Selected quad for the lemma: kingdom_n
Text snippets containing the quad
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A09169
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The image of bothe churches. Hierusalem and Babel vnitie and confusion. Obedienc [sic] and sedition. By, P. D. M.
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Pattenson, Matthew.
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1623
(1623)
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STC 19480; ESTC S105879
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195,377
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472
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aspyred to the Crowne yf the king and his issew fayle is to be pittied rather then answered a fable taken owt of the legend of Lorrain and the other libells of that tyme. Weigh and examin it and see the leuitie of follie The king was young his brothers yonger ther moother liuing the king of Nauar ther trustie and noble freÌ„d and a brasen gate betweaÌ„ Guise and the crowne and the nobilitie of France as he saithe mayd an association against the howse of Guise Then was it not likelie Now it being apparentlie fals that the kings was in the hands and power of the Guises I com to the proposition that the king had neither age to discern it nor fredome to denie it nor lawes to decree it it resteth to examin that proposition that the kings consent authorising that armie at Dreux was nothing worth bycause he was not of age nor at libertie What yf the king had not age to discern it was it therfor withowt warrant or law A king haith two bodies his bodie Politick as it never dyeth so is it never defectiue of authoritie and direction The acts of the bodie politick be not abated by the naturall bodies accesse the bodie politick is not disabled to rule and govern by the nonage of the naturall see 26. lib. assis placit 24. whear by iustice Thorps iudgment the gift of a king is not defeated by his nonage nor shall not embleamish the bodie In the book of ass see the case tit droyt plac 24. anno 6. E. 3. f. 91. for a writt of right brought by E. III. of a mannor as heyre to R. I. The exception of nonage against the king was not admitted For yf the bodie natural die yet the bodie politick which magnisieth the natural bodie is not sayd to die So 4. Eliz. for leases of the Duchy mayd by E. 6. all the Iudges resolued they vvear good tho the king vvas in his minoritie For the bodie politick extolleth the naturall and altereth the qualitie of it And so though the kings bodie natural in his minoritie can not discern and iudg yet that disableth not a king that the acts of his minoritie ordered by his counsell and by the Regent should be of no validitie Nay your own Hottoman in his Francogallia will teach yow an other lesson tho he was Bezaes trustie Achates Resolume would anie counsellor like it well yf a Catholick in England should affirme as he might more trewlie that the chainge and alteration of religion by king Edward VI. was not warrantable hauing not age to discern it nor freedome to denie it being in the haÌ„ds of the protector and Northumberland nor lavves to decree it till by his vncls authoritie and greatnes new lawes wear enacted for it Yf yow approoue not this why doe yow disprooue the same in k. Charles IX of France was the age of the one a barr in law and not the others or was the one an absolute king and not the other or vvas k. Edvvards coÌ„sent sufficient to authorise his vncls doeings in spiritual matters and was k. Charles his consent nothing worth to authorise the Constable and his armie to pursew his rebells Now concerning the last poynt touching Beza his opinion I must turn that Canon against hym self for yf Beza sayd trewlie iniuriam pati nostrum est nobis vim viarcere non licet yf it be certan nullum remedium proponitur priuatis hominibus tyranno subiectes praeter vitae â—mendationem c. then surelie maister Bilson is betrayed by hym he seaks to defend and Beza betrayed the Admiral and Prince of Condie to draw them into the playnes of Dreux against the king to fight for ther religion when vim viarcere non licet I will not stand to refell that opinion and error of D. Bilson that the Prince of Condie ded not ovve simple subiection to the king of France but respectiue homage and so was not mearly a subiect bycause it shovveth a palpabl ignoranc of the lavves and customes of France and besides that could not excuse the Admiral vvho at all could not plead anie such protection or alledg anie such prerogatiue For yf H. 2. might committ hym to prison lavvfully Charles the 9. as lawfully might cut of his head But forasmuch as Bezaes sentenc is coninglie vsed and cast as a mist to blyâ—d the eyes of the reader I will disperse the mist and let yow see what kind a man he vvas in his proper humor and in puris naturalibus Read his positions and Catechism of sedition the practise of his pietie the book called Vindicie contra tyrannos whear he acts the part of Iunius Brutus a noble Roman but the suppressor and enemie of kings First pag. 15. he propownds this question yf subiects be bownd to obey ther kings when they command against Gods lavve and then pag. 22. he resolueth vve must obey kings for Gods cawse when they obey God And pag. 24. as the wassel looseth his fief his lordship yf he committ fellonie so the king looseth his right and his realm also And aboue all other this is notable pag. 65. a conspiracie is good or ill as the end is at which it aymeth which is a most wicked Maxime fitt to mantain Rauillac or Poltrot or to be a buckler for the conspirators of Amboys Yet this pag. 66. goeth a degree further The Magistrates and one part of the realm maye resist the king being an Idolater as Lobna reuolted from Ioram for forsaking God Doth not this stronglie patronise the battel of Dreux doth it not teach subiects to rebell and to plead sic dicit Dominus for ther defence but note well how fynelie he fortifieth this axiome pag. 132. The government of the kingdome is not giuen to the king alone but also to the officers of the Realme And again pag. 103. France Spayn and England ar customarily consecrated and as it wear put in possession of ther charge by the states peares and Lords which present the people And p. 199. ther is a stipulation in kingdomes haereditarie As in France vvhen the king is Crovvned The Bushops of Beauuois and Laon ask the people yf they desyre and command this man shall be king And vvhat then surely it is no argument that the people choose hym It is an acceptation no election and a declaration onely of ther submission obedienc and fidelitie as yow may euidentlie perceaue by Frances Rosselet anno 1610. the ceremonies at the coronation When was ther euer an assemblie of the states to elect or consecrate a king of France the kings never count the tyme of ther raign from the day of ther consecration but of ther entrance and Charles the. 7. Gaguin and Giles can witnes was nether crowned nor sacred in eight yeares after he begonn his raigne And for the Peares what think yow that they ar as Ephori No they ar pares inter se not coÌ„panions to the king They ar not states as in Holland to rule and
whome was this law mayd the words of the act show The thre estates vnder standing that the iurisdiction of the pope hes bean contumelious to God c. Quo vvaranto was this parliement summoned and ratified for hear is showed no commission from the Quene expressing anie authoritie giuen to them for that end nor her consent is produced to confirm such an act So hear is a parliement of the thre estates withowt a king and disanulling the precedent acts of all former kings a thing incredible in a kingdome ther soouerain liuing and obeyed as king and to maik that seame good by order of lavv which of it self vvas most disorderlie and defectiue they procured an other parliemeÌ„t 1567. Earl Murrie being regeÌ„t and the king skarse owt of his cradle to confirme the validitie of that parliement 1560. and therin cap. 9. was an oath drawen to be giuen to all succeading kings to mantain that religion then receaued and to establish the confession of that church and for the defects of this second parliement I forbear to vrg them they ar euident Had not the Quene then reason to send the french forces into Scotland to bridle such vsurpers and so seditious practises of her subiects But yet a greater mischeaf followes By the Instigation of these Caluinists and by the ambition of some noble men 3. The Quenes depriuation They depriued the Quene from her government and dishonored her vvith the most capitall and criminal accusations that slander and mallice could deuise and cast her into prison not vvhithovvt dainger of her lyfe All vvhich vvas furthered by Beza the Tibullus of Geneua vvho Epistola 78. ad Bucchanan prouoked them to it calling her Medea and Athalia and nullum illius sceleribus idoneum nomen inuenio And hovv vn merciefullie he pleaded against her after she was prisoner in England for the hate he hed beare to the hovvse of Lorraine it appearith by his book of Reueille-matin And tho I am apter to burie old quarrels them to renew ther memorie yet to Iustifie Innocencie and to discouer perfectlie the practises of Puritanisme and to detect the iugling and craftie conveyanc of these conspirators I hold it necessarie to declare exactlie vvhat inducements vvear pretended for so heynous an offence They alledged that it was doon for the zeal to iustice for the honor of the realme for the satisfaction of forrein nations who much detested so crijng sinns as Murder and adulterie and ther for they wear forced to keap her in prison till she could cleare her self for procuring the death of her husband and purg her self of that intention to marrie Bothwel Touching the Murder It was vnlike to 4. For the murde of her â—usband be trew for her sex was not fitt for such a butcherie and a royal nature could not harbour such a dishonorable treacherie though she had iust cawse of offeÌ„ce against hym And yf she would haue vsed means to put hym to deathe he was her subiect and she might haue doone it openlie and legallie by course of iustice Bycause he vvas of the Confederacie to kill Dauid her secretarie in whose bodie his dagger was fownd And further the E. Murton being fled into England for that offenc vvithowt the Quenes konwledg and allowanc her sayd husband reuoked hym But they obiect that Dowgleish E. Botwels main was executed for it trew But what then It was he that brought a box of letters of the Quenes to Bothwell which he receaued to carrie to his maister of St Iames Balfour at Edinborow and by the intercepting of these all ther packing was reuealed Lyes haue ever one leg short to maik them halt 1. First was it like that either the Quene or the Earl wold repose such confidenc in Sr Iames and so great secrets knowing hym to be at the deuotion of the contrarie faction 2. Or was it like that she would send them at all hauing giuen commandement in the letters to burn them which she might haue doone at home withowt sending them to hym 3. Besides the Quene denied the letters to be hers tho her hand was counterfeited as some tymes before it had bean 4. Further more ther was neither superscription endorsement seal nor date of them so as they wear liker to be copies or proiects or fictions of her ennemies 5. Add also that he vvho deliuered them could never be fovvnd ovvt to discouer the pack and Dovvgleish who vvas accused to carrie them protested at his deathe that he never knew of anie such letters and ther for to stopp his mouth he was executed by the Lords of that faction owt of the waye 6. Lastlie yf the Quene had sent them yet was ther contained in these fictions no expresse proofe of anie vnlawfull act or attempt or practise to charge her vvith And yf ther had bean pregnant proofs that she had endeauored to haue her husband murdered and to marrie Bothwel which is the worst of the case doe yovv taik that to be a sufficient and lavvfull cavvse for subiects to taik armes against her and depose her Holie king Dauid was in the like case and yet for his trespasses against Vrias and Bersaba he ded not forfeit his crown nor endure so hard a censure as Quene Marie ded S. Iohn Baptist reprooued Herod for his adulterie but ded neither counsell nor exhort the peopl to depriue hym tho he vvas an I dumean and an vsurper neither was Edward the IV. threatned deposing for keaping an other mans wyfe nor Henrie the eight for cutting of the heads of so manie his own wiues and committing as great sinns spectante populo for mihi vindicia is Gods prerogatiue subiects ar not competent iudges of ther soouerains And surehe these boute-feux while they presume to punish ther kings for sinn precipitate them selfs into haeresie euen that which Wiclef and Muncer haue bean by general counsells condemned for Such is the furie of vndiscreat zeale like a sword in a madd mans hand But to return to the matter what probabilities what vehement presumptions ded they produce against her 1. she mourned fayntlie for his death which was a sign she was wearie of his lyfe and 2. again she acquited Bothwel for his death and ded not punish hym What a Nugipoliloquides vvas Bucchanan must princes be deposed vpon probabilities or vvear these signes anie evidenc matterial for her mourning and the funerals the bodie was embalmed he had the honor to be enterred besides king Iames her father the Lord Traquare Iustice Clark and others attended the corps to the graue most of the Counsel being protestants would not admitt the Catholique ceremonies neither is it the custome in Scotland to reseru the corps 40. dayes and lastlie it vvas not decent for her to be there and mourn personallie as a subiect but as a soouerain and yet his vvyfe and that she performed so long till both her counsell and phisicions dislwaded her as Syr Henrie kiligrew might witnes