right of the King is only a right of trust which he is to mannage in such wayes and by such Councels as the Law doth direct and only for the publike good and not to his private advantages nor to the prejudice of any mans particular Interests much lesse of the Publike page 700. And therefore say they page 687. The King hath not the like liberty in disposing of his own person or of the persons of his children in respect of the Interest the Kingdome hath in them as a private man may have But if it shall be objected that the Parliament the representative of the Kingdome are not to intermeddle in the managing of his Majâ—sties trust because of the Oaths that they have taken wherein they swear that His Majesty is supreame Head and Governour over all persons and over all causes within his Dominions to which I shal return partly their own answer p. 703. That notwithstanding this they are bound to see it managed according to the true intent condition therof for no man doth nor can give a power to destroy himself and therefore say they If we should say the King hath in the Government of his People Superiors to wiâ— the Law by which he is made and his Courts c. It were no new Doctrine We have an antient Author for it viz. Fleta Book 1. Chap. 17. of substituting of Iudges If we should say the King is the single greatest but lesse then the whole it were no new learning it being an undeniable rule in reason that they that make a thing are alwayes greater then the thing made by them and certainly this of supreame Head and Governour over all persons in all causes as it is meant singular or single persons rather then of Courts or of the Body collective of the whole Kingdome so it is meant in curia non in camera in his Courts that his Majesty is supreame Head and Governour over all persons in all causes and not in his private capacity and to speak properly It is only in his High Court of Parliament wherein and wherewith his Majesty hath absolutely the supream power and consequently is absolutely supreame Head and Governour from whom there is no Appeale And if the High Court of Parliamen may take an account of what is done by his Majesty in his inferiour Courts much more of what is done by him without the Authority of any Courts And for my part say that though the King be the Supream Officer which is all and the most he is yet he is not the supreame Power for the absolute Supream Power is the People in generall made up of every individuall and the legall and formall supream Power is only their Commissioners their collective or representative Body chosen by them and assembled in Parliament to whom the King is and ought to give an account both of his Office and Actions yea and to receive rules directions and limitations from them and by them And although King John the 7. from William the Rogue aiias the chiefe Robber or Conquerour was so Atheistically and impiously wicked as to give away his kingdome of England unto the Pope as is before declared * pag. which was none of his owne to give or dispose of either to him or any other whatsoever which the people that lived in those dayes very well knew and understood and therefore as Speed in his Chronicles records fol. 565. in a generall Parliament held
in or about the year 1214. The Prelates Lords and Commons severally and joyntly enacted That forsomuch as neither King John nor any other King could bring his Realme and People to such thraldome but by common consent of Parliament which was never done and that in so doing he did against his Oath at his Coronation besides many other causes of just exception If therefore the Pope thence forwards should attempt any thing therein the King with all his Subjects should with all their forces and powers resist the same and rather hazzard all their lives and livelihood then endure his usuâ— pationâ— But if any man should so dote upon those Pageanâ—s Tyrants Kings the supposed and pretended aâ—nointed of the Lord as yet not to think it sufficient to prove that not onely the present King Charles his own acknowledgment and confession will be of force sufficient to pull all Scales of blindnesse from their eyes and all hardnesse and unbelievingnesse of heart from their hearts His own words in his answer to the House of Commons first Remonstrance Book Declar. pag. 25. are these We have thought it very suitable to the duty of Our place and pag. 29. and We â—aith he doubt not it will be the most acceptable Declaration a King can make to his Subjects that for Our part We are resolved duly not only to observe the Lawes Our Self but to maintain them agrinst what opposition soever though with the hazard of Our Being and a little below We acknowledge it a high crime saith he against Almighty God and inexcusabâ—â— to Our good Subjects of Our three Kingdomes if We did not to the utmost imploy all Our power and faculties to the speediest and most effectuall assistance and protection of that distressed people of Ireland And in his Message 28 April 1642. page 157. speaking of the Militia he saith We conceive it prejudiciall to Our Self or inconvenient for Our Subjects for whom We are trusted and page 167. Himself saith That if the Prerogative of the King over-whelme the Liberty of the People it will be turned to tyrannie And he himself page 284. defines tyrannie to be nothing else but to admit no rule to govern by a mans own will But above all the rest remarkable is his own confession in his answer to the Parliaments Declaration of the 19. May 1642. where in page 152. He honestly and plainly acknowledgeth that He is to give an account of his Office not only to God but also to his other Kingdoms But as the Parliament saith page 701. This is a strange Paradox that his Majesty by his own Confession owes an â—account to his other Kingdomes of his Office and Dignity of a King in this kingdome itself where he resides and hath his being and subsistence And in page 311. He acknowledgeth God hath entrusted Him with his regallity for the good of his People and if it be for their good then not for their mischief and destruction but God hath entrusted him and how is that The truth is God is no more the Author oâ— Regall then of Aristocratical power nor of Supreame then of Subordinate Command Nay that Dominion which is usurped and not just whilest it remains Dominion and till it be legally again divested refers to God as its Author and Donor as much as that which is Hereditary and permissively from God and not approbationally instituted or appointed by him And that Law which the King mentioneth is not to be understood to bee any speciall Ordinance sent from Heaven by the Ministry of Angels or Prophets as amongst the Jewes it sometimes was It can be nothing else amongst Christians but the actions and agreements of such and such politike Corporations Power is originally inherent in the People and it is nothing else but that might and vigour which such and such a Society of men contains in it self and when by such and such a Law of common consent and agreement it is derived into such and such hands God confirmes the Law And so man is the free and voluntary author the Law is the instrument and God is the establisher of both as the observator in the first page of the first part of his most excellent observations doth observe And though Kings make a huge matter of that saying of God by me Kings Raigne as though there were some superlative naturall inbred inherent deity or exellency in Kings above other men yâ—t we may say anâ— that truâ—y That by God all mankind lives moues and have their being yea and raignes and goveâ—ns as much by God in their infâ—rior orbs of Cityes hundreds waâ—entaâ—es and families as well as Kings in their Kingdoms yea though God himselfe in an extraordinary and immediate manner chose aâ—d appointed Saul David and Solomon to be Kings of Israel Yet so just was the righâ—eous God that â—e wâ—uâ—d 〈◊〉 impâ—se them uâ—oâ— the people of Israâ—l against their own â—ilâ—â— and mindâ—s 〈◊〉 heâ— did tâ—ey rule as Kâ—â—g till by tâ—e câ—mmoâ— câ—nsent of tâ—e people they châ—se â—hem and 〈◊〉 â—heâ— to raigne ovâ—r â—hem 1 Sam. 10. 20. 24. 2 Sam. 2. 24. and Châ—p 5. 1. 2. and 3. and 1 Kings 38 39 â—0 So tâ—at â—hâ—ir authâ—râ—ty did originally as inhereâ—tlâ— flow from the peâ—ple as well as their speciall â—ssigâ—ation from God aâ—d tâ—ey were to rulâ— and govern them by the Law of God â—nd not by the rule and Law of their own wilâ— unto which Law â—hey were to be as 〈◊〉 and subject as the meanest of the people yea and as â—yaâ—le to punishment and to have their traâ—sgrâ—ssiâ—ns â—ayd to tâ—â—ir charge As Lieuâ—eâ—aâ—t Collonâ—l Lilburne â—ath 〈◊〉 and fully proved in his late printed Epistle to Judge Reves pâ—g These things righâ—ly considered doth coâ—demn thosâ— two maxims for wicked ungodly and tyrannicâ—â—l wâ—ich are â—ayd downe so in the booke of Dâ—claraâ—ioâ—s pag 199. 3. 4. viz. That the King can do no wrong The second is that the King is the fountaine of justice But to returne againe to the Kings own word â—e saith pag. 313. We were unwoâ—â—hy the trust repoâ—ed in us by the Law and of our descent from so many great and famous Ancestors if wâ— could be brought to abondon that power which onely can enable us to performe what we are sworne to in protecting our people and the Lawes What can be said more plaine then this to prove him an Officer of 〈◊〉 Trust But seeing he speakes of his Ancestors Let me tell him that if he had no better title to his Crown then to claime it his by a kind of Divine Right from his Progenitors and because he is the next Heire to King James It would be by Scripture a very weak title We find in Scripture that Salomon a younger Son c. was made King principally because of his fitnesse to govern when divers of his elder brethren wenâ— without the Crown And if any in the world might have pleaded the priviledges of being next heire Davids Sons and Sons
Lordships have flowing from one and the same fountain with them namely the Kings will and pleasure commonly called The Kings Prerogative demonstrated by his Letters Pattents which in such a case is not worth a button as is clear by the Law and the very principles of Reason and that the Lordly Prerogative honour it self that they enjoy from the King which was never given them by common consent as all right and just honour and power ought to be is a meer boon and gratuity given them by the King for the helping him to inslave and envassalise the People and from theâ—r Predecessâ—rs whom William the Conqueror aâ—ias the Theefe and Tyranâ— made Dukes Earles and Barons for helping him to subdue and enslave the free Nation of England and gave them by the Law of this own will the estate of the Inhabitâ—nts the right owners thereof to maintain the Grandeur of their Tyranny and Prerogative Peerage And therfore their Creator the King doth in his Dce p. 324 ingeniously declare that their title to their legislative power is only by bloud And if so then not by common consent or choyce of the People the onely and alone Fountain of all just power on earth and therefore void null and at the best but a meer fixion and usurpation and the greatest or best stile they gave themselves in their joynt Declaration with the House of Commons page 508 is That the House of Peers are the Hereditary Councellors of the Kingdome and what right they have thereby to make the People Lawes I know not neither is it declared there by what right they came by their Hereditary Councellorship Nor yet is it there declared what it is So that I understand not what they mean by it which I desire them to explaine for sure I am it is a maxime in Nature and Reason That no man can be concluded buâ— by his own consent and that it is absolute Tyranny for any what or whom soever to impose a Law upon a People that were never chosen nor betrusted by them to make them Lawes But in that Declaration in the next line The chosen and betrusted House of Commons the only alone Law-makers of England the King and Lords consent to their Votes Lawes and Ordinances being but in truth a meer Ceremony and usurped formality and in the strength of Law which justly is nothing else then pure reason neither addes strength unto them nor detracts power from them is royally truly and majesterially stiled and called the representaive Body of the whole Commons of the Kingdome and so are in abundance of other places before cited Yea and whosoever seriously reades and considers the third Position laid down page 726. and laid down in the name of the Parliament shall see indeed and in truth the power of the Lords wholly cashiered their words are these That we did and do say that a Parliament may dispose of any thing wherein the King or any Subject hath a right in such a way as that the Kingdome may not be in danger thereby and that if the King being humbly sought unto by his Parliament shall refuse to joyn with them in such cases the Representative Body of the Kingdome that is to say the House of Commons alone the Lords representing no Body but themselves and their Ladies neither challenge they any such title but call themselves meerly Hereditary Councellours is not to sit still and see the Kingdome perish before their eyes and of this danger they are Judges and Judges superiour to all others I beseech you mark it well that legally have any power of judicature within this Kingdome Where are you my Lords And what say you to this your own ingenious confession For yours it is for any thing I know to the contrary unlesse you were all asleep when you past it Nay further My Lords If the Representative Body bee the Parliament as is here confessed and averred and that Representative Body be the House of Commons and none else as before is proved and the House of Commons or Representative Body be the Parliament as here they are called then My Lords what say you to that inference from hence drawn and naturally flowing and arising from the premises and proved by your first Pofition laid down in the fore-cited page 726. which is That the Parliament hath a power in declaring Law in particular cases in question before them and that which is so declared by the High Court of Parliament being the highest Court of Judicature ought not afterwards to be questioned by his Majesty or any of his Subjects for that there lyeth no Appeal from them to any Person or Court whatsoever so that the right and safety both of King and People shal depend upon the Law and the Law for its interpretation upon the Courts of Justice which are the competent Judges thereof and not upon the pleasure and interpretation of private persons or of Publike in a private capacity Good-night my Lords unlesse you will make a little more buzling and so make the stink a little more hot in the Nostrils of all men that have the use of their sences before your snuffe go cleer out the which if you do it will I am confident but cause it to go out with a witnesse And therefore look to it and remember the Star-Chamber the Councell-I able and High Commission Where are they all but in the grave of reproach contumely disgrace and shame And give me leave to tell you of the common Proverb now abroad of Canterbury and Strafford That if in the dayes of their prosperity which were as high and great as yours are or ever were they had thought they should have beene pulled down by the common People whom they strongly labonred to enslave and by their unwearied cryes to the eares of Englands supreame Judges for Justice were justly by them condemned to the block and lost their wicked Lordly Heads in the presence of many of those that they had tyrannized over they would have been more moderate just and righteous in their generations then they were Apply it my Lord s and remember Mr. Lilburn c. and the tyrannie you have exercised upon him for many weekes together both in Newgate and the Tower of London in locking him up close prisoner without the use of Pen Ink or Paper and not suffering his friends nor wife that singular comfort and help that the wise God provided for poor fraile man to set her foot within his Chamber door for about three Weekes together nor she nor any of his friends to deliver to his hands though in the presence of his Keeper meat drink or money and yet you never allowed himm 2. d. to live on that I could heare of and then unjustly sentence him 4000. l. and 7 years Imprisonment in the Tower c. there to be tyrannized over by one â—f your own Creatures Col. West Lieutenant thereof who hath divers weeks divorced him from his wife and
Irish Rebellion for all his many solemn protestations to the contrary and that at the very begining by his immediate warrant licensed Commanders to go over to them and hindred supplies from going to suppresse them pag. 70. 98. 116. 567. 568. 569. 622. Yea and though he were so quick against the Scots as immediately upon their declaring themselves to maintaine their rights to proclaime them traytors yet notwithstanding though the King vowed and protested that his soule abhorred the Irish Rebellion it was about three moneths before the Parliament could get him to proclaime them traytors And when he was by them forced to proclaime them traytors His Majesty gave speciall Command that but forty of them should be printed and not one of them published till farther directions given by his Majesty pag. 567. Yea and besides all this contrary to his Oath he refuseth to passe the bill for the Militia although it was often prest upon him by the Parliament as the onely way and meanes to settle and preserve the peace of the Kingdome and also with-drawes himselfe from the Parliament with a defigne to levy warre against them whereupon for the discharge of their duty and trust and the preservation of the Kingdome the 20. May 1642. book declar pag. 259. they past three votes viz. Resolved upon the Question I. That it appeares that the King seduced by wicked Councel intends to make warre against the Parliament who in all their consultations and actions have proposed no other end unto themselves but the care of his Kingdome and performance of all duty and loyalty to his person Resolved upon the Question II That whensoever the King maketh warre upon the Parliament It is a breach of the trust reposed in him by his people contrary to his Oath and tending to the dissolution of his Government Resolved upon the Question III. That whosoever shall serve or assist him in these warres are traytors by the fundamentall Lawes of this Kingdome and ought to suffer as tâ—aytors 11. Rich. 2. 1 2 3 4 5. anâ— 6 1 Hen. 4. 4. From the two last votes I will draw some arguments which naâ—urally flow from them And firs t for the seâ—oâ—d Vote which is that whensoever the King makeâ—h warre against the Parliament it is a breach of the trust reposed in him by his people c. But the King hath set up his Sâ—andard of defiance against thaâ— Parliament which he summoned to si a Westminster and had passed an Act of Parliamenâ— tâ—at there they should siâ— so long as they pleased yea and haâ—h actually proclamed and levyed war against them therefore he hath broke the â—rust reposed in him by his people which was to protect and defend them not to ruine and destroy them and hath violatâ—d his publick Oath and so is willfully forsworne and hath also strongly endeavoured the utter dissolution of the Government of this Kingdome Pag. 248. 503. 508. 509. 576. 580. 584. 617. 665. For in fighting against the Parliament and seekeing the utter destruction thereof as he hath done 〈…〉 fought against the whole Kingdome and people whose be â—uâ—ted legall chosen Commissioners and representation they are and who therefore have sufficient cause and ground given them both in the eyes of God and all rationall men ever hereafter to renounce and defie him c. as he hath done them Now from thâ— 3. Vote which is That whosoever shall serve or assist him in these warres are Traytors and ought to suffer as Traytors from whence by way of inference I draw this argumâ—nt That If the Minor principall that is to say the Accessarie or assistant be guilty of Treason Then much more is the Major principall that is to say the chiefe mover and beginner or originall actor and setter on guilty of treason himselfe But by this vote the Minor or principall the assister is declared and proved guilty of Treason Ergo the Major principall the King who sets all his assistants at worke is much more guilty of Treason Now let us consider of those two Statutes which the Parliament alledge for the proveing of the 3. vote That of the 11. R. 2. was the Law by which the five great Traytors as speed calles them folio 732. were â—impeached namely Robert de Vere Duâ—e of Ireland Alexander Nevile Arch-Bishop of Yorke Michaeldâ—la-Poole Earle of Suffolke Sir Robert Trisillian that false Iustitiar and Sir Nicholas Brâ—mbre that false Knight oâ— Londâ—n whose crime was for being the heads with many others to advise the King by his regall power to aâ—ihilate certaine things passed lately by act of Parliament and to destroy the chieâ—e men of both houses that had been chiefe Sâ—iâ—klers for the good of the Common Weal hâ—and by the Kings consent the Duâ—e of Irâ—land did levye forces for that â—nd But by the Lords that were for the Common Wealâ—h was soone varquished and forced to sly into France where he was sâ—â—in by a wild Boare Martine foli 1â—9 But yet notwithstanding his â—ssociates and Iudges viz. Ful hâ—op Bâ—lknap Carey Hott Burgh and Lockâ—on were the first â—â—y of the Parliament arrested of treason as they saâ—e in Iudgement on the Bench and most of them sent to the Tower for giving it under their hands that it was lawfull for the King to abrogate that which was lately done in the Parliament becauâ—â— as they wickedly saiâ— he was aboue the law Speed folio 731. Trisillian the chiefe Iustice prevented by flight his apprehension when his â—ellowes the Iudges were taken but afterwards was catcht and brought to the Parliament in the fore-noone where he had sentence to be drawne to Tyburne in the after-noone and there to have his throat cut which was done accordingly Sir Nicholas Brambres turne was next And aâ—ter him Sir Ioan Earle of Sails buâ—y and Sir James Barney Sir Iohn Bâ—uchamâ—â— of Holt Sâ—uart of the Kings Houshold Iohn Back Esquire and Simond Burley who onely as speed saith folio 733. had the worship to have his head struck off The Duke of Ireland the Arch Bishop of Yorke the Earle of Suffolke and others had their Estates confiscated to the Kings use by Act of Parliament And as Martin saith folio 149. The rest of the Judges had been served as Robert Trisillian was if upon the importunate and uncessant request of the Queene their lives had not been redâ—emed by their banishment O gallant and brave Justice It is true and so confessed by the Parliament that these Statutes of 11 R. 2. 1 2 3 4. 5 and 6. were abolished by the 21. R. 2. 12 But it is averred by them that they were revived by 1 H. 4. 3. 4. 5. 9. and still stand in force to this day which is a reall truth And in the 2. place let us consider well the Parliaments publick Declarations and we shall see they hold it out full enough We will begin with their Declaration to the States of Holland pag. 636. where they plainly affirme that the King not his evill
Councellers hath now at last resolved to set up his royall Standard and draw his sword for the destruction and ruine of his most faithfull and obedient people whom by the lawes and constitutions of this Kingdome he is bound to preserve and protect Yea and in their answer sent to his Messenger from Nottingham August 25. 1642. pag. 580 They tell him plainly that though they have used all meanes possible to prevent the distractions of this Kingdome which have been not onely without successe but there hath followed that which no ill Councell in former times hath produced or any age hath seene namely those severall Proclamations and Declarations against both the Houses of Parliament whereby their actions are declared Treasonable and their persons Traytors and thereupon your Majesty hath set up your Standard against them whereby you have put the two Houses of Parliament and in them this whole Kingdome out of your protection and as I may truly say have thereupon virtually ceased to be King so that untill your Majesty shall recall those Proclamations and Declarations whereby the Earle of Essex and both Houses of Parliament and their adherents and assistants and such as have obeyed and execuâ—ed their commands and directions according to their duties are declared traytors or otherwise delinquents And unâ—ill the Standard set up in the pursuance of the said Proclamations be taken downe your Majesty hath put us into such a condition that whil'st we so remaine we cannot by the fundamentall priviledges of Parliament the publike trust reposed in us or with the generall good and safety of this Kingdome give your Majesty any other answer to this Message The same language they speake to him in their Petition pag. 584. And in their Message pag. 585. And in their Petition 587. And in their Declaration pag. 576 They say plainly that the King seduced by wicked Councell doth make warre against his Parliament and people And in their Petition sent by Sir Philip Stapleton to the Earle of Essex to be presented to His Majesty pag. 617. They say positively His Majesty warres against the Parliament and subjects of this Kingdome leading in his own person an Army against them as if he intended by conquest to establish an absolute and unlimitted power over them and by his power and the continuance of his presence have ransacked spoyled imprisoned murthered divers of his people yea and doth endeavour to bring over the Rebels of Ireland and other forces from beyond the Seas And in their Declaration and resolution after the King had proclaimed the Parliament and the Earle of Essex Traytors pag. 508. 509. They call that very Proclamation an attempt so desperate and so transcendently wicked that the Lords and Commons do unanimously publish and declare that all they who have advised contrived abâ—â—ted or countenaâ—ced or hereafter shall abett and countenance the said Proclamation to be Traytors and enemies to GOD the King Kingdome and to be guilty of the highest degree of Treason that can be comitted against the King and Kingdome that they will by the assistance of Almighty God and of all honest English Protestants and lovers of their Country do their best endeavours even to the utmost hazard of their lives and fortunes to bring all such unparalleld traytors to a speedy and exemplary punishment Be sure you be as good as your word for GOD of all villians abhors faith-breakers and take heâ—d by your actions and treatyes with the unjust and false King Charles one of the Monsters of the earth you do not give a just and visible cause of ground not onely to all rationall men in England but in the world that knowes reades and understands your often solemn sworne Oathes vowes Protestations and ingagements to judge you a forsworne false and perjured Generation and fit to be abhorred of GOD and all good men for to speake truth and right Hath not Charles Stewart committed treason against King Charles sure I am he hath done it against the KINGDOME of ENGLAND and that I prove by your own grounds thus The Proclamation that you so much cry out of comes out in his name and stile pag. 503. 404. 406. 507. And therefore his Ergo. For he ownes his own Proclamations and Declarations and jeeres you for a company of simpletons for declaring it otherwise His words pag. 248. are All our answers and Declarations have been and are owned by us and have been attested under our hands if any other had been published in our name and without our authority It would be easy for both Houses of Parliament to discover and apprehend the Authors And we wish that whosoever was trusted with the drawing and penning of that Declaration namely the Parliaments dated 19 of May 1642. had not more authority or cunning to impose upon or deceive a major part of those votes by which it passed then any man hath to prevaile with us to publish in our name any thing but the sâ—nce and resolution of our own heart And since this new device is found out in stead of answering our reasons or satisfying our just demandes to blast our Declarations and answers as if they were not our own a bold senselesse imputation we are sure that every answer and Declaration published by us is much more our own then any one of those bold threatning and reproachfull Petitions and remonstrances are the acts of either or both houses Yâ—a and as if all this were not enough to be done by a trust sufficiently for ever to declare the forfeiting of his trust and Kingly Office the King himself hath caused the Iewels of the Crown to be pawned to buy instruments of warre to butcher and murther his people who never gave him any power and authority for any other end but to protect defend and preserve them neither did he ever in his life injoy any other power either from God or man but for that end yet in his speech to the people of SALOP he declares he will melt down all his own Plate and expose all his land to sale or morgage though it be none of his but the Kingdomâ—s that so he may the faster cut the throats and shed the innocent blood of those his brethren that betrusted him with all he had or hath for their good and welfare Yet to fillup the measure of his iniquity he not his evill counsellors hath given Commission to his Commissioners of Array Sheriffes Mayors Justices Bailiffes or any other whatsoever to raise Force and to kill and slay all such as should hinder the EXECVTION of his Royall command or put the Ordinance of Militia though it were for their own preservation in Execution pag. 581. And the same bloody murdering Commissions he hath given to his Instruments in Scotland Ireland to Butcher destroy and ruinate the people there So that to sum up all the Parliament told him plainly in their late letter sent to him at Oxford That he was guilty of all the innocent blood
shed in England Scotland and Ireland since these wars which is the blood of thousands of thousands For which if all the sons of men should be so base and wicked as not to doe their duty in executing justice upon him which Legally may and ought to bee done by those especially who have Power and Authority in their hands Yet undoubtedly the righteous God will and that I am confident in an exemplary manner in despight of all his bloody add wicked protectors and defenders For GOD is a just GOD and will revenge innocent blood even upon Kings Judg. 1 6 7. 1 Kings 21. 19. 22. 38. Isa 30. 33. Ezek. 32. 29. and will repay wicked and ungodly men Isai 59. 18. Therefore I desire those that shall thinke this a harsh saying to lay down the definition of a Tyrant in the highest degree and I am confident their own Consciences will tell them it is scarce possible to commit or doe that act of Tyranny that Charles Stewart is not guilty of and therefore de jure hath absolved all his people from their Allegeance and Obedience to him and which the Parliament are bound in duty and conscience De facto to declare and not to bee unjuster to the Kingdome then their predecessors have been which in part I have already memioned and shall to conclude only cite some particulars of the Parliaments just dealing with Edward the second who was not one quarter so bad as C. R who being called to account by the Parliament for his evill government and being imprisoned at Kenelworth-Castle the Parliament sent Commissioners to acquaint him with their pleasure the Bishops of Winchesâ—â—r Hereford and Lincoln two Earls two Abbots foure Barons two Justices three Knights for every County and for London and other principall places chiefly for the five Ports a certain number chosen by the Parliament And when they came to him they told him the Common-wealth had conceived so irreconcileable dislikes of his government the particulars whereof had been opened in the generall Assembly at London that it was resolved never to endure him as King any longer That notwithstanding those dislikes had not extended so far as for his sake to exclude his issue but that with universall applause and joy the Common-wealth had in Parliament elected his eldest sonne the Lord Edward for King They finally told him that unlesse he did of himselfe renounce his Crown and Scepter the people would neither endure him nor any of his children as their Soveraigne but disclaiming all Homage and Fealty would elect some other for King not of the Blood The King seeing it would be no better amongst other things told them That he sorrowed much that the people of the Kingdom were so exasperated against him as that they should utterly abhorre his any longer rule and soveraignty and therefore he besought all there present to forgive him and gave them thanks for chusing his eldest sonne to be their King which was greatly to his good liking that he was so gracious in their sight Whereupon they proceeded to the short Ceremony of his Resignation which principally consisted in the surrender of his Diadem and Ensignes of Majesty to the use of his son the new King Whereupon Sir William Trussel on the behalfe of the whole Realm renounced all homage and allegeance to the Lord Edward of Carnarvan late King The words of the definitive Sentence were these I William Trussel in the name of all men of the Land of England and all the Parliament Procurator resigne to thee Edward the Domage that was made to thee sometime and from this time forward now following I defy thee and deprive shee of all Royall power and I shall neuer be attendant to thee as for â—ing after this time But if any object It is true Subjects and people have de facto done this unto their Kings but they cannot doe it de jure for that Kings are above their people are not punishable by any but God I answer God is the fountain or efficient cause of all punishment But as to man instrumentally he inflicts by man And though he be our supream Lord and Law-Maker hath for bodily and visible transgressions of his Law appointed a visible and bodily punishment in this world for the transgressors thereof and man for his instrumentall executioner and never ordinarily doth it immediatly by himself but when his Instrument Man failes to doe his duty and being a God of order hath appointed a Magistrate or an impowred man as his and their executioner for the doing of justice and never goeth out of this Road but in extraordinary cases as he doth when the Magistrate is extraordinarily corrupted in the executing of his duty and in such cases God hath raised up particular or extraordinary persons to be his executioners And therefore God being no respecter of persons hath by nature created all men alike in power and not any lawlesse and none to bind each other against mutuall agreement and common consent and hath exprâ—sly commanded Man his rationall creature shall not tyrannize one over another or destroy by any intrusted power each other but that the intrusted Kings as well as others shall improve the utmost of their power and strength for the good and benefit protection and preservation of every individuall Trustee And whosoever he be that shall improve his intrusted power to the destruction of his impowrers forfeits his power And GOD the fountain of Reason and Justice hath endued man with so much reason mercy humanity and compassion to himself and his own Being as by the instinct Nature to improve his utmost power for his own preservation and defence which is a Law above all lawes and compacts in the world Declar. April 17. 1641. And whosoever rejects it and doth not use it hath obliterated the principles of Nature in himselfe degenerated into a habit worse then a beast and becomes felonious to himselfe and guilty of hâ—s own blood This Israel of old the Lords peculiar people understood as well as the people of England although they had 〈◊〉 expresse posiâ—ive law no more then we in England have to rebell or withdraw their obedience subjection from those Magistrates or Kings that exercise their power and authority contrary to the nature of their trust which is plain and cleare without dispute in the case of Rehoboam who was the son of Solomon who was the sonne of David who was assigned King by GOD and chosen and made King by the common consent of the people of Juda and Israel 2 Sam. 7. 13. And who by vertve of Gods promise to him and his seed to be Kings over his people had more to say for his Title to his and their Crown I am confident of it then all the Princes in the world have to say for their claim and childrens to their Crown For Rehoboam was not onely the sonne of Solomon who was in a manner intailed by God himselfe unto the Crown
but he was also made King at Shechem by all Israel 1 King 12. â— And afterwards Jeroboam the son of Nebat Solomons servant and all the congregation of Israel went to Rehoboam to claim the making good of the GREAT CHARTER of Nature viz. to claim relaxation of oppression and protection according to justice that is to say that he should doe to them in governing them justly as he would have them to doe to him in yeelding him subjection and obedience this being the whole Law of GOD both Naturall and Morall and therefore they tell Rehoboam that the King â—his Father had broke their Charter and made their Yoak grieuous which you may read of in Chap. 4. Now therefore make thou observe they doe not say Most gracious Soveraigne nor Most excellent Majesty the grievous service of thy Father and his heavy yoak which he put upon us lighter and we will serve thee But the King rejecting the advice and counsell of his old and gâ—od Counsellors which as we may say was to govern them according to Law contained in Magna Charta and the Petition of Right c. and not to rule and governe them according to his Prerogative or perverse Will For they tell him If thou wilt be a servant unto this people this day and wilt serve them mark it well and answer them and speak good words to them then they will bee thy servants for ever But he forsook the counsell of the old men which wee may call GOOD COMMON-WEALTHS-MEN and followed the advice of his young-men which we call the Cavaliers or men for the Prerogative And saith the Text he answered the people roughly saying My Father made your yoak heavy and I will adde to your yoake My Father also chastised you with whiâ—s but I wil chastise you with Scorpions 1 Kings 12. 3 4 5 6 7 8 14. But saith the Text vers 15 when all Israel saw that the King hearkeâ—ed not unto them the people answered the King saying What portion have we in David Neither have we inheritance in the son of Jesse To your Tents O Israel Now see to thine own house David So Israel departed to their tents and revolted or rebelled against the House of David and called all the coÌ„gregation of the people together and with an unanimous consent made Jeroboam King over all Israel as Rehoboam was over Juda having both an assignation from GOD 1 King 11. 11 12 13 26 29 30 31 35 37 38. and a solemne legall publick Call and Election from the people 1 Kings 12. 2 3 20 21. and of his Regality and Kingship as legally and justly by God himselfe approved by sending his Prophet tobring the kingdom back to Solomons son to command him and Juda c. Observe he calls them not Rehoboams people not to goe up nor fight against their brethren the children of Israel Which command as most just they observed vers 21 22 23 24 Yea and God himselfe in the 14. chapter and 7. verse beareth witnesse that he himselfe exalted Jeroboam from among the people and made him Prince over his people Israel and rent the Kingdome from the house of David and gave it unto him And afterwards when God upbraids him it was not because he was an usurper a traytor or a â—ebeâ—l against his masters son King Rehoboam but because he had not been as his servant David was who followed him with a perfect heart but had done evill above all that was before him in making him other Gods and molten Images to provoke me saith God to anger and hast cast me behind thy back So that here is a cleare demonstratioâ— that it is lawfull in the sight of God as well as in the sight of Man for a people to with-draw their obedience from that Magistrate or King that refuseth to govern them by legall justice but oppresseth them contrary to the end of the trust reposed in him which was never for their woe but for their weale and so breakes that tacit contract that by vertue of his Induction into his Office is Naturally and Rationally implyed to be made although it never be expressed It being as the Parliament saith Book Declar. Pag. 150. irrationall to conceive that when the Militiâ— of any is comâ—itted to a Generall although it be not with any expresse condition that he shall not turne the mouthes of his Cannons against his own Souâ—diers for say they that is so naturally and necessarily implyed that its needlesse to be expressed insomuch as if he did attempt or coÌ„â—â—nd any such thing against the nature of his trust and place it did Ipso facto estate the Armie in a right of disobedience except we thinke that obedience binds men to cut their own throates or atleast their Companions Having laid this foundation I will come now to speak something of those five particulars which is before-mentioned and laid down in the sixth page of this Discourse which are thus expressed First if it were granted that the Lords were a legall Jurisdiction and had a judicative power over the Commons yet the manner of the Lords dealing with Lieut. Col. Lilburn is illegall and unjust Secondly That if the Lords were a Judicature yet they have no jurisdiction over Commoners Thirdly That they are no Judicature at all Fourthly That they by Law and Right are no Law-makers Fifthly That by Law and Right it lyeth not in the power of the King nor in the House of Commons it self to delegate the legislative power either to the Lords divided or conjoyned nor to any other persons whatsoever For the first of these viz. That the manner of the Lords proceeding with Lieu. Col. Lilburn was and is illegall is cleer and that I prove thus The Law requires that before the body of a Free-man be attached or summoned to a Bar of Justice to answer a Chage that there shall be an originall Declaration or Charge filed in the Court before so much as either the Writ Attachment or Warrant go out to seize upon or summon the party accused See Sir Edw. Cookes 2. part Institut f. 46 50 51. Read the Statuâ—e c. quoted in those Margents but there was no such matter in Mr. Lilburns case For although as he declares in his book called The Freemans freedome vindicated page 3 the Lords 10. June 1646. sue out a Warrant to summon him upon sight thereof to answer such things as he stands charged with before their Lordships concerning a Pamphlet entituled The just mans justification or A Letter by way of Plea in Barre And accordingly the 11 of June 1646. he appeared at their Bar expecting there to have received a written Charge according to Law and Justice which they both refused to shew him or let him know whether they had any such legall Charge or no against him but presse him contrary to the Petition of Right and the Law of the Land to answer to Interrogatories concerning himself a practice condemned by themselves in his own case
judicative power nor a legislative power inherent in him as is strongly undeniably and unanswerably proved before in pag. 43 44 46 47 60 61. And therefore away with the pretended power of the Lords up with it by the roots and let them sit no longer as they do unlesse they will put themselves upon the love of their Country to be freely therby chosen as their â—oÌ„missioners to sit in Parliament for I am sure in right all their actions now are unbinding and unindivalid which becomes you O all ye Free-men or Commoners of England out of that duty you ow to your selves yours and your native Country throughly and home to set forth by Petition to your own HOVSE of COMMONS and to desire them speedily to remove them before the Kingdome be destroyed by their crosse proud and inconsistent interest for little do you know what Scotch-ale divers of them are now a brewing Read the Histories of William the Conqueror and you shall easily find that the pride and contention of those English-men that were called Lords amongst themselves was no small cause of the losing of this Kingdome to that Tyrant for saith Speed fol. 409. After the Normans had slain King Harold and overthrown his Army the two great Earles of Yorkshire and Cheshire Morcar and Edwine coming to London where the Londoners c. would gladly have set up Edgar Atheling the true Heire to the Crown to have been their Captain Generall to have defended them from the powerfull Norman Invaders who now was exceedingly fleshed with his victory and now likely to over-run the whole Land yet such was the pride and baesenesse of these two great Lords that the misery distresse and fearfull estate of their native Country could not disswade from their ambition plotting secretly to get the Crown to themselvs which hindered that wise and noble design and totally lost their native Country O COMMONS OF ENGLAND therefore beware of them and have a jealous eye over them and take heed that when it comes to the pinch they serve you not such another trick again For I am sure their interest is not yours nor the publikes neither is it consistent with their ends that you should enjoy Justice or your undeniable and just rights liberties and freedomes And well to this purpose saith Daniel pag. 36. That after the Bishops and the Clergy had shewed their aversnesse to the erecting of that probable meanes that was propounded to hinder the theevish invader the Nobility considering they were so born and must have a King and therefore considering of his power made them strive and run head-long who should bee the first to pre-occupate the grace of servitude and intrude them into forraign subjection So that the poor Commons like a strong vessell that saith hee might have been for good use were hereby left without a stern and could not move regularly trusting and resting it seemes too much upon those Lords which I call the broken Reeds of Egypt by whom they were undone But for the further cleeâ—ng of the Originall of the House of Peers pretended power I shall desire the understanding Reader to read over a little Treatise printed in Anno 1641. called The manner of holding of Parliaments in England in the 28. pag. hee saith King Harold being overcome William the 1. King and Conqueror having obtained the Soveraignty according to his pleasure bestowed Dignities and Honours upon his companions and others Some of them so connext and conjoyned unto the Fees themselves that yet to this day the possessors thereof may seem to be inabled even with the possession of the places only as our Bishops at this day by reason of the Baronies joyned unto their Bishoprickes enjoy the title and preheminence of Barons in highest Assemblies of the Kingdome in Parliament he gave and granted to others Dignities and Honours together with the Lands and Fees themselves hee gave to Hugh Lupas his kinsman a Norman and sonne to Emma sister to the Conqueror by the Mother the Earldome of Choster Adconquirendum AngliaÌ„-per Coronam that is in English to conquer and hold to himself and his Heires as free by the Sword as the King of England held it by his Crown to HANNVSRVFVS then Earl of Britain in France the Earldome of Richmond It a libâ—re honorifice ut eâ—ndem Edwinus Comes antea tenueâ—at that is in English as freely and honourably as Edwine Earle held it before And the Earldome of Arundel which Harrold possessed he granted with a fee unto Roger of Montgomeny And in page 33. the same Author declares That Kings sometimes not regarding the Solemnities of Ceremonies and Charters have only by their becks suffered Dignities and Honours to be transferred So that by what Iam able to gather out of ancient Histories William the Conquerour absolutely subdued the Rights and Priviledges of Parliaments held in England before this time The manner of holding of which as the same Author in his first page declares was by the discreet sort of the Kingdome of England rehearsed and shewed unto the Conquerour which as hee saith he approved of And the same doth John Minshew say in his Dictionary published and printed at London July 22. 1625. fol. 526. his words are these In England the PARLIAMENT is called for the debating of matters touching the Common-wealth and especially the making and correcting of Lawes which Assembly or Court is of all other the highest and of greatest authority as you may read in Sir Thomas Smith de Re. Angl. lib. 2. cap. 1. 2. Cambd. Brit. Compt. Juris fol. 1. And see the Institution of this Court Polydor Virgil lib 11. of his Chronicles referâ—eth after a sort to Henry 1. yet confessing that it was used before though very seldome You may find saith he in the former Prologue of the grand Customary of Normandy That the Normans used the same meanes in making their lawes In a Monument os Antiquity shewing the manner of holding this Parliament in the time of King Edward the sonne of King Etheldred which as the Note saith was delivered by the discreeter sort of the Realm to William the Conqueror and allowed by him This writing began thus Rex est Caput c. See more saith he of the course and order of this Parliament in Compt. Juris fol. 1. c. And VOWEL alias Hooker in his Book purposely written of this matter Powels book called the Atturneys Academy Read Mr. William Prynnes first part of the SOVERAIGNE POWER OF PARLIAMENTS AND KINGDOMES printed by the authority of this present Parliament pag 42 43 44. William the Conqueror having as to me is clearly evident subdued Parliaments their power authority priviledges and jurisdiction did set up by the absolute law of his own will for his Compceres Couzens and Connsellors such men who had most pleased him in vassalizing and enslaving this kingdom and the people thereof in whose steps severall of his successors after him did tread So that the kingdome was
as formerly they have done Read the fore-mentioned Discourse of John Vowel printed in Hollinsheds Chronicles of Ireland pag. 123 Sir Edward Cookes 4. part Institutes chap. 1. pag. 2. and the fore-mentioned book called Vox Plebis pag. 39 40. Yea though conditionally they might sit as Peers yet they ought not to do it for this were for the Peoples Trustees the House of Commons to give away their true and legislative power which originally is only inheâ—ent in them THE PEOPLE which is the next and the last thing I should prove But in regard the Discourse is swolne so big already and the present time being the season for publishing what I have already said which were impossible to come out this Moneth or sixe Weekes if I should throughly handle this Proposition as by Gods assistance I intend which will take up a Discourse almost half as big as the fore-going For first I must shew and prove That the people in generall are the originall sole legislaters and the true fountain and earthly will spring of all just power And Secondly That all the power which the house of Commons hath is meeâ—ly derivative and bounded within this tacit Commission to act only for the good of thosothat betrusted them and not for their mischiefe in the least And here I shall propound some Queries Whether or not they have not done and acted some things prejudiciall and mischievous so the generality of the Kingdome and destructive to the fund ment all Lawes and Liberties thereof Which in the affirmative I shall answer Yea and prove it in divers particulars our of their own late published large book being the second part of the Collection of Ordinances Declar. c. where I finde three Ordinances viz. That for the Merchant-Adventurers pag. 361. That for the Turkie-Merchants pag. 439. Thirdly That for the Greenland Merchants pag. 646. Of all three of which I say as Sir Edward Cooke in the second part of his Institutes fol. 51. And the fourth part Institutes fol. 41. saith of the Statute of the 11. of Henry 7. chap. 3. for executing of which Justice Dudley and Empson lost their lives that they are made in the facâ— of the ancient and fundamentall Law of the 29. and 30. chapters of Magna Charta c. And that they are unjust and injurious Ordinances which in duty they are bound to abrogate and to punish the procurers of them in regard those very Ordinances if continued will â—ender the Parliament the Commissioners of the people and the great interest of their preservation odious abominable and 〈◊〉 ble in their eyes and do them more mischiefe then an Army of twenty thousand Cavaliers for such palpable injustice as in these very Ordinances is done to the whole Kingdome will in time destroy the Parliament though now they had never a professed enemy in the world and true friends to their professed enemy the King they are who put them upon this work And let them take warning by those that were formerly the setters up of Pattentees and therby destroyers of the peoples legal and just liberties for it was not only that they were set up by an unbinding authority of the Kings which made them illegall but that they were against destructive to the fundamentall Lawes and liberties of the Land And therefore the house of Commons in its first purity before any of them was corrupted with assessing treasuring and disposing of the Common-wealths money in Clandestine Wayes not in the least allowed by the known and just Law of the Land and which to the Common-wealth they are not able to give an account of as indeed and in truth they ought of all the monies they have raised I say the house of Commons at the first beginning of their straights when they would render themselves amiable and lovely in the eyes of their Impowrers the people that trusted them They tell them in their first and most excellent Declaration 1. par Col. Declar. pag. 14. That they have supprest all Monopolies whereof some few did prejudice the Subject above a Million yearly the Soap an hundred thousand pounds the Wine three hundred thousand pounds the Leâ—ther must needs exceed both and salt could be no lesse then that besides the inferiour Monopolies Was this an excellency in the peoples Commissioners at the beginning And can it be lesse now then the greatest of basenesse in them to do the quite contrary Yea and that after so much bloud hath been shed and so much money spent and so many Oaths and Covenants sworn and taken to preserve the fundamentall Lawes and Liberties of the Kingdom And here I must fall extreamly foule upon Sr. WALTER EARLE GILES GREENE IOHN ROLL GEORGE TOMPSON ALEXANDER BENCE all Parliament men for their unjust and illegall Order made at the Committee of the Navy and Customes Novemb. 12. 1646. which is published in print on purpose to conjure the Officers of the Customs to take care to put the aforesaid patentee Mâ—â—opâ—lizing Ordinance of the GREENLAND COMPANY in dâ—e execution according to its true intent and meaning and that before they passe any enâ—ry or other warrant for any Fâ—ns or gills wrought or unwrought or for any sort of Wâ—â—le Oâ—le or other Oyle to call to their assistance the Officer or the Officers of the Greenland Company if any such be appointed for the place to view the same thereby to procâ—ed according to the Ordinance of Parliameâ—â— which Ordinance is dated the 6. of May 1646. which AVTHORISETH THEM TO CEISE UPON ALL SVCH COMMODITIES that are brought in by any other free Merchants that are not of this Company by mâ—anes of which they ingâ—osse all the trade into their own hands and sell their Commodities for double the rate that others if they might be suffered to bring them in would sell them O brave and gallant slavery and bondage The dear but unwelcome purchase of all our blood and money The next querie that will arise will be this Whether some particular Parliament men have not outstript the bounds of their Commission And here I shall answer affirmatively likewise or else as Samuel said to Saul what meanes this bleating of the Sheepe in my eares and the lowing of the Oxen which I heare So say I if all be right what meanes MAJOR GEORGE WITHERS Complaint against Sir Richard Onsley and Sir Poynings Moore and Mr. IOHN MVSGRAVES loud Complaint and impeachment of treason against Mr. Richard Barwis which he hath largely published in severall bookes to the view of the world called A WORD TO THE WISE ANOTHER WORD TO THE WISE YET ANOTHER WORD TO THE WISE In which he also accuseth Mr. Lisle the Chairman of the Committee of great injustice for making a false Report to the House And what meanes the grievous Complaint of divers Gentlemen of the County of Durham against OLD SIR HENRY VANE which is printed in ENGLANDS BIRTHRIGHT pag. 19. 20. 21 And Lieutenant Collonel Lilburneâ— Complaint against him in
his late booke called LONDONS LIBERTIES IN CHAINES DISCOVERED pag. 54 And what meâ—nes Lieutenant Collonel Iohn Lilburnes pâ—ttifull Complaints in divers of his bookes against severall Members of the HOVSE of COMMONS but especially against Justice LAVRANCE WHITAKER See Innocency and Truth justified pag. 12. 15. 16. 63. 64. And Londons Liberty in Chaines discovered And what meanes his leud Complaints in his Epistle to Iudge REEVE c. against the Earle of Manchester and Collonel Edward King of Lincolnshâ—re whom he accuseth for being Traytors to the trust reposed by the PARLIAMENT in them And yet is so farre from obtaining Justice against them that he is clapt by the heeles in the exceeding chargeable prison of the Tower of London by their meanes And what meanes that extraordinary Complaint of Mr. ANDREWES BVRRELL in his printed REMONSTRANCE TO THE PARLIAMENT OF ENGLAND against the CHIEFE MEN that are mannagers of the NAVIE viz THE EARLE of WARWICK Mr. GILES GREENE Chairman of the Committee of the Navy Mr. SAMVEL VASSALL and the 2. Mr. Bencis Members of the same Committee c To whose charge he layes little lesse then TREACHERY TO THE WHOLE KINGDOME and couseâ—ing and cheating of the publicks monyes yea such is his CHARGE there against them that if he be able to make it good THEY DESERVE NO LESSE THEN HANGING And it seemes he is able sufficiently to do it for they dare not call him to account but let him go at Liberty which demonstratâ—s to all understanding men They know their own guiltinesse And a thing of as high a consequence is the lamentable Complaint made against Sir Iohn Clotworthy and his friend Mr. Davis c. about their cousening and cheating poore and bleeding Ireland of much of the monies that should have relieved it which Complaint is called The State of the Irish affaires for the Honourable Members of the Houses of Parliament as they lie represented before them from the Committee of Adventurers in London for lands in Ireland sitting at Grâ—cers Hall for that service and printed at London by G. MILLER dwelling in the Black-Fryers The abstract of which with some additions are inserted in a written paper which I had from a good hand which followeth thus A further discovery of the evill managing of the affaires of Ireland wherein it doth plainly appeare that above the fourth part of the monies levied for Ireland is pursed by 4. or 5. private men to the value of 97195. l. THat presently after the trouble did breake forth in Ireland there was one Mr. John Davis of the Irish Nation came for England who was trusted by the Parliament with 4000. l. worth of Provisions and appointed Commissary for the disposall of those goods for the English and Scottish Armies in Ireland The said Mr. Davis using indirect wayes by feasting and bribing the Officers having spent 100. l. upon them in a week as he himselfe hath acknowledged and by that meanes he obtained his desire for he valued the goods which he delivered to the Armies at such unreasonable high prizes that in this imployment for the space of 8. or 9. months he so manageth the businesse that he makes the parliament indebted unto him 12195. l. And it will be made manifest by sufficient testimony that before he was put into this imployment he was not worth 200. l. but with feasting and bribing the Commanders of the said Armies He obtaines such an accompt in writing having such friends to assist him that he procures Generall Lâ—slâ—yes letter of recommendation for his good service setting forth how seasonable the provisions came to the Army but no mention made that the Parliament sent the goods That after the said Mr. Davis had procured this letter he comes for England the troubles here being great the Parliament had not time to heare him so he continued in and about London for the space of two yeares or thereabouts In which time he was reduced to a meane and low condition in so much as he hath acknowledged he had much ado to geâ— mony to buy food for himself his wife yet in this low Condition he puts in Propositions to the Commiâ—tee of Parliament to deliver 60000. l. in Provisions Armes and Cloth to be paid out of the Ordinance for Ireland which was for above three times as much but he was to have the first mony that came in upon the said Ordinance onely 20000. l. was alotted otherwise The Committee of Adventurers for Ireland were sent for and treated withall to know if they would serve in and deliver those provisions for Ireland who at the first refused to agree by way of bargaine alledging that they would make use of the said Ordinance to serve it with all expedition expecting no profit but the Committee of Parliament said that there was necessity of making agreement by way of contract whereupon the Committee of Adventurers for Ireland did give in Propositions that they would serve and deliver those provisions 7000. l. in 60000. l. under the prises Mr. Davis had given in notwithstanding M. Davis delivered the goods had his prizes for those goods provisions but did fail in all his undertakings both in the time of delivering the goods and also the goods he served were generally very bad as doth appeare by the Testimony of one of the Parliaments Commissioners in Ireland which Testimony and the prises Mr. Davis had is here inserted The reasons why M. Davis had this employment before those Citizens are many I shall name one the cessation of Armes in Ireland being ended divers Commanders came over from thence into this Kingdom who knowing Mr. Davis of old in respect of his large bribes given them did desire the Committee of Parliament that Mr. Davies might be the man for the providing and furnishing of provisions for the service of Ireland alleadging they knew him well as for the Citizens they were more fit to keepe shops then to take care of a Kingdom These Commanders above-mentioned are those who were for the Parliament one year and the next year sided and joyned with the Irish Rebels these are the men who gave this good report of Mr. Davies That Mr. Davies hath made a second bargain with the Committe of Parliament for 45000. l. worth of goods the which mony is fully paid him and the 60000. l. also formerly mentioned and this Committee have allowed him his pretended Debt of 12195. l. out of the money appointed by Ordinance of Parliament only for Ireland and not to pay any debt although never so reall Mr. Davies in the moneth of July 1646. hath made a third agreement for 140000. l. to deliver so much in Arms Provisions other necessaries the money part of it to be paid out of the Excise and the rest by a new Ordinance of Parliament for levying of monies for the service of Ireland the Committe of Adventurers having formerly declared in their book formerly set forth by theÌ„ which was presented to divers Members of
Parl. in the Moneth of Jan. 1645. wherein the Committee do alleadge that if they might have had the managing of that service of 60000. l. in a Committee-way they would have saved the State 15000. l. in the said sum of 60000. l. of the prises allowed Mr. Davies and would have furnished better goods and Mr. Davies after his first agreement had also allowed him 2500. l. to get in the mony if 15000. l could have been saved in 60000 l. what might have been saved in 245000. l. by that accompt there might have beene saved above 61000. l. and better commodities furnished There is a Parliament man named Sir John Clotworthy that hath been the said Mr. John Davies his chiefe friend to assist him in all his bargaines aforesaid this is that Sir Iohn Clotworthy against whom the Committee of Adventurers for Ireland formerly petitioned the Pariiament that he might give accompt foe 24000. l. received by him of the Aduenturers money for the which to this very day he hath given no accompt and the Committee do verily believe he never will give any accompt for the said money So what with Mr. Davies 12195. l. which he so falsely got and the 61000. l. formerly mentioned and the monies Sir I. Clotworthy detaines in his hands being 24000. l. as aforesaid amounts in the whole to 97195. l. which is above the fourth part of the money alotted for the service of Ireland for these 2 or 3 years past This-being considered it is no marvell that the cry of Ireland is so loud That in Septemb. and October 1644. there was by order of Parliament three meetingâ— of the Adventurers of Ireland usually sitting at Grocers Hall London four Parliament men then present sent as a Committee from the Parliament namely Sir I. Clatworthy Mr. Reynalds Major Jepson Sir I. Clotworthy moving at all the several meetings for money it was desired by the Adventurers that there might be a new Committee chosen by the Adventurers Sir I. Clotworthy shewed his dislike unto that motion saying if they would have a Committee it should consist of 4 Parliament men 4 Irish men and 3 Citizens the Irishmen were such who not above 3 weekes before had sided with the Irish Rebels and these four to three Citizens this savoured not well The Adventurers much distasting this were all going away at last it was granted the Adventurers to chuse the Committee whereupon 4 Aldermen and 16 Merchants very able men were chosen newly Sir I. Clotworthy as appeares disliking this Commâ—ttee â—he businesse was managed by a Committee above and the Committee of Citizens have been as ciphers At the said meeting there were two Citizens Aâ—venturers did offer unto sir I. Clotworthy and the committee then prâ—sent that they would undertake to serve 1500. l. worth of cheese and butter good sound cheese at 2. d. per l. and good buâ—ter at 4. d. ob per l. and to receive the money out of the Ordinance of Parliament at sixe moneths or as iâ— came in But sir Iohn in the audience of all he people then presenâ— made this answer that cheese and butter was too saucic for them and that the souldiers in Ireland would be câ—ntent with bread and water teis did much discourage the Advenâ—urers to hear him speak after this manner But observâ— sir Iohn Clotworthy did so assist his friend Mr. Davies that hee had 3. d. ob per l. for the same commodity which was offered by the Adventurers for 2. â— pe l. on may judge wâ—at that will come to in a quantity you may observe that Mr. Davis and his Partners did buy the goods aforesaid upon the credit of the said Ordinance of Parliament the which might have been done by some of the Adventurers who would have delivered better Provisions and have saved the State 61000. l. in the severall percels aforementioneâ— all the wivele eaten and mustie Corne that could be had these undertakers did buy up at cheape rates and so in other Commodities the basâ—st trumperie that could be had which they delivered for the said service of Ireland The said Mr. Davis had 3. partners which are by their callings Cheesemongers viz. Mr. Thomas Radberd Mr. John Chesson and Mr. Dennis Gauden I shall set forth unto you what these men have been First of all in the yeare 1640. they were undertakers and did deliver Provisions for the Bishops Army against the Scots which Provisions being returned the said undertakers bought most of the same Provisions under the fourth part the King paid for them yet it hath been observed that this mony hath not thriven with them for they have had great losses especially one of them by Sea That about 3. yeares since Mr. Radberd and his partners having good store of Butter on their hands procured one to petition a Committee of Parliament setting forth in his Petition that he was a Merchant and that he did desire their Order for transportation of 1800. Firkins of Butter for Ireland which being granted by vertue of the said Order Radberd and his partners shipped 1800. Firkins of Butter and so it passed the River upon the said Order the Vessell laden with this Butter put into Dover Peere and there continued for 3. or 4. dayes as the Mr. hath acknowledged the wind coming fayre the ship put forth of the Peere at night and the nex morning the Mr. with his Ship and goods came safe before Dunkirke upon Order from the said Mr. Radberd and his partners the Mr. hath also acknowledged that the Order for their transporting of the Butter for Ireland was onely to coullour the businesse the Butter was unladen and sould at Dunkirke for the accompt of Mr. Radberd and his partners That John Chesson at the begining of the troubles of this Kingdome when the Parliament was lowe and the Kings party looked very bigg upon us then he cryes a King a King but of late he faced about cryes a Parliament a Parliament that when the KingdoÌ„ was brought to a very low condition the Adventurers for Ireland and others wellaffected did disburse in mony and goods for Ireland above 5000000. l. and to this day have not been repaid any part thereof at that time Mr. Racbâ—rd c his 〈◊〉 partners aforementioned would not trust the State with 〈◊〉 And yet norwithstanding they with their partner Mr. Davis 〈◊〉 the men that have the mannaging are undertakers for all the service of Ireland although to the great dammage and losse of this Kingdome and likewise to the Kingdome of Ireland and a very greatch scouragement to the Adventurers all other persons weâ— effected to the safety of both Kingdomes Thus you may perceive that those who have been most affectionate and helpfull to the Parliament and Kingdome adventuring their livâ—s and Estates for them having almost disbursed their whole Estates are now scarce looked upon and those who have not at all assisted the Parliament but stood as Nâ—urers have sought themselves and their own advantages these are the men who run away with so many thousand pounds while many aithfull friends to the Parliamâ—nâ— and true lovers of their Country fare ready to perish for want of Foode Can it be immagined that the said undertakers for Ireland were more able to provide the goods aforesaid better and cheaper or so cheape as the Committee of Adventurers could have done And iâ—divers Citizens did trust the Parliament upon their bare words in times of distresse with above 50c0000d what would not these men have trusted the Parliament upon an Ordinance to have their mony paid them within very few months and it cannot be otherwise immagined These things with divers others as also the Parliament mens continually fingering great sums of many out of Goldsmiths-Hall into their own particular pockets for thâ—â— prâ—tinded losses disbursments and pay before any of the poor necessitaied people of the Kingdome have theirs abundaice of whom stand senâ—tineâ—s more in need of it thâ—n they yea and better desorve it their divers of them and ought in justice and conseience to go in â—â—â—qâ—all forvard preportion vvith them and their injoying their vast and great place for all the Cloake and moske of their self-deniall Ordinance and the iaegrosing the most of the Laâ—â— prâ—câ—ise in the kingdome into the hands of their petty fogging Lavvyers I say the things for the more presevation of the kingdom deserve seriously to be looked into and told plainly and honestly unto them vvlth an earnest desire of their reformation and not of their destruction tâ—at so they and all thâ— love their just interest may have canse to say Faithfull are the wounds orrepreofes of a freind but deceitfull are the kisses or slatterings of an enemy vvhith taske shall be the earnest and to diall endeavours of him that is a true lover of Englands happinesse and prosperity N. E. FINIS