by the quality of the Presents that were made them or by fear of the Punishments wherewith they were threatned But yet there has been so few of them principally in the two last Ages that I have been able but to find out a pair whose Example it will not be perhaps amiss to relate in this place for the rarity of the matter Never was there a King that was more concern'd for what wou'd be said of him after his Death than the last Alfonso that wore the Crown of Naples He not only labour'd at winning of Battels and doing those sorts of actions which savour of the Romance but he was likewise solicitous to find out Pens worthy of writing them and capable of embelishing them Not one famous one was there but he endeavour'd to gain or corrupt and all such as were in Repute receiv'd from him Pensions or Presents in whatever Country of Europe Birth or Fortune had confin'd them yet never was yet never was there a Monarch whose Infirmities have been better particulariz'd than his We are not strangers to the least of his Frailties and what avails it to read in Pontanus Panormus Benedicti and in sixty four other Historians that he possess'd all the Noble qualities that form Heroes No body believes 'em and the World is rather inclin'd to give Credit to Bernardino Cerico who attributes to him only very common Affections tho' this Cerico is otherwise a very piteous Historian Castruccio Castracani on the contrary has been defamed by thirty celebrated Historians of Italy ten of whom are of Florence He has been reproach'd with all the excesses whereof Tyranny is capable when above the reach of Fear And Machiavel has writ a piece on purpose in so terse maligne a stile that he turns into Ridicule all the actions he cannot blame Yet has he not been believ'd no more than his Country-men and though Nicolas Tegrinus who made at the same time that Great Captain 's Apology was inferiour to Machiavel in all the other parts that make up a perfect Historian Nevertheless People have jugd'd Tegrinus to be the sincerest of the two They have approv'd the Contradictions he puts in his Preface for the undeceiving those who had been prepossess'd to the Prejudice of Truth and 't is now allow'd on all hands that neither the Testimony of Machiavel nor that of the other Florentines is receiveable in what relates to Castracani as being suspected of designing to revenge their Countrey at least with the Pen for the Affronts which it had receiv'd from a General of an Army who had been its most formidable Enemy though they were convinc'd that this General had no other failures than what proceeded from his living in a Conjuncture wherein it was not possible to exercise Military Virtues by lawful means But as the two Events which I have newly related are perhaps those only wherein rigorous Justice has been done to oppressed Truth ever since History was written it is not to be expected but by a due course of proceeding The shelve is to be avoided which commonly wrecks those who do not fancy that too much exactness can be used in detecting the most secret matters You must remember that though a Writer of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is more often and more strictly bound to speak the Truth than an Historian yet he is not so in all occasions to speak without exception on the contrary he ought to suppress it all along where it is not possible to reveal it without acting against good Manners Town that Procopius has fail'd against this Principle and I am too sincere not to abandon him in thiâ— point I do not undertake either to excuse him or defend him and 〈◊〉 should go my self astray as well aâ— deviate my Readers if I follow'd hiâ— steps I take it kindly of thaâ— Man's Modesty Thâ— German Doctor causing his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be Printeâ— has retrench'd such Passages whereiâ— the Infamies of the Empress Theodora when she assisted at the Publicâ— Divertâ—sements were too lively represented I wish this Vacuum maâ— be never fill'd and that those whâ— are able to do it may have neitheâ— the Will nor the Leisure This Priography is in the Galleâ—y of the French King's Library I have little less Aversion for the Impudence of Petrus Candidus December who wrote two hundred years agon the Lives of the Dukes of Milan and People wou'd have been well enough satisfy'd without knowing why Filippo Visconti caus'd the young Gentlemen of Milan to play at Tennis so often in his presence The art of the most Infamous Prostitution ought not to be learnt in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 no more than in History and the Laws of Decency well deserve to be as scrupulously kept in the one as in th' other Dangerous thoughts ought not to be imprinted in Peoples Minds under the Cant of rendring to them Vice the more abominable nor fill 'em with shameful Ideas when the business is to ammate them to the pursuit of Glory by laying before them the most eminent Virtues Neither ought it to be suffer'd in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or in History that in publick there appear things as would not be heard without a Horrour in a well regulated Conversation and if the Ordures that are read in the Old Romances are not wanting to produce pernicious effects though we are forewarn'd of their false-hoods what will not those do which the memory shall endeavour to retain because they are true Never was there any Republick that has giv'n a Right to private Persons over anothers Reputation and but has punish'd those who went to disturb'd the Dead in their very Graves The Morals of the Fathers and Councils will have us hold him for an honest Man who had the repute of so being at the Moment he ceas'd living when that there is no evident proofs to the contrary and 't is principally for this last Consideration that I shall draw the Curtain over the Amours of Cosmo de Medici with Camilla Martelli and over those of Duke Francisco his Son with Bianca Capello I shall leave the principal Circumstances of them in the Memoirs wherein I have seen them and shall only thence cull those that have so peculiar a Connexion with the most notable Events of those two Princes Lives that for want of having chosen them neither Manuce nor Civi nor th' other Historians are intelligible in the passages of their great Volumes which are ferreted with too much Curiosity But it s too long stopping the Reader at the entrance of this I must introduce him within doors and render him Judge whether I have put well in practise the Speculations wherewith I have been entertaining him THE CONTENTS OF THE BOOKS The First Book THE great Riches of Cosmo de Medici Surnam'd the Old acquir'd by Traffick rend'ring him suspected to the Florentines four of the most Illustrious Families Conspire against him and got him clapt into Prison The Design is
in these his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and thereby his Advantages over those two Authors Tacitus has been observ'd to convert every thing into Policy that he suffers Nature and Fortune to have little share in Occurrences and often gives far fetcht Causes for Actions altogether Plain Common and Natural Thus out-going Affairs by too much Depth and Sagacity that his Pieces are too finisht through over-much Art and too little Nature and sometimes too curious and too sinical Speculations interpose fine glittering Ideas in the room of true Objects without considering that Nature is never so curb'd and under the Hatches but that it still as much Influences our Actions as we can regulatâ—â—ns Movements For Irresolution and Passion prevail equally in the Great as in the Vulgar And often a little Cabinet-pique or Bed Chamber Quarrel occasions a rumbling World and is the soures of the greatest Transactions Something of the Parties Temper does evermore tinge the most concerted Designs And this my Author has accurately observ'd in his Relation of the Imprisonment and Exile of Cosme de Medici Sir-named the Old occasion'd through Envy at his Great Power and Riches acquir'd by his Universal Traffick from Persâ—â— into Andalusia there being nothing finer â—ain know of these Gentlemen what Stâ—m however Holy what Dignities and Offices however August and Sacred but have been tarnish'd by unworthy Members Our Saviour himself tho' he cull'd his Twelve yet had he a Judas How often did the Race of David degenerate How often was the High Priest's Office among the Jews blemish'd by unworthy Officiates The Richest of Humane Blood Ebbs and Flows Stagnates and Corrupts and since the whole Race of Mankind is subject to these Infirmitions no wonder that the House of Medici has in some of its Off-spring participated of the Frailties incident to the state of Man And this I suppose is sufficient to urge is behalf of my Author and his Book And I will only now crave leave of your Lordship to drop a Word in excuse of my self his Interpreter Some will perhaps carp at me for calling my Traduction a Secret History whereas the Original had already made the matter Publick but against this and other Cavils and Objections that might be rais'd on the same account I shall not stand to make a Defence having for what I have done the Authority of all Procopius his Translators As to my Version I lâ—bour'd under some Difficulties through an imperfect Copy but when we have the whole compleat I am in hopes of laying it at your Lorships Feet rectified from such failures I have nothing farther to add but to beg your Lordships Pardon for aspiring to the Honour of your Protection to this foreign Production And as I do not design this for a Panegyrick but as an Humble Address for your Lordships Patronage I will not pretend to resine upon the Publick that is purpetually Celebrating your Lordship for a perfect Model of Honour and Virtue But though a Relation of their Praises might seem an Attack upon Modesty yet that of their Blessings must needs be satisfactory Yes my Lord all Loyal Hearts bless you for having so very conspicuously and advantageously distinguish'd your self in the Defence of the Sacred Blood of England and the true Interests of the Kingdom Yet as if Fame thought us not sufficient for your Eulogies she has occasion'd your being Courted to accept of the Best and most Honourable Posts and Employments beyond the Seas But though other Nations as well as our own speak a most peculiar regard for your Lordships Merit and Gallantry yet I am sure no Man can be with a more profound Respect and Passion than my self My Lord Your Lordships most Humble Most Devoted and Most Obedient Servant F. Spence The AUTHOR'S PREFACE IF Procopius the only Author from whom we have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 remaining to us had left behind him the Rules of that kind of Writing I should not lye under the Obligation of Penning a Preface being the Authority of that excellent Historian whom the French King's Press has lately presented so Correct to the World would be sufficient to screen me from all sorts of Reproaches supposing I had observ'd them with exactness But as the Art of writing secret History is still unknown almost in its whole Extent and no Philosopher hitherto has taken the pains to draw up the Method of it nor Critick dar'd to shew its Defects I think my self reduc'd like those who ingage in new Paths viz. that I take all the Precautions necessary to prevent being damn'd at the entrance of my Work and therefore mean to impose Laws on my self according to which I pretend to be try'd by an equitable Reader on Condition I neither borrow them from my Reason nor Caprice but only from the Examples of Procopius whom I will ever have in ken seeing I cannot find any other Guide Thus it is with his Approbation that I lay down for a Foundation of this Discourse that it is not so easie a matter to write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as People may imagine because on one side a Man cannot dispence himself from any of the Rules that Aristotle Cicero Plutarch and other the Masters of th' Art have so judiciously prescrib'd for Publick History and on th' other there are many others which I shall relate in the Series of this Preface which he is no less indispensably bound to observe from whence I draw two inferences holding of the Paradox The first is what Liberty soever not to say Libertinage that 's attributed to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there is no kind of Writing more constrain'd nor more reserv'd since it has not a quarter of the Extent which the most scrupulous Historians propose to themselves The second is That there 's no kind of Slavery greater for an Anecdoto-grapher than to be ty'd to tell the truth in all its Circumstances ev'n when he handles the nicest matters I explain my meaning by so known and memorable an Example that it cannot be question'd Certain it is that Procopius has perform'd the Duty of a perfect Historian when that seeking into the Cause that made the Emperour Justinian recall Belisarius out of Africa from whence he had drove the Vandales in three Months space tho' the presence of that Great Captain was absolutely necessary to settle his new Conquest He writes that this Service was of such Consideration that Justinian not finding himself capable of rewarding it was afraid lest Belisarius having his Arms in hand might do himself Justice Procopius stopp'd there as thinking he had satisfy'd the Laws of History and certainly there would have been injustice in demanding oâ— him then any thing further But when he be thought himself long after to labour upon those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hâ— fancy'd there was no more Disguise to be us'd upon so fantastical a matter that its most concealed Minutes ought to be laid open and that his Readers Curiosity wou'd not be fully
sole Heiress of his House in a Curb'd Head-strong and Rebellious Town whose Inhabitants he had reduc'd to despair by a Siege of eighteen Months Moreover the Writer of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 makes a scrupule of charging himself with pompous matters and as he principally aims at knowing what is peculiar in the Inclinations he stops sometimes to glean up such matters as were neglected and flung aside by the Historian An unforeseen Answer serves him to penetrate into the bottom of Peoples Intentions If he had been at Florence with Alessandro de Medici one bare word of that Duke wou'd have suffic'd him to make his Pourtraict He wou'd have suppos'd that the impenetrability of his Secret his being his own sole Confident was it self his true Character as soon as he had heard him say that he was himself the Keeper of his own Designs but a Keeper so Jealous that he did not allow 'em to stir one moment out of his heart to take the Air upon the brink of his Lips I ingenuously own that the Historian does not do the like and willingly do I leave him in possession of that fine Maxime of Adrianus Marcellinus Discurrere per Negotiorum Celsitudines non humilium minutias indagare Causarum I take it kindly of Lucian for having rally'd those who wou'd go another way to Work and I blame Guichiardini for having so often violated this Rule but I pretend likewise to be left in my turn to enjoy peaceably the Priviledge of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and to relate with a serious Air the smallest trifles when they have been th' Origine or occasion of the greatest Matters Perhaps I shall have the Validity of these Priviledges deny'd me upon that Procopius who has advantag'd himself of 'em so often has no where taken the pains to establish them But I answer in the first place that tho' it were so I shou'd still have left a Possession of above twelve hundre◠years which in good Law equal◠at least a new Title And in the second I maintain that Procopius hi◠silence cannot turn to my disadvantage since it is contradicted by th◠contrary use of the same Author following the Maxime of Philosophers who give force to the Negative Argument only when there is nothing opposite in the same Place from whence it is drawn And I observ◠in the third that a Man cannot b◠well grounded to draw an Inference of that Nature from Procopius hi◠Books of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because this Wor◠has not been preserv'd absolutely entire as is easie to judge by the Passages cited in Suidas and Evagrius that are not now a days found in any of our Editions or Manuscripts Which wou'd give me always occasion on to pretend that Procopius might have spoken in the Fragments which we want of what People will needs have him to have forgotten and omitted But after all tho' I shou'd be depriv'd of Procopius his Authority I shou'd still have a reason left which ought in my Opinion to pass for Fundamental in the matter now in hand namely That notwithstanding the Writer of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is no less oblig'd than the Historian to tell the Truth yet he is not oblig'd to tell it in the same manner for the Historian is not properly bound to tell it but when the Transactions he relates are so true as that they are probable and Guichiardin will be ever blamed for having related * In the Fifth Book of his History the Case of two Rival Brothers th' one of whom having known that th' other was better belov'd because he had finer Eyes tore them out from him and sent them in a Box to his Mistress There shou'd he have stopt and not have added that these same Eyes were remitted in their place by so delicate a hand that they recover'd th' use of sight Yet am I not of their Opinion who think this single Instance sufficient to make Guichiardin's Process and Convict him not only of Falsehood but likewise of manifest Error against common Sense I am willing to suppose with the Adorers of this Historian that the two Persons of whom he speaks were sufficiently Eminent in Italy to be known and that the Place of the Blindness and of the Cure which they are minded to maintain was not so remote from Florence but that a Man might be inform'd of it in a short time and without difficulty What I now find fault with is that so Tragical and Capricious an Event tho' it may be true was not probable at least in its utmost particularity which ought to be omitted or related with the due Precautions for the persuading the Reader that there was no design to impose on his Credulity On the contrary the Writer of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 has for Object Truth in all its Extent he considers it equally either that it be probable or not probable and the same Procopius who had taken such pains to be believ'd when herelates * In the first Book of the Gothick War in his History that one single Isaurian Cavalier had put to rout a whole Army of the Goths the self same Procopius says I use neither Precaution nor Preamble in my 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 when the thing in hand is to describe the strange Postures of the Emperour Justinian in the Night time After his Example shall I take the freedom to examine all the Symptoms of the Great Cosmo de Medici his sickness and indeavour to sift by what accidents of Fatigue or of Debauchery that Princes Body lost the three Functions of the Mind one after th' other during the three last years of his Life and was deprived by a successive alteration of his Organs first of Reason then of Motion and of Sentiment and at last of Life But if the Writer of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 has on this side more Liberty than the Historian he has it not on another which wou'd be much more material to him for he cannot propose to himself or Interest or Glory for the end of his enterprize and the Field he cultivates is to him so useless that it produces him only Thorns and Briars He runs a risque of losing all instead of profiting and the same Conastagio who had been promis'd ten thousand Crowns besides an ample Pension for Life for writing the History of the re-union of Portugal to the Crown of Castile was threatned with Bastinadoes as soon as it came to be known that he elsewhere than at the Spanish Ambassadours House at Genoua sought after Memoirs for writing the late Revolutions of the Low Countries He wou'd not so much as dare to hope to raise his Name from Oblivion by causing others to revive and in the Most Christian King's Library have I read several Manuscripts which Infallibly will be never Printed because they draw the Picture a little too much to the Life of some Illustrious Persons in whom History has not hitherto found any Defects or
at least was not willing to find any He can neither make his Wit nor his Eloquence glitter nor sparkle by reason those sorts of Truths that fall within his Sphere ought necessarily to appear stark naked and I do not think there hardly can be found in Antiquity a more careless stile in that kind of Writing than is that of Procopius In fine he obliges neither the Age whose Errors he recounts nor that wherein he lives Those who ought to gain most by his Instructions are those who are most provok'd in reading them and if the state of Venice had not offer'd an Azylum to the unfortunate Boccolini there wou'd not have been any safety for him in the Old or New World so dreadful was then the Pow'r of those whose hatred he had incurr'd * Pietra del Paragone Politico by his Touch-stone I launch out much farther and assert that there is hardly any Paradox in the Stoick Philosophy but what by a contrary sense is verified in the Destiny of a Writer of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he searches after Truth with an indefatigable Care but ever pursues he it unprofitably he thinks to attain to Felicity by attaining to Truth and yet bears off and distances himself from his own Happiness gradually as he approaches Truth he Combats for it with a world of Pains and Trouble and yet he never Triumphs after having Vanquisht In short he is the Slave of Truth as Epictetus was of Virtue he must cherish it for its own sake and never complain of the Mischiefs it makes him suffer provided he is Sooth'd and Cocker'd with the hopes of possessing it Excellent Painters are there who make Pourtraicts according to all the Rules of Art and yet those Pourtraicts are not altogether resembling they add ever something to the Faces they represent and tho' they do not omit any of the Features or Lineaments they so raise and set off the Air and Colouring that they are found much handsomer on the Cloth than they are in th' Original I do not think there ever to have been any Historian that has entirely avoided this Defect and this hinders me from calling it a Fault And I cou'd quote an infinite number of Ancient and Modern Examples but I 'le reduce my self to that of Leo the 10th as sharing in my Subject Three Celebrated Historians are there who have employ'd all the Strength and Delicacy of their Stile to express that Popes Genlus to the Life namely Paulus Jovius Guichiardin and Padre Paolo Sarpi of the Order of the Servi Yet they go so different a way to work that the three principal Heroes of Italy are not more different among themselves in Manners and Conduct than Leo the 10th is from himself in the Writings of those three Authors In his Book and in his particular Eulogy of Leo the 10th Paulus Jovius makes him pass for a Man Arrogant and Stately and ever indeavouring to carry things with a high hand To him does he impute the same Warlike humour that possess'd Giulio the 2d his Predecessour He made him conceive ev'n before his Exaltationy a disdainful Contempt of all the rest of the Sacred Colledge founded upon an imaginary precedence of the House of Medici o're other the Families of Italy he causes that Contempt to intervene in all the signal Actions and ev'n in the most august Ceremonies he takes him for the Source and Foundation of the obstinate War against the Duke of Vrbin and of other the Quarrels that arose in the Pontificate in a word he will needs have that Vanity but a haughty shocking Vanity was his predominant Inclination If you are concern'd to know how Paulus Jovius has penetrated so far into Leo's Bosom to pronounce of him so decisive a Judgment he himself obviates your question by declaring that he was that Pope's Creature that this Holiness caus'd him to lay aside the Profession of Physick and the pretension of a Chair at Padoua to ingage himself in an Ecclesiastical state made him Bishop of Cosmo chose him to be his Confident and to assist at the Councils wherein the most important and most secret Resolutions were taken engag'd him to write the History of his time interpos'd in his behalf in France and in Spain that he might have Communicated to him th' Authentick Pieces he might think needful for the Perfection of his Work and laid himself wholly open to him in frequent and familiar Conversation Wou'd not a Man say to hear him talk in this manner that he has made the true Pourtraict of Leo the Tenth Nevertheless Guichiardin In the 12 〈◊〉 Art of his History who wrote upon the same subject at the same time has made one directly contrary He gives us this Pope for a finisht Model of Modern Policy and for the greatest Cabinet-Man of his Age he places him above King Ferdinand the Catholick and makes him Triumph in his Youth over that old Usurpers Stratagems To him it is he attributes the secret of making the Council of Spain willy-nilly back and further all his Designs After having laid down these wonderful Principles no glittering Virtues are there but what set off Leo the 10th's Picture He frames from ten years old when first made Cardinal those vast Projects he since executed when exalted to St. Peter's Chair He negotiates with the States of Venice for the saving and retrieving the Wrecks of his House that had run a ground on the Fortune of Charles the 8th He does not alter his Resolution by having seen his brother perish at the Passage of a River He has no other thoughts than for the advancement of th' only Son that Brother left in the Cradle and thereupon he returns to Rome where his Intrigues give him access to Pope Giulio the Second's Favour and procure him to be Elected Legate in the Army design'd to drive the French out of Italy he is taken Prisoner at the Battel of Ravenna but he makes his escape in a Conjuncture fatal for himself since that Giulio was newly expired He enters the Conclave where he so improves the young Cardinals Caprice they having whirl'd their Heads with a Design of making a Pope of their own Age that he works their Suffrages to turn in favour of himself He joins with the Spaniards and husbands their Friendship as long as it is of use to him for the re-instating his House in the principal Functions of the Magistracy of Florence but as soon as Fortune turns her back upon 'em and that he finds their Council not of a humour to suffer that he usurp the Dutchy of Vrbin therewith to invest his Nephew he treats with the French on that Condition draws up the famous Concordate wherein he Fools and Bafles the Wiles and long Experience of Chancellour du Prat he Caresses Francis the First as long as that King is in a Condition to do him good but he has no sooner rookt and wheadled him out of all he aim'd at but that he
laid to Poyson him but he avails himself of the Goalers Irresolution and of a Boufoon's Address by whose means he gains the Gonfalioniere who nicks his time and dexterously sets him again at Liberty He withdraws to Venice from whence he contrives his return to Florence and causes his Enemies to be banish'd He ends his Life in quiet and leaves but one Son call'd Piero of small Sence but a sequestred Health The Pitti's Conspire to assassinate him and lay their Measures competently well but he scapes 'em through a Caprice that happily came into his mind Their Conspiracy is discover'd they are banish'd The Venetians support them They invade Tuscany with an Army but the design of surprising Pisa being ill concerted makes them lose th' occasion of entering Florence and of taking the advantage of Piero de Medici's death occasion'd by the Gout The Contents of the Second Book LOrenzo de Medici rallies his Fathers Friends and restores the Affairs of his Family He goes and joins the Florentine Army with fresh Troops and is present at the Battel wherein Field-pieces are first put in use and where the Servants one both sides with Flambeaus light their Masters while a Fighting Federigo d'Urbino wins one of Coglione's Quarters The Republick of Venice abandons the Pitti's and the Marquess of Mantoua reconciles them with the State of Florence The Volterrans Revolt Lorenzo de Medici causes the Siege of the Town to be rais'd and pardons them after having constrain'd 'em to surrender at discretion He demands of the Pope is Cardinals Cap for his Brother Giuliano but is refus'd He takes his Revenge by causing the Army of the Church to moulder away before Tiferno and by hindring the Pope's Nephew from acquiring the Soveraignty of Immola from whence is fram'd the Pazzi's Conspiracy Giuliano de Medici is therein kill'd and Lorenzo escapes All the Accomplices are punish'd and the Archbishop of Pisa is truss'd up at a Window of the Palace in his Pontifical Vestments Bandini only gets into Turkey But Sultan Bajazet delivers him to Lorenzo de Medici's Factors The Contents of the Third Book COmmissioner Nardi concludes a League between the Pope and the King of Naples against the Florentines Lorenzo de Medici sustains the War but seeing himself abandon'd by his Allies takes a bold Resolution He causes the choice of the young Florentine Nobility to follow him under the Pretence of a Hunting Match Goes aboard a Gally Bears away directly for Naples Amazes King Ferrand by this Heroick Act of Trust Breaks all the Measures of Resalli the Ambassadour By new ways disconcerts the Practices of that Old Minister Ruines him in the Kings good Opinion Enstates himself in his room Enclines the King to all he aims at Makes him break his League with the Pope Procures Peace to the Florentines Causes their Towns to be restor'd them and a Treaty of Guaranty to be sign'd with them Two years after the King of Naples is almost oppress'd by his Nobles Conspiring with the Pope and the Venetians who meant to share his State Lorenzo de Medici succours him without staying to be desir'd to do 't Lends him Money Debauches the Troops that had overcome him Causes the Orsini's to declare for him and restores him to all Intents After which all his Thoughts tend only to maintain Peace in Italy The Contents of the Fourth Book THE famous Astrologer Leoni the Topping Physician of all Italy comes to Carrego to prescribe to Lorenzo de Medici during his Sickness Is mistaken as well in his Predictions in quality of Astrologer as in his Prescriptions in quality of Physician The Patient dies through his Fault and Piero de Medici out of rage throws him into a Well wherein he is drown'd as was Prognosticated by the Calculation of his own Nativity The Eulogy of the Wits that were Friends or receiv'd Gratifications from Lorenzo de Medici Aretin thinking there to be no other Manuscripts than his of Procopius his History burns it and has it Printed in his own Name but his Larceny is discover'd December prostitutes the Reputation of the Duke of Milan who sets him to write his History The Academicks of Rome take a fancy to travesty their Name in Greek The Pope imagines it a cover to a Conspiracy they had contriv'd against him He causes 'em to be secur'd and some of 'em put upon the Rack Platina is of this number The Cardinals of the Conclave go to Bessarion's Cell to make him Pope His Conclavist Perroti sends 'em away for fear of diverting his Master from his Studies They take pet and chuse another Politianus dies of a transport of Love The Prince of Mirandola writes against Astrologers They meet Calculate his Nativity and send him word he will dye as young as he is before his Work is finisht Their Prediction is fullfill'd The Contents of the Fifth Book THE Calamities of the House of Medici proceeded from the same Lodovico Sforza who ruin'd that of Naples and his own A curious Recital of Piero de Medici's Imprudences that are found mingl'd with th' Artifices of his Enemies He flies away from Florence He is upon the point of being restor'd by a French Intrigue who foster designs of supplanting Cardinal Brissonnet He is sought after but not found The true Causes of Savonarola's Advancement and Downfall The Ursini's labour in vain to re-establish the Medici's and reveal to them Valentinois's design of delivering them up to the Florentines Valentin finding by whom his Design was detected kills the Ursini's at the Feast of Senegaglia which plunges Piero de Medici into a Despondency He sides with France and is drown'd at the Mouth of the Garigliano His Brother the Cardinal withdraws to Rome where he sharps it until his Legation The secret Circumstances of his taking at the Battel of Ravenna and of his escape Soderim's Brother's Covetousness gives him occasion to bribe the Officers of the Spanish Army which restores him in Florence He has Machiavel there put to the Rack then receives him into favour but Machiavel broods his Revenge and not finding th' occasion procures his own Death by a Doze unseasonably taken The Contents of the Sixth Book ERasmus th' Astrologer and Ficino the Philosopher Prognostic are that Cirdal Medici should be Pope tho' not any appearance of it then He is carried to Rome in a Litter by reason of an Imposthume he had in a place thâ— Modesty forbids mentioning He enters thâ—â—â—clave The Imposthume breaks and exhales such a stink that th' Old Cardinals fancy'd upon the Relation of brib'd Physicians that he will suddenly dye and so leave off crossing his Election A Dream of his Mother which he remembers of himself makes him take the Name of Leo. He repairs his Cousin Giulio's defect of Birth and gives him his Cap. Massimiliano Sforza falls distracted and puts it into Leo's Head to make his Brother Giuliano Duke of Milan but is deluded by Fregossa who accomodates himself with the French Giuliano
the posture of a Person expecting Death and was preparing Christianly to receive it The Ecclesiasticks who were little less terrifi'd than the Cardinal had however bethought themselves to sorround him and to make him a Rampart of their own Bodies Much ado had they to get him thence because the People who fanci'd him culpable already throng'd to tear him piece-meal and the Magistrates were forc'd to send their own Guards to his Rescue and yet would not have been able to have effected it but by feigning that their Order was to conduct the Cardinal to the Town-house there to suffer the same Punishment as the other Conspirators But they carried him into the same Palace where he had lodg'd since his Arrival at Florence They so carefully watch'd all its Avenues that his Eminence and his Domesticks could not suffer any Insult during seven or eight days which the Florentines past in an horrible agitation Lorenzo de Medici's Precaution did not end with doing the Cardinal-Nephew important Offices in what regarded his Person but he likewise sav'd his Reputation in a Juncture when it seem'd impossible to exempt it from Tarnish He suppress'd all the Charges and Informations that concern'd him and his Brother Riario He favour'd the Rumour which was spread about That his young Eminency was wholly ignorant of the Plot. He drew up a kind of Declaration from the Accomplices authoriz'd by the Council of Eight who had instructed their Process In a word he sent to make him from time to time very humble Excuses for that he was barr'd of his Liberty during the Tumult and went to pay him a Visit as soon as all was calm and hush again in Florence As for what regarded the Pope Lorenzo de Medici writ to his Holiness in Terms altogether respectful He crav'd the Republicks and his own Pardon for the Discontents the Cardinal-Nephew receiv'd on his account He justified himself tho' no body accus'd him He desir'd that the Memory of it might be abolish'd and mention'd not in the Letters either his own Wound or his Brother's Blood for fear he might seem to harbour Resentment In a word he courted Riario's Friendship by a stroke of Politick Prudence not then in use He made all the Paces for it and made them with an Air that shew'd neither Fear nor Distrust He staid the Orsini's upon the point of their departing to go and desolate the Principality of Forli He took upon him to mediate between them a solid Reconciliation He assur'd him that the Florentines would no longer concern themselves in the Conservation of the Petty Soveraigns of Romagna when the Pope should have a mind to ruine them And for the utmost Mark of Confidence he offer'd to go to Rome upon his Holinesses Parole for the labouring by Word of Mouth to destroy the dangerous Impressions that had been giv'n him to his prejudice without pretending from him any Boon or for himself or for his Friends in consideration of that Journey However the Pope had not any regard either to Lorenzo's Submission or to the Address wherewith he manag'd the Reputation of the Holy See and the Honour of the Riario's in so nice and Matter He onely view'd the Success of the Pazzi's Conspiracy on the Side that could animate him most against a Person whom Heav'n had so visibly protected in stead of considering it on the Side most proper to whet his Indignation He onely suffer'd himself to be transported by the Motions suggested to him by Spite for having miss'd his Aim and thenceforward onely hearkned to this Chimerical Reason namely That the onely Means to cover the Fault he had committed was to pursue it to the end He fanci'd that his coming to a Reconciliation with Lorenzo would at least be tacitly owning his having had a Hand in the Conspiracy contriv'd for his Ruine And that on the contrary by declaring War upon him and attacking him with open Force he would hide in some manner the Foxes Skin under that of the Lion or fill at least Peoples Minds with so vast an Idea and so capable of possessing them by a multitude of Events which the Sword is wont daily to produce that they would have no leisure to think of what had pass'd afore Upon this Presupposition the Pope follow'd the Counsel given him by Riario to levy Troops and not embroil himself a second time in an Enterprise whose Success might prove contrary to his expectation by Contingencies his Holiness could not foresee he resolv'd to take his Measures so well for the Ruine of Lorenzo de Medici that Fortune that had so signally declar'd in his behalf shou'd be constrain'd to abandon him in spite of her teeth This made the Pope send the shrewdest of his Emissaries call'd Stefano Noirdi to the King of Naples And that he might be dispos'd to practise all his Tricks and Artifices he had a Cardinal's Cap promis'd him if he effected his Negotiation He was given in Charge to represent to this King That the Honour of his Crown was too far engag'd in the Destruction of the Florentines to leave them at Peace since the Conspiracy wherein the Duke of Calabria his Son had tamper'd was discover'd and to suffer that the Lie should rest with him That this young Prince being arriv'd upon the Frontiers of Tuscany with a brave Army it ought to be put into Action tho' it were onely to prevent its ruining its self in Sloth and becoming contemptible by an ignominous Retreat That it would have been expedient the Duke of Calabria had not advanc'd so soon but that Step being made there was no means of going back That the Florentines seeing him resolv'd to subdue them would acquiesce perhaps out of Prudence and submit to the Destiny which then they would look on as inevitable whereas if he made a Halt after having menac'd so highly the Florentines would harbour an insupportable Presumption and the other Petty Potentates of Italy after their Example would insensibly be accustom'd to despise the Crown of Naples for which they afore had Deferences little different from Subjection These Reasons were too feeble to move so old a Prince and by consequence so near his Death as was the King of Naples The Blood that thrill'd in his Veins was too cold to be fir'd by so small a matter And Fame was no longer a Good he minded the husbanding since the most Considerable of his Subjects had aspers'd it with such bloody publick Reproaches that it was no longer possible to repair it Thus Nardi chang'd his Design as soon as he had felt his Pulse and pretending to have receiv'd new Orders from Rome demanded Audience and propos'd the Conquest of the State of Florence on condition it should be atchiev'd with the Arms of the Holy See and those of Naples both obeying one and the same General That this General should be the Duke of Calabria and that the War should be carri'd on at the Pope's Charge onely That Riario should be
put into possession of Florence as soon as it was taken but that he should make Oath to the King of Naples and be bound to hold it of him as a Fief depending on his Crown The King of Naples had no more regard to this second Proposition than to the former and Nardi was upon the point of returning to Rome without having made any Progress in his Pursuits when an unforeseen Accident concluded his Negotiation to his Advantage The Orsini's unable to remain in Peace since they were secur'd of a Retreat in Tuscany with their Brother-in-Law took the Field and without considering either the Prohibitions of stirring under any Lure whatever which they had had from the Pope or the Protection granted them and the Stem of Colonna by the King of Naples had laid waste all the Territories of that House Their Boldness was augmented by the little Resistance they had met with in their Design and by the great number of Adventurers flocking from all Parts to re-inforce their Troops They had taken the Castles by main might and reduc'd the Fortresses to Capitulate without excepting that of Palliano The Colonnesi being surpris'd all they could do was to retire to Naples their wonted Asyle where their Interests engag'd them to become Sollicitors of the Pope's Affairs with the King For as they foresaw that it would be impossible for them to recover their Places at least without procuring such a Diversion on the Side of Tuscany as should constrain the Orsini's to go to the Succour of their Brother-in-Law they concerted their Measures with Nardi set a going in his favour all their Intrigues they wrought the Duke of Calabria to write to his Father in Terms which promis'd that the Reduction of Florence should cost but some few days Siege and that they would oblige themselves to bring thither their Friends as soon as they had recover'd their Lands and thus reduc'd the King of Naples to serve as an Implement to the Pope's Revenge and the Riario's Ambition The End of the Second Book THE SECRET HISTORY OF THE HOUSE OF MEDICIS The Third Book COmmissioner Nardi had no sooner adjusted with the King of Naples the Conditions I have mention'd than the Duke of Calabria declar'd War against the Republick of Florence with the Formalities then in use that is to say He sent to defie her by an Herald in the Name of the Pope and the King his Father He prescrib'd her the time wherein she should prepare for her Defence and caus'd the Reasons he had to attack her to be given her in Writing These Reasons were all reduc'd to the Outrage the Holy See pretended to have receiv'd in the Person of the Cardinal-Nephew The Constitutions of Popes were alledg'd and the Privileges granted at divers times to the Sacred College It was maintain'd That the Ecclesiastick Purple render'd no less Illustrious nor less Inviolable the Persons invested with it than the Secular And they wrested from these Principles all that the Quirks of Schools was able to suggest in Passionate Divines for the blackening the Honour of the Republick of Florence in general and of Lorenzo de Medici in particular They urg'd That the Pazzi's Conspiracy had been contriv'd onely to oppress the Cardinal-Nephew That the time of his Journey to Florence was designedly chosen That the extraordinary Honours that had been done him were onely to Will-i'th'-wisp him the more easily into the Precipice That they had spar'd him in the Feast of Frejola for that Giuliano de Medici could not be of the Party and that his sudden Departure pressing the Accomplices to hasten the Blow they had made no scruple of attempting it in the Choir of the Great Church and in presence of the Holy Sacrament That the Cardinal-Nephew was solely indebted for his Life to the Resolution the Ecclesiasticks had shewn of exposing their own that they might preserve his by putting themselves in a Posture wherein each made him a Buckler of his own Body That the single Necessity to which the Assassinates saw they were reduc'd of cutting the Throats of so many Persons before they medled with that they aim'd at had hindred them from proceeding further That the Cardinal Nephew was not fetch'd from the Church till the Magistracy of Florence did not think it seemly to leave him any longer amidst the Slaughter That he had onely chang'd the Danger by going out of the Cathedral That the Guards that attended him under the Sham of re-encouraging him had had Order to hinder him from escaping before they had consulted anew whether they should attempt again upon his Life That the Railleries Upbraidings Imprecations he had every moment heard were as so many Testimonies of it and That finally tho' the Florentines did determine to suffer him to return to Rome 't was not that they had repented of their detestable Project but onely because those who were less impetuous than others had made reflexion that all Europe would take up Arms to revenge this Crime which would not have had any Example among Christians if they suffer'd it to be Crown'd with the Death of a Cardinal-Nephew The time the Duke of Calabria had given the Florentines serv'd the Court of Rome to finish the Procedures that were to be us'd before pronouncing the Interdict The Cardinal-Nephew made his Complaint and the Witnesses were heard The Florentines were thrice cited but for Forms sake onely it being pretended their Crime was too notorious to have need of Confrontation And the Censures were thunder'd our before the Republick had thoughts of making her Defence Her State was given up to Spoil and the Duke of Calabria nam'd Commissioner to execute the Sentence Nothing of all this startled Lorenzo de Medici as having expected it when the Pope rejected his Excuses But he had occasion for all his Prudence and his Authority in Florence and in the other Cities of its Dependency to dispose the People to suffer the Interdict without murmuring For this kind of Lightning was so dreaded in all Parts of the Christian World that the being struck with it was sufficient to become execrable to all the Faithful They did not trouble their Noddles with considering whether it was just or no And Peoples minds were so prepossess'd with this Maxim That the Punishments of Hell were inseparable from the Thunders of the Vatican for what Couses soever they were darted that Armies of Sixty thousand good Soldiers had been seen to desert their General in a Night and whole Nations revolt against their Soveraigns by so general a Defection that he had left him neither Subject nor Domestick Thus Lorenzo did not make it his Business to combate the Sentiment of the Vulgar tho' he wanted not Reasons and that the Pulpiteers had past their Word to Preach in his favour He took a shorter and a less bewilder'd way and without speaking of the Authority or of the Justice of the Person who had thrown the Thunder he endeavour'd to evade it by shewing that
his giving any Assistance to his Neighbours And as the Republick of Florence could not be without it in this Juncture it was in the most inevitable and nearest Danger to which it had been expos'd since Lorenzo had medled in the Government Her other Allies of Mantoua Ferrara and Vrbini were not in a capacity to relieve her And as they had sent her onely Troops as thinking her capable of making Head against the Duke of Calabria it was to be fear'd they would recall them and make their Accommodation apart as soon as they should perceive that Ludovico Sforza had set them the Example for so doing For in short if that Prince cocker'd in his Mind the Design of making himself Duke he was too cunning to attempt it before he had gain'd at least two of the three Powers of Italy who might traverse it namely the Pope by his Censures the King of Naples by his Authority and the Venetians by their Neighbourhood And indeed as Lorenzo had Emissaries in all the Courts of Italy he knew that Ludovico Sforza entertain'd a secret Agent to dispose King Ferrand to give him in Marriage the Princess his Daughter who was to wed the young Duke of Milan when he was come to Age. Thus Lorenzo had reason to suppose that the Succours of Milan would infallibly bilk the Florentines in their greatest need and that if Sforza sent back Soldiers into Tuscany it should be no longer as an Ally but in quality of an Enemy since he would not do it but for the obtaining by that Infidelity the Princess of Naples However it was no less indubitable that the Defection of Sforza was going to open to the Duke of Calabria in few Months the Gates of Florence for the Citizens of that Town who had shew'd so much Courage at first would begin to pant and stagger as soon as they perceiv'd that the Match was not equal and would divide themselves into as many Factions as there were Persons of Quality who wish'd a Change in the State for the bettering their own Condition Then there would be no longer any Citizen that would hazard his Life or contribute to the Charges of the War and Lorenzo must be reduc'd all alone to support the Burden from which he was so much the more dissuaded by Prudence as that he could not do it without ruining himself Root and Branch if after having pump'd his Credit and emptied his Purse by an excessive Expence after having kept on foot whole Armies out of his own Coffers he should nevertheless sink and be involv'd under the Ruines of his Country his House would have no longer a Fund to furnish to its Recovery from such a Calamity as it had done in the time of Cosmo the Old nor a Conveniency of taking Refuge in some Sanctuary till such time as there was a return of Good-fortune if he died in the Occasion he would be accounted rash in the Judgment of Posterity and if he preserv'd his Life it would be onely to spin it out and finish it in Poverty and to re-unite in his Person the two most notable Adversities which can vanquish the Patience of a Man of Heart viz. an Infamous Exile with a Long Beggary Whereas if he us'd the same Policy which so well accommodated his Grandfather and if like him he contented himself with hazarding his own Person without consuming his Estate by a needless Expence on the one side no other Inconveniencies could befal him than those which would be common to him with the other Florentines and on the other he would have Ressources for his House which would be wholly peculiar to it For in what part of the World soever it should retire after having been expell'd Florence it would there find a Stock to subsist on at ease and in such an abundance as would distinguish it from others and make it be ever consider'd by the Florentines that were under the same Misfortune as alone capable of restoring them to their own Country on the first favourable Occasion If he lost his Life in Banishment his Wife being wife and virtuous would interess the Orsini's to take care of the Children he should leave under Age in hopes of partaking with them the Administration of so many Riches and if he surviv'd to the Republick of Florence he might retire to Venice and there enjoy the Priviledges of a Noble Venetian which his Grandfather had acquir'd him in expectation that one of those Revolutions which never fail'd hapning from time to time in Florence should recal him thither with the same Advantages he went thence These Considerations inspir'd Lorenzo with the Design of making his Accommodation in time And tho' it was not impossible for him to conclude a particular Treaty by which another less scrupulous would have made up his Account he wisely judg'd that it would be neither for his Honour or Surety to unhinge his own Interests from off of those of his Country for two Reasons The one That he it was that had drawn on the Tempest wherewith it was toss'd and agitated the other That in whatever Part Fortune should prepare him a Retreat he would never find there what he had left at home Wherefore treat he must and comprehend the Florentines in the Treaty but in this consisted the greatest Difficulty because Lorenzo's Policy how pregnant soever in Expedients did not suggest to him any probable Means of bringing it about For in the first place there was no hopes from an address to the Duke of Calabria who would not be of a Humour to receive a Proposition of Peace because he would look upon it as if it were to ravish from him the Glory of the Conquest of Florence There was much less likelihood in the second place in courting the Pope for besides that he appear'd too much irritated against the Republick of Florence in general and against Lorenzo de Medici in particular to receive any Submission on their Part he was moreover too much wedded to the Interest of his Nephews to frustrate them of a Spoil of which they were almost cock-suree after having spar'd no Means whatever for the making it fall into their Hands In the third place there seem'd not to be any Remedy on the Side of Naples For tho' King Ferrand was less prepossess'd with Passion than the Duke of Calabria his Son and than the Pope yet he was so closely besieg'd by Nardi to whom the Pope had newly sent a Cardinal's Cap that there was no room for doubt but that this Prince would cause all Persons to be clapp'd up who should come to him on the behalf of the Florentines under pretence that they were People with whom he was in War That if they went about to send Deputies to those three Potentates at the same time besides their exposing themselves to all the Inconveniences I have newly represented without any prospect of Success they must hazard the Lives of as many Persons of Quality as there should be appointed
him the most profound Respects That the Republick of Florence in consequence of a Suspension of Arms which she had concluded for two Months with the Duke of Calabria had rightly judg'd that this Interval was too short to observe all Formalities necessary for the Conclusion of a Peace and that to improve these her few so precious Moments to her best advantage by justling up to the main of the Business without losing time about the Preliminaries to Naples she had sent Lorenzo de Medici the most Considerable of her Subjects that he might Personally Treat with his Majesty upon the Presupposition That the Pope would not fail to approve of what should be concluded on at Naples The King of Naples after having made young Soderini withdraw ask'd Ressalli what his Thoughts were of the Business Ressalli made answer That he persisted in the belief that Lorenzo de Medici ought to be dispatch'd out of the World or at least secur'd But things are no longer in the same State reply'd the King for we thought yesterday he came of his own motion and as a Private Person and now we are inform'd he comes in the Name of the Commonwealth of Florence and has the Character of Ambassador Extraordinary But tho' it were so reply'd Ressalli hastily your Majesty may pretend Ignorance till such time as the Florentines have inform'd you of it by the Ways in use among Soveraign Powers in matter of Deputation and in the mean while you will have sufficient ground to act against Lorenzo de Medici tho' it were onely to punish him for having neglected these Formalities The King of Naples rejoyn'd When I have practis'd this subtle Prank and Cavil it will not skreen my Honour from Reproach in having violated the Right of Nations in so signal a Conjuncture Then he fell to making a long Exaggeration of Lorenzo's Merit and concluded it with letting Ressalli know That if he fail'd making a favourable Reception to Lorenzo's Dignity that alone would be sufficient to render his Reign odious to Posterity These last Words utterly discompos'd and nonplus'd Ressalli's Violence He manifestly saw the King of Naples fully set upon giving Lorenzo Audience and was not ignorant of the Consequences Nevertheless as there was no possibility of preventing it at least without running the hazard of a Rupture with the King from which he was forewarn'd by Riario above all things Moreover if the King of Naples was resolv'd to discourse him the more advantageous was it to the Pope and his Nephew that it were done with their Participation and in their Deputy's Presence than if it was perform'd without their Privity because that in the first Case they might find occasion perhaps to prevent its taking effect And that if it succeeded maugre these Endeavours they would be still in a capacity to husband their Interests Whereas in the second Case the Odds was too great against them and their whole Stake in danger of being lost without hopes of Retrieve since the King of Naples after having treated with Lorenzo needed onely to send word to the Duke of Calabria to lead back into his own Dominions the Army that acted in Tuscany For as that Army depended almost on three Regiments of Infantry the Florentines would enjoy Peace nevertheless with almost as much Tranquillity as if they had treated with the Pope whose Weakness would be then obvious to all the World and tarnish'd with the utmost Affront This mov'd Ressalli to give the Neapolitan King to understand That if his Majesty thought convenient to grant Lorenzo Audience the Pope his Master hoped he would have the Goodness not to do any thing prejudicial to their Union The King of Naples reply'd That he would neither see Lorenzo nor speak to him but in the Presence of his Holinesse's Minister that he might have an irreproachable Evidence to vouch for the sincerity of his Intentions Lorenzo's first Audience pass'd almost wholly in Civilities on both sides He appear'd as Ambassador Extraordinary from the Republick of Florence and said That his Superiours had sent him modestly to bewail the Misfortune they had had of incurring the Pope's Indignation without being guilty of any thing to challenge it That for overplus of Ill Fortune they had seen the Arms of Naples joyn with those of the Church to lay desolate their Territory but that these Acts of Hostility had diminish'd nothing of the ancient Confidence which the Commonwealth of Florence had ever had in his Majesty's Justice because she had suppos'd that so wise a Prince must necessarily have been prepossess'd to her Prejudice to treat her as an Enemy without any Lawful Cause That it was in order to the destroying so dangerous an Opinion that he was sent to implore Peace of his Majesty and to declare to him That the Florentines were so persuaded of their not having offended him in any manner that they would submit to all he should please to decree and humbly to beseech him to be their Mediator with the Pope The King of Naples answer'd sparkishly That the Commonwealth of Florence had found the Secret to make his Sword fall out of his Hand if he himself had been onely Interessed in the Tuscan War But as the Pope was a Party he could then make no other Return than that he already gave his Royal Word to sacrifice to the Good of the Peace all his Pretensions and all the Charges he had been at and to employ his Offices with his Holiness in order to dispose him to an Accommodation This favourable Reception was follow'd two days after with a Private Conference between the Neapolitan King and Lorenzo de Medici wherein Lorenzo fell immediately to the Business and unvail'd to this Monarch the true Causes of the War which the Riario's had so craftily let him see onely in disguise He shew'd him the Informations of Pazzi's Case and the Memoirs written and sign'd by the Accomplices own Hand He made appear that the Conspiracy had been hatch'd at Rome with Design to mount Riario to the Soveraignty of Florence He modestly insinuated That the Care he had taken to manage the Soveraign Pontiff's Reputation that of the Cardinal-Nephew and Prince Furli in the time they themselves prostituted it by the basest of all Crimes had drawn the Devastations executed upon the Territory of Florence But that he hop'd his Majesty would cause them to cease after he was inform'd of the Truth from his own Eyes Then he represented to him in a Discourse that was beyond contest That since Italy was divided into so many different Soveraignties 't was impossible to change any one of them without hazarding the All it made a Part of That this Harmony depended no less of the smallest Powers than of the greatest because none of them was then so weak but whose Aggrandizement it was necessary to obstruct That those whose States were more Considerable for their Riches or Extent had more Interests than the rest to maintain the Counterpoise
fortiter toleranda Exilii fortuna And as this Tract was wholly compos'd of Sentences sorrily tack'd and jumbl'd together and fitted out of Cicero's Book of Glory yet was it much esteem'd tho' the Judicious easily observ'd it had not any Connexion Algionus overjoy'd at the Success of his Work chang'd the design he had had of causing Cicero's Piece to be printed And as he knew there was no other Copy of it to be had he committed it to the Flames for fear there should be one day found among his Papers Matter for his Conviction Nevertheless he repented it tow'rds the end of his Life and made a kind of an attoning Confession and Apology at the Head of two Harangues which he compos'd at Venice upon the Desolation of Rome by the Lutherians The Publick is indebted to him for the Exactness which Aldus Manucius us'd in the Impression of the best Greek and Latin Authors we now admire for he was all his Life Corrector of that famous Press Never Man became more Learned with less Health and more Engagements incompatible with Study than Donatus I speak of him that issu'd from the Illustrious Family of the Acagholli at Florence His Life was very short being almost wholly spent in the most weighty and considerable Employments of the Republick This notwithstanding he fail'd not translating Aristotle's Morals much more exactly than those who had gone before him in that sort of Labour nor of purging them with an admirable Commentary of ridiculous Interpretations giv'n them by the Ancients and new Sophists Wherein he shew'd That whosoever engages himself in this Labyrinth without another Guide than the famous Eustachius cannot avoid going astray He found likewise time to translate the Lives of Plutarch's Illustrious Men being the best Version we have of them in Latin and to write a Book in Praise of Charles-Main in acknowledgment for that Prince his having built or re-establish'd the City of Florence He was a Confident of Lorenzo de Medici and 't was upon his Request he undertook a Journey into France to sollicit at that Court Succours for his Country against Pope Sixtus the Fourth He dy'd at Milan ag'd Thirty eight years and three Months after the Pazzi's Conspiracy Franciscus Philelphus of Tolentin was so enamour'd of the Greek Tongue that he would needs go view the Ruines of Athens to try if the Air of the Country could in any wise contribute to his Sufficiency From thence he pass'd thorow Constantinople where he married Emanuel Chrysolorus his Daughter meerly for her pronouncing admirably well the ancient and new Greek This Woman being intriguing made her Husband known to the Emperour Palaeologus who sent him in Quality of Ambassador to the Christian Princes to demand Succours against the Turks Philelphus his Negotiation was of no benefit to the Emperour but accru'd to his own advantage for it brought him acquainted over all Europe and principally at Florence where Lorenzo engag'd him to translate the Works of Hippocrates and Xenophon's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He likewise wrote the Life of Francesco Sforza in Heroick Verse for which he receiv'd Noble Presents He was at Naples when the News came of Constantinople's being taken and King Alfonso staid him there by his Liberalities He had also in that Place a Dispute with a Natural Greek call'd Timotheus upon the force of a Greek Syllable and as the Contest was flush'd in good Company Philelphus adventur'd to say That he would bett a hundred Crowns that the Opinion he held was true Timotheus answer'd he had not wherewith to take up his Wager but that to shew if he had all the Treasures in the World he would make no difficulty of hazarding them to defend his Sentiment he offer'd to stake his fine Beard the thing which Men of his Country preserve with most fondness Philelphus took him at his Word and the hundred Crowns being consign'd into a third Hand the Learned assembl'd in the King's Library where they consuited the ancient Manuscripts and found so clearly the poor Timotheus to be under a Mistake that he gave the Verdict against himself nay and offer'd Philelphus a hundred Crowns to redeem his Beard But this inexorable Conquerour was not to be prevail'd upon or by Entreaties or by Pity which any other would have had for poor disconsolate Timotheus He cut it off and expos'd it a long while to the view of his Auditors for a Mark of his Triumph on the side of his Chair wherein he publickly profess'd As to the rest never Man of Letters receiv'd more Gratuities from all sorts of Persons than Philelphus and yet never Man dy'd poorer He expir'd at Ninety years of age and all he had being sold was hardly sufficient for the Charges of his Burial He left a Son call'd Marius a Man of no less Learning than his Father but he neither inherited his Fame nor his Happiness Nicolo Perroti came from the same Town of Sassoferrato in Vmbria where the famous Bartolus was born He first contriv'd putting the Rules of Grammar into Verse that Youth might learn and remember them the more easily His Tryal of Skill was the Traduction of Polybius which he so acutely well perform'd as made it question'd whether it was he that did it or if he had not found some ancient Translation of the said Polybius and caus'd it to be printed under his own Name The most Judicious durst not however arraign him of Plagiarism They chose rather to produce him at the Court of Rome which then did Justice to the Merit of all the Learned Perroti became after some years Archbishop of Manfrediana and Governour of the City of Perrouza and of the Province of Vmbria Nay he would have been Cardinal had he not bubbl'd himself of the Cap by debarring Cardinal Bessarion his Patron from being Pope through an Adventure I shall hereafter relate He quickly solac'd himself for this Loss and chearfully spent the rest of his Life in a House of Pleasure he had fitted up to his Fancy and call'd Fugicura There did he compile a Commentary upon Martial Learned and Curious in truth but a little too Lascivious and too Libertine for an Archbishop which perchance hinder'd him from publishing it in his Life-time He dy'd very old and the Author of his Epitaph had reason to use these Words onely Here lies the Translator of Polybius For if the Work is Perroti's none of all those who have made the Greeks speak Latin not onely can be compar'd to him or in any wise come near him Platina came to Rome from Cremona the Place of his Birth under the Popedom of Calixtus the Third Cardinal Bessarion provided for his Subsistence and set him a writing the Popes Lives whose Style is pure and Narration ingenious Paul the Second made him afterwards his Secretary and wrongfully suspecting him of having betray'd him caus'd him to undergo the Irons Dungeon Rack and other Mischiefs which he himself relates with a most pathetick Air In reparation
re-instated The Eldest of the three Brothers after having exhausted in the Fore-going Attempts the effects his Father had left him out of Florence was going to serve in quality of Volunteer in the Troops of King Lewis the 12th who meditated the Conquest of the Dutchy of Milan His younger Giuliano of a humour more sedate with-drew to the Petrucci's invested at that time with the principal Authority in Sienna where he Couzen'd his time in Love and Gallantry And the youngest taking upon him the Title of Cardinal de Medici tho' it was as yet the Mode to call Cardinals by the Name of their Benefices went to travel throughout Europe with Giulio his Cozen as yet neither passing for a Bastard nor Legitimate and a train of twelve Persons He put himself into the disguise of a bare Cavalier to avoid Expence and wou'd not suffer any difference to be observ'd between himself and his Attendants They were all mounted and clad alike had taken Warlike Names and every morning drew Lots who shou'd be own'd for head of the Company and give Orders that day This Conduct which they kept out of Precaution furnish'd them with so many occasions for Mirth and Laughter that the Cardinal since own'd amid all the Delights of the Papacy that in all his Life he had never been better Diverted not but that new Traverses befell him from time to time for they were known in the City of Vlme in Germany from whence the Magistrate sent them under a Safe guard to the Emperour Maximilian the 1st But the Cardinal de Medici having unvail'd his way of Travelling to that Prince who still entertain'd a Respect for the memory of Lorenzo he was receiv'd magnificently by his Imperial Majesty and got Letters of Recommendation to Philip Arch Duke of the Low Countries that he might see the more commodiously the seventeen Provinces At his leaving of Flanders he had a design to Embark at Calice for England But the Sea was so rough that those of his Train inclin'd him to see Normandy till it was Calm again As he was at Havre de Grace waiting for a Ship for his Passage a Frenchman having born Arms in Italy knew him and went to discover him to the Governour of the place The Governour stopp'd him with all his Retinue and clapt 'em under Guards Nothing did it avail the Cardinal de Medici to declare his Name and demand to enjoy the Priviledges of his Character stay he must in Havre till the King then at Milan had consented to his enlargement Piero de Medici was happily with his Majesty and serv'd for Warantee of his Brothers having no other Design in his Masquerade than of Husbanding his Purse Thus the General of Normandy had order to write to the Governour of Havre to set free the Cardinal de Medici who chang'd his Purpose of going into England and chose rather to cross France in order to take Shipping at Thoulon and make Sail into Italy He saw all Curiosities on his way and being seiz'd with a storm in the River of Genoua it constrain'd him to put in at Savona There he found the Cardinal of St. Peter in Bonds who had made it his Sanctuary against Pope Alexander the 6th his irreconcilable Enemy St. Peter ad Vincula treated there his Brother with all the Politeness natural to him and wou'd needs have Giuliano de Medici then beginning to wear the Cross of Rhodes to be the third at Table There they discours'd their Concerns with more Freedom and less Reserve than if they had known they were to be all three Popes so little appearance was there of the vicissitude which occurred in their Fortune Cardinal de Medici return'd to Rome under colour of attending upon the Pope during the Jubilee of the year 1500 just going to begin but in reality as having learnt that the Duke de Valentinois the Pope's Son had such Designs as cou'd not speed but by the re-instation of the Medici's And indeed this Duke after having oppress'd by an Infinity of unheard of Crimes all the Petty Soveraigns in Vmbria and Romagna aspir'd to subdue the Republicks of Tuscany And not being Potent enough to undertake to force them all at once he pretended to strike up an Alliance with that of Florence that she might help him to subdue that of Sienna However there was no likelihood of bringing her to it by Offices and Persuasions the Florentines being too subtle and sagacious not to penetrate to what end they were to be Implements against Sienna Thus they were to be induc'd to it out of Fear This was the Cause of Duke Valentino's receiving the Medici's into his Army with all imaginable Civilities and of his promising them their re-instation He drew near Florence with such brisk Troops as made it not doubted but he wou'd reduce it to strange Exigencies when Piero de Soderini Neri's Successor in the Office of Gonfalioniere devis'd an Expedient which sav'd his Country He went to find out the Ambassadour of France at Rome and remonstrated to him so efficaciously the most Christian King's Interest to maintain the popular Government at Florence thereby to keep on Foot a League of Communication between the Realm of Naples which his Majesty meant to Conquer and the Dutchy of Milan which he had already in Possession that the French Ambassadour press'd the Pope to make his Son retire into the state of the Church The Pope not daring at that time to deny the French they being then too powerful in Italy wrote to the Duke de Valentinois to decamp from off the Territory of Florence Duke Valentino obey'd as seeing the French wou'd constrain him to it unless he did it readily and with alacrity But as he was the craftiest Man then living he tore the Letter in pieces without reading it out He curst his Father and declar'd he would not decamp Soderini took the hint and apprehended that all the Grimaces of the Duke de Valentinois only tended to hedge in Money which he durst not demand for fear of offending France which Crown wou'd have compell'd him to refund Now to elude his Pretension there needed no more than making semblance of not understanding his meaning but as the stay of his Troops did more dammage in four and twenty hours than the sum amounted to with which he thought he wou'd be content Soderini made no difficulty of offering it him nor the Duke Valentinois of accepting it and dis-lodging The following year 1501 the Medici's made their fourth Essay on this Pretext that the Florentines had caus'd their General Vitelli to be beheaded because that having clapt him up in Prison on suspition found to be ill grounded they fancy'd he was to be bereft of his Life to hinder him from taking Revenge Vitelli his Brother had put himself into a posture of punishing so black an Ingratitude and the Souldiers flock'd from all sides to second him He brought an Army on foot which wrought no less terror to the Florentine
The Pope follow'd his Advice â—nd call'd on his side a Council for the year following 1513 at Rome in the Church of Lateran This Action maintain'd Giulio in the Pontificate by dividing the Believers into the uncertainty of deferring to the one or other Council Cardinal de Medici made â—dmirable advantage of this to reconcile in Tuscany his Friends with those who cou'd not brook that the seven Malecontent Cardinals shou'd draw up the Popes Process He put so many Men in Arms that the Garrison of Florence which guarded the Council was not sufficient to Ward and Target it from insult The Council wrote their Distress to the Most Christian King's Ministers in the Dutchy of Milan who sent them immediately with M. de Lautrec four hundred Men at Arms the briskest of the French Army This re-inforcement gave the House of Medici's Friends the occasion they had so long waited for to Spirit from Soderini's Party the common People of Florence Their Emissaries made their Complaints ring from Quarter to Quarter how Soderini that perpetual Dictator who boasted his being so passionate for the wellfare of his Country yet made no scruple of delivering up to Strangers a City which the Florentines had not reduc'd till after a War of eighteen years As the common People of Florence had been furiously Cock-a-hoop and Passionate to see those of Pisa reduced under their Laws the bare apprehension of Lautrec's setting them again at liberty though false cancell'd the Affection they had for Soderini This change render'd the Nobility more bold and made them write to the Friends they had in Pisa that they shou'd in no wise brook the French to be strongest in that place There needed no more to foment a Sedition from whence the Pope and the House of Medici derived great advantages The Officers of the Florentine Garrison at Pisa after having represented to their own Souldiers that their Interests and the Honour of theâ—â— Country were concern'd to be the only Guards to the Council they reviv'd the jealousie of the Citizens by asking them in way of Raillery whether it was to try the Virtue of their Wives and Daughters that they Quarter'd the French in their Houses Thus the first Contest that happen'd degeneâ—â—ted into a horrible tumult The Citizens and Dead-payes nabb'd the French at unawares cut 'em in pieces and Lautrec himself had there lost his Life but for the generosity of the Magistrates Son who disengag'd him from the midst of a Seditious Rout by whom he was surrounded The Council having understood the Hubbub to be general and that the French ply'd and yielded ground were under apprehensions that the Seditious might deliver them to the Pope and as there were no hopes for Mercy if it so happen'd it dissolv'd it self and each Member of it betook himself to his â—eels flying that way where his wounded â—â—agination directed him for safety The seâ—â—n Cardinals never drew Bit till they were 〈◊〉 the Dutchy of Milan and the Sedition was appeas'd as soon as Pisa was clear'd of Strangers Soderini had too much experiâ—â—ce not to know the Check his Authority â—eceiv'd by so sudden and so easâ—â— a Revoluâ—ion He set about repairing it And fain â—ou'd he have persuaded the Cardinals and â—ishops to return to Pisa where he offer'd to have them guarded by Troops Levied in Tuscany Trusty and Loyal to him but he talk'd to People whom Fear had bereft of their Judgment Soderini made the Proposal of it but Cardinal de Medici's Friends having had the leasure to make their Caball treated it as ridiculous The People were also of Opinion it to be in no wise for their safety to incur the Displeasure of the Court of Rome nor expose themselves to the thunder of the Vatican and the Assembly broke up without coming to any Result Thus the Council was compell'd upon the Adjournment to continue its Sessions at Milan while the Armies acted on either side to support and to destroy it The Cardinal de Medici being Legate in that of the League form'd for the Pope caus'd Siege to be laid to Bologna where the Bentivoglii's were newly re-instated Gastoâ— de Foix relieved this place by the quickest and boldest Action recorded in History and fought the Battel of Ravenna where the Confederate Army was defeated The Cardinal Legate being taken Prisoner in thaâ— Action goâ—d luck wou'd have it that hâ— fell into the hands of Cardinal da san Severino performing the same Function in thâ— French Camp Their ancient Friendshiâ— was renew'd in that Conjuncture and san Severino more a Souldier than a Politician permitted Medici to send a Gentleman to Cesana whither his Cousin Giulio who already took upon him the Title of the Commander de Medici had made his escape This Gentleman carry'd Giulio a safe Conduct to go and come to the French Leaguer in safety The Cardinal da san Severino imagin'd he of Medici had no other drift than to send his Cousin to Rome there to solicite his Ransom but this prov'd a mistake For the Cardinal de Medici foreseeing the Consternation the loss of the Battel wou'd occasion in Rome intended to re-incourage the Pope by giving him to understand by a Man of Credence such an one as the Commander That the Concerns of the Conquerours were in a worse Posture than those of his Holiness And indeed the Commander's Journey was the principal Remedy of the Popes Affairs His Holiness being just upon the point of flying from Rome and going to embark at Ostia as having newly discover'd that the Vrsini's were in treaty with the â—rench to take him and lead him by main force to the Council The certain advices the Commander brought of the Feebleness of the French and the Harangue he made of it in full Consistory where the Pope wou'd have him heard caus'd the Resolution of scampering to be chang'd into that of setting the Army again on foot The Expedient broach'd by Cardinal de Medici in his Letter for the compelling the French Troops to disband was approv'd in all points and Merits being known He demanded an absolute Power to be sent him to absolve the French who had fought at Ravenna without specifying the fruit he pretended to reap thereby and the Brief accordingly was forthwith expedited The Commander carried it to the Cardinal de Medici who had been Conducted to Milan and the Cardinal was industrious to get it rumor'd among the Souldiers Such as had tenderness of Conscience flock'd in Crowds to receive Absolution and as the only Pennance impos'd on them was not to fall any more into the same Fault the Companies began to be very thin and clear in a few days There happen'd another inconvenience little less to be fear'd for those who had been absolv'd valuing themselves upon despising the Council receiv'd with hissings the Citations made to the Pope at the Door of the great Church From hence proceeded the Intreaties which the Council made to the Most Christian King's Ministers to
upon any Treaty without his Participation The Pope believing him sincere had bottom'd upon his Faith the most important of his Intrigues which Merits being known Several marks of Folly had ' scap'd from Massimilian Sforza as gave occasion to believe that he might be stript of the Dutchy of Milan without scruple seeing he was no longer in a Condition to defend it against the French nor so much as to Converse among Men. The Pope then contriving his Brother Giuliano's Fortune judg'd there cou'd never be a more favourable Opportunity offer'd for his aggrandisement He open'd his mind to the Duke of Savoy whose unquiet humour disapprov'd of nothing that departed from Ambition This Duke fully confirm'd the Pope in his Resolution assuring him that the French wou'd probably consent that Giuliano de Medici shou'd have the Dutchy Milan if they were repell'd in the Tryal they were going to make for its Recovery Upon this Supposition the Pope imagin'd that the Venetians wou'd suffer him to act against Sforza nay and wou'd second him too in case he wou'd divide with them the spoils of this Prince Then made he the Proposal of it to the Ministers of Spain who pretended to approve it tho' they thought it ridiculous because their present Interest was only to hinder France from re-instating it self in the Dutchy of Milan which they saw plainly the Pope wou'd oppose with all his Might as long as he shou'd Cocker in his Mind the Chimerical aggrandisement of his Brother Thus the Pope after having sounded his Confederates became fully persuaded that there was nothing more to do to enter Milan than a well managing Fregossa He did him all the Favours that the Court of Rome can grant without its costing him any thing I mean that he gave him Benefices for his Brothers and for his Children It was thought Fregossa wou'd have yielded to such solid Testimonies of Friendship if it had come sooner in the Popes Head to gain him But he was already too far engag'd with the French and only waited for their coming to declare himself in their behalf In the mean while he us'd all such Demonstrations as serv'd to keep the Pope in good Humour and so craftily deluded him that the Pope did not think he had a better Friend in all Italy than Fregossa witness the Plan which his Holiness Communicated to him of all the Italians meant to do for the disputing the Passage of the Alpes Giuliano de Medici was Elected General of their Troops and advanc'd as far as Florence the place appointed for the Rendezvous of those of the Church But as he was there preparing a stately Equipage and suitable to the Soveraignty he pretended to go take Possession of as soon as he shou'd have repell'd the French a Malign Feaver Checkmated him and bereft him of Life in six Weeks space His Death did not Chill the Popes Ambition it only chang'd its Object Alfonsina his Sister-in-Law had already long complain'd that he did nought for young Lorenzo de Medici his Eldest Brother's only Son and Head of his House His Holiness had ever excus'd himself upon the particular Obligations he had to Establish Giuliano before all things but Giuliano was no more Lorenzo was already twenty years old well made of his Person and shew'd much Inclination for Arms. The Pope Conferr'd on him Giuliano's Place in what regarded the Command of the Troops of the League but he had neither the Experience nor the Virtues necessary for such an Employ His Genius was too slow and so little capable of dis-entangling him from Pleasures when once in them ingag'd that he was still in the Arms of the Courtezans of Florence when Trimulée who Commanded the Van-guard of the French Army having caus'd a Peasant of Piemont to shew him a Path by which the light Cavalry might cross the Mountains of Nice he acquainted la Palice with it who took Prospero Colonna in Villa Franca and disperst all the Forces design'd to defend the Inlet of Italy There needed no more to unhinge the Pope and make him lose Courage He imagin'd the French were already in Milan and dispatcht away a Man of Credence to Negotiate with them This Agent fell unhappily into the Arms of the Spaniards who distrusting his Journey treated him as a Spy that they might have a Pretence to rifle him They took from him his Instruction and uncipher'd it they thereby penetrated into the Popes Designs and not willing to be the Victims of his Accommodation with France caus'd their Army to stop near Trebia when advancing in long Marches to join the Forces of the Confederates Lorenzo de Medici who was at last departed Florence upon the rumour of Prosporo Colonna's being taken and had put himself into Plaisanza with very brave Troops press'd the Spaniards to come and join him or to appoint him a place in the Dutchy of Milan that might serve him for Rendezvous But Cardona who commanded them made no positive answer under colour that it wou'd be exposing his Quality of Vice-Roy of Naples to be in the same Camp with Lorenzo de Medici whom he shou'd be oblig'd to obey as being General of the League Thus Cardona not budging and Lorenzo de Medici not finding himself strong enough to March without the assistance of the Spaniards the Suizzars remain'd alone in the Dutchy of Milan Nevertheless they pretended to defend it and their Courage augmenting proportionably as their Allies diminisht they with great firmness expected the French and fought them at Marignan They lost seventeen thousand Men in this Action and their heat of Liver being dissipated by this blooding they abandoned the Milanese with the Field of Battel to the Conquerours and their Retreat made the Spaniards decamp in haste from near Trebia to return into the Kingdom of Naples The French wou'd have defeated them with small difficulty if they had pursu'd them but the Pope amused them by this Artifice He dispatch'd to the Most Christian King the most cunning of his Emissaries call'd Lodovico Canole and to dispose his Majesty to receive his Agent the better he wrote to Lorenzo de Medici to retire out of Parma and Plaisanza and to the Inhabitants of those Cities to go present their Keys to the Conquerours Canole found the King already weary of the abode of Italy and propos'd to him the Interview of Bologna as the only means to hasten his return into France The King accepted it without making reflection that his Enemies only sought thereby to gain time The Pope arriv'd first at Bologna to receive there the King who came thither two days after accompani'd with eight thousand Horse Chancellor du Prat drew up there the Plan of the Concordate with Secretary Graffis and this is the only particularity I relate of this Intrigue because I have found no other that has escap'd the knowledge of the famous Monsieur de Puits and besides the Arch-bishop d'Aix-Genebrard had made a Treatise of it which passes for
Anecdote Then was brought upon the Board a Project of a League between the Holy See and France but the Pope had his Answer ready He let the King know that it became neither the Gravity nor Decorum of a Soveraign Pontife to break his Word with the Spaniards for the sixteen Months that he was bound to remain still united with them but that this time shou'd be no sooner expir'd but that he wou'd do all that his Majesty should desire of him The King was satisfi'd with this Excuse because that being still young and without Experience he imagin'd that he shou'd never be soon enough in France to receive the Applauses which the Victory of Marignan and the reduction of the Dutchy of Milan had deserved Thus ended the Interview of Bologna and a Body may say that the Pope preserved by Cunning his Predecessors Conquest to the Holy See and the Kingdom of Naples to the Spaniards His Holiness wou'd needs pass through Florence in his way to Rome and as his Country-Men had then improved Architecture Sculpture and Painting to the highest point they cou'd attain they made him an entrance that will never have the like Giacomo de Sandro made the Triumphal Arch of St. Peter's Gate where all that Fancy cou'd add to History was so happily employ'd that the Pope who understood Painting admirably well upon his viewing it fell into a kind of Extasie from whence they had much a do to rouze him to get him advance The Work was so much the more singular that Baccio de Monte Lupo had had a hand in it as well as Sandro But as their manner was quite different easie was it to distinguish to their very least strokes and to render to each the Justice he deserved Giuliano de Tasso had made another Arch before the Church of St. Felice whose Decoration was no less Charming for its oddness than for its Beauty As if this had not been bus'ness enough for him he had undertaken and finisht so lively and capricious a Representation of the Adventures of Romulus that the Pope went thither two or three times to see it Antony de St. Gal made upon the place of the Lords an Octogone Temple whose Design was new And the Gyant which Bandivelli put in the Gallery of the Palace cou'd not be better proportion'd notwithstanding his enormous bigness The Triumphal Arch of Grà maccis between the Abby and Palace of Podesta express'd the Marriage of the Arts with the Virtues and that of Rosso a Canto di Bissierre was marvelous for the diversity in its Figures In a word André del Sarto disguis'd the Facciata de Santa Maria del Fiore so as that she seemed all Marble by a kind of Mastic appli'd upon Cloath which Lorenzo de Medici had invented Alfonsina deg l'Orsini residing at Florence took advantage of the good humour the sight of so many inimitable Objects had created in the Pope to excite him to the aggrandisement of her Son She had long already ty'd the Dutchy of Vrbino as a Prey and she tormented her Brother-in-Law to give the investitute thereof to young Lorenzo upon the score that this Dutchy was absolutely for his Bienseance and a Neighbour of the State of Florence But she had never been able to obtain any thing in Giuliano de Medici's Life-time because he had ever oppos'd whoever attempted on that side whether he had an abhorrence to the Consenting to so visible an Injustice or that he pretended acknowledgment to a Prince who had giv'n him a Retreat during his Exile But no sooner were his Eyes clos'd than that Alfonsina deg l'Orsini redoubled her Instances The Pope had too much Wit than to be ignorant of the injury he shou'd do his Reputation and the Scandal he shou'd give the Christian World by diversting one of his Vassals without Cause He resisted some time but at length two things prevailed with him to give way The first His Sister-in-Law's extream Importunity who left him not one moment at quiet till she had got him to fall out with the Duke d'Vrbino And the second That the Duke had not been careful to improve his Friendship before he was Pope nor so much as since And now follow Circumstances relating to this point which well merit being known I have already remark'd that he had us'd his utmost efforts to obstruct the Medici's from being restor'd in Florence but this was not his greatest Crime He had fil'd others to the Account namely that being General of the Church and by consequence bound to pursue its Interests he had nevertheless sent into France the Count Balthazar Castillonne for the negotiating there an Accommodation apart in Execution of which he had hindred the Souldiers of the Confederate Army from passing upon his Territories for fear of their being at the Battel of Ravenna and had deny'd giving passage to those that had been beaten there Moreover at the last irruption of the French into Italy he had accepted the Lieutenancy of the Troop of the League under Giuliano de Medici appointed General Yet when sickness had hindered Giuliano from Command in them and that young Lorenzo had been put into his room the Duke d'Vrbino had resus'd to serve under him and alledg'd for excuse his not having consented to obey Giuliano than on the score of Friendship which gave him reason to believe that he wou'd have shar'd the Generalship with him but that having no peculiar engagement with Lorenzo and their humours on the contrary being incompatible it was to be feared they wou'd not pass two days together without a Broil and Disturbance This Carriage had extraordinarily mortifi'd the Pope in that the Duke d'Vrbino shew'd a two visible Contempt of his Nephew Yet he wou'd not have dared to complain if the Duke had not added Injury to Disdain by detaining in his state the brave Companies of Ordonnance that had been levi'd instead of sending them at least to the Rendezvous since he went not thither himself This is what he was upbraided with in the Manifest publish'd against him when War was declared upon him It was no difficult matter for Lorenzo de Ceri who commanded the Army of the Church to despoil him because that not having at that time any Souldiers to defend his State and suspecting the principal aim was upon his Person because his Death wou'd have secur'd the Dutchy of Vrbin to the House of Medici he durst not Coop himself up in any Place for fear of being immediately there invested and securing what he had most precious accepted the azyle offer'd him by the Duke of Mantoua The Pope being flusht with the easiness of this Conquest undertook another which cost him as little trouble tho' it failed little of proving fatal to him Pandolfo Petrucci who Commanded at Sienna had afforded him a Retreat during his Exile and his Son the Cardinal had served for an Instrument to advance him to the Supream Dignity of the Church by forming the Faction
he had Money took out two hundred Crowns gave them to Blanci and tore the Request In this manner did the Pope handle particular Affairs while Fortune was labouring to embroil him with France He had not had any tye with the Most Christian King since young Lorenzo de Medici's Alliance had prosper'd so ill On the contrary he complain'd loud enough that at Paris the French Ministry had spirited from him Cardinal Bibiana as to take away all shaddow of Doubt but that he was contriving to be reveng'd tho' the manner of that Cardinals dying after his return at his coming from an entertainment at which the Pope had presented him a Bit which he durst not refuse had not Convinc'd the most Incredulous Besides he cou'd hardly disgest that the French Governour of Milan wou'd neither suffer the Benefices of that Dutchy to be enjoy'd by others than those that espous'd the Interests of France nor allow whoever disputed them to go plead at Rome whereas afore the Holy See was in Possession of nominating with full Right and of judging Soveraignly the Processes which arose in that matter The Emperour had then at Rome an Ambassadour John Manuel by Name who serv'd him with so much the more Zeal in that he had been more a Favourite of Philip the First his Father than any other Spaniard and had suffer'd Persecutions from King Ferdinand after the death of that young Prince This Minister had all the Qualities requisite for Negotiation and had insinuated himself into the Pope's Affection by giving him overtures which nevertheless â—â—d not speed for securing of Luther at the Diet of Wormes And as he had discover'd that his Holiness wou'd not be sorry to enter â—â—to a War against France provided he might 〈◊〉 furnish'd with a specious Pretext he propos'd to him in his Master's Name the Plan of a League that cou'd not be better contriv'd for the Emperour was to be at all the Charges and run all the risque without reaping any apparent advantage He took upon him to raise and maintain the Armies He left to the Pope the liberty of naming their General he consented they shou'd receive from his Holiness the most material Orders upon what they shou'd undertake in short expos'd himself to the losing the Kingdom of Naples in case they came by the worst Nevertheless he renounc'd the Fruits which the League might thereby reap if Fortune favour'd his Arms and making before hand but two Lots of the Spoil and Booty of the French he gave one of them namely the States of Parma and Plasanza to the Holy See and th' other containing the rest of Milan was to be restor'd to the Sforza's without the Emperour's exacting ought else than a new Oath from him that shou'd be therewith invested The Design was too well laid for the Pope to resist the temptation of espousing it He sign'd the Articles that were presented him without making the least Alteration and as there 's no being without Money in the beginning of a War he created four hundred Offices of Knights which were sold at a thousand Crowns a-piece by assigning them a hundred Crowns Revenue upon good Funds He pitcht his Eyes upon Prospero Colonna for the Generalship as supposing the Marquis de Pescairo Commanding the Spanish Infantry wou'd cotton well enough with him after having Marry'd his Niece But mistaken was he in his Conjecture and the Army of the League had no sooner begun to act but that Prospero and Pescairo fell out and clasht more than if there had been no Alliance between them Their Discord occasion'd the raising of the Siege of Parma and plung'd their Troops into an irresolution which wou'd not have fail'd of ruining them if the Pope had not devis'd an Expedient that fitted his purpose Tho' he knew how necessary the Cardinal de Medici's Presence was at Florence to contain the People in due Bounds Yet he wrote to him to leave that Place and go with all expedition to the Army in quality of Legate in order to reconcile the two principal Officers and put them again upon Action The Cardinal de Medici obey'd tho' he despair'd of â—ccomplishing the Order he receiv'd He â—â—nd more Obstacles 〈◊〉 â—â—â—nount than he had imagin'd but yet 〈◊〉 he more good â—uck than trouble He made Prospero reâ—â— a kind of Com-promise which left him hardly more than the bare name of General and this Pescairo accepted as finding it for his turn Then the Cardinal induc'd them both to drive on the War into the Centre of Milan This they consented to and Lautrec having not been able to hinder them the passage of Loglio as being abandon'd by the Suizzers in default of payment they were Masters of the Field and presented themselves before the Gates of the principal Cities wherein they were receiv'd by the remains of the Ghibelline Faction Those of Milan were likewise open'd to them by the Pallivicini's in revenge for that Lautrec had put two Cavaliers of their Family to Death without observing all the forms of Law and the French were driven out of Lombardy the second time with as much ease as the former The Pope receiv'd the news of this success when a Hunting and had at the same time a tumultuous Joy that cast him into a Fever He was wont to swallow at his going to Supper Aloes Pills which kept his Body open and Serapita his Valet de Chambre whose business it was to present them to him kept them so negligently in a Box as render'd it easie to come at them and take of them who wou'd Two days afore the Pope fell ill Lesbi the Butler was minded to steal out a Couple and swallow them but was found dead the next morning in his Bed tho' to sleep he went in perfect Health The Pope took them at his usual hour and perceiving they caus'd in him a thirsty alteration call'd for Drink of Barnaby Malespina who serv'd him with so bitter a Wine that the Pope who never complain'd of it at other times cou'd not refrain from making Faces while a drinking and telling Malespina I fancy thou hast laid a Wager to make me drink Purle Malespina made no Answer and was contented with pouring out what Wine remain'd in the Bottle and with fetching another The Pope supp'd with a good Appetite and was neither ill that Evening nor the Night ensuing but on the morrow after having read the Dispatch Cardinal de Medici wrote him from Milan he was seen in too violent Impetuosities of Joy for People to miss observing that too much foreign heat was kindl'd in his Temperament Yet not much minded at first because they did not think there cou'd be excess in rejoycing at the Disgrace of the French But the Head-ach which the Pope complain'd of afterwards caus'd some reflection to be made tho' it startled them not so much as the shuddering he underwent when he askt for Drink The Physicians who observ'd this shivering made no account of it for
as no man understood better than he the finest Delicacy of the Tuscan Tongue so no Man made more Elegant Sonnets nor Elegies better contriv'd He had taken the pains to read all the Celebrated Historians and tho' he was too quick and hasty to have the patience to make extracts out of them yet he had them so well imprinted in his mind that he never fail'd of Citing their finest Passages when th' occasion so requir'd He was so early accustom'd to judge of others Works that his Criticisme was commonly infallible and in the debates which arose among the topping Wits they appeal'd sometimes from the Judgment of the Academy to his Holinesses He officiated the Solemn Feasts with so much Grace and Majesty that Spectators flocked thither from all Parts of Italy The Most Christian King Francis the First after having seen him say Mass at Bologna did affirm never to have been better Convinc'd of the importance of those Ceremonies for the lifting up the mind to God As the Virtue he most valu'd himself upon was Liberality he exercis'd it with an address wholly peculiar to him He had study'd to the very Gestures and to the tone of the Voice which were to be practis'd in giving that he might the better win the Heart of him who receiv'd any thing from him and never was there observ'd more Joy in a Face than appear'd on his when it chanc'd him to be able to prevent the Requests that People had to make him He affected sadness when constrain'd to refuse them but this sadness was accompany'd with so tender an Aer that People took his denial in no ill part Ten Persons of Quality were once seen to demand of him the Arch-bishoprick of Ravenna he had the same Civility for 'em all discours'd 'em apart pry'd by their Discourse into the secret of their Interests and gave the Benefice to him he had a mind to gratify without discontenting th' other Nine because he gave or promis'd them others that seem'd fitter for their turns When he gave he still made his Excuses for his not having opportunity of giving more and the blushing which never fail'd mounting into his Face made it believ'd he spoke sincerely and gave such vast I deaâ— of his Magnificence that all the Revenues of the Popedom wou'd not have been capable of supplying them if he had giv'en all from him expected He said his Father had enjoin'd him three Rules for his Conduct at his sending him to Rome The first to use as much care to keep himself in his Friends Esteem as he had taken to acquire their Amity The second to repair by continual Offices the Decay which absence made in the strictest Engagements And the third to live without Distrust in what regarded his own Person but to be ever diffident for the State of which he made a part In fine he had during his Life and after his Death the two kinds of Happinesses which most signalize the Governments of Soveraigns I mean that Rome was extraordinarily flourishing during his Papacy and so miserable under the two following that the Comparison of them cou'd not be made without regretting him more than ever any Man had been Nevertheless a small Disaster befell his Body the night before the Funerals for the Servant that watcht him alone falling asleep the Rats attracted perhaps by the scent of the Perfumes with which he was embalm'd gnaw'd his Nose for which Reason his Face was cover'd during the Ceremony of the Obsequies The End of the Sixth Book THE SECRET HISTORY OF THE HOUSE OF MEDICIS The Seventh Book AS no man understood better than Leo to gain the Love of the topping Wits by doing them good no man had ever had so great a number of them in his Retinue and Interests Pomponius Latus was the Brat of a Country Lass whom the Prince of Salerno had abus'd under the wheadle of Marriage He was brought up to War and 't was the ruin of the House of San Severino of which his Father was the Eldest that made him desist from that Profession He was of the number of those Learned Men who chang'd their Names upon taking their Degrees in the University of Rome and was subject to the Persecution that Platina and Callimachus endur'd on that account when Paul the 2d instead of laughing at this Whim imagin'd it a Cover to a Conspiracy brooded against his Life Afterwards his Auditory was so fill'd that a Man was forc'd to go thither by Midnight to get room He went from his Lodging before Day and carry'd himself his Lanthorn A hard matter was it to understand him when he spoke Familiarly but he never stutter'd in his Explications He Cook'd all his Meat himself and the most Illustrious of his Scholars sometimes gave him a helping hand in the Kitchin for to ease him when they had a mind to make advantage of the time he wou'd have spent in that Office He has left a Grammar and the History of the Emperours and of the Ruins of Old Rome He dy'd at sev'nty years of age by having drunk Wine with Ice Callimachus after having been put to the Rack and tormented more than the other Virtuosi's because he had assum'd a Greek Name which the Pope did not at all understand made his escape into Tuscany his Native Country from whence Casimir King of Poland call'd him to be the Tutor of his Eldest Son reigning since by the Name of Albert He was this young Prince's Favourite but the Counsel he gave him to rid his hands of the principal Lords of Poland by placing them at the Head of the Army when a going to Fight the Moldavians wrought his Disgrace and rais'd him so many Enemies as put the King under the Constraint of abandoning him He found however at Vilna the Capital City of Lithuania a Friend who hid him in his House fed him without making any body privy no not so much as his own Wife assisted him till Death caus'd his Body to be dry'd in an Ov'n put it into a Cup-board and kept it till the anger of the Nobility being cool'd he had an honourable Burial made him at Cracow whither his Bones were transferr'd We have nothing left of his save the Life of Ladislaus King of Poland and of Hungary who dy'd in the Battel of Varnez but 't is so fine a History that whosoever shall take the pains to read it will judge without my giving him the hint that there never was a better since that of Tacitus Geronimo Savonarola a Religious of St. Dominick rubb'd out in a prodigious Austerity of Life at Florence and made appear what Eloquence can do when backt with the repute of Sanctity He had the gift of Prophecy and this is perchance the reason that tho' he had a great esteem for Lorenzo de Medici and for his Children he wou'd never have any other engagements with them than those of Study as considering them already as Persons that were to subject their Country
He govern'd his Republick for the space of four years and was the sole Deputy to Negotiate at Pisa with Charles the 8th whose coming he had long afore prognosticated He declar'd publickly that he wou'd be at Naples and maintain his footing there provided he caus'd his Troops to observe an exact Discipline but that at all adventures he wou'd tread the Italians under Foot at his return It 's somewhat a difficult business to say what occasion'd the downfall of this new Prophet Two things did thereto very much Contribute one the Reformation of Manners which he aim'd at introducing into Florence and th' other the Example he gave for People to declaim Publickly against the Vices of Pope Alexander the 6th Arm'd there were against him the Relations of seven Gentlemen whom he had caus'd to be put to Death for having Conspir'd against the Government They set Fire to the Convent Door hall'd away those who ran in to his Defence took him and Condemn'd him to the Flames which he suffer'd in reciting and begining the Psalms of Penitence The best of his Works are The Triumph of the Cross and The Simplicity of a Christian Life Marcileo Ficino was such a little dapper Fellow that he reach'd not to the Girdle of a Man of an ordinary Stature but so well proportion'd so neat and of so gay an humour that none were ever weary of his Company He was so possess'd with the care of his Health that he often shifted his black Cap nay six or sev'n times in an hour He had caus'd Cloaths and Coverlets to be made him for all the Winds that blow'd and for all the irregularities of the Seasons The House of Medici procur'd him a Prebendary a House in the Town and another in the Countrey and gave him likewise a Pension for Translating into Latin the Works of Plotinus of Jamblicus of Pselle and of Cinesias He wrote with all the easiness imaginable Yet what he did was so finisht that none durst venture to touch again and Polish it He dy'd almost without pain at sev'nty years of Age on the same Day that the Florentines caus'd Paulo Vitelli their General to be Beheaded lest he might take revenge for their having unjustly suspected him of Perfidy Galeas Martius serv'd King Mathias of Hungary at the same time as Tutor for Sciences Secretary for Dispatches a Captain in War and Champion in Turnaments He compos'd two Books under a malign Constellation the first treating of Man had the misfortune to be so roughly handl'd by Merula the Critick that its Author of his own proper Election set about suppressing it and the second treating of the Virtue of the Pagans made him incur the Persecution of the Religious who caus'd him to be clapt up into Prison whence he had been doom'd to the Flames if Pope Sixtus the 4th who had been his Pupil had not interpos'd all his Authority to retrieve him out of their Clutches and after all was he forc'd to undergo a publick Pennance He liv'd near fourscore years and became so big and bulky that not a Horse was there could carry him He dy'd of a Rupture Elisius Calentius was a Poet famous at the Court of Naples receiving from King Alfonso the same Pension that Pontan Artilius Gravina and Senesar whose business was to judge of pieces presented to his Majesty or in Verse or Prose As he had set Tibullus for his Pattern so was he of as amorous a Complexion as that Roman and made Elegies infinitely passionate tho' they were not all of equal force He translated into Latin Verse Homer's War of the Rats against the Frogs and being become old with a Charge of Children he repented his having spared nothing during his Youth and testify'd it by this Epitaph Vanum post Cineres de me toto Orbe legatur Scripta quoe sint tumulo Carmina digna meo Ingenium natura dedit fortuna Poetoe Defuit atque inopem vivere fecit amor Pandolfo Callenucio was a Lawyer by Profession but so inconstant in his Study that hardly had he the first Elements of a Science than that he fell to another However being well made and Eloquent and having besides the Qualities necessary for Negotiation he was employ'd in several Embassies He compos'd the Apology for Pliny's Natural History a Treatise of the Viper and a Dialogue compleatly Boufon Waggish and Badeen between the Head and the Cap afterwards he wrote the Lives of the Kings of Naples in the Tuscan Tongue upon the request of Duke Hercules of Ferrara who understood not Latin He dy'd at Pesaro where Giovanni Sforza had got him by Cunning and caus'd him there to be strangl'd in revenge for having intercepted one of his Letters Jovianus Pontanus conceal'd under a stern and damping Mien a Wit infinitely agreeable and nice A Native was he of Carretto in Vmbria where his Family being destroy'd by Fire and Sword he took refuge at Naples Antonio da Palermo Secreatary of State found him in the Street and in his Physiognomy observing I know not what extraordinary took care of his Education He instructed him so well that he became the most Celebrated of the Poets and Orators of his time He wou'd needs also undertake to write History but with so little success that he accus'd himself that all his endeavours of that kind had only discover'd his Weakness He succeeded his Benefactor in his place He marry'd a Wife who brought him a vast Fortune but tow'rds the end of his Life he decay'd in his Reputation by means of his Panegyrick on Charles the 8th and his Dialogue Intitul'd Charon the first of those two pieces being so stuff'd with flattery and with Detraction the second He dy'd when sev'nty sev'n years old after having caus'd a magnificent Tomb to be Erected for his Bones but forgot to put into his Will which Epitaph he design'd to be thereon engrav'd of the four he had Compos'd Marcus Antonius Coctius Sabellicus was the Son of a Black-Smith and fell to keeping School at Tivoli where he gain'd sufficient to live on at Rome for several years together Pomponius Latus introduc'd him into the Academy which fil'd off his Rust and made him capable of being call'd by the Senate of Venice to write the History of the Republick and to give Lessons to the young Gentlemen for an allowance of three hundred Crowns He acquitted himself better of the second of these Provinces than of the first for the flattery is so course and fulsome in his History that it 's perceiv'd by the least refin'd But the most fantastick part in his Conduct was that after having blunder'd in his particular History he fancy'd he shou'd perform better in the General He began that of the World from Adam and made those great Volumes of Enneades which People are far from reading when once they are inform'd that the most curious Matters almost all are pass'd o're in silence and the most common handl'd with a tiresome Accuracy When sev'nty
made him Keeper of the Vatican Library but he dy'd at twenty eight years old when on his Journey to take possession of his new Dignity Titus Sforza was a famous Latin Poet of Ferrara he Compos'd several Eclogues and put into Verse the History of the House of Esté None wou'd have disputed with him the Crown of Lawrel he laid claim to after Petrarch's Example if he had not got a Son that prov'd a better Poet than himself Hercules Sforza made such fine Verses at sev'nteen years old as created a Jealousie in his very Father and as he had no less Qualities for the Court than for Parnassus he became the Duke his Master's Favourite and made Love to that Prince's Sister while he wrote Verses worthy of Antiquity for the Dutchess Lacretia Borgia He was Gallant and very Ingenuous in Repartees as he made a Lady sensible upon her twitting him with his being Lame for he extemporaneously reply'd that Venus who understood her self as well as she at least in Love had nevertheless preferr'd Vulcan before others But to his bane the Beauteous Toreti the Duke's Mistress inspir'd him with Love They agreed to steal a little Matrimony Clandestinely for fear their Nuptials might be cross'd and afterwards to proclaim their Marriage as soon as it shou'd be a time fitting they supposing the Duke wou'd leave off loving Toreti when he came to know she had thrown her self into the Arms of another But they were mistaken for hardly was the business known but that Sforza coming to sup at the Palace was kill'd without any inquest being since made into th' Assassination Barthelemi Cocles study'd only Chiromancy and Metoposcopy but he became so knowing that no body ever made so many true Predictions He was more hardy than other Wizzards for he caus'd a Book to be Printed enrich'd with Figures wherein he reveal'd all the secret of his Art explain'd all the Lines of the Hand all the different Features of the Face and laid open the signification of each thing in particular The Learned Achillini made a Preface to it equally admir'd by the Friends and Enemies of the Art of Fortune-telling and Cocles confirm'd his Positions by an Experience which brought him into a general Vogue Luca Gaurie so famous in Judicial Astrology cou'd not make his own Horoscope for want of knowing the day and hour and place of his Birth He had recourse to Cocles who viewing his Hand foretold him that he wou'd suddenly undergo a Punishment without having deserv'd it but yet dye of it he wou'd not And indeed Bentivoglio Lord of Bologna being inform'd that Gaurie had foretold that he shou'd be driven out of his Territory before the years end caus'd him to be Kidnapt and commanded he shou'd have the Strapado giv'n him five times together which was accordingly executed but also was he divested in the time that Gaurie had noted As to Cocles he had no less foreseen the day and hour of his own Death He knew it his Fate to be kill'd by a blow on his Head and had Arm'd himself with an Iron Coif under his Hat and with a two-handed Sword with which he Fenced Competently well Yet Hermes Bentivoglio the Great Lord of Bologna's Son had desir'd him so earnestly to tell him his Fortune that he had declar'd to him he shou'd be banish'd and kill'd in a Battel which happen'd afterwards But then Hermes the most Brutal Man of his time wou'd needs be reveng'd on Cocles in causing him to be assassinated by Caponi the most resolute of his Father's Guards Capani excus'd doing it a long while and wou'd never have resolv'd upon it had not the Fancy took him one day to consult Cocles who not knowing him told him Alas my Friend you 'l commit a detestable Murther before it 's yet night Caponi being surprizâ—d at so unexpected a Prediction imagin'd Cocles impos'd on his Credulity as he had done on that of Hermes and thereupon took his measures to kill him He went and disguis'd himself in the accoutrements of a Porter for the better performing his Design and return'd in the moment that Cocles who had been constrain'd for an indispensable Affair to go abroad came back and was just putting the Key into the Lock of his Door he gave him so great a blow with an Ax that the Iron Coif cou'd not hinder Cocles head from being cloven In his Closet a Book was found written with his own hand containing Predictions for those of his Acquaintance whose Hands and Countenance he had observ'd and the Event justify'd 'em to be all infallible there not being a Person of that number but dy'd after him of the Death he had noted Johannes Cotta was Catullus his Country-man and had almost the same Genius He gave himself to Barthelemi de Lalviano and offer'd to keep him Company when the French had taken him at the Battel of Laghiara Dadda and this Office being declin'd he went to Rome to hasten his Benefactor 's Ransome and dy'd there of the Plague at eight and twenty years old His Epigrams have the turn of those of Martial and his Orations shew he had already read good Books He had likewise Compos'd a Chorography in Verse and Observations upon Pliny but it 's not known what are become of those two Works Peter Crinitus was Politianus his ablest Scholar and succeeded him in the Chair and Education of the Youth of Florence THE END The Printed Authors and Manuscripts whence the First Book is taken THE Acts of the Foundation of San Lorenzo's Church at Florence The Paintings of the Old Palace de Medici The Second Tome of Giorgio Vasavii The Eulogy of Cosmo the Old among the little Eulogies of Paulus Jovius The Rights of the House of Savoy to the Kingdom of Cyprus The Fifth Part of Pogiodes Works The First Edition of Coleon's Life Antonius Campanus in the Life of Braccio Filippo Strozzi and his Childrens Manifest against Cosimo de Medici The Printed Authors and Manuscripts whence the Second Book is taken SImoneta's Manuscript in the French King's Library Senator Moccenigo's History of Venice The Memorial of the Seditions that happen'd at Florence under the Government of the Republick The Topographick History of Volterra Onuphrius in the Life of Sixtus the 4th Politianus his Pazzi's Conspiracy of old Aldus Menuceus his first Edition The Printed Authors and Manuscripts whence the Third Book is taken CArdinal Nardi's Negotiations with Ferrand of Naples and the Duke of Calalabria his Son Two Italian Letters of Lorenzo de Medici one to justifie his Voyage to Naples address'd to the Council of Eight at Florence and the other written to all the Magistrates of the Republick to give them an Account of the Treaty he had there concluded the Neapolitan King's War against the Barons by an unknown Author in the French King 's sixth Library The History of Venice by Sabellieus Platina's Continuator in the Life of Sixtus the 4th Andréa Doria's Life by Carolus Sigonius The Printed Authors and Manuscripts whence the Fourth Book is taken THE Tuscan Relation of Aetius Sincerus d'Anazar The Index of Leonard Aretin's Works by Mr. de la Marc. The Saint Denis and the Diogenes Laertius of Amboise de Camaldoli The Fourth Tome of Pontanus his Works by Aldus Manuceus The Decades of Blondus The History of Filippo Visconti The Life of Charlemain by Achaiolis The Combat of Philadeste and Timotée in Mirtavis The Conclave of Sixtus the 4th The Greek Poems of Lascaris and the Latin of Majoranus The Epigrams of Marulus The Preface to Plato's Works The Eulogies of Politian The Corrections and the History of the Visconti's by Merula Politian's Epitaph by Cardinal Bombe The Life of Savonarola the Jacobin The Printed Authors and Manuscripts whence the Fifth Book is taken THE Discourse of the Medici's Exile by Cardinal Bibiana The Conclave of Julius the 2d The Manifest of Lewis the 12th against the same Pope The Acts of the Council held at Pisa during the Dissentions of Lewis the 12th and Julius the 2d Pompeo Colonna's Harangue to the Romans to persuade them to recover their Liberty while the Pope was sick The Relation of the Cardinal Legat's flight after the Battel of Ravenna by Barnabé de Malespina Machiavel's Life Mario Musuoi's Observations upon that of Castruccio The Printed Authors and Manuscripts whence the Sixth Book is taken LEO the 10th's Conclave His entry into Florence by Francisco de Sangallo A Memorial of the Offices the Republick of Genoua has render'd at sundry times to France Géneâ—rard's and Mr. du Puit's Observations upon the Concordate A Collation of Guichiardini's Errors by Giovanni Battista Leoni Lorenzo de Medici's Negotiation with the Heiress of Bologna between the Duke d'Albania and Cardinal Bibiana That of the Election of Charles the Fifth by Adolphus Vander Marck Bishop of Liergi Leo the 10th's Instruction to Roberto Ursini upon the same subject The Life of the first Duke of Urbin of the House della Rovere A Journal containing the Secret and Circumstances of Cardinal Petrucci's Conspiracy The ten Books of Pope Leo's Epistles The Printed Authors and Manuscripts whence the Sev'nth Book is taken THE Eulogies of Pontanus and of Domitius The Collection of Anonymous Authors The Life of Duke Valentinois Pesaro's Topographick History Guichiardini's first Book A Dissertation by an unknown Hand upon the Infelicity of Men of Literature Floridus Sabinus in his Eulogies The History of Remini Beroalde Senior's Commentary upon Apuleius his Golden Ass The Eulogies of the Vatican Library Keepers Julius the 2d's Manifest against Giovanni Bentivoglio Cotta's Eulogy in Julius Caesar Scaliger Justinian's History of Venice Mascardi in the Art of History Antonio Possevino in the History of the Gonzaga's Longeuil's Judgment upon Erasmus and Budeus Paulus Jovius his Dialogue with the Marquis du Guast The Neapolitan Families d'Ammirato The Postscripts of Budeus to divers Manuscripts in the French King's Library FINIS