that he states the Question or rallies up any Arguments to make good his Opinion but rather tells us the Story as he thinks fit of this strange kind of domineering Phantom called the Fatherhood which whoever could catch presently got Empire and unlimited absolute Power He assures us how this Fatherhood began in Adam continued it's course and kept the World in order all the time of the Patriarchs till the Flood got out of the Arch with Noah and his Sons made and supported all the Kings of the Earth till the Captivity of the Israelites in Egypt and then the poor Fatherhood was under hatches till God by giving the Israelites Kings Re-established the Ancient and prime Right of the lineal Succession in paternal Government This is his business from p. 12 to 19. And then obviating an Objection and clearing a Difficulty or two with one half reason p. 23. to confirm the Natural Right of Regal Power he ends the first Chapter I hope 't is no Injury to call an half Quotation an half Reason for God says Honour thy Father and Mother but our Author contents himself with half leaves out thy Mother quite as little serviceable to his purpose but of that more in an other place 7 I do not think our Author so little skill'd in the way of Writing Discourses of this Nature nor so careless of the Point in hand that he by oversight commits the fault that he himself in his Anarchy of a mix'd Monarchy p. 239. Objects to Mr. Hunton in these words Where first I charge the A that he hath not given us any Definitionâ— or Discription of Monarchy in general for by the Rules of Method he should have first defin'd And by the like Rule of Method Sr. Rob. should have told us what his Fatherhood or Fatherly Authority is before he had told us in whom it was to be found and talked so much of it But perhaps Sr. Rob. found that this Fatherly Authority this Power of Fathers and of Kings for he makes them both the same p. 24. would make a very odd and frightful Figure and very disagreeing with what either Children imagin of their Parents or Subjects of their Kings if he should have given us the whole dâ—aught together in that Gigantic Form he had Painted it in his own Phancy and therefore like a wary Physician when he would have his Patient swallow some harsh or Corrosive Liquor he mingles it with a large quantity of that which may delute it that the scatter'd Parts may go down with less feeling and cause less Aversion 8. Let us then endeavour to find what account he gives us of this Fatherly Authority as it lies scatter'd in the several Parts of his Writings And first as it was vested in Adam he says not only Adam but the succeeding Patriarchs had by Right of Fatherhood Royal Authority over their Children p. 12. This Lordship which Adam by Command had over the whole World and by right descending from him the Patriarchs did injoy was as large and ample as the Absolute Dominion of any Monarch which hath been since the Creation p. 13. Dominion of Life and Death making War and concluding Peace p. 13. Adam and the Patriarchs had Absolute Power of Life and Death p. 35. Kings in the right of Parents succeed to the Exercise of supream jurisdiction p. 19. As Kingly Power is by the Law of God so it hath no inferior Law to Limit it Adam was Lord of all p. 40. The Father of a Family governs by no other Law then by his own will p. 78. The Superiority of Princes is above Laws p. 79. The unlimited jurisdiction of Kings is so amply described by Samuel p. 80. Kings are above the Laws p. 93. And to this purpose see a great deal more which our A delivers in Bodins's words It is certain that all Laws Priviledges and Grants of Princes have no Force but during their Life if they be not ratified by the express Consent or by sufferance of the Prince following especially Priviledges O. p. 279. The reason why Laws have been also made by Kings was this when Kings were either busied with Wars or distracted with Public Cares so that every private Man could not have Accâ—ss to their Persons to learn their Wills and Pleasure then were Laws of necessity invented that so every particular Subject might find his Princes Pleasure Decypher'd unto him in the Tables of his Laws p. 92. In a Monarchy the King must by necessity be above the Laws p. 100. A perfect Kingdom is that wherein the King Rules all things according to his own Will p. 100. Neither Common nor Statute Laws are or can be any Diminution of that General Power which Kings have over their People by right of Fatherhood p. 115. Adam was the Father King and Lord over his Family a Son a Subject and a Servant or Slave were one and the same thing at first The Father had Power to dispose or sell his Children or Servants whence we find that at the first reckoning up of Goods in Scripture the Man-servant and the Maid-servant are numbred among the Possessions and substance of the Owner as other Goods were O pref God also hath given to the Father a Right or Liberty to alien his Power over his Children to any other whence we find the Sale and Gift of Children to have been much in use in in the Beginning of the World when Men had their Servants for a Possession and an Inheritance as well as other Goods whereupon we find the Power of Castrating and making Eunâ—chsâ— much in use in Old times O. p. 155. Law is nothing else but the will of him that hath the Power of the Supream Father O. p. 223. It was Gods Ordinance that Supremacy should be unlimited in Adam and as large as all the Acts of his Will and as in him so in all others that have Supream Power O. p. 245. 9. I have been fain to trouble by Reader with these several Quotations in our A s own words that in them might be seen his own Discription of his Fatherly Authority as it lies scatter'd up and down in his Writings which he supposes was first vested in Adam and by Right belongs to all Princes ever since This Fatherly Authority then or Right of Fatherhood in our A s sence is a Divine unalterable Right of Sovereignty whereby a Father or a Prince hath an Absolute Arbitrary unlimited and unlimitable Power over the Lives Libertys and Estates of his Children or Subjects so that he may take or alienate their Estates sell castrate or use their Persons as he pleases they being all his slaves and he Lord and Proprietor of every thing and his unbounded Will their Law 10. Our A having placed such a mighty Power in Adam and upon that supposition founded all Government and all Power of Princes it is reasonable to expect that he should have proved this with Arguments clear and evident suitable to the weightiness of
then ask the World being divided amongst them which of the three was Adams Heir If Adams Lordship Adams Monarchy by Right descended only to the Eldest then the other two could be but his Subjects his Slaves If by Riâ—ht it descended to all three Brothers by the same Right it will descend to all Mankind and then it will be impossible what he says p. 19. that Heirs are Lords of their Brethren should be true but all Brothers and consequently all Men will be equal and independent all Heirs to Adams Monarchy and consequently all Monarchs too one as much as another But 't will be said Noah their Father divided the World amongst them so that our A will allow more to Noah then he will to God Almighty for O. 211. he thought it hard that God himself should give the World to Noah and his Sons to the prejudice of Noah's Birth-right his words are Noah was left Sole Heir to the World why should it be thought that God would disinherit him of his Birth-right and make him of all Men in the World the only Tenant in Common with his Children and yet here he thinks it fit that Noah should disinherit Shem of his Birth-right and divide the World betwixt him and his Brethren so that this Birth-right when our A pleases must and when he pleases must not be sacred and inviolable 140. If Noah did divide the World between his Sons and his Assignment of Dominions to them were good there is an end of Divine Institution and all our A s discourse of Adams Heir with whatsoever he builds on it is quite out of doors The natural Power of Kings falls to the ground and then the form of the Power governing and the Person having that Power will be all Ordinances of Man and not of God as our A says O. 254 For if the Right of the Heir be the Ordinance of God a Divine Right no Man Father or not Father can alter it If it be not a Divine Right it is only Humane depending on the Will of Man and so where Humane Institution gives it not the first Born has no Right at all above his Brethren and Men may put Government into what hands and under what form they please 141. He goes on most of the civillest Nations of the Earth labour to fetch their Original from some of the Sons or Nephews of Noah p. 14. How many do most of the civillest Nations amount to and who are they I fear the Chineses a very great and civil People as well as several other People of the East West North and South trouble not themselves much about this matter All that believe the Bible which I believe are our A s most of the civillest Nation must necessarily derive themselves from Noah but for the rest of the World they think little of his Sons or Nephews But if the Heralds and Antiquaries of all Nations for 't is these Men generally that Labour to find out the Originals of Nations or all the Nations themselves should Labour to fetch their Original from some of the Sons or Nephews of Noah what would this be to prove that the Lordship which Adam had over the whole World by right descended to the Patriarchs who ever Nations or Races of Men labour to fetch their Original from may be concluded to be thought by them Men of renown famous to Posterity for the greatness of their Vertues and Actions but beyond these they look not nor consider who they were Heirs to but look on them as such as raised themselves by their own Vertue to a Degree that would give a Lustre to those who in future Ages could pretend to derive themselves from them But if it were Ogygis Hercules Brama Tamberlain Pharamond nay Iupiter and Saturn be Names from whence divers Races of Men both ancient and modern have labour'd to derive their Original will that prove that those Men enjoyed the Lordship of Adam by right descending to them If not this is but a Flourish of our A s to mislead his Reader that in it self signifies nothing 142. And therefore to as much purpose is what he tells us p. 15. concerning this Division of the World that some say it was by Lot and others that Noah sail'd round the Mediterranean in ten years and divided the World into Asia Africk and Europe Portions for his three Sons America then it seems was left to be his that could catch it why our A takes such pains to prove the Division of the World by Noah to his Sons and will not leave out an imagination though no better then a Dream that he can find any where to favour it is hard to guess since such a Division if it prove any thing must necessarily take away the Title of Adams Heir unless three Brothers can altogether be Heirs of Adam And therefore the following words Howsoever the manner of this Division be uncertain yet it is most certain the Division it self was by Families from Noah and his Children over which the Parents were Heads and Princes p. 15. If allow'd him to be true and of any force to prove that all the Power in the World is nothing but the Lordship of Adams descending by Right they will only prove that the Fathers of the Children are all Heirs to this Lordship of Adam for if in those days Cham and Iaphet and other Parents besides the Eldest Son were Heads and Princes over their Families and had a right to divide the Earth by Families what hinders Younger Brothers being Fathâ—rs of Families from having the same Right how Cham or Iaphet were Princes by Right descending to him notwithstanding any Title of Heir in his Eldest Brother Younger Brothers by the same Right descending to them are Princes now and so all our A s natural Power of Kings will reach no farther then their own Children and no Kingdom by this natural right can be bigger then a Family For either this Lordship of Adam over the whole World by right descends only to the Eldest Son and then there can be but one Heir as our A says p. 19. or else it by right descends to all the Sons equally and then every Father of a Family will have it as well as the three Sons of Noah take which you will it destroys the present Governments and Kingdoms that are now in the World since whoever haâ— this natural Power of a King by right descending to him must have it either as our A tells us Cain had it and be Lord over his Brethren and so be alone King of the whole World or else as he tells us here Shem Cham and Iaphet had it three Brothers and so be only Prince of his own Family and all Families independent one of another All the World must be only one Empire by the Right of the next Heir or else every Family be a distinct Government of it self by the Lordship of Adams descending to Parents of Families And to this only tends all
the whole Commonwealth in making of good Laws and Constitutions to any particular and private Ends of mine Thinking ever the Wealth and Weale of the Commonwealth to be my greatest Weale and worldly Felicity a Point wherein a lawful King doth directly differ from a Tyrant For I do acknowledge that the special and greatest point of Difference that is between a rightful King and an usurping Tyrant is this That whereas the proud and ambitious Tyrant doth think his Kingdom and People are only ordained for satisfaction of his Desires and unreasonable Appetites the righteous and just King doth by the contrary acknowledge himself to be ordained for the procuring of the wealth and Property of his People And again in his Speech to the Parliament 1609 he hath these Words The KING binds himself by a double Oath to the observation of the fundamental Laws of his Kingdom Tacitly as by being a King and so bound to protect as well the People as the Laws of his Kingdom and expresly by his Oath at his Coronation so as every just King in a setled Kingdom is bound to observe that Paction made to his People by his Laws in framing his Government agreeable thereunto according to that Paction which God made with Noah after the Deluge Hereafter Seed-time and Harvest and Cold and Heat and Summer and Winter and Day and Night shall not cease while the Earth remaineth And therefore a King governing in a setled Kingdom leaves to be a King and degenerates into a Tyrant as soon as he leaves off to rule according to his Laws And a little after Therefore all Kings that are not Tyrants or perjured will be glad to bound themselves within the Limits of their Laws And they that perswade them the contrary are Vipers Pests both against them and the Commonwealth Thus that learned King who well understood the Notions of things makes the difference betwixt a King and a Tyrant to consist only in this That one makes the Laws the Bounds of his Power and the Good of the publick the End of his Government The other makes all give way to his own Will and Appetite 201. 'T is a Mistake to think this Fault is proper only to Monarchies other Forms of Government are liable to it as well as that for where-ever the Power that is put in any hands for the Government of the People and the Preservation of their Properties is applied to other ends and made use of to impoverish harass or subdue them to the Arbitrary and Irregular Commands of those that have it There it presently becomes Tyranny whether those that thus use it are one or many Thus we read of the Thirty Tyrants at Athens as well as one at Syracuse and the intolerable Dominion of the Decemviri at Rome was nothing better 202. Where-ever Law ends Tyranny begins if the Law be transgressed to another's harm And whosoever in Authority exceeds the Power given him by the Law and makes use of the Force he has under his Command to compass that upon the Subject which the Law allows not ceases in that to be a Magistrate and acting without Authority may be opposed as any other Man who by force invades the Right of another This is acknowledged in subordinate Magistrates He that hath Authority to seize my Person in the street may be opposed as a Thief and a Robber if he indeavours to break into my House to execute a Writ notwithstanding that I know he has such a Warrant and such a legal Authority as will impower him to arrest me abroad And why this should not hold in the highest as well as in the most inferiour Magistrate I would gladly be informed Is it reasonable that the eldest Brother because he has the greatest part of his Father's Estate should thereby have a Right to take away any of his younger Brothers Portions Or that a rich Man who possessed a whole Countrey should from thence have a Right to seize when he pleased the Cottage and Garden of his poor Neighbour The being rightfully possessed of great Power and Riches exceedingly beyond the greatest part of the Son of Adam is so far from being an excuse much less a reason for Rapine and Oppression which the endamaging another without Authority is that it is a great Aggravation of it For the exceeding the Bounds of Authority is no more a Right in a great than a petty Officer no more justifiable in a King than a Constable But so much the worse in him as that he has more trust put in him is supposed from the advantage of Education and Counsellours to have better Knowledge and less reason to do it having already a greater share than the rest of his Brethren 203. May the Commands then of a Prince be opposed May he be resisted as often as any one shall find himself aggrieved and but imagine he has not Right done him This will unhinge and overturn all Politiâ—s and instead of Government and Order leave nothing but Anarchy and Confusion 204. To this I answer That Force is to be opposed to nothing but to unjust and unlawful Force who ever makes any opposition in any other Case draws on himself a just Condemation both from God and Man and so no such Danger or Confusion will follow as is often suggested For 205. First As in some Countries the Person of the Prince by the Law is Sacred and so what-ever he commands or does his Person is still free from all Question or Violence not liable to Force or any judicial Censure or Condemnation But yet opposition may be made to the illegal Acts of any inferiour Officer or other commissioned by him unless he will by actually putting himself into a State of War with his People dissolve the Government and leave them to that defence which belongs to every one in the state of Nature For of such things who can tell what the end will be And a Neighbour Kingdom has shewed the World an odd Example In all other Cases the Sacredness of the Person exempts him from all Inconveniencies whereby he is secure whilst the Government stands from all violence and harm whatsoever Than which there cannot be a wiser Constitution For the harm he can do in his own Person not being likely to happen often nor to extend it self far nor being able by his single strength to subvert the Laws nor oppress the Body of the People should any Prince have so much Weakness and ill Nature as to be willing to do it The Inconveniency of some particular mischiefs that may happen sometimes when a heady Prince comes to the Throne are well recompenced by the peace of the Publick and security of the Government in the Person of the chief Magistrate thus set out of the reach of danger It being safer for the Body that some few private Men should be sometimes in danger to suffer than that the Head of the Republick should be easily and upon slight occasions exposed 206. Secondly
Abettors of his own Will for the true Representatives of the People and the Law-makers of the Society is certainly as great a breach of trust and as perfect a Declaration of a design to subvert the Government as is possible to be met with To which if one shall add rewards and punishments visibly imploy'd to the same end and all the arts of perverted Law made use of to take off and destroy all that stand in the way of such a design and will not comply and consent to betray the Liberties of their Country 't will be past doubt what is doing What Power they ought to have in the Society who thus imploy it contrary to the trust went along with it in its first Institution is easy to determine and one cannot but see that he who has once attempted any such thing as this cannot any longer be trusted 223. To this perhaps it will be said that the People being ignorant and always discontented to lay the Foundation of Government in the unsteady opinion and uncertain humour of the People is to expose it to certain ruin and no Government will be able long to subsist if the People may set up a new Legislative whenever they take offence at the old one To this I Answer quite the contrary People are not so easily got out of their old Forms as some are apt to suggest They are hardly to be prevailed with to amend the acknowledg'd Faults in the Frame they have been accustom'd to And if there be any original defects or adventitious ones introduced by time or corruption 't is not an easy thing to get them changed even when all the World sees there is an opportunity for it This slowness and aversion in the People to quit their old Constitutions has in the many Revolutions have been seen in this Kingdom in this and former Ages still kept us to or aftersome interval of fruitless attempts still brought us back again to our old Legislative of King Lords and Commons and whatever provocations have made the Crown be taken from some of our Princes Heads they never carried the people so far as to place it in another Line 224. But 't will be said this Hypothesis lays a ferment for frequent Rebellion To which I Answer First No more than any other Hypothesis For when the People are made miserable and find themselves exposed to the ill usage of Arbitrary Power cry up their Governours as much as you will for Sons of Iupiter let them be Sacred and Divine descended or authoriz'd from Heaven give them out for whom or what you please the same will happen The People generally ill treated and contrary to right will be ready upon any occasion to ease themselves of a burden that sits heavy upon them They will wish and seek for the opportunity which in the change weakness and accidents of human affairs seldom delays long to offer it self He must have lived but a little while in the World who has not seen Examples of this in his time and he must have read very little who cannot produce Examples of it in all sorts of Governments in the World 225. Secondly I Answer such Revolutions happen not upon every little mismanagement in publick affairs Great mistakes in the ruling part many wrong and inconvenient Laws and all the slips of human frailty will be born by the People without mutiny or murmur But if a long train of Abuses Prevarications and Artifices all tending the same way make the design visible to the People and they cannot but feel what they lye under and see whither they are going 't is not to be wonder'd that they should then rouze themselves and endeavour to put the rule into such hands which may secure to them the ends for which Government was at first erected and without which ancient Names and specious Forms are so far from being better that they are much worse than the state of Nature or pure Anarchy the inconveniencies being all as great and as near but the remedy farther off and more difficult 226. Thirdly I Answer that this Power in the People of providing for their safety anew by a new Legislative when their Legislators have acted contrary to their trust by invading their Property is the best fence against Rebellion and the probablest means to hinder it For Rebellion being an Opposition not to Persons but Authority which is founded only in the Constitutions and Laws of the Government those whoever they be who by force break through and by force jâ—stify their violation of them are truly and properly Rebels For when Men by entering into Society and civil Government have excluded force and introduced Laws for the preservation of Property Peace and Unity amongst themselves those who set up force again in opposition to the Laws do rebellare that is bring back again the state of War and are properly Rebels which they who are in Power by the pretence they have to Authority the temptation of force they have in their hands and the Flattery of those about them being likeliest to do the properest way to prevent the evil is to shew them the danger and injustice of it who are under the greatest temptation to run into it 227. In both the forementioned Cases when either the Legislative is changed or the Legislators act contrary to the end for which they were constituted those who are guilty are guilty of Rebellion For if any one by force takes away the establish'd Legislative of any Society and the Laws by them made pursuant to their trust he thereby takes away the Umpirage which every one had consented to for a peaceable decision of all their Controversies and a bar to the state of War amongst them They who remove or change the Legislative take away this decisive power which no Body can have but by the appointment and consent of the People and so destroying the Authority which the People did and no Body else can set up and introducing a Power which the People hath not authoriz'd actually introduce a state of War which is that of Force without Authority and thus by removing the Legislative establish'd by the Society in whose decisions the People acquiesced and united as to that of their own will they unty the Knot and expose the People anew to the state of War And if those who by force take away the Legislative are Rebels the Legislators themselves as has been shewn can be no less esteemed so when they who were set up for the protection and preservation of the People their Liberties and Properties shall by force invade and indeavour to take them away and so they putting themselves into a state of War with those who made them the Protectors and Guardians of their Peace are properly and with the greatest aggravation Rebellantes Rebels 228. But if they who say it lays a foundation for Rebellion mean that it may occasion civil Wars or intestine Broils to tell the People they are absolved from
Pattern of the first Ages in Asia and Europe whilst the Inhabitants were too few for the Countrey and want of People and Money gave Men no temptation to enlarge their Possessions of Land or contest for wider extent of Ground are little more than Generals of their Armies and though they command absolutely in War yet at home and in time of Peace they exercise very little Dominion and have but a very moderate Sovereignty the Resolutions of Peace and War being ordinarily either in the People or in a Council Though the War it self which admits not of Pluralities of Governours naturally devolves the Command into the King's sole Authority 109. And thus in Israel it self the chief Business of their Judges and first Kings seems to have been to be Captains in War and Leaders of their Armies which besides what is signified by going out and in before the People which was to march forth to War and home again in the Heads of their Forces appears plainly in the story of Iephtha The Ammonites making War upon Israel the Gileadites in fear send to Iephtha a Bastard of their Family whom they had cast off and article with him if he will assist them against the Ammonites to make him their Ruler which they do in these Words And the People made him head and captain over them Iudg. 11. 11. which was as it seems all one as to be Judge And he judged Israel Iudg. 12. 7. that is was their Captain-general six Years So when Iotham upbraids the Shechemites with the Obligation they had to Gideon who had been their Judge and Ruler he tells them He fought for you and adventured his life far and delivered you out of the hands of Midian Iudg. 9.17 Nothing mentioned of him but what he did as a General and indeed that is all is found in his History or in any of the rest of the Judges And Abimelech particularly is called King though at most he was but their General And when being weary of the ill Conduct of Samuel's Sons the Children of Israel desired a King like all the nations to judge them and to go out before them and to fight their battels 1 Sam. 8. 20. God granting their Desire says to Samuel I will send thee a man and thou shalt anoint him to be captain over my people Israel that he may save my peole out of the hands of the Philistines c. 9. v. 16. As if the only business of a King had been to lead out their Armies and fight in their Defence and accordingly at his Inauguration pouring a Vial of Oyl upon him declares to Saul that the Lord had anointed him to be Captain over his inheritance c. 10. v. 1. And therefore those who after Saul's being solemnly chosen and saluted King by the Tribes at Mispah were unwilling to have him their King make no other Objection but this How shall this man save us v. 27. as if they should have said This Man is unfit to be our King not having Skill and Conduct enough in War to be able to defend us And when God resolved to transfer the Government to David it is in these Words But now thy Kingdom shall not continue the Lord hath sought him a man after his own heart and the Lord hath commanded him to be captain over his people c. 13. v. 14. As if the whole Kingly Authority were nothing else but to be their General and therefore the Tribes who had stuck to Saul's Family and opposed David's Reign when they came to Hebron with terms of Submission to him they tell him amongst other Arguments they had to submit to him as to their King That he was in effect their King in Saul's time and therefore they had no reason but to receive him as their King now Also say they in time past when Saul was King over us thou wast he that leddest out and broughtest in Israel and the Lord said unto thee thou shalt feed my People Israel and thou shalt be a Captain over Israel 110. Thus whether a Family by degrees grew up into a Commonwealth and the Fatherly Authority being continued on to the elder Son every one in his turn growing up under it tacitly submitted to it and the easiness and equality of it not offending any one every one acquiesced till time seemed to have confirmed it and setled a right of Succession by Prescription or whether several Families or the Descendants of several Families whom Chance Neighbourhood or Business brought together united into Society the need of a General whose Conduct might defend them against their Enemies in War and the great confidence the Innocence and Sincerity of that poor but vertuous Age such as are almost all those which begin Governments that ever come to last in the World gave Men one of another made the first Beginners of Commonwealths generally put the Rule into one Man's hand without any other express Limitation or Restraint but what the Nature of the thing and the End of Government required It was given them for the publick Good and Safety and to those Ends in the Infancies of Common-wealths they commonly used it and unless they had done so young Societies could not have subsisted without such nursing Fathers without this care of the Governours all Governments would have sunk under the Weakness and Infirmities of their Infancy the Prince and the People had soon perished together 111. But the golden Age tho' before vain Ambition and amor sceleratus habendi evil Concupiscence had corrupted Mens minds into a Mistake of true Power and Honour had more Virtue and consequently better Governours as well as less vicious Subjects and there was then no stretching Prerogative on the one side to oppress the People nor consequently on the other any Dispute about Priviledge to lessen or restrain the Power of the Magistrate and so no contest betwixt Rulers and People about Governours or Government Yet when Ambition and Luxury in future Ages would retain and increase the Power without doing the Business for which it was given and aided by Flattery taught Princes to have distinct and separate Interests from their People Men found it necessary to examine more carefully the Original and Rights of Government and to find out ways to restrain the Exorbitances and prevent the Abuses of that Power which they having intrusted in another's hands only for their own good they found was made use of to hurt them 112. Thus we may see how probable it is that People that were naturally free and by their own consent either submitted to the Government of their Father or united together out of different Families to make a Government should generally put the Rule into one Man's hands and chuse to be under the Conduct of a single Person without so much as by express Conditions limiting or regulating his Power which they thought safe enough in his Honesty and Prudence Though they never dream'd of Monarchy being Iure Divino which we never heard