partakers of it foolish in a King and Capital in a Subject Eumenes was King but of a poore Castle and yet he would not accknowledge mightie Antigonus for his Superior Pompey was a Subject and yet he could not endure any one man to bee above him Caesar a Citizen of Rome and yet he could not brooke an equall And the late Prince of Orange a Prince of no great Power or Wealth and yet he held himself for as absolute a Prince as the mightie Monarch of Spain This again is proved by a notable example of the Emperor Charles the 4. who coming into France in the time of Charles the 5. King of France to end all debates and quarrells betwixt him and our King was mett upon the way by the French King which is a ceremony observed by them who acknowledge themselves to bee inferior unto him whom they meet but the Emperor as soon as they were mett would have yeilded the highest place unto the King and accepted it not without great ceremony and it was written that it was given him but of Curtesie a Curtesie usuall among Princes aswell as amongst private men for as private men in their own houses and at their own Tables will of Curteâ—ie sett meaner men then they are before themselves so Princes when strange Kings come into their country will preferr them before themselves It is ceâ—tain that the Emperor precedeth of right all the Princes of Christendom And yet when Francis the first King of France was brought from Pavia where he was taken Prisoner into Spain at their fiâ—st meeting the Emprror and he embraced one another on horseback with their Capps in their hands and in covering their heads there passâ—d great ceremony betwixt them each of them striving to bee the last that should bee covered and after that they had talked a while they both covered their heads at one very selfesame time And after that there was a new strife betwixt them for the right hand This again is proved by the Emperor Sigismond who when hee would have made the Earle of Savoy as you have heard upon an other occasion Duke at Lyons hee was commanded by the Kings Attorney not to attempt any such thing in France aswell because it was thought that being in an other Kings Country he lost his Authority and Power to create a Duke as for that it seemed unto the French King that he was not to suffer him to use any Royall Authority within his dominions The Queen of Scotts therefore when shee was in England was inferior unto the Queens Majesty and this inferioritie is proved by three other principal Reasons The one because there is an inequalitie betwixt Kings one of them being better then an other The other because she was her Majesties Vassall and the third because she was deposed and so no longer a Queen First for the inequality it is certain that the Kings of Spain and of France be both resolute Princes and yet France challengeth precedency before Spain for five principal causes The first because the consent and opinion of the learned is for France and not for Spain The second because the French Kings have a long time had the honor to be Emperors and not the Kings of Spain The third because the French Kings have been called most Christian Kings these many hundred yeares and Ferdinando the fift was the first and that but lately that was called the Catholick King of Spain The fourth because at the Feast of St. George in England France even in Queen Maries time was preferred before Spain The fift because the house of France is more ancient then that of Spain which raigned long before the Castle of Hapsburg was builded The sixt and last because the book of ceremonies which is kept at Rome preferreth France before Spain Next to France is England as appeareth by the same book which putteth England in the second place and Spain in the third Again those Kings are best which are Crowned and by the same book it is evident that France England and Spain only have Crowned Kings Next it seemeth that the meaner sort of Kings also strive for Precedency and one of them will be accompted better then another For it is written that Matthew King of Hungary thinking himself better then Ladislaus King of Bohemia when they met once together Matthew went bare-headed and tyed about the head with a green Garland because hee would not put off his Capp unto the Bohemian but have him put off his unto him which the King of Bohemia perceiving deceived his expectation by tying his own Capp so fast unto his head that when they met hee could not put it off and so the Hungarian being bare-headed saluted the Bohemian that was covered But to leave these Inequalities and to come unto the second point which being proved it must needs follow that the Scottish Queen was farr inferior unto our Queen uâ—â—o whom shee owed honor homage and obedience Many of our Kings have challenged the Soveraignity over Scotland but none prosecuted the same more eagerly then Edward the first who because hee would be sure that his right thereunto was good caused all the Monasteriâ—s of England and Wales to bee searched to see what evidences or bookes he could finde in them to prove his Title The King found in the Chronicles of Mariamis Scotus of William of Malmesburg of Roger of Hoveden of Henry of Huntingdâ—n and of Radolph of â—ucet that King Edward his Predecessor in the yeare of our Lord nine hundred and ten subdued the Kings of Scotland and Câ—mberland and that the Subjects of both these kingdoms in the nine hundred and eleventh year chose the said Edward for their Soveraign Lord. He found further that Adeslaus King of England subdued in the yeare nine hundred twenty six Scotland and Northumberland and that the People of both Countries submitting themselves unto him swore unto him both fidelity and homage Hee found again that King Edgar overcame Rinad the son of Alphinus King of Scots and that by that victory he became King of Four kingdoms namely of England Scotland Denmarke and Norway He found also that St. Edward gave the kingdom of Scotland to bee held under him unto Malcolm son unto the King of Cumberland and that William the Conqueror in the sixt year of his raigne conquered the said Malcolm and took an oath of homage and fidelity of him The like did William Rufus unto the same Malcolm and unto his two Sons who raigned one after another Besides it appeareth unto the said Edward that Alexander King of Scotland succâ—eded his brother Edgar in his kingdome with the consent of Henry the first King of England that David King of Scots did homage unto King Stephen and William unto King Henry the second unto Henry the third unto King Richard and unto King Iohn It appeared again by the Chronicles of St. Albans that Alexander King of Scots in the thirty year of King Henries
Creator in heaven in violating the latter they remember not their maker on earth for the people and Peers of the Realm are their makers next unto God Contracts ergo of subjects having their ground their foundation and their strength not from Princes Laws but from the Laws of Nature binde King and Emperour Prince and Prelate Lords Spiritual and Temporal be it that they are made between a Prince and a private man or the Prince and a City or the Prince and any other The reasons why they are of such force are these First It is not lawful to falsifie a mans faith Then The Laws of Nature binde men and perswade them to keep their contracts and to hold their promise even unto their enemies Next The Laws of honesty charge their Princes to perform their contracts there is nothing becometh them better nothing that commendeth them more nothing that men require so much at their hands Lastly Princes Contracts are as good as Laws and have the same force as Laws in the same strength and vertue against their Successors which they have against themselves nay they are of greater strength then Princes Laws for Laws may be repealed but contracts cannot be revoked The reason of the diversity Laws may alter according unto the times and the occasions unto which Laws must be accomodated by which Laws are occasioned from which Laws received their beginning but contracts are irrevocable they admit no change no alteration and if they be once perfected they can neither receive addition or substraction diminution nor enlargement they may not be wrested but taken according to the true and plain meaning of the contrahents But why they may they not be changed Why may not a Prince alter them The reasons are these Before they are made they are of Free will and when they are once perfected they are of necessity that the Emperour of the world cannot add or detract any thing from his contract without his consent to whom it is made although he were the meanest man in the world who may be benefited but not deceived by a contract that is not defrauded of that which is agreed upon in the contract although it be lawful in bargaining before the bargain be concluded to deceive one another Secondly If Princes might revoke their contracts at their pleasure there should be no good dealing with them which would be ridiculous no trust to their words which would be dishonest no benefit would be gotten by them which would be illiberal and unbeseeming the Majesty of a Prince Thirdly Princes actions must be free from scandal far from deceipt and not subject unto malice Fourthly Princes are reasonable creatures and must submit themselves unto reason lest they be reputed as B. Celestine was not a man but a beast because he revoked in the evening the grants which he made in the morning Lastly Other men may attend to profit but Princes must look to honour and have an especial regard thereof and what can be more dishonourable then to break their word to falsifie their faith to violate their contract especially if their word faith and contract be fortified and strengthned with a solemn oath with an oath that being added to a contract hath these vertues these qualities these operations It maketh their contracts lawful and of full strength and force which without an oath are not of weight before God and man For a young man under yeers who by reason of his minority cannot contract without authority consent and counsel of his Guardian shall be bound to stand to his contract if he hath sworn to observe and keep the same his oath strengthneth his contract and depriveth him of the benefit of restitution to his former and pristine estate it maketh the person infamous which breaketh such a contract it debarreth him of any action against the other contrahent it enforceth him to restore that he hath received it disableth him to take the forfeiture that is made unto him it freeth the observer of the Contract from any penalty whereinto he is fallen it benefiteth the absent as the present it forfeiteth the contract whether it be interposed either before or after the contract or at the instant of the making of her or at any other time it urgeth and bindeth the contrahents to a strict and due observance unless it may endanger their souls health and keep and observe their contracts Briefly it hath many other operations which shall be more fitly mentioned hereafter But what availeth it to have said all this if all may be refelled in a few words The King of Spain was not well informed when he made this contract when he took this oath he prejudiced himself greatly in yeilding thereunto and he weakned his authority too much in submitting himself to the observance of the Laws and all these being proved or any one of these three inconveniences falling out to be true he is not bound to the performance of this contract or of this oath But how are all or any of these three inconveniences proved How can it be that he should not be well informed when he yeilded to this contract Could he be ignorant of that which all the world knew which his Predecessors did before him which strangers unto his Laws and Country knew many years ago For Guicciardine who wrote his book before he was crowned writeth in the sixth book of his History That the Aragonian Kings have no absolute and Kingly authority in all things but are subject unto the subjects and constitutions of their Country which derogate much from the power and authority of a King And Bodin who wrote not many years being a Frenchman and having no other knowledge of the Laws of Aragon but such as he received from others used in his Book the same words of the Kings authority which are used by the King at his Coronation We that are able to do as much as you make you our Lord and King upon condition that you shall keep our Laws and Liberties and if you will not you shall not be our King Laws bind the present assoon as they are published in their presence and hearing and the absent shortly after that they come to their notice and knowledge those Laws therefore being as by all likelyhood it seemeth made and established at the Institution of the Aragonian King could not be hidden from his knowledge nor prejudicial to his Majesty and Authority Royal. For what blemish is it to a King to submit himself unto those Laws which his Predecessors were contented to acknowledge and observe The Emperour that made and authorized almost all the Civil Laws that are now extant could set it down as a Law that it should be well and worthily done of a Prince be he never so great and mighty to be pleased to subject himself to his own Laws it delighteth a good Prince it liketh his subjects it honoureth Kings and it greatly rejoyceth their Vassals The ancient Kings of
lived in his time four men of especial account Pompey and Crassus Piso and Curio Pompey was so valiant and fortunate in Armes that he was worthily surnamed the GREAT Crassus attained to such wealth that he was commonly called the RICH. Piso bare such sway with the people that no man was either feared or loved more then he And Curio was so wise and so eloquent that the people loved him greatly and he so desirous of their favour and so careless and prodigal of money that to attain any thing for himself or for his friend he would spare no manner of costs or charges To win these men that were fit for his purpose and yet of divers humours Caesar thought it convenient to use divers means he married his daughter to Pompey he took to wife Pyso's Sister he paid all Curio's debts and because there was a competency and emulation betwixt Pompey and Crassus by reason whereof he thought it very difficult to grow in favour with both of them he being absent from Roâ—e when they were in the heat of their contention came thither of purpose not to extinguish the same but to use it as a means to deceive them both and seeing that each of them sought his friendship against the other he would not follow any of them but carrying himself as neutral and indifferent betwixt them he procured all wayes possible to make them friends And knowing that so long as he declared not himself to be a faithful friend to one of them both would do for him whatsoever he should demand of them he held them both in suspence and made them so jealous of him that for fear to lose him both laboured to content and please him and so much that first he made himself equal to either of them next he brought to pass that the power and authority which was in their hands only was divided betwixt him and them And in the end he alone came to rule all for he drave Pompey out of Rome and out of Italy and made himself Lord and Master of both places opened the Roman Treasure and paid his Souldiers therewithal What followed the Histories reporteth and I haste unto another of the like mind but of better fortune for Caesar lived not long after he came to the Empire And many wise and learned men wonder why the Emperours at this day carry still his name since he was the only ruine and overthrow of his Countrey and of the ancient liberty thereof whereas he of whom I intend to speak not only enjoyed the Crown and Scepter many years together which he usurped cunningly but also transferred the same unto his posterity in which it hath remained better then these five hundred years and Caesar his posterity enjoyed not his purchase the twentiâ—th part of that time You have heard that the last Race of the Kings of France descended from Hugh Capet who being but Master of the Kings Palace governed all things under him and so carried himself in that his Government that he wan the hearts and love of the common people and also got into such favour with Lewis the Fifth of France a Prince of small worth and of no great wit that as some Historographers write he dying the year 987. without Heirs Males not of his natural death but by poyson gave his Kingdom unto Blanch his Wife and willed her to marry Hugh Capet which she did according to her Husbands Commandment and so Capet became King albeit the Kingdom appertained â—y right unto Charles Duke of Lorrain Brother unto King Lotharius and Uncle unto the said Lewis For Charles being then in Lorrain and having been called and sent for by some of the Nobles of France to be crowned King thereof came not with such speed as was convenient for him to have used but gave time and respite unto Capet to seize upon the Kingdom pretending himself to have Title thereunto by the late Kings will by reason that he was in some sort by his Mothers side of the race of Charlemaign by signifying unto the people that Charles Duke of Lorrain deserved not to be chosen King because in all contentions debates and differences betwixt the Crown of France and the Empire the said Charles favoured the Emperours more then the French King and by suggesting that he being present and alwayes ready to defend the Realm ought to be preferred before Charles that was absent and not willing to come to accept the Crown when he was called thereunto by inducing Anselm Bishop of Laon to deliver the said Duke his Master with his two Children into his hands very trayterously by committing the Duke and his Sons to prison in Orleance where they dyed and by degrading Arnolph Arch-bishop of Rhemes under colour and pretence of Bastardy for fear he proving himself to be lawful and legitimate brother unto Charles might in time deprive him of the Kingdom but the especial policy that Capet used for the obtaining his purpose was the imitation of Pipin of France of whose practises you shall first hear and then as Plutarch in the lives of the Worthies of Greece and Rome compared a Graecian and a Roman together that the vertues and excellencies of both may appear the better by that his comparison So I will compare the devices of the late Duke of Guise with the practices of Sejan Caesar Capet and Pipin to the end you may see in what points he imitated them fully and also wherein he failed to follow their foot-steps Pipin being Master of the Palace under Childerick the third King of France who for his unworthiness was deprived of his Crown by the Pope Lachary thought that the greatness of his Office and the weakness of his Prince and Master might well serve him for a Ladder to climb to the Kingdom and knowing that it would not suffice to advance his own credit and commendation unless he did also dispraise and discredit his King he suborned men of purpose not only to spread abroad the kings indignities to inveigh against his insufficiencies and to cry out against his evil Government but also to set forth his own praise to commend his valour and to extoll his exploits and services done as well for his Country as for the See of Rome to the end that as soon as the people began to contemn and dislike their King they might also begin to love and affect him of which affection and love he hoped there might in time proceed such a good liking that they would vouchsafe to elect and câ—use him for their King and because he knew that the French-men were well affected to the Pope and would do any thing at his Commandment to win the Popes favour and assistance he not only promised but went into Italy of purpose to succour his Holiness against the Lombards who at that time greatly troubled the universal rest and quiet of Italy Besides fearing that the Oath which the Frenchmen make unto their King and the Love and Loyalty
to write you an historical discourse I wil touch them lightly for that I speak of them obiter and by digression and I hold it sufficient to refute the Objections that may be made in this Cause not by Law but by the Histories of France For albeit Iohn Bodine a Frenchman and notably well seen and read in Histories discoursing in his Book de Methodo Historie at large what Rules are to be observed in judging a right of an Historographer and what credit may be given to an History setteth it down in an opinion not controlable That in matters touching France or England you ought not to credit a French or English History but rather a stranger writing thereof with more indifferency and less partiality yet as in Causes which cannot be well decided or perfectly known but by Domestical witnesses their Testimony is to be preferred before all others So in matters of State which cannot be so well known unto Forrainers as unto men born and bred within the same State better credit ought to be given unto these then unto them You shall therefore hear this first Objection refuted by their own Writers and especially by Du Haillan who in my opinion is the best Historographer that writeth of France who refuteth this Objection by reckoning up a bed-roll of Kings who did not succeed one another but were chosen one after another Pharamond saith he in his third Book was the first chosen King of France After whom Daniel surnamed Childerick was chosen Pipin likewise was chosen and after him Charles and Charlâ—main his Sons And the Frenchmen despising the Youth of Charles King Lewis his Son who was betwixt nine and ten years of age chose Odâ—n Son to Robert the Saxon for their King And afterwards being discontented with his Government they deprived him of his Kingdom and set up Charles in his place who governing them somewhat looslly was likewise deposed and cast into Prison and in his place Baâ—ul King of Burgundy was instituted and created King of France and there remaineth even at this day a certain form of Election which is made at the consecrating and crowning of the King at Beihins where the Peer of France in the name of the Clergy Nobility and People chuse the King that is present Here you see an Election begun in Pharamond continued in others and observed at this day and yet as many as have been Kings since Capet's time have succeeded to their Kingdoms and claimed the same by Inheritance rather then by custom and you shall see when we come to another of their Objections that neither this Election nor this Custom in succession hath been alwayes duly kept and observed The second Objection against this agreement is That although Contracts do bind Princes as well as Subjects yet such Contracts as are made by men not being sufficient and able to celebrate Contracts as men distracted of their wits Lunatiques and others not being in perfect sense and memory do not bind the Contrahents but are held in Law as matters of no weight force or validity and therefore Charles the Sixth who concluded his Peace with the above-mentioned conditions being both before and after the celebration of the same notoriously reputed and known to be a Lunatique this Contract did neither bind him nor his Successors To this it is easily answered That Contracts made by men disabled by Law to enter into any such compositions are of force by two wayes The one if they with due and requisite solemnities be done by such as by Law are deputed to have the Government of their goods and persons during the time of their weakness and imbecillity The other if they themselves having dilucida intervalla being as Lunatiques many times are in perfect sense and memory to celebrate any manner of Contract the same is of full force and strength and therefore Charles the sixth being as their own Histories report at the time when this Agreement was made in his right wits and memory This contract wanted not the force and vertue which Law requireth especially since the chief Nobility of the Realm were then not only present but consenting thereunto and sworn to the performance thereof The third Objection is That the Kings of France cannot alienate the Demeans Rights Titles and Interests of the Crown without the privity and consent of the three Estates which consent could not possibly be had at this Agreement because a great part of the Peers Nobles and others were then absent and bore Armes with the young Prince Charles or at the leastwâ—se followed him against the King his Father To this I briefly answer That in matters which go by plurality of voices it is not alwayes necessary that all be present but that the greater or better part of them that will and do vouchsafe their presence thereat yield their consents thereunto especially when the others who are absent have been cited and warned to be present and they either willingly or contemptuously will not appear For albeit the thing that concerneth all men must be approved of all men yet when some or all may approve or disallow the things which concerneth them and they will not be present to shew their consent or dislike their absence shall not prejudice the Contract that is celebrated and there is no wrong offered unto them by proceeding in their absence quia volenti non fit injuria In this case therefore those that were away being either voluntarily absent or trayterously minded to their King which appeared in that they followed his Son against him and animated and assisted him in his disobedience and rebellion against his Father could not in any respect prejudice the force and validity of this contract for if they were absent of purpose then there was no injury done unto them and if they were Traytors as undoubtedly they are who either bear Armes against their Prince or assist his Enemies with their counsels then they had lost the right of their consent and voice And so consequently the Contract which was celebrated by the more and better part or by all the Nobility and of the three Estates that were present and true and Loyal Subjects unto their King notwithstanding the others voluntary malicious absence was by Law warrantable especially being confirmed and fortified by the Oath of the King and his Council and Nobility The fourth Objection against this Agreement is That when it was concluded the King of England had almost Conquered all France was there with his power and strength about him and shut up the French King as it were in Prison and utterly disabled him to make any resistance against his invincible Army and conquering Forces And therefore whatsoever he did being done by fear and compulsion was of no better force then a Contract extorted by violence or made in Prison by a private man which when he is set at liberty he is not bound by Law to perform except he list To this
therefore follow That there is no Superior out of France who either hath or could bestow his priviledge upon France And it appeareth by their own Histories That there hath been nothing done within the Realm whereby their Kings have been forbidden to dispose their Kingdoms by their last Wills and Testaments For Dagobert King of France in the presence of the principal Lords and Prelates of his Realm made his last Will and Testament and therein gave the Kingdom of Austrasia unto his Son Sigisbert and the Kingdom of France unto his Son Cloius Likewise Charlemain by Will and Testament divided his Kingdom betwixt his three Sons He gave unto Charles the best and greatest part of France and Germany unto Pipin Italy and Baivera and unto Lewis that part of France which confineth and bordereth upon Spain and Provence And caused this his Will to be ratified confirmed and approved by the Pope and intituled his Sons with the names of Kings It is also written by French Historiographers That Philip de Valois who contended with Edward the Third for the Crown of France ordained by his last Will and Testament that Iohn his eldest Son should succeed him in the Crown and that his second Son Philip should enjoy for his part and portion the Dukedom of Orleans and the Earldom of Valois Now these three Kings being of three Races of the French Kings Dagobert of the Merovingians Charlemain of the Charlemains and Philip de Valois although not directly yet collaterally of the Capets which are the three only Races that ever were in France and they having disposed of their Kingdoms in manner as is a foresaid it may well be presumed that others before them have or might have done the like especially since there is no Law to be shewed which forbiddeth Kings to bequeath their Kingdoms by Will and Testament The sixth and last Objection which is made against this Contract is That Charles the sixth could not lawfully dis-inherit his son who by the custome of France was lawful and apparent Heir and could not for any cause whatsoever be deprived by his Father or by any other of that right which belonged unto him by the ancient Priviledge of France In this Objection there are two things intended The one That the Kings of France cannot deprive their Sons or next Heirs for any occasion whatsoever of their Right Title and Interest to the Royal Crown and Dignity The other That the next of the blood Royal according to the Custom before mentioned must of necessity succeed and enjoy the Kingdom This Obâ—ection is in my simple opinion of greatest force because I read not in all the Histories of France that ever any King thereof but Charls the sixth did dis-inherit his Son True it is that Charles the seventh was thus dis-inherited being plagued by God for his disobedience towards his Father with a Son as undutiful and disobedient in all respects as himself was sent unto the Pope to advise him how he might dis-inherit his eldest Son who had divers times rebelled against him and bestow the Kingdom upon his second son in whom he never found any manner of disobedience but the difficulty is resolved by this reason following For if a Kingdom may be given by Will and Testament as is to be presumed that it may also be taken away from one and bestowed upon another when there is just cause given by him who layeth claim thereunto why he should be dis-inherited especially when as there is no such necessity of successive inheritance as hath hitherto been mentioned And in case it be doubtful whether a Kingdom may be taken from the right Heir and be bequeathed unto another the custom of the Country in private mens Inheritance is to be considered because most commonly such as the Law is in part such it is in the whole and for that generally the Nobility of every Realm who regard the conservation of their Honour and Dignity in their Families no less then Princes do the preservation of the Royal Authority in their Posterity do follow and imitate the manner Law and Order of their Kings touching the disposition of their Kingdoms And even as they usually dispose of their Principalities so do the other of their Baronies and inferior Estates by what Name or Title soever they be called If therefore it can be shewed that any of the chief Nobility of France have at any time dis-inherited their lawful Heirs it may justly be presumed that the Kings of France may do the like when the like occasion is offered unto them The Lords of Bearne have time out of mind been of such power and might in France that the Kings thereof have in all Ages made great account and reckoning of them And the present King of France is Lord thereof and by his Adversaries the Spaniards who will hardly vouchsafe him the name of a King of France or of Navar because they take him to be lawful King of neither of these Kingdoms is commonly called in their Writings Lord of Bearne The Earls also of Foix have beyond the memory of man been of such worth and estimation that it is written of them when they were also Lords of Bearne they cared neither for the King of Aragon nor for the Kings of Navarra for they were able upon any urgent occasion to keep more men at Arms at one time then both those Kings could make at two several Levies Both these Lordships or Seigneuries are now under the Kingdom of Navar and the principal members thereof and the Lords and lawful Owners of each of them dis-inherited their next and lawful Heirs only for ingratitude and unkindness towards them for the French Histories report that Gaston Lord of Beaâ—ne had but two Daughters the eldest of which he married unto the Earl of Armignack and the younger unto the Earl of Foix who was Nephew unto the King of Aragon It fortuned that the said Gaston had Wars with the King of Spain wherein he desired help of the Earl of Armignack who refused to succour him and the Earl of Foix holp him with such power and force that he enforced the King to very reasonable conditions of Peace in recompence of which service Gaston made the Earl of Foix his sole Heir and caused the Nobles and Gentlemen together with all other his Subjects to confirm and ratifie his Grant whereupon followed great strife and contention between the two Earls It is also written in the Chronicles of France that in the year 1391. The Earl of Foix because his Son by the consent and counsel of the King of Navar went about to have poisoned him gave his Earldom from him to the King of France who presently bestowed the same upon the Earl of Candalles Here you see two Heirs dis-inherited by their Father whose Act was generally reputed and held lawful Now you shall see the like cause in Charles the seventh and why should it
of them knew that whatsoever he did was to win time to work his will and purposes yet because they got much by their dissimulation they dissembled their knowledge and never acquainted our King with his secret intentions The same Lewis besides this manner of entertaining of our Ambassadors used when there was any great matter in debate and contention betwixt us and him to receive all Ambassages that were sent unto him and never to answer any of them but alwaies promised to send other Ambassadors after them who should bring his answers and give our king such assurance of all things whereof he had occasion to doubt that he should have no longer cause to be discontented and when it came to the sending of such Ambassadors because he would be still assured to gain time he sent such personages as never had been in England before to the end that if his former Ambassadors had promised any thing that was not performed or begun any Treaty that was not finished the latter should not be able to make any answer thereunto but enforced to desire some time and respite to acquaint their Master therewith and to crave and have his resolution therein Further you may remember that it hath been already said that the Almighty to the end that Kingdoms should remain still under their natural Princes or being transferred from one Nation to another should at length return unto kings of their own Nation who indeed are more fit to govern them of his infinite goodness toward man doth usually send a peaceable Successor after a Warlike Prince in whose time the conquered recover either all or part of their losses which by his heavenly will and pleasure hath hapned in England as well as in other places For we have had such Princes as did as well lose what their Predecessors had conquered or recover what some of them lost We won in the time of Richard the first the Kingdom of Cyprus and sold it presently We enjoyed by reason of the marriage with the daughter and heir of VVilliam Duke of Aquitane and wife unto Henry the 2. that Dukedome better then 300 years and at the last lost the same by negligence We possessed the Dukedome of Normandy 350 years and lost it in the time of Charls the 7. We subdued Scotland in Edw. 1. time and lost it not long after We conquered Ireland better then four hundred years since and yet retain it VVe ruled in Flanders for a while and were driven out of Flanders after a small while Briefly it is written by some that Brennus who first took and conquered Rome was an Englishman and that he continued his conquest but a very short time And as we have had good fortune against others so others have not wanted good success against us for the Romans conquered us the Saxons subdued us the Danes ruled us and lastly the Normans had the upper hand of us of whom our Kings are lineally descended and in whose race they have continued better then 500 years Again it is usual betwixt Princes when they are wearied with long tedious chargeable and dangerous wars to desire peace and to yeild to the same upon reasonable conditions and in consideration of their troubles endured in wars of their charges sustained thereby and of their subjects impoverished by the means thereof to take long times of Truce and surcease from wars within which time it is not lawful to do any act of hostility And this occasion hath also restrained some of our Princes for attempting any thing against France although they had great desire to recover their right in France Moreover it hath now and then hapned that when we have been determined to prosecute our right we either have been diverted by the entreaty of other Princes who have been mediators for peace betwixt France and us Or hindred by the departure of such Conâ—ederates from our part as promised to aid and assist us in our enterprises Or drawn from them to defend our selves at home by reason of the sudden invasions which have been made by the Scots upon England at the intreaty and perswasion of the French which hath been the usual policy of the Kings of France to turn the wars from themselves upon us alwaies retaining the Scots for their friends and confederates for no other purpose but either to help them when we came into France or to make war with us when we intended to have carried our Forces thither Again either by the weakness or by the corruption of our Council we have as hath been said been so over-reached by the Frenchmen in all such agreements as we have made with them that when we have won the whole we have been contented with part and when as we might have had mountains we have vouchsafed to accept mole-hills yea we have bound our selves to relinquish our Right to renounce our Titles and give over all our Interests So at what time Prince Edward married Isabella daughter of Philip sirnamed the Fair we resigned the Dutchy of Guyenna So Edward sir-named Long-hands acquitted the French King of all the right he had to the Crown of France to the Dutchy of Normandy and to the Earldoms of Anjou Mayne Tourrain and Poictou So Edward 3. having taken King Iohn of France prisoner at Poictiou and retained him four years prisoner in England took certain Towns and Countries in France for his ransome and surrendred the residue of France into his hands to be held by him and his heirs for ever and with express condition never to lay any claim thereunto thereafter These agreements have been another cause why we have repressed our desires and not prosecuted our rights Lastly when we conquered France and had continual wars therewith the Realm was not then as it hath been of late years united void of dissention free from civil wars in the hands and under the government of one King and not divided dis-membred and possessed with divers petty Princes who either for alliance with us or for some quarrel betwixt them and the French Kings were alwaies ready to aid and assist us So we had help somtimes of the Duke of Burgundy of the Earl of Anjou of the Duke of Britain of the Earls of Foix of Flanders of Holland and of Arminack and somtimes of the kings of Navar and of the Emperors of Germany which helps of late years failing us and the reasons already mentioned have occasioned our weak slender and slack pursuit of the Title and Interest which we pretend unto the Crown of France Now to the second Point of this fourth Point wherein I should spend so much time and overweary you with too long impertinent discourse iâ— I should relate unto you the time and manner how and when we lost Normandy Aquitania and every other member of France and therefore it shall suffice to shew you how and when we had conquered almost all France in a few years we lost again all in a very
tell â—im mâ—st part of his secrets and to be short she being seconded by the Gentleman and others whom he and the pity they had of the poor estate of the Country had made willing and ready to joyn with her in such petitions and motions as she had made unto the Dolphin setled such an opinion of wisdom and holiness in him that he presently took her for a guide sent from heaven to direct him in all his doings and by her perswasions left his Love and followed this maiden to the wars who being always accompanied with good Captains and counselled by them what directions she should give to the Dolphin to the end she might win credit with him at the first sped very well in many things which she attempted and especially in raising our siege at Orleans where I have seen her picture in brass mounted upon a very large brazen horse and there is yearly as I have said before a solemn Feast and procession kept in remembrance of her that she drave the Englishmen from thence The Dolphin being thus animated by her and encouraged by the good success which followed her for a while proceeded so manfully that he never left until he had recovered all the Kingdom of France So he by her sped not ill but she for him had no good end for being in the end taken by the Englishmen and arraigned at Roan upon divers articles of witchcraft was found guilty and there burnt for a witch A strange metamorphosis and not so strange as ridiculoâ—s But if you consider how many things Scipo perswaded a few Roman Souldiers to do which were almost impossible to be done by a few only by telling them that he had often and secret conference with a Goddess who counselled him to put those things in execution and promised him good success in those enterprises you may easily think that his policy might work the effect which it wrought It is written of Mahomet the God of the Turks that he grew to the credit and reputation of a God by as mean a device as this for he carryed a shew of holiness was better learned then their Teachers were had the gift of Eloquence secretly had insinuated himself into the favour of the people and to perswade them that he had secret conference with God and that whatsoever he Preached unto them was put into his mouth by the Holy Ghost he had used a tame Dove to come and stand upon â—is shoulder ever when he Preached unto them and to join his Beak and Head unto his Ear as though it did whisper something into his Ear Whereby he won such credit that not only his Laws were thought to proceed from the inspiration of the Holy Ghost but he ever sithence hath been honoured for a God It is written again of Kemitius King of Scotland that when he had oftentimes endeavoured by divers ways to induce his Nobility to think well of his intended Wars against the Picts and could not by any manner of perswasions prevail with them he invented a policy never used or heard of before he called his Council and Nobility together to consult of matters of weight and held them in consultation until night then he provided a great and costly Supper which of set purpose he caused to continue until the night was very far spent insomuch that they being overcharged with meat and drink fell all asleep then he commanded that into every one of their Chambers there should go a man apparelled in a long Gown made of fish skins with the scales still remaining upon them who carryed in one hand a staff of rotten wood because that it as the scales of the fish do in the dark maketh a kinde of glittering able to astonish those who never saw the like and in the other hand a great Oxes horn out of which the man speaking should give a sound and voice far differing from the voice of a man These men so apparel'd entring into the Counsellors chambers spake in a great and grave voice and said That they were Messengers sent thither from Heaven to tell the Scottish Nobility that they ought to hearken to the advice and Counsel that Kemitius their King gave them and to aid and assist him to recover his Kingdom out of the hands and possession of the Picts When they had thus said every one of them as he was taught hid his staff under his Gown and gathering the fishes scales together in such manner that it seemed unto the beholders that as the glittering so they suddenly vanished away In the morning the Nobility met together and every one of them telleth the King what he had seen and heard that night he wondred thereat as though he had not known thereof telleth them he had the like vision but thought not good to acquaint them therewith lest that they glorying too much in the special favour which God shewed unto them should by revealing the same before it was time unto over many greatly offend his heavenly Majesty but that he meant to shew unto them what he had heard and seen when the Wars were happily undertaken and ended The Nobility confirmed in the opinion of the Miracle by the Kings report yeilded presently unto his Counsel and with all possible speed made great preparation for the Wars against the Picts But now from these by-tales again to my purpose which I might dilate and beautify with examples confirming every one of these 24. Causes to be sufficient to lose a Kingdom but your own reason and experience is able to assure you thereof and therefore I will proceed no further in this Point Saving that I have thought good to clear one thing which perhaps may seem doubtful unto you for I think it wil seem strange unto you why I call him by the name of Dolphin whom the French Chronicles call Charls the seventh you know that our Kings eldest Son during the life of his Father ever sithence that Wales was first conquered by England was called the Prince of Wales And so the eldest Sons of the Kings of France have bin called Dolphins of France since that Imbert and Humbert dyed without Heir and gave Dolphiny unto Philip deValois King of France with condition that the eldest Son of the Kings should be called Dolphins which name was given unto Charls the seventh during his Fathers life when he was dutiful and retained after that he grew to disobedience and rebellion yea continued by our Writers and Chroniclers after his decease for me thought it not convenient to call him King of France because our King was then entituled by that name but we vouchsafed him still the name of Dolphin even as the Spaniards having deprived the present and rightful King of Portugal of his Kingdom calling him still by the name of Don Antonio as he was called before the Kingdom fell unto him by descent and the Leaguers call the now King of France not by the name of
confirmeth the same more apparently then that which our Histories report of Henry the third King of England This King by reason he had Reigned many years saw sundry alterations in divers Kingdoms and as Princes who continue long are oftentimes sought unto he was honoured of all the Kings and Potentates that lived in his time and many of them were glad of his amâ—ty and friendship for as he was mighty so was he very wise and therefore able to help them with his strength and counsel them with his wisdom yet neither so strong nor so wise but that his power was abated and his wisdom abused by the Popes subtle policies There was a time when Conradus king of Sicily began to be somewhat grievous and offensive to the Pope who to be revenged of his supposed wrongs had suborned divers Princes against him and when all had either failed him or faintly proceeded in their quarrel against Conrade he fled for his last refuge unto the said Henry the third and to induce him to shew his readiness and good will to drive Conrade out of his Royal Seat and Dominion he used divers sinister means and many subtle devices First he defamed the said Conrade accused him of Heresie layed murther to his charge burthened him with the death and poysoning of his own Brother thereby making him odious to the world Then not thinking it sufficient to disgrace and discredit him for that the Princes neither then nor in those days did easily undertake Wars one against another in hatred of the vices which possessed them but in hope of the Kingdoms which they enjoyed he to encourage our King the more gave him the Kingdoms of Apulia and Sicily and entituled his Son by the name of king of both those Countries And understanding that he wanted sufficient men to imploy in that service he dispensed him to take those Souldiers which had enrolled themselves for the Wars of the Holy Land and publishing that his Adversary for grief was dead and forsaken by his friends With these devices and his Embassadors subtleties he induced our King to bind himself upon pain of loss of his Kingdom to spend and send 140 m Marks to those Wars and this promise was so readily performed and men by our King so willingly transferred for that service that the whole Realm in very short time felt great want both of men and of money Thus you see that Naples and Sicily have been both troublesome and chargeable to as many Nations as I before named And yet you see not how they came directly unto the house of Spain nor with what Right and Title king Philip possesseth them at this day To the end therefore that herein as well as in other Points you may be fully satisfied I will let you understand the late claims and challenges layed and made to those Kingdoms Charls the eighth king of France challenged the Kingdom of Naples because Renatus Duke of Anjou his very near Kinsman dying without children and being made Heir of the same kingdom by the last Will and Testament of Ioan Queen of Naples had made and declared in his last Will and Testament Lewis the eleventh for his Heir unto the same kingdom which Lewis was Father unto the said Charls who followed the Claim with such speed and expedition that he got the kingdom by force of Arms in so short a time that a notable Historiographer writing thereof saith That an Embassadour would almost have spent as much time in going thither from France as the said Charls did imploy in conquering thereof The Frenchmen enjoyed not their Conquest many years for Ferdinando king of Spain began to lay claim unto the kingdom of Naples because that although Alphonsus king of Aragon had bestowed the same kingdom upon Ferdinando his base Son yet both Iohn his Brother and Successor in the kingdom of Naples and also Ferdinando himself being Son unto the said Iohn had just cause of claim and title therâ—unto because that Alphonso having gotten the same both with the Forces and with the treasure of the Realm of Aragon it should of right belong unto that Crown This claim of Ferdinandos was furthered by Pope Iulio the second who either being wearied of the insolency of the Frenchmen or desirous to follow the steps of his inconstant Predecessors or rather willing to revenge the wrong offered unto his Predecessor by Charls the eighth what time he imprisoned him in the Castle of S. Angelo and enforced him to give him for his ransome or deliverance the Castles of Civita Vecchia of Forracina and of Spoleto to hold them until he had made full conquest of Naples and also constrained him to invest himself in the said Kingdom besought Ferdinanâ—o king of Aragon to undertake the defence of the Church and of the States and Dominions thereof against all those who persecuted the same and especially against Lewis the 11. of France and to make him the more willing and ready to accomplish this his desire he sent him the Investure and Gift of the same kingdom with a very small and reasonable yearly Tribute for the same Ferdinando thinking his Title the better by the Popes Grant and his possibility to prevail the greater because of his assured help and furtherance prosecuted his claim by open Wars upon the Frenchmen wherein he had so good success that he drew the French King to make a friendly division of the kingdom between them This composition as all agreements betwixt Princes most commonly are was kept inviolable until Gonsalvo General for the Aragonian king in those parts who was afterwards for his Excellency called the Great Captain as Pompey was amongst the Romans took these occasions following to dispossess and drive the Frenchmen out of all that they possessed within the Realm of Naples First he alledged that the division was not equally made because the Dogana of Puglia which indeed was the best and greatest Revenue of that Crown was wholly allotted unto the Frenchmen and neither any part thereof nor any thâ—ng else that might countervail the same in worth value and goodness was assigned unto the Spaniards Secondly there fell such a disease amongst the Frenchmen by reason of the abundance of fruit which they eat daylie and because the waters which they drank as it was thought were poisoned by the Spaniards that most part as well of the private souldiers as of the chief Captains died thereof and many for fear thereof departed from the French kings Camp Thirdly that poor and small remainder that was lest presuming that this composition should be held inviolable grew so negligent and careless that they suffered the Spaniards to do all that they would and never distrusted them until it was too late Lastly Gonsalvo being required to desist from Wars because there was a peace concluded betwixt the Spanish and French kings in regard whereof the French General had long before surceased all acts of
hostility answered That he could not leave off his wars because he knew not what authority Don Philip who was the Mediator of that Peace and should have had the French Kings daughter for wife to his son Charls had from the King and Queen of Spain to conclude the said Peace And the said King and Queen hearing of the good success which their General had daily against the Frenchmen permitted him to proceed as he began and disclaimed all that was agreed or yeilâ—ed unto by the said Don Philippo saying that he had no power or authority from them to make any such agreement But Don Philippo seeing his credit thereby called in question published to all the world that he had done nothing more in the concluding the said peace then the King and Queen had given him full commission to do and further before he departed out of Spain he saw them both swear upon the holy Evangelists and upon the Image of Christ crucified that they would confirm ratifie and observe whatsoever should be concluded by him Thus Naples was gotten deceitfully although Francis the first after that he was unhappily taken Prisoner at Pavia by Charles the fifth did voluntarily renounce all his Right Title and Interest unto the same kingdom for the ransom and deliverance of his two Sons who were Prisoners a long time in Spain as pledges for their Father From Naples and Sicily I hasten to the kingdom of Navarra gotten by the Spaniards Predecessors and held as unlawfully by him as the two other kingdomes for when as Ferdinando so often before mentioned had occasion to pass with an Army through the kingdom of Navarra to succour the Pope he demanded safe passage of the King thereof who being so commanded by Lewis the French king his Soveraign denied him passage Ferdinando certifying the Pope of his denial the Pope excommunicated the King and depriveth him as a Schismatique of his kingdom Ferdinando hereupon having his Army in a readiness invadeth the kingdom taketh the King unprovided and before he could have any help from the French king depriveth him of his Royal Seat and Dignity and his Heirs have held the same ever â—ithence by no better Title then this Of which give me leave in a few words to tell you my simple opinion and then I will come to the kingdom of Portugal As it is most certain that the Kings of Naples and of Scotland hold their kingdomes the one of the Pope of Rome the other of the Queen of England as of their Soveraigns so it is undoubtedly true that the Kings of Navarra owe homage faith fealty and obedience unto the king of France as unto their Lord and Soveraign for their kingdom in regard whereof they are bound to many conditions of services unto him as their Soveraign and especially to aid and assist him in his just quarrels wars and contentions against any other Prince whatsoever and never to leave him upon pain of forfeiture of their States and Dominions holden of him which is so true that many Doctors of Law writing upon this case make this question whether a Vassal such as the king of Navarra was in respect of the French king leaving his Lord and Soveraign sorely hurt in the field and forsaking him in that case doth forfeit his Estate or no And they all generally conclude that it his wounds be not mortal and such as they leave no small hope of life then the Vassal for forsaking him loseth his Estate be it never so great But I will not stand upon the proof of this point nor upon the justifying of the king of Navarra his denial made unto the Aragonian king by Commandment of his said Lord and Soveraign for I shall have occasion to enlarge hereof in another place whereunto when I come you shall see it sufficiently and plainly proved that the king of Navarra could not without manifest loss and forfeiture of his kingdom unto the French king deny or resist his Commandment This then being most manifest it must needs follow that the king of Aragon did most wrongfully invade and take from him his kingdom and so consequently the king of Spain withholdeth the same from the present king of Navarra with no better right or reason then he that detaineth a private mans lands who never having any just title thereunto justifieth his Tenure by no other reason but by a few years wrongful possession which giveth no just title especially if the same hath been continually claimed and demanded by the lawful owners thereof as without all doubt the kingdom of Navar hath been for the present king and his Predecessors did oftentimes require restitution thereof of them which did wrongfully detain it And had not the civil wars of France hindred the present king from demanding the same by force of Arms he had long before this time warred upon the now king of Spain for the recovery thereof Now to the Kingdom of Portugal This kingdom as Scotland and Navarra are members of the kingdom of England and France so it is a member of the kingdom of Spain for Alphonsus the sixth king of Spain had a base Daughter nam'd Taresia whom he married unto Henry Count of Lotharinga and gave him in Dower with her the Kingdom of Portugal because he had done him very great service against the Moors But his Son Alphonsus the first was the first that was named King of Portugal and the first that got the City of Lisbone from the said Moors and having overcome in one Battel five of their Kings he left five Shields for Arms unto his Posterity This kingdom hath had many alterations and sundry Wars moved by such as layed claim thereunto but none considering the small continuance thereof more lamentable then the late Wars betwixt the now king of Spain and him whom the Spaniards call Don Antonio and no lawful king of Portugal for besides that the chief of the Nobility of that Realm were either cruelly murthered in the said War or unkindly held in extream thraledom or servitude by the Spaniard their natural and professed enemy the rightful King was most wrongfully driven from his lawful Inheritance to live as you know in a strange Country with the Princely and yet slender releif that her Majesty of her Royal liberality and clemency vouchsafeth him and his poor Train The Spaniard for the better obtaining of his Kingdom imitated in some measure the policicy of Charls the fifth his Father who during the competency betwixt him and Francis the first king of France for the Empire brought an Army of men unto the place where the Electors were assembled to make choice of the Emperour pretending the cause of bringing his Army thither to be his just and Princely desire to free the Electors from all manner of fear which they might justly have of some violence to be offered them by the French king if they made not choice of him Whereas in very deed his
only true and faithful unto him but also so discreet and wise that they both foresee and prevent all occasions of rebellion These Governours have their eyes alwaies open and watching not only over the Subjects committed to their charge in holding them low and in continual fear of severe punishment for every small offence but also over the Princes which confine with the Governments in keeping them from all opportunities of invading their States These Governours are assisted by grave and wise Counsel by whose advice they are directed in matters of great weight These Governours are accompanied by many under-officers who are employed in gathering such intolerable taxes as are layed upon the common people upon which officers the fault is layed if any offence be taken against the extremity of the taxes and somtimes the Governour upon complaint made unto him if no excuse can pacifie the complainants mitigateth the rigour of the exactions or sendeth them unto his and their king for relief and remedy who if he shall see no other way to content them or to continue and contain them within the bounds of their wonted obedience yeildeth somwhat to their petition and so laying the blame either upon the necessity of the time or the extremity of his expences or the severity of their officers dischargeth himself of the fault which was imputed unto him and sendeth the Petitioners away in some measure well pleased and satisfied But I shall have occasion to handle this point more largely in another place when I shall speak of such exactions as were levied in particular estates in this our age And therefore reserving the residue of that which I have to say for that place I will proceed in declaring unto you other means which the Spaniard useth for preservation of his Estates in peace in quietness and in dutiful obedience It is written that his Father Charls the fifth fearing that Ferdinando Duke of Calabria and the only remainder of Ferdinando late King of Aragon might in time find some friends to help him or his issue if he should so marry that he might have any to the Crown and Kingdom of Aragon married him unto Germana widow unto the said Ferdinando but barren and past children reaping of this marriage two benefits and both of great weight and consequence For whereas the said Duke by refusing the Crown when it was offered him by the people and by perswading them to accept and receive the same Charls for their King had made the Emperour somwhat beholden unto him he did not only seem in some measure to recompence that good turn by honouring him with the marriage of a Queen but also he assured that Kingdom unto himself and his heirs by bestowing a barren wife upon him who was rightful heir thereunto and by that marriage was utterly disabled to have any lawful Issue The Spaniard not by mariage but by employment of the late Duke of Parma in such wars as were somwhat pleasing and answerable to his humour kept him alwaies so busied that he could never attend to the conquest of Portugal which of right belonged unto his Son rather then unto the King of Spain And as the Emperour rather deprived the above-named Ferdinando by giving him a barren wife of all possibility to have any lawful issue and so consequently of all earnest desire to recover that Kingdom which should end in himself for want of a childe to whom it might descend So the Spanish King deprived the said Dukes son of all hope to recover his right in Portugal by procuring and counselling him to match in such a Family as never can be able to yeild him any competent aid for the recovery of his said right Again it is written of Richard the third and also of Edward the fourth Kings of England that they both fearing lest that Henry Earl of Richmond who lived in exile with the Duke of Britany by whom he was only sustained and succoured might in process of time find some Friends at home or purchase the favour of some Forraign Prince abroad to help him to recover the Crown of England whereunto he always laid claim did seek all means possible to have the said Earl delivered unto them by the Duke but they could never prevail and therefore never lived secure or assured of their Estate And Richard the third according as he doubted was deprived of his Royal Dignity by the said Earl In like manner the Spaniard hath sought all ways possible to have Don Antonio delivered unto him and hath made him divers great and fair offers of great livings and dignities if he would return into his Country and acknowledging him for King live under his obedience but he could never prevail and God knoweth to what end it hath pleased the Almighty to preserve and reserve the said Don Antonio from many great and almost inevitable dangers and hazards of his life He is not now so low so poor so bare so destitute of all friends so void of all hope but that Henry Earl of Richmond was in all degrees and measure of need and poverty equal unto him It is an infallible rule in policy that no Usurper hath any firm hold or strong assurance of his Estate as long as any pretending right thereunto liveth but the Spaniard hath sufficiently foreseen and provided for any manner of harm or detriment that may arise unto him or unto any of his by Don Antonio or by his children For as the loss of the Battel at Canna deferred the Victories that Hannibal might have had against the Romans and his abode at Capua where his Souldiers learned to be effâ—minate and forgot to be right Souldiers took away all hope to subdue the Romans so the overthrow received by Dâ—n Antonio within his own Kingdom when he was possessed thereof made it very difficult for him to re-gain or recover the same And the late repulse taken at Lisbona when he was before the Town with the small and weak Forces of England hath put him out of all hope to attain his purpose And yet it is held for a sure and most sound opinion by many martial men that not with much great strength then he had then from hence it would be an easie enterprise to recover that Kingdom which opinion I list not to controll for that men of my profession may not conveniently contend with Souldiers especially in matters concerning martial affairs And yet I fear me that if any second enterprise should be attempted against Portugal with an English Army of greater strength of better provision of sounder bodâ—es and of more convenient furniture then the last was the Commanders of such an Army should be subject to no less inconveniencies then the other was and so long as those incommodities are found in an Army so long the like success as hapned unto the first will follow the latter You seldom hear or have read of any Army that went far from home that hath not been subject unto
they commanded all Italy they might justly stand in fear of such an Enemy in Italy as the King of France may be thereunto And so consequently that the present King of Spain whose power is by very many degrees inferiour and not equal to the Romans hath very great and just occasion to doubt and fear the French King for it is written that Hannibal who was the greatest enemy that ever the Romans had who in my simple conceit was the most wise politique and valiant Captain that ever lived who knew the strength of the Romans and how they might well and conveniently be annoyed by any Prince that would undertake Wars against them better then any General of former Age or of our time doth or can know being driven after the ruin and destruction of Carthage to fly for succour and for his last refuge unto King Antiochus delivered unto him for his sound and setled opinion that Italy was a Country that was able to yeild unto any forrain Enemy both Souldiers and Victuals against it self and yet whosoever would attempt any enterprise either secretly or openly against Italy must take the advantage of some Conspiracy Tumult or Commotion to be moved within the very bowels and entralls of Italy for that if the Romans might wholly enjoy and imploy the only forces and strength thereof there was never any King or any Nation that might justly and truly compare with the Romans Then if Italy be such a Country as undoubtedly it appeareth to be by Hannibals Testimony If it be able to yeild releif to Forrainers if the next way to win it be to have a partie and partakers in it who can be thought wise that shall be of opinion the Spaniard is of so great power and Authority in Italy that he should not need to fear the French Kings might or puissance Shall he not be feared because some men perhaps think him not able to set forth an Army sufficient to encounter with the Spanish Forces Why it is written that Alexander the Great who conquered mightier Princes then the present King of Spain is never had in amy Army above 30000. Foot-men and 4000. Horse-men It is writen that the very Romans whose power was such as you have heard it to be never used greater Forces against any forrain enemy then an Army of 40. or 50m. at the most Lastly it is Recorded that the Spanish Kings Father held an opinion for many reasons him thereunto moving that an Army of the same number and quality which Alexander used was without all doubt and controversie sufficient for any Prince whatsoever against any enemy was he never so mighty Again shall he not be feared because his Treasure is not equal unto the Spaniards Golden Mines Why it is true that money and Gold are the very sinews of War it is an infallible Maxime we hold it for a most ancient and over-ruled Rule but if riches had been the best and only means to subdue Nations never had the poor Romans at their first beginning nor the needy Swizzers in their Wars against the rich Duke of Burgundy nor the beggarly Normans in the Infantry of their Chivalry obtained such Victories and Conquests as they did But grant that the Spaniard needeth not fear any Enemy in Italy unless he be as mighty as the Romans both in money and in men If the French King shall be found to be such an enemy will the Spaniards favourers confess that he is worthy to be feared If they should not you would hold them to be senceless And if in this Point concerning the annoying of the Spaniard in Italy I prove him not in some manner equal to the Romans I can be content that my slender Reputation shall suffer any manner of indignity Titus Livius and many other Authors of the like Authority and Credit make true and large mention of the harms of the indignities and of the damages which the Romans sustained by Hannibal They report how he passed the Alpes with great difficulty brought in forces into Italy with great danger ruled his Souldiers with great dexterity provided things necessary for them with singular wisdom and providence won divers Princes of Italy to join with him and them with great Wit and Policy Lastly proceeded on his journey with so great courage and magnanimity prevailed in his enterprises with so good success and fortune terrified and daunted the invincible hearts and stomachs of the Romans with so many unexpected and notable Victories that they had no other way to be rid of him but to send Scipio to War in Affrica and by besieging Carthage to call him home to the releif of Carthage Now for the better proof of my purpose give me leave I pray you to compare the Spaniard and the Romans the French King and Hannibal together a Molehil indeed with a Mountain an Eagle in truth with a fly but such a Molehil and such a fly as will declare the greatness of the Mountain as will illustrate the might and vertues of the Eagle The Romans commanded all Italy The Spaniard ruleth most part of Italy they had no man in Hannibals time that durst oppose himself openly against him he hath few or none in our Age that dareth shew himself an open enemy against him they were generally feared he is undoubtedly redoubted they were assisted by their friends against Hannibal he would likewise find friends against the French King Briefly they stood upon their guard and he is not without his Garrisons But an Hannibal annoyed them when they were almost in the highest period of their pride and prosperity And why may not a French King work him annoyance when he standeth most assuredly upon his defence Shall he not be able to hurt him because the Alpes divide France and Italy and maketh the passage hard and difficult But Hannibal passed them when they were not so passable as they are now And how many times have the Frenchmen passed them since Hannibals time Shall he not find means to work him dispight and hindrance because he is not so well experienced in Wars as Hannibal was But may he not find many Captains who in these days have little less experience then Hannibal had Shall he not be sufficient to war against him in Italy because the Country is far better fortified then in Hannibals time but late experience hath taught us that those Fortifications Holds and Citadels could not stay the course of Charls the eighth King of France who passed through all Italy as a Conquerour until he came to the Kingdom of Naples which he also subdued Briefly shall he not prevail against him in Italy because the Spaniard is in League with most of the Princes hereof But Histories afford us many examples that the Italian Princes have oftentimes broken their League with the Emperour and other his Predecessors whose greatness they either feared or enveighed as they do the overgrowing power of the Spaniard at this present And why may not
afflicted is a point of great Inhumanity so to comfort the comfortless is a work of singular Justice and Lenity The commendation due to this kind of courtesie hath wrought so strange effects in the hearts of many Princes that some have received their professed Enemies others have fallen out with their dearest friends rather then they would restore a poor Prince being fled unto them for succour when he was demanded at their hands some have refused great rewards which have been offered them for the restitution of such as lived in exile and banishment within their Territories others have entertained them with large yearly Pensions and presently aided them for the recovery of their Kingdomes some have given them whole Cities to dwell in others have been so forward in releiving such as implored their help that they have lost their own Kingdoms for defending them It is written in the Histories of France that Charles the seventh having upon just occasion of offence and displeasure conceived against the Dolphin of France who was his eldest son banished him out of his Realm and commanded that none of his Subjects or Friends should receive him The Duke of Burgundy who was then Vassal unto the French King and mortal Enemy unto the Dolphin did not only receive him but also gave him leave to chuse what Castle Hold or City of his soever he would to dwell in and sent presently Embassadours to his Father to make his excuse for receiving him Piero Mexias in his Book of the lives of the Roman Emperours reporteth That the Emperour Henry the third when as Peter King of Hungary was driven out of his Kingdom by his own Subjects who for his evil Government had rebelled against him did not only harbour and entertain him but also restored him unto his Kingdom although the same Peter not long before had favoured the Duke of Bohemia who rebelled against the said Emperour The King of Cochin being required by the King of Calicut not to harbour his enemies which were fled unto him for succour Answered that he could not expel them out of his Cities having received them upon his word with which Answer the King of Calicut being highly displeased wrot him a Letter full of great threats whereat the King of Cochin laughed and willed the Messenger to tell him that he would not do that for fear of all his threats which he vouchsafed not to do at his request whereupon the King of Calicut suddenly prepared a great Army invaded the King of Cochins Realm drave him out of his Kingdom and enforced him to fly unto a certain Island of his own which was then in the hands of certain Portugals by whom he not long after was again restored unto his Kingdom Our Chronicles report That both Edward the fourth and Richard the third offered great Rewards unto the Duke of Brittan to restore unto them Henry Earl of Richmond who lived as a poor banished man within the Dukedom but no money could win him to yeild unto their desire The same Chronicles testifie that the poor King of Scots received Henry the sixth flying from the persecution of Edward the fourth and entertained him with a yearly Pension and aided him for the recovery of his Kingdom David distrusting the protection of God slyeth unto Achich King of Goth who giveth him Siglag to dwell in And Ierobâ—am flying unto Shishack King of AEgypt was honourably received of him and maintained there like a Prince until Rehoboam was deprived for his cruelty and he sent for out of Egypt and made King of Israel Frederick King of Naples being oppressed by his Uncle the King of Spain used unto the French King unto whom he made grievous complaints of the Catholique King because without any regard of the kindred and consanguinity that was betwixt them he had endeavoured by all means possible to deprive him of the Moity of his Kingdom Lewis the French King received him with great honour and courtesie made him Duke of Anjou and gave him 30000. Ducates of yearly Revenue Our Chronicles and other Histories are full of a number of the like Examples confirming the equity and commending the clemency and gentleness of such Princes as have yeilded competent relief to their neighbours to their enemies to their Allies and to meer strangers being enforced to crave their aid and assistance But hoping that these will suffice to satisfie and resolve you I will forbear to enlarge this discourse with the supersluous and needless recital of others It is commonly said that troubles come in post and depart by leisure And who so seeketh unquietness shall easily find it and therefore considering the displeasure that is done to the adversary of him that is received into another Kings Realm and protection the danger which the Receiver may incure and the manifest wrongs which are sometimes done unto the Receiver by the received together with their most unkind and unnaturall Ingratitude this kinde of charitie is sometimes termed crueltie this pity peril this favour extream folly and this compassion a passion not agreeable to reason and Princely policy Some Princes therefore weighting the perils that may follow the receiving of such Guests or the aiding of Princes who were expelled or banished from their own Dominions would neither receive them nor succour them unless they were well rewarded for their labour to the end that such a reward might recompence the costs and charges which do necessarily depend upon the harbour and relief which is given unto them Alexis sometimes Emperour of Greece being deprived of his Empire could not obtain any manner of aid from the Venetians the Marquess of Montferrat and the King of France until he had faithfully promised to pay the Venetians debts to recompence with so much ready money the harms which the Frenchmen had sustained by the Emperour Emanuel and to bestow the Earldom of Candia upon the forenamed Marquess Macrinus having slain the Emperour Bassianus enjoyed the Empire and his Son Antoninus Heliogabalus lived a long time in exile until his Mother Messa by great gifts and extraordinary liberality won the Soulders of Macrinus and his best Captains and Colonels to acknowledg him for the true and indubitate Heir of the Empire and in regard thereof and of the duty of the young child whom for his Fathers sake they quickly affected to deprive Macrinus of his usurped Diadem and Imperial Authority Other Princes perhaps terrified with the perils that accompany and attend upon the harbouring of such distressed Princes when they have once received them either restore them to their enemies or detain them as lawful Prisoners or cause them to be secretly murthered So did Alarick King of the Goths send King Siagrius who fled unto him for succour back again unto Clovis King of France his mortal enemy So did Toleny cause Pompey to be murthered who fled unto him as unto his ancient and faithful friend from the wrath and indignation of
own Covetousness enforceth them to prey upon their Subjects Liberality procureth them the good will and love of all men and Prodigality bringeth them to Poverty and Poverty teacheth them to invent and practice extraordinary wayes to supply their ordinary wants But I must not stand upon such a king as Subjects desire to have I hasten to the Accusation and in handling thereof I mean not to free the king from all blame but to lay the greatest blame upon them who are most to blame True it is that the Revenues of France are now far greater then ever they were and that they have received their great increase of late years yea that the ancient kings never did nor could impose such subsidies and charges upon their Subjects as have been lately levied in France For Charles the seventh was the first king that got and begun this point of imposing charges upon his Subjects at his own pleasure and without the consent of the States of his Realm and yet this Charles never levied more of his Subjects then eight hundred thousand Franks by the year a smal sum in regard of that which is now levied After him succeeded Lewis the eleventh his son who raised the Revenues from ten hundred thousand to forty and seven thousand and yet he layed up nothing at the years end into his Treasure-house For he builded more Houses and fortified more Cities then all his Predecessors did before him It is written of Charles the eighth that he purposed to have reduced his subsidies unto twelve thousand Franks and to have the same sum by way of Benâ—volence from his Subjâ—cts or for the dâ—fence of his Realm meaning to defray his ordinary charges which the Revenues of his Demesnes which together with all Customs and Impositions came to a Million of Francks But saâ—th my Author Philip de comines the people pay now but two Millions and one half a great increase in so small a time and yet no increase in respect of that which followeth For you have heard out of Mr. de la Nove that Henry the second the laâ—e kings father levied by ordinary means on his Subjects fifteen millions oâ— Franckâ— by the year which are five millions of Crowns And another of 〈◊〉 time testifieth that the Revenues of the late French King came unto ten or eleven millions of Crowns The Book called The Treasure of Treasures of France setteth down at large how the Revenues are gathered how they increased and how they have been and are either Prodigally or unthriftily superfluoâ—sly or extraordinarily wasted The same Book testifieth that divers complaints have bin exhibited unto the king against the wastfull spenders of his Treasures and that his Majesty was oftenâ—imes minded to take some present order for the redress of those abuses But when he began to think thereon and purposed to call into question those which were noted to have wasted his Treasure he was presently drawn from that intention by suddain wars procured as it was thought by those who were guilty of mispending of his Revenues to the end that he might not have leisure to examine their abuses It was shewed unto his Majesty that in thirty one years after his Grandfather Francis the first his death the receipt of such money as came in those years unto the Treasure amounted unto more then 400 millions of Crowns and the expences came but to 260 millions It was shewed that besides the same sums which entered into the kings Coffers in that time the People had payed to the king use fifteen millions of millions and 246 millions of Crowns which iâ— as much money as 423 thousand Mules are able to carry It was shewed that the Pope in those few years had out of France better then thirty millions of Crowns It was shewed that this infinite Treasure was not wasted by the Kings of France but by their Officers That there were above two hundred seventy four Families whereof some might dispend an hundred thousand Francks by the year others eighty thousand some sixty thousand others forty thirty twenty and fifteen thousand of which the best could not dispend above nine or ten thousand Francks and some not above two or three hundred before they had the collection of the kings Rents and Revenues It was shewed that there were three hundred thirty eight Treasurers of which some were worth ten thousand others twenty thousand some thirty thousand some forty thousand others sixty and eighty thousand Crowns It was shewed that some began but with three hundred Francks a year whose yearly Revenues came now to sixty thousand or eighty thousand Francks and they were worth bâ—sides thirty forty fifty sixty and eighty thousand Crowns in ready Money Plaâ—e and Jewels Lastly it was shewed that whereas the kâ—ng might well have had two hundred millions of Crowns in the Treasury he was indebted above thirty millions And that there might be found six and thirty Ladies in France whose heirs rather then they would be called to an accompt would willingly pay the twentieth part of the debts of the Crown and the above mentioned Officers might think that they escaped very well if they might be freed from all danger by paying the Residue Now considering that the house of Guise or such as depend upon them ruled not onely the Realm but also managed the Treasure of France of late years during the minority of their Kings considering that the late King would and could not redress the abuses of such Officers as received and were countable for his Revenues considering that he was charged with greater burthens then his Predecessors as the maintenance of his Brother the Dower of his Mother and of the late Queen of Scots the marriage of his Sisters and other debts in which he was left by his Predecessors considering that his Revenues were increased before his time or by such as ruled more then he in his time and that Princes do rather augment and encrease then diminish their yearly Rents and Demeasns And lastly considering that of Thirty three Chambers of Account which are in France not above six of them were for the King towards his end and those of the poorest and such as scant yeelded him Three hundred thousand Crowns his Receits being as it hath been said almost eleven Millions no man may justly accuse him of consuming the wealth of his Crown and Kingdom It is likewise to be noted that Wars are much more chargeable then they have been and that he seldom lived out of Wars not through his own folly but by their fault who can blame him most And it cannot be denied but that he gave away much unto his Favourites and to his Minions and yet his Gifts were nothing comparable to the excessive liberality of his later Predâ—cessors For it is written that Lewis the 11. gave to his physitian in five months Fifty four thonsand Crowns besides the Bishoprick of Amiens for his Nephew and divers Offices and Lands for himself and
his friends Bodin in his Book De Republica reporteth that Charls the Ninth King of France his Brother gave away in the year 1572. Two millons and seven hundred thousand Francks and the next year two millions and forty four thousand Francks and in the last year of his reign One million five hundred and two thousand Francks besides certain years Pentions which amounted unto One hundred thousaud Francks But grant that he gave much more then he did Is it not lawful for a Prince to reward his Servants Is it not in his liberty to cast his especial favour upon whom it pleaseth him And is there any thing that sheweth a Kings greatness procureth him faithful Friends and eternizeth his Name more then his bounty and liberality I know that Nero was reprehended because that in Fifteen years he gave away above Fifty five millions I confess that Caligula is blamed for that he spent in one year Sixty seven millions And I acknowledge that Dion reporteth it for no praise and commendation unto Claudius that he wasted in three years five Miriades of Miriades and Seventh usand seven hundred and eight drams or as some report One thousand seven hundred and eight miriades I allow no such prodigality and yet I think it not lawful for Subjects to rebel against their Princes if they be over-prodigal I know that there be other ways to be used to restrain their excessive liberality I read that the Parliament House in the tenth year of Richard the Second of England considering that through the covetousness of the Officers by them displaced the Kings Treasure had been imbezelled and lewdly spent chose Thirteen Lords to have the oversight under the King of the whole Government of the Realm And I finde that divers Subjects have revolted from their obedience to their Princes because they having wasted their Revenues they over-charged them with Subsidies and Impositions But I see that their rebellion wrought their own confusion Now from the late Kings Prodigality briefly in a few words to his other vices he is noted to have been somewhat more given to Venery then it became a married Prince but I find not that his wantonness was outragious and sure I am that he never had so many Concubines as Solomon nor caused any man to be killed that he might enjoy his Wife as David did to Urias nor made away with his own Wife to have another as it is said the Spanish King did And yet Solomon was the wisest Prince that ever lived and no King ever pleased God more then David did And the Leaguers held King Philip to be the mirror of the Kings in our age Neither did the late King of France delight so greatly in the company of wanton women but that he could and would have used the same with much more moderation then he did had not the Queen-Mother the Duke of Guise and others who ruled all things under him nourished that humour in him to the end that he following of his delights they might the more freely govern the whole Kingdom at their own will and pleasure a policy borrowed of Cardinal Wolsey This Wolsey being Henry the Eighth his Chaplain and brought into credit and favour by the Bishop of Winchester made his House a Paradise of all kind of pleasure and oftentimes invited the King thither and so fed him with vain delights that his Majesty during the greatest time of his younger years committed the Government of the whole Kingdom into his hands It is written of Lewis King of Bohemia that if he had had a good Governor in his youth who would not onely have had a care of his health but also have given him good instructions he would undoubtedly have made a notable Prince for he had a very good Wit and a natural disposition to Vertue and Goodness But the Marquess of Brandenburg who by his Father was left to be the Teacher and Informer of his Youth and Manners being a very good Prince but more delighting in Banquets Dancings and other such Sports and Pastimes then in serious and grave studies befitting a Prince brought the King up in those Vanities wherein he took such pleasure and delight that he cared not how little he medled with matters of State Good Education is a great Jewel for all men but especially for Princes because that such doctrine and disposition as Children and Young-men receive in their youth such they retain in their elder years And the Prince is not so much to blame who is given unto vanities in his riper years as they are to be reprehended who trained him up in vain Delights in the days of his indiscretion The blame therefore of Henry the Third his wantonness must light upon them who were the Authors of his folly and abused those good Gifts and Graces which the Almighty had bestowed upon him which were Valour Wisdom Eloquence and the use of divers Languages Qualities not so common as commendable in a Prince His Valour is proved by the siege of Rechel where as it is written by Historiographers of good credit it was impossible for a Prince for such was he at that time to shew himself more truly valiant then he did and the commendation which Sir Henry Cobham a discreet and wise Gentleman and of great Judgement and Experience when he was Ambassador for her Majesty in France gave him upon occasion of talk at his Table coming from such and so able a man as was may serve for a sufficient proof of the rest of his good qualities For I well remember that the said Sir Henry talking with his Nephew Mr. Maximilian Cobham who was then lately come out of England into France of the late King said that he had been imploied as Ambassador for her Majesty unto the Emperor the King of Spain and divers other Princes but among them all he never heard any forein Prince that delivered his mind more eloquently readily and wisely then the said King and that as often as he had Audience of him he would sometimes speak in French and sometimes in Italian and although he Answered him fully to every point whereof they conferred before he departed from him yet like a wise and discreet Prince he would always require him not to take it for his full and resolute Answer untill he had talked with his Council and at their next meeting his later Answer seldom or never varied from the former a manifest Argument of his great Wisdom who was able to answer an Ambassador upon the sudden and that not at one Conference onely bnt upon as many and as great occasions as he the said Sir Henry had to confer with his Majesty in the space of three or four years so well and so wisely that his greatest and gravest Councellors could not upon deliberation amend his sudden and extemporal Answers This commendation given him by Sir Henry Cobham is confirmed by the Siegneur Darrennes one of the Ambassadors sent from the Prince of Condey
The same King seemed in appearance to be offended with his Lord Chancellor for concluding the Truce with the French King and therefore took the Seal from him and caused a new to be made proclaiming through all his Dominions that not any thing sealed with the old Seal should stand in force both for that his Councellors had wrought more indiscreetly then was convenâ—ent and because the same Seal was lost when his Vice-Chancellor was drowned wherefore all men were commanded to come to the new Seal that would have their Charters and Writings confirmed The same King having levied two shillings once before of every Hide of land levied 5 s. of every Hide of Land for a Subsidie rating every Hide to certain hundred acres Lastly the same King caused Turneys to be exercised in divers places for the better trayning of men at Arms in Fâ—ats of Arms whereby he raised no small sums of money for granting license to his Subjects so to Tuâ—ney every Earl paid for his license twenty Marks every Baron ten Marks and every landed Knight four Marks and those that had no land two Marks Now from this King unto others King Iohn in the year 1204 levied a Subsidie of two Marks and an half of every Knights Fee belonging as well unto Spiritual as unto Temporal men the which exaction must needs be very great considering that there were better then forty thousand Knights Fees in England and that every shilling then was worth three shillings in these dayes according to the rate which Sir Thomas Smith maketh in his Book de Republica Anglorum Henry the third revoked all lands granted in his Minority unto his Servants and called to an accompt all his Officers displaced some fined others sold his Plate and borrowed so much money as he could get of the Londoners of Priors Abbots and of the Jews of one of which named Aaron it is written that he had at one time above 30000 Marks Henry the third again obtained certain Authentick Seals of the Prelates of England and sealed therewith certain writings and instruments wherein it was expressed that he had received certain sums of money for dispatch of business pertaining to them and to their Churches of these and the Merchants of Florence and of Sienna whereby they stood bound for repaiment by the same Instruments made by him their Agent in their names The Pope yeelded his consent unto this shift because it should go unto the discharging of the kings debts into which he was run by bearing of the charges of the Wars whereof I have made mention in another place against the king of Sicilie The same Henry caused a Proclamation to be made that all such as might dispend 15 l. in land should receive the honour of Knighthood and those that would not should pay their Fines and five Marks were set on every Sheriffs head for a Fine because they had not distrained every person that might dispend 15 l. land to receive the order of Knighthood as was to the same Sheriffs commanded The same Henry in the Forty fourth year of his Reign had granted him a Scutagium or Escuage that is fourteen shillings of every Knights Fee The same Henry in the second commotion of the Earl of Glocester engaged the Shrines of Saints and other Jewels and Relicks of the Church of Westminster for great sums of money wherewith he got Aid out of France and Scotland Briefly the same Henry caused all the weights and measures throughout all England to be perused and examined and laid great Fines on their heads that were found with false Weights and with false Measures Edward the second for his defence against the Scots had the sixth penny of temporal mens goods in England Ireland and Wales And Edward the Third for the recovery of France besides other Subsidies took the ninth Lamb Fleece and Sheaf of Corn through England Riâ—hard the Second had a Mark of the Merchants for every Sack of their Woolls for one year and six pence of the buyers for every pound of Wares brought in from beyond the Seas and here sold. He had likewise towards his charges for the Wars of France a Noble of every Priest Secular or Regular and as much of every Nun and of every married or not married man or woman being sixteen years old four pence and forty shillings of every Sack of Wooll of which ten shillings to be imployed at the â—ings pleasure and thirty shillings to be reserved for his necessity In the 24. year of Henry the Eighth his Reign when his Majesty married with her Highness Mother the Lady Ann Bullein Writs were directed to all Sheriffs to certifie the names of all mâ—n of 40 l. lands to receive the honour and order of Knighthood or else to make a Fine It is written by Philip de Comines that our Kings when they wanted money were wont to feign that they would go into Scotland or into France with an Army and that to make great sums of money they would levy men and pay them for a matter of two or three months within which space they would again dismiss their Armies although they had taken money of their Subjects enough to maintain them for a whole year or more and many times they had money of the King of Scotland or of France towards the charges of their Wars It is written by du Haillan in the Tenth Book of his French History that Iohn King of England being in great want of money enjoyed for six years together all the Bâ—nefices of his Realm and all his Bishopricks Abbeys and Monasteries wherewith he defraied the expences of his House and of his Armies which he might do very well because the Revenues of such Benefices as Italian Priests enjoyed sometimes in England came by just computation to above seventy thousand Marks by the year And it was declared in a Parliament held in the 11. year of King Henry the Fourth his Reign that the King might have of the temporal possessions Lands and Revenues which were lewdly consumed by the Bishops Abbots and Priors of England so much as would suffice plentifully to finde and maintain 150 Earls 1500 Knights 6209 Esquires and an hundred Hospitals more then were at that time The same King Iohn accused sometimes one sometimes another Nobleman of England that they lost his Towns and Cities beyohd the Seas by their negligence and fined them at great sums of money Thus I have with as much brevity as might be waded through the several reigns of most of the longest-lived Kings of our Realm and have set you down about thirty sundry and divers kinds of ways which they have used to make money in time of their want and necessities of all which her Majesties greatest enemies cannot truly shew or prove that her Highness in thirty six years that her Grace hath now reigned ever used as much as one and if it may please those that being Fugitives abroad and most envy and malign her peaceable and
for considering we finde many Texts in the Holy Scripture whereby we are commanded to obey Princes to be subject unto them to honour them to pray for them since they are called Fathers and we Children they Shepherds and we their Flocks they Heads and we their Feet it is an hard Resolution and in my opinion an heavy sentence that Children should disobey their Parents a Flock to Rebel against their Shepherd or the Feet to presume to command and direct the Head This question notwithstanding that it is dangerous and difficult is largly discussed by George Buchanan in his Book de Iure Regni apud Scotes and also by him who was ashamed to put his name unto the Book that was lately written against the French king In these two authors you shall finde every point of this third Objection sufficiently debated You shall finde the Text alledged out of St. Paul in the behalf of Princes and other places of the Scripture learnedly answered You shall finde many examples of profane and Ecclesiastical Histories of Princes that have been done to death Briefly you shall finde more to move others perhaps then there is to move me to subscribe to their opinion For Buchanan argueth in such manner as I may rather commend his subtilty then his conscience And he that writeth against the French king sheweth himself too partial too malicious too injurious to Princes And Buchanan giveth too great Authority unto Subjects and the other too much power unto the Pope It cannot be denied that Princes received their first Authority from the consent of the people It is likewise certain that this Authority was given them to be used to the benefit of the people And no man will deny that Countries can subsist and stand without kings But shall every man that receiveth a benefit of another be alwayes subject unto him that once pleasured him Shall either a rude multitude or a few contentious Rebels judge when a King useth his Authority to the benefit of the people And because Countries have flourished and may still flourish without a king shall therefore every Country reject their king when they dislike their king It â—eemeth that Buchanan is of this opinion because he approveth the death of king Iames the third and alloweth the approbation that was made thereof by some of the people and Nobility of Scotland who were the principal Actors in the Rebellion against the same king and the chief Authors of his death The causes which moved those Rebels to bear Arms against their King were but two The one that he had made certain base money and called it not in again at their pleasure The other that he had advanced certain base Personages unto high places of great credit and dignity if these two faults might be amended the Rebels offered to submit themselves to their King The King yeelded not unto these motions Why The History giveth a good reason for the King They made these demands being in Arms. It seemeth that they would not entreat but inforce their King and the King thought it convenient to chastise their insolency and boldness who presumed to War against him at home when he and his Kingdom stood in manifest danger of foreign Enemies There was amongst them namely the Duke of Albania who affected the kingdom who to further his Traiterous purposes had joyned with the King of England against his native Country and animated his lewd confederates to continue in their obstinate and unlawful demands They considered not that extream necessity and want compelled their King to use that money and when they had taken these base persons from the King for which they seemed to rebel and had hanged them contrary to all Law and Equity they laid not down their Weapons but followed the poor King and so followed him that at length they flew him And why My Author giveth this reason Because they knew that they had so highly offended him that they feared that if they should have spared him as some better minded then the rest purposed to have done he would have been revenged of them This murther the States of Scotland saith Buchanan allowed and ordained that no man should be called in question or troubled for the same But what States are these Those saith my Author that had born Arms against him and for whose sake he was murthered And they had good cause to decree that no man should be accused of his death But what will some man of Buchanans opinion say unto me Shall Princes do what they list and no man censure them Are they not subject unto the Laws May they not be called to an accompt Shall the people from whence they derive their Authority have no manner of authority over them And hath it not been always held very dangerous in a State to have any man so mighty that no man may or dare controle him Truly I allow not that liberty unto Princes that their pleasure shall stand always for a Law I limit their Wills unto Reason I tie their commandments unto the Word of God I fasten their Decrees unto the Laws of Nature unto Equity and unto the Weal of the people And if these things be not regarded I take their Laws to be unlawful their Commandmenâ—s unjust their Decrees â—â—ique I know that good Princes are so far from nor subjecting themselves unto their Laws that they suffer themselves and their causes to be tried daily by their Laws And if any of them by negligence or wilfulness by folly or ignorance by malice or forgetfulness begin to contemn their Laws I think it convenient that they should be modestly rebuked but not utterly rejected be in a mannerly sort checked but not violently condemned be gently admonished but not straight ways furiously and turbulently punished Is there no way but down with them depose them kill them Must we cry against the Lords annointed with the Jews as they did against Christ Crucifige Crucifige and not rather learn by the Jews that the common people is no competent Judge to determine matters of great weight and consequence I am not such a stranger in the course of Histories but that I know that some Princes have been deposed for their insufficiency as in France Theodorick and Chilperick others for their negligence as again in France Lewis sirnamed Do nothing some for poysoning the next Heir of the Crown as Martina Empress of Constantinople others for perjury and not keeping promise with their Enemies as Iustinian the Son of Constantine the Fourth some for not tendring the Weal and publick Welfare of their Subjects as Richard King of England others for murthering them which reprehended their vices as Boleslaus King of Polonia some for usurping things not belonging unto their Crown as Sumberlanus King of Bohemia others for their extream rigor and cruelty as Sigismond King of Hungary some for their childrens Adultery as Tarquine King of Rome others for Tyranny as Archilaus Son to Herod some for unreasonable
purpose before the meeting in such manner that they may see and hear one another but not come so near together that the one may hurt the other But Ambassadors are safe in their enemies Countries why then should Princes be in danger in their Neighbors Dominions The Answer is very easie â—ecause Ambassadors are not spared either for their own sakâ—s or for their Masters but because that without them there would never be an end of Hostility nor any â—eace after Wars Neither is the name or person of an Ambassador so inviolable either in peace or in the time of War but that there may be both a convenient time and a good occasion to punâ—sh an Ambassador For to omit that Olaus and Euetus killed the Ambassador of Illalcolnius King of Scots as Hector Boetius recordeth that Teaca Queen of Selavonia slew a Roman Ambassador as Polybius reporteth that the Athenians caused King Darius his Ambassador to be thrown and drowned in a deep Well as Herodotus testifieth and that William King of Sicily plucked out the eyes of Henry Dandelo Ambassador unto him from the Venetians as Illescas writeth because these and the like examples are manifest Presidents of barbarous cruelty rather then of Justice and Equity I will shew you by a few examples that an Ambassador hath been and may as often as the like occasion happeneth be lawfully punished or sent out of the Realm wherein he remaineth as an Ambassador Titus Livius writeth that when Brennus had found Quintus Fabius Ambustus fighting in the Camp of the Clusians against him he sent presently as Herald of Arms unto Rome to demand him to be delivered into his hands as a Breaker of the Laws of Arms because that being sent from the Romans as Ambassador unto him he returned not home as soon as he had done his Ambassage but remained still in the Clusians Camp and because the Romans did not deliver unto his Messenger the said Ambustus he left the siege of Clusius and conveyed his invincible Army unto Rome and therewith spoiled and sackt the City Adrian the fourth Pope of Rome sent his Chancellor Rowland and Cardinal Bernard unto Fredrick the Fourth who used such unreverend speeches unto the Emperor that the County Palatine of Vitilispatch not brooking the indignity that was offered unto his Master drew his sword and had not the Emperor staid his hand he had slain the Ambassador in his presence and the Emperor was so moved with indignation to see his insolent carriage and behaviour that he presently commanded him to avoid out of his Court and not to stay so long as to dispatch his necessary business The Romans when Marcus Aemilius Lepidus and Caâ—us Flaminius were Consuls delivered Lucius Martinus and Lucius Manlius into the hands of the Carthaginians to be used at their pleasure and discretion because they had beaten their Ambassadors Edward the Second King of England amongst others sent a French Gentleman Ambassador into France whom the French King had not the Queen purchased his pardon had excommunicated as a Traytor because he presumed to serve his enemy for an Ambassador unto him Francis the First King of France sent Caesar Fregosus and Antony Rincone Ambassadors unto the Great Turk Charls the Fifth his Soldiers took them upon the River of Poe in Italy and presently slew them both The French King complaineth that they were wrongfully murthered the Emperor justifieth their death because the one being a Genouis and the other a Milanois and both in some manner his Subjects they feared not to serve the French King his enemy Henry the Eighth King of England commanded a French Ambassador to depart presently out of his Realm for no other occasion but for that hâ— was the professed enemy of the Sea of Rome The Seigniory of Venice understanding that certain Traitors who had revealed their secrets to the Turk were fled to hide themselves to the French Ambassadors house at Venice sent certain Offices to search the Ambassadors house for them and when the Ambassador forbad and refused to suffer those Officers to enter into his house the Senate made no more ado but sent for certain peeces of great Ordnance out of their Arsenal whereby they would have beaten down the house had not the said Ambassador as soon as he saw the same Ordnance yeelded the Traytors to their mercy and discretion I might alledge many more Histories to this purpose but I should be over long and tedious And yet I may not omit these two following because they are worthy observation and make more for my purpose then all the rest In the year 1544 the French King sent certain Ambassadors unto Charls the Fifth to Spires sending an Herald of Arms before with Letters unto the Emperor and unto the Princes Electors in which he required a safe Conduct for his Ambassadors The Herald is staid by the Cardinal Gavilla and made to deliver him his Letters and to shew the cause of his coming further he is commanded to keep his lodging and that no man should be suffered to speak with him and within four days he is willed to depart and take heed that he presume not to come within the Emperors Dominions another time without his leave he was now pardoned rather of lenity then of desert because he had broken the Laws of Arms And as concerning his Letters it was told him that the King his Master had so deserved of the Emperor and all the whole state of Christendom that the Emperor neither could nor would receive them This answer was given unto him written in French and certain Soldiers appointed to bring him to the Borders of France The second example is of a Bishop who in the year 1302 being sent Ambassador unto the French King from the Pope practised certain Treasons in France against the King whereof he is accused arraigned in the Court of Parliament at Paris and being found guilty is committed unto prison But he is delivered out of prison at the Popes request and both he and the Popes Nuntio are commanded to avoid the Realm The Pope excommunicateth the King for proceeding thus against his Ambassador and the King to requite him with the like courtesie commanded that no more money should be carried out of his Realm to Rome By these examples I may boldly infer two necessary Consequents the one that if Ambassadors fail in their duty or fall into these follies which I have mentioned they are either punishable or may be sent away in disgrace The other that the Spanish King hath no just cause to be offended with our Queens Majesty for the sending away of Dâ—n Bernardine Mendoza his last Ambassador in England For although he fought not in any Camp against her Majesty as did Ambustus against Brennus yet he perswaded divers of her Subjects to bear Arms against her although he used no uncivil and unreverent speeches against her Majesty as the Cardinal Bernard did unto the Emperor Fredrick yet he did both backbite and
the defence of his quarrel wherein many thousands were slain and many more had been murthered had not the Almighty who alwayes favoureth just causes vouchsafed to give the Emperor Lewis grace to take him prisoner in the Field After which disgrace he and his Family had been for ever been undone had not the good Emperor been so gratious unto him as after three years imprisonment to set him at Liberty and to restore unto him the Dukedom of Austria the which he might have returned with more reason unto the Empire then Rodolph had to distract it from the Empire The fourth Emperor of this Family was Albert the second who married the daughter and heir of the Emperor Sigismond and had with her in Dower the kingdoms of Bohemia and Hungary This Emperor ruled scant Two years and therefore did not any good or bad exploit worthy of memory The fifth Emperor of this Family was Frederick the third whose Government was such that his own Subjects with the help of his own Brother Albert besieged him a long time in the Castle of Vienna where they had taken him prisoner had not George king of Bohemia delivered him by deceit and cunning rather then by strength and fortitude For although he came to Vienna with an Army of eight thousand good Souldiers yet was not this Force able to succour him but he was fain to play the Umpier betwixt him and his Citizens and so under a colour of conference called him his wife and his son forth of the Town and when he had cunningly set them at Liberty he conveyed them secretly unto a place of security This Emperor to prosecute a Bishop which was deposed by the Pope raised such troubles in Germany that the Princes thereof were not able to succour the Emperor Constantine of Constantinolpe whom the great Turk Mahomet drove from his Imperial City caused him to be slain before the gates thereof set his head upon a Lance and commanded it to be carried about the City his wife daughters and many other Ladies and Gentlewomen were invited to a banquet after which they were all deflowred and then cut into small pieces as flesh to the pot And lastly in despight of Christ and all Christians he caused the Picture of our Saviour to be set up in the Town with this Inscription Behold the Saviour of the Christians that could not save them Immediately after Frederick succeeded Maximilian and after him Charles the fifth his grand-childe of which two I have already said enough and might say much more to make them more hatefull but I should be too long and over-tedious And yet I may not forget three notable Arguments of of Charles the fiâ—hs dissembling and of his turbulent nature and conditions The First sheweth that he pretended to be a zealous Catholick and was indeed no better then a dissembling Hypocrite The second proveth that although he shewed an outward desire of peace yet he cared not what occasions he took to make war The third declareth that albeit he would seem to love Germany as the Nation from whence all his greatness proceeded yet he sought the advancement of Spain more then of Germany or of his own Family or House of Austria The first point is proved because that having obtained of Leo the tenth great sums of money and ten thousand well appointed Souldiers in regard of his faithfull promise to subvert and utterly overthrow the Lutherans of Germany as soon as he had with those men and that money fully revenged himself upon certain Princes of Germany wâ—th whom he was highly offended and whom he had never subdued had he not had the Popes help he gave over his wars and granted both unto them and all others liberty of conscience wherewith not only the Pope had just occasion to be displeased but his own Confessor took it so grievously that the next time he came to Confession he denied him Absolution This zealous Christian when he had troubled Italy with long and tedious wars not meaning as it seemed to end the same wars without doing some notable action worthy of eternal memory took the Pope prisoner at Rome and kept him a long time in the Castle of St. Angelo And although he would not suffer him to be set at Liberty before he had paid a great Ransom yet he dissembled and handled the matter so cunningly that he caused publick Praises and Supplications to be made unto God generally throughout all Spain for the delivery of this Holy Father and protested openly unto the World that his unruly Souldiers full sore against his will and pleasure being in great distress of money and other necessary provision had sacked Rome and imprisoned the Popes Holiness The second point shall need no other proof but his great malice and continual spight notwithstanding that the Princes of France were in some manner the onely and special cause of his greatness For had not Lewis the eleventh with great cunning policy weakned the last Duke of Burgondy had he not most wisely and providently nourished the wars betwixt him and the Switzers had he not covetously and carelesly set him at variance with the Duke of Lorrain and lastly had he not secretly privily won Nicholas Campobasso to leave the said Duke in the midst of the battel which he fought with the Prince of Lorain a practice not to be forgotten against the Spaniard valiant Charles of Burgundy had never been slain in the Field nor the troublesome Maximilian should ever have inherited his Dukedom by matching with his daughter How sought he continually to perturb and disquiet the peace thereof Which side left he unassaulted Which way to enter into France untried And what cause had he to disquiet France especially after that he had taken the king thereof prisoner and made him yeeld unto all unreasonable demands It is written that many times entering into a serious cogitation of the great slaughters that had been committed in France by him and his Souldiers of the great wrong that he had done to the good and vertuous Kings thereof and of the simple and weak causes that moved him thereunto he was often and greatly troubled in his Conscience and sometimes sought peace of himself and yet the wicked spirit overcoming the good inclination that sometimes guided him he returned presently and without any just occasion unto wars The last point is proved by a Diet and a general Assembly of the States of Germany which he held at Auspurge under a colour to reform and order divers abuses in Religion unto which Diet many great Princes of Germany would not vouchsafe to come because they knew certainly that the reformation of Religion was but the pretence and colour of keeping that Diet but the very end and pâ—rpose thereof was to reverse the order of the Election of the Emperors and to tranfer the Empire from Germany unto Spain The which his intention was afterwards so apparent that although in regard of his brotherly love
Earl of Flanders whose Nobility and Subjects were often reconciled unto them and yet returned to their former disobedience and discontentment And France in my simple opinion although the King that now raignneth and his discontented Subjects were never so well reconciled would quickly return again into Civil Dissentions For the King being most honest frank open-hearted free-minded sometimes somewhat hasty so earnest of that which is laid before him that he hath less regard of that which is passed and also unto that which he must follow and lastly so much presuming upon his good hap and fortune that he can neither conceive nor careth to prevent far fetched practises these his conditions will easily renew some occasions of discontentment even perhaps in his best and his most loving Subjects Every man that hath deserved little will demand much when his Kingdom is frank and free And will it not be impossible to content all that shall and will beg of him An open-hearted man cannot dissemble his grief nor conceal an injury and is it not likely that he shall have many griefs many injuries offered him An hasty man never wanteth wo and doubtless he shall have many occasions to shew himself hasty And then if he shall either neglect that which he ought to follow or not be carefull to prevent such practises as may be devised against him he that hath but one Eye may see that he cannot long continue in Peace and Amity with such Subjects as shall be still encouraged by other Forraign Potentates to rebel against him And that which hath been said already maketh it most manifest that his Subjects shall not want this encouragement Thus have I satisfied your Request in every point that it pleased you to give me in Charge In some things I have been somewhat briefer then I would and in other perhaps longer then I should The length may be excused because all things being done for your pleasure I hope you will give me leave to please my self in some things wherein I was carried away with the great delight that I took in handling the same And the brevity is excusable because when I saw that my Treatise was grown to be somewhat long I thought it convenient to hasten to an end Excuse both and tender my credit and accuse me of unkindness if I be not ready to yeeld you better contentment in the like Task hereafter when years shall have encreased my slâ—nder Experience and Experience shall have perfected my simple Knowledge FINIS To the Reader A Libel whose substance cannot be changed after it is once given into a Civil or Ecclesiastical Court may in some sort be declared or amended before a replication be made thereunto A witness which after Publication is once granted cannot justly be received may be lawfully examined upon new Articles depending upon the former and a Iudge after the Deposition of Witnesses are communicated to both parties may by vertue of his office and to inform his own Conscience re-examine a witness If Additions and Declarations may be allowed in matters of Iudgement and Iudicial Courts and especially in the examinations of witnesses which may easily be corrupted I hope it shall not be offensible in me to make a Declaration of some things not sufficiently declared and expressed in any precedent Treatise especially since this addition serveth rather to illustrate then any way to enlarge my Discourse and all or the most part of that which I have thought good to add in this place came to my mind or my knowledge since my task was finished Farewel and judge so of my labours that you discourage me not to labour for you again in any thing wherein my pen and my pain may yeild you pleasure and contentment A SVPPLEMENT TO THE HISTORY OF THE State of Christendom AFter that I had thorowly as I thought finished my task and had discoursed upon every point thereof in such manner as you see of some briefly and of divers more at large I hapned upon a Book called Podaces de Historia that is to say The Fragments of an History The which was lately Imprinted and Written as it is supposed by Antonio Peres somtimes Secretary unto the King of Spain and now residing in London not as a rebellious Fugitive as many of our Countrymen live in Spain but as a Gentleman that thought it better to forsake his lands and livings then to live under the tyrannie and injustice of a cruel and ungrateful King This Book containing much matter fit to clear and declare some points lightly handled in my Treatise in regard whereof and for that divers men both speak and think diversly as well of the maker as of the matter thereof I have thought it meet and convenient with the substance of this book May it therefore please you to understand that whereas Don Iohn was sent by the Spanish King to Govern the Low-Countries he had a Secretary appointed him by the King called Iohn de Soto a man that endeavoured himself by all means possible as wise and worldly servants most commonly do first to know and then to feed his Masters humour and by feeding thereof to seek his own profit and preferment In which his endeavours he proceeded so far that the Spaniard fearing lest that his Brothers ambitious nature receiving both nourishment and encouragement from his wise and politique Secretary might in time adventure to attempt somthing to the prejudice of his Kingdoms and Dominions thought it convenient not to suffer so dangerous a servant to attend any longer upon so ambitious a master But because he doubted that if Iohn de Soto were removed from Don Austria's service and not preferred to some place better then the Secretaryship was it would not only discontent the servant but also displease the Master for the better contentment and satisfaction of both he advanced him to an office of greater countenance and commodity and with advice of his Council placed in his room Iohn Escovedo a man of a milder nature and in the Kings opinion not so fit at that time as the other was to favour and further his brothers aspiring and audacious enterprises This man advertised the King his master of all Don Iohn de Austria his doings and sought rather to please the King then the young Duke his Master But at length he followed the footsteps of his Predecessor and yeilded nothing unto him in feeding his Masters humours he found quickly that his Master loathed the name of Duke and longed to be a King that the Pope and Princes of Italy were as desirous as he to make him King that the best way to induce the Spanish King to yeild his consent thereunto was to entreat the Pope to write unto his Brother in his behalf and that England was a Kingdom for his purpose and worthy the conquering A plot is laid how to invade England and conquer it and the Pope is entreated to recommend the enterprize to the Spanish King and Don
his Apol. The Spanish King 's right to the Indies The Spanish Kings title to the Dukedom of Millan Guicciard lib. 14. Vie de Fâ—ancois pâ— Guicciardin The Spanish Kings Title to the Dukedom of Burgundy Dâ— Com. De Com. How the Spanish King retaineth all those States which he now possesseth Titus Liv Corn. Tac. Polibius Appianus Alexand. Tit. Liviuâ— Plut. in the life of Eumenes Plut. in the life of Theseus Idem in the life of Romulus Holinshed Polid. Virg. Tiâ—us Liv Guicciard lib. 15. Polid. Virg. Hect. Boâ—t Holinshed Appianus Alexand. Tit. Livius Historia Pontifical de D. Illescas Neustra Tho de Walsingh Justinus Vida de Paulo 3. de D. Illescas The Spanish Kings opinion proceeding with the Turk The Spanish Kings opinion proceeding with the French King Bodin Tit. Livius lib. 33. Tit. Livius lib. 9. Monsieur de la Nove en le discourse politiques Plutarch Du Haillan Andreas Friccius de Repub. Polib l 1. The Spanish Kings opinion proceeding with the Princes of Germany The Spanish Kings opinion proceeding with the Pope of Rome The Spanish Kings opinion proceeding with the Venetians the rest of the princes of Italy The Queen of England is the mightiest enemy that the Spanish King hath Da Hailan Plutarch Man cannot prevent what God intendeth Herodotus lib. 1. Just. lib. 43. Tit. Livius Herodotus lib. 3. Just. lib. 44. The justification of the Queens attempts against Spain and Portugal Guicciard lib. 10. Machiavel in his discourse upon Tit. Livius That it is lawful for a prince to receive succour another Prince flying unto them for refuge and relief Du Haillan lib. 24. Vida de H. 3 Holinished Du Hailan Polid. Virg. Holinshed Bible in 2 Kings Chap. 12. Illescas vidâ— de Alexandro 6. Biondo lib. 16. Du Haillan lib. 9. Piero Mexias vide Macrino Du Haillan lib. 1. Jul. Caesar lib 3. Terapha de Regibus Hispan Justin. lib. â—7 Holiâ—shed Polid. Virg. T. Walsing in his Neustria Du Haillan That leagues are no longer inviolable then until there is some advantage given to break them Guicciard lib. 5. â— 2. Polid. Virg. lib. 19. Hect. Boet. lib. 7. Idem lib. 9. Idem Princes for lawful occasions may have bin offended with their confederates and leave them Illeseas vida de Sexto 4. Idem vida de Julio 2. Idem vida de Leon. 10 Idem ibid. Paulus Jovius l. 26. Idem vida de Clement 7. Idem de Paulo 3. Holinshed Pol Virg. Du Haillan Dinothus de bello Belgico Czsars Commen◠〈◊〉 That the intercepting of the Spaniards money sent many years ago into Flanders gave him no just cause of quarrel against England Dinothus de bello Belgico Dinothus de bello Belgico The Spâ—â—niaâ—d is not so strong as men â—â—pose him to be The Spaniard is not so wealthy as he is taken to be Paul Jovius Comines Guicciard Paul Jovius Illescas Dinothus Paul Jovius Tho. Wals. Idem Math. Paris Dinothus M. Ant. Arrayo David Chytâ—aeus Munsteri Cosmog Vasoeus Vide de Elutherio Functius lib 1. Nic. Gyesâ— Polid. Virg. lib. 4. Rob. Barns in vita Pontiâ—icum pag. 68. Guicciard lib. 10. 5. 18. Nic. Giles Munsterius Vide de Marq. de Pescara Holin shed Dionthus de Bello Belgiâ—o Silâ—a 〈◊〉 aei The fiâ—st 〈◊〉 of the Spanish King in governing the Low◠〈◊〉 by Spaniards The Spaniardsâ— Error in not graâ—ting Liberty of Conscience unto his Subjects in Flanders Memories de France Caâ—ion Sleidanus Herodotus Holinshed Pol. Virgil Boetius Annales Flandriae The King of Spains third Error in entring into League with the Guisâ—rdâ— Mar Antonio Arrogo That the Pope is not able to yeeld the Spaniard any great help De Comines Guicciardine That the Princes of Italy cannot greatly respect the Spâ—niards That the Spaniards can neither have prâ—fit nor hâ—nour by the Leaguers Du Hatllan Finis coronat opus Four causes proving the Spaniards indiscretion in entring into League with the â—â—isards Fama crescit eundo Plutarch in his life Guicciardine Aâ— unknown Author in Italian Du Hailan Pedro Corneiodâ— la ligay Consideration Francâ—seâ— A French discoursâ— written by an unknown Author Du Haillan Carion De Comines Du Haillan Carion Objection Answer Hâ—linshed Pol. Virgâ—l Guiâ—ciardine That the Spaniards can have no good assurance of the Leaguers firm friendship A Book written in Latine as it is supposed by the Arch-bishop of Lyons The same Authors accusations refuted Oâ—jection Answer Declaration del Estate de France en temps les Roys Henry 2 Francis 2 Charles 9. Objection Answer That the French King had just cause to kill the Duke of Guise Caesar Comment Tresor deTresoâ—s Declaration del Estate c. Quosemel est imbuiâ— recens c. Negotiation de la pax del an 1575. That the Popes excommunications are not to be feared nor a lawful cause to invade England The Popes means to grow up to authority The great wrongs losses and Indâ—gnities which England sustained by Acknowleding the Popes Authority Temporal Princes intermedling with speritual matters warranted by the Scriptures The Spaniards indiscretion in crediting our English Fugitives The late Scotish Queens death gave the Spaniard no just occasion to invade England Six Arguments in the bâ—half of the Scottish Q. used by her friends to provâ— that she could not lawfully be condemned by our Queen The Answer to the first Argument The Queen of Scots is inâ—erior to the Queens Majesty That the Kings of Scotland owe homage unto the Crown of England for Scotland The answer to the third Objection Quo semel est imbuâ—a recens c. Sanguis Martyrum semen Ecclesiae Pidaces Herodotus Pastoralis De officio Delegati Gloss Pastoralis Felinus in Eccl. n. 6. L. 1. idem Pompon C. 2 Felinus in Eccl. n. 6â— Qui resistit 11 quest 3. Bald. Barroll Lucias F. Bald. de fid mis. Abb. Fe. ex parte de test Abb. Fe. Fel. Glossa Jason n. 32 Autent de Monarchis in principalibus Fel. in Ep. 1. de prob n. 6 7 Bodin de Repub. Specul l. 2. de actione seu pet 93. n. 3. Fel. in cap. Pastoralis Speculum l. 5. de Legibus S. 6. n. 29 Jason in leg mil. n. 7. Bald in anth sacr puber in 3. coll Advertisement de Seignior Vasc. Fign
Lewis Prince of France repuls'd from England with dishonour 217 Lewis of Anjou adopted by Joan queen of Sicily 54 Lewis Sforza Duke of Milan maketh use of an Army of Turks 139 Lewis Adolistz hath the Cities of Faenza and Imola conferr'd upon him by the Emperour 53 The Low Countries a considerable advantage to the king of Spain 123 M MAhomet how he grew to the credit and reputation of a God 50 Manlius being in trouble the Romans put on mourning weeds 5 Marcus Aurelius leaveth the Empire to his son Commodus unwillingly 39 Marcus Coriolanus reconciled to the Senate of Rome by the mediation of his wife and mother p. 1 His death bewailed ten moneths by the Roman Dames p. 5 His reconcilement to his Country proposed to the Guises for imitation 148 Marcus Marcellus the Sword of the Country 5 The Marquess of Mantua won by promises to take part with the Duke of Milan 242 The Marquess of Pescara hardly disswaded from siding with Charls the fifth The Marquess of Villona rebelleth against the king of Aragon and is aided by Alonzo of Portugal 16 Martin Scala made Lord of Verona and Vincenza by the Pope 53 Mary Queen of Scots her practises against Queen Elizabeth p. 107 Several arguments made in her behalf by her friends p. 191 Answered p. 192 193 c. Masistias death greatly bewailed by the Persians 5 Matthew king of Hungary striveth for precedency with Ladislaus of Bohemia 195 Maximinus his great strength 231 The Duke of Mayne displeased with his brother the Duke of Guise 's proceedings p. 22 He and the Marquess du Pont Competitors 146 The Country of Mayne quitted by the king of England 45 Menemus Agrippa's discreet Oration appeaseth the rage of the common people 235 Merouingians Charlemains and Capets the three races of the French kings 36 Monastical Lives voluntarily assumed by divers Princes 215 The Murthering of the Duke of Guise excused 160 161 162 c. N NAtions have their several qualities according to the Climate they inhabite 9 The Nature of the Italian and Spanish Souldiers 114 Navar conquered by the King of Spain p. 58 A member of the Kingdom of France 59 New exactions cause rebellion in the place where they are levied 6 Pope Nicholas the third useth all means to diminish the French King's power 276 247 Mr de la Noves opinion concerning the strength of the French King 77 O THe Obizes and Estentes made Dukes of Ferrara by the Pope 53 Olaus and Eustus kill the Ambassadour of Malcolm King of Scots 209 Open Enemies less dangerous to Princes then deceitful friends 106 Othagarius King of Bohemia refuseth the Empire p. 249 The Electors offer it to Rodolph Master of his Palace ibid. Othagar maketh war against him and is slain by reason of Milotas trechery 251 Otho the third the wonder of the world 5 Otho Duke of Saxony subdueth Berengarius and is made Emperour 173 Otho 's law concerning wicked Princes 204 248 The Oversight of the King of France after the murthering of the Duke of Guise 145 P THe Duke of Parma politiquely diverted from claiming his right in Portugal 68 Pope Paul the third's distaste against the Emperour Charls the fifth 100 101 The Persians poll themselves and their Beasts for the death of their King Masistias 5 The Marquess of Pescara disswaded from following Charls the fifth 243 Philip the long bestoweth upon the Duke of Burgundy the County of Burgundy 29 Pipin 's politique designs to gain the Crown of France 26 Pius quintus entreth into a League with Philip of Spain and the Venetians against the Turk 137 Poictou quitted by the King of England 45 Poland infected with sundry heresies p. 6 The kingdom of Poland after much entreaty accepted by the French king Henry the third p. 151 152 The Polanders chuse another king in his absence 154 The Pope 's power small at the beginning p. 172 By what means advanced to such a height p. 172 173 c. He flies to the king of France for aid against the Lombards p. 173 A perpetual sower of dissention between the princes of Christendom p. 177 A procurer of much bloodshed in France and England p. 178 179 Not able to yeild the Spaniard any great help 137 Portugal how it cometh of right to belong unto the kingdom of Spain p. 59. The several Competitors for that kingdom p. 60 The Author's opinion concerning this claim 60 A Prerogative belonging to Princes to sit Iudge in their own causes 213 Pride of the House of Austria by what means it might be pull'd down 255 The Prince of Conde and the King of Navar joyn with Duke Casimir 155 Princes degenerating from their Ancestors may easily be driven from their Crowns p. 6 Princes ought to submit to the observance of their own laws p. 41 They ought to revenge injuries done to private subjects p. 163 Princes of small jurisdiction as absolute as those of greater 164 The Prodigality of divers Emperours 168 Publique Declarations the usual means of promoting or justifying any designe 241 Q QUarrels with Neighbour Princes to be composed before new enterprises are undertaken 216 R REbels favoured and maintained by Princes of other Nations 13 15 Rebellions upon what small occasions they have broke out 239 Richard the first ransomed by the Clergie and Commonalty of England p. 5. He is taken prisoner by Leopold Archduke of Austria 208 Richard the third's suspicion of Henry Earl of Richmond 68 Robert King of France leaveth his Kingdom to his second Henry 39 Robert Rudolphy his practises against Queen Elizabeth at the suggestion of Spain and Rome 106 107 Rodolph of Hapspurgh bestows the Kingdom of Austria upon his son Albert p. 53 He obtaineth the Empire by cunning p. 249 Divers great Competitors at the same time p. 249 He resigneth the Exarchat of Italy to the Pope 254 Romans in enlarging their Dominions what colourable pretences they had p. 15 Courted or feared by all other Princes or States p. 64 65 Their many and mighty victories 74 75 Romulus his policy to augment the City of Rome 65 S THe Salique Law belonged only to Salem a Town in Germany where it was made p. 29 No lawful pretence to exclude Edward the third and Henry the fifth from the Crown of France 28 29 The Earl of Salisbury 's example a warning to the Guisards 148 149 Sardanapalus the pattern of a lecherous and effeminate Prince 5 The Saxons and Danes conquer England rather by subâ—ilty then force 220 Scipio the pattern of a chaste Captain 5 The Scots and Picts invade Britain in the absence of Maximinian 98 Sejanus his greatness and authority under the Emperour Tiberius 23 Servilius judgeth gentle means the best to appease the peoples rage 233 Sigibert eldest son of Dagobert contented with the small Kingdom of Austrasie 39 Sir-names given to Princes upon several occasions p. 8 The Sir-name and Title of a God given to Demetrius by the Athenians 5 Wicked or foolish Sons succeed wise
and good Fathers 7 The Soveraignty of the Kings of England over Scotland proved by Records p. 195 The Scots objections answered 197 Spain 's large Dominions abroad how it became united with the House of Austria 54 The Spaniard 's policy commended and admired p. 2 The Spaniard censured p. 3 The Spaniards and French compared with the Romans and Carthaginians p. 76 The designs of the Spaniard against the person and state of Queen Elizabeth p. 1 By what means his power may be diministed p. 240 241 Oftner conquered then any Nation of Europe p. 219 The twelve Kingdoms of Spain united in Ferdinand and Isabel 54 The Spanish King's Title to the Indies p. 62 His Title to the Dukedom of Milan p. 62 His Title to the Dukedom of Burgundy p. 63 By what means he preserveth his Dominions p. 63 His proceedings with the Turk p. 71 With the French King p. 73 With the Princes of Germany p. 79 With the Pope p. 80 With the Venetians and the rest of the Princes of Italy p. 81. With the Queen of England p. 82 Supposed more strong and wealthy then he really is p. 111 His Errours in Governing the Low-Countries p. 125 His League with the Guisards condemned p. 136 137 140 141 His intention to invade England proved vain and indiscreet p. 171 172 c. His light credit to the false reports of English Fugitives p. 171 183 The Tyranny and Cruelty of his Government 237 The Count of Saint Paul proclaimed Traytor by Lewis the eleventh 165 Subjects frame their lives and manners to the example of their Princes 8 Subsidies and Taxes levied by former King of England 184 185 186 Succour refus'd to divers Princes out of politique interests 96 Suchin made Vicount of Milan by Pope Benedict the twelfth 52 The Earl of Surry 's resolute answer to the Iudges 184 Switzers defrauded of a debt due from France p. 42 To what height they are grown from a low beginning 260 T TEacha Queen of Slavonia causeth a Roman Ambassadour to be slain 209 Temporal Princes to intermeddle in spiritual affairs 182 Theodorick the first of France deposed by the States of the Realm 41 Theseus his policy to augment the City of Athens 65 Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury slain by four Assassinates 179 180 Titus the delight and love of the people 5 Towns not well inhabited a main cause of penury among the Inhabitants 6 Trajan the pattern of a good Emperour 5 The Treason of the Duke of Bourbon renders him odious to a Spanish Grandee p. 139 He is proclaimed Traytor by Francis the first 165 Turain quitted by the King of England 45 The Turks aid implored by divers Christian Princes 139 The Turkish Monarchy strengthned by the divisions between France and Spain p. 2 And by the sloth and amâ—bition of Princes and States in several ages 11 12 V VAsoeus his immoderate commendations of Spain refuted 118 119 The Venetians break their League with the Spaniards upon the not delivering of Brescia 100 J. Viennensis his faâ—se relation of Scotland to Charls the sixth King of France 189 190 The Violent proceedings of the Catholique Princes against the Protestants p. 226 227 Makes their party so much the stronger 227 228 The Virgin of Orleans her proceeding in France 49 50 Pope Urban gives the Kingdom of Sicily and Dukedoms of Pulia and Calabria unto Charls Earl of Argiers and Provence p. 53 Afterwards to Lewis K. of Hungary 55 The Duke of Urbin and Andrea Doria take part with Charls upon hopes of preserment 242 243 W WArs waged upon very slight occasions p. 147 148 Upon Injuries offered to prevent greater mischiefs 148 The Earl of Warwick 's example a warning to the Guisards 148 149 William K. of Sicily plucketh out the eyes of Henry Dandolo the Venetian Ambassadour 209 William Gonzaga made Lord of Mantua and Rezzo by the Pope 53 Womens Rule and Government rare 〈◊〉 Cardinal Wolfey 's power with Henry the eight the French King and the Emperour p. 43 His policy in entertaining Henry the eight with all delights 189 Z THe Zeal of the French king to the Roman Catholique Religion 151 160 Table to the Supplement ANtonio Peres forsaketh Spain to live in England p. 1 He writeth a Book called The Fragment of History ibid. He imparteth the transactions between John de Austria and the Pope and Duke of Guise unto the K. of Spain p. 3 He poysoneth Escovedo ibid. Aragonian kings subject to the constitutions of the Country 21 22 c. THe Duke of Britany commandeth Bavilion to murther the Constable of France 10 C CArdinal de Guise his death compared with Escovedo 's 13 Clisson high Constable of France preserved by Bavilion 10 Craesus spared by Cambyses his servants who were commanded to kill him 11 The Prince of Conde an enemy to the Duke of Guise 's party p. 28 He turneth Protestant and freeth Charls the ninth out of prison D THe Danish King not to make war without consent of the States 21 The Pope's Delegate in some cases above the Popes Legate 11 Diego de Meneses unjustly executed by the Spanish King 27 E THe Emperor may be convented by his own subjects before the Pope 25 Escovedo made Secretary to Don John de Austria in the room of John de Soto p. 2 The Duke returning from Spain leaves Escovedo 〈◊〉 him where he is poisoned p. 3 Several questions cleared concerning this fact 4 5 F THe French King deserved to lose his Crown for the murther of the Guises 13 G GHilmesa freeth Antonio Peres out of prison 4 The Duke of Guise his death compared with Escovedo 's 13 H HArpagus saveth Cyrus notwithstanding Astyages his command 11 Hector Pinto a Fryar poysoned by the Souldiers of Castile 27 Henry Perera unlawfully executed by the Spanish King 27 I IAmes de Moronack beaten to death with Souldiers 27 Indignities offered by subjects to their Princes no unusual thing 22 The Inquisition used against all sorts of offenders as well as heretiques 23 John de Soto Secretary to John de Austria p. 2 John de Escovedo put in his room 2 Don John de Austria concludeth a great League of friendship with the Duke of Guise 3 L LAws to be observed by Princes as well as Subjects 21 22 M MOntmorency and Chastilian take part with Vendosm and Conde against the Guises p. 28 Montmorency made Constable of France ibid. N THe Names of several plotters against the life of Q. Elizabeth 23 De la Nuca executed by Alonzo de Vargas at the command of the King Of Spain 16 O OAths not grounded upon a just cause bind not 24 P PEdro Escovedo accuseth Antonio Perez of his fathers death 3 4 Perjury excludeth a man from all preferment 18 The Polish King not to make war without leave of the States 21 The Pope plotteth to make Don John of Austria King of England p. 2 Next to make him King of Tunis ib. Princes deposed or excommunicated for Murther p. 14 15
principal use and commendation hath been and is to set Princes at unity which be at variance indeavoureth not to reconcile but to animate them in their Quarrels who have taken unjust or not very just occasions to war one against another And that by this common negligence the common enemy is not repulsed but encouraged to increase his over-large Confines and Territories To this I will Answer before I come unto other Points This negligence as I have said before is no newthing nor these troubles in France and Flanders a strange President nor the Causes moving or continuing the same are such as never hapned in any other Age They therefore who blame our time for this respect should remember that the Turk is grown unto his greatness by the dissention of Christian Princes only And that they may the better perceive herein I report a manifest truth I will prove as much as I have said by many examples It is not unknown unto them that be conversant in Histories That the Turks first beginning was very base and obscure That his power was weak and feeble and his Dominion small and of less moment which he hath enlarged by taking advantage of the discord and variance of Christian Princes who when they have been in Arms against him for and in the defence of the common Cause have overthrown the common Cause by sudden jars and debates which arose both untimely and unfortunately amongst themselves About the year 1106. Baldwin being Successor unto his Brother Godfrey of Bulloin Duke of Lorrain in the Kingdom of Ierusalem the Christians besieged Carra in Mesopotamia and having with continual Seige and sundry Batteries driven the same unto great extremities they that were in the City determined to yeild themselves unto the mercy of the Christians amongst whom suddenly there arose a strife and contention whose the City should be and so they deferred the entring thereof until that controversie was decided in which interim there came such great succor of the Turks and Moors that they overcame the Christians and cut all their throats In like manner the Christians laying Siege unto Damasco and having equalled the Walls thereof with the ground through discord and dissention growing suddenly amongst them they departed without taking the same and thought it better to leave it unto the Infidels then for one Christian to see it in the possession of another And not long after the Turk by the departure of Conrade the Third Emperor of the Romans and of Lewis the French King who returned to their homes by reason of civil Wars begin in Germany by Gulfin a Rebel of the Empire the Christians lost the whole Country of Edissa and whatsoever else they held in Mesopotamia Furthermore Baldwyne the seventh King of Ierusalem being dead and leaving behind him one only Infant while Guydo Lusignian and Raymond Earl of Trypoli Brethren in Law unto the King contended who should succeed him Saladyne King of Damasco hearing of their contentions secretly sent word unto the Earl Raymond that if he would circumcise himself he would help and assist him with all his Forces against Guido and make him King of Ierusalem unto which his offer although the Earl gave not open ear at that time yet by outward shews he declared his good liking and delight therein and became Saladines great friend and confederate who seeing the Earls inclination favour and readiness assembled presently a great Army of Moors and Turks and set upon the City Tyberiades belonging unto the Earl Raymond for so it was secretly agreed betwixt them thereby to make his Brother in Law Guydo Lusignian to come to succor him and then either to kill him or to take him by the Earls treachery as they indeed took him in a certain Battel wherein all the Christians were slain and Saladine took Ierusalem and all Palestina in the Moneth of October in the year 1187. And Raymond in hope that Saladine would perform his promise circumcised himself but he failed of his purpose For the Turk was so far from keeping of his word that be drave Raymond from all that he had in possession whereupon he dyed suddenly as some say and others write that he fell into such a desperation that he hanged himself So likewise by the discord of the Inhabitants of the City of Acon the Moors and Turks slew above 30000. Christians And the Tartarians came into Hungary and Polonia and destroyed both the one and the other Armenia The Emperor Frederick Surnamed Barbarossa and Philip King of France together with Richard the first King of England lamenting the late loss of Ierusalem resolved to combine themselves and with their untied Forces to recover the same And being come unto Suega and having obtained divers great and important Victories by reason of discord and dissention betwixt the two Kings the French King not only returned into France but also made War upon King Richard in his absence for the Dukedome of Normandy which King Richard understanding although he was then in a readiness to win Ierusalem and did great hurt daily unto the Infidels insomuch that Saladine purposed to yeild Ierusalem up into his hands returned home into his Country leaving the most honourable Enterprise which he had begun And the Turks who were sorely decayed and weakned in strenght through the benefit of his sudden departure not only recovered that which they had once determined to give over unto the Christians as already lost but also drove them from those places which before his departure they quietly possessed It is likewise Recorded of Frederick the Second that he being excommunicated by Gregory the ninth and having no other means to purchase his Absolution determined to go unto Asia and to recover Ierusalem at his own proper Charges Where the Almighty so favoured him that Ierusalem was delivered unto him by composition and he was Crowned King thereof upon Easter day in the year of our Lord 1229. and because he was also King of Sicily the Kings thereof at this day bear the name of Kings of Ierusalem But whilst this Emperor was busied in the Wars and Affairs of the Holy Land the Pope maligning him for the Kingdom of Sicily procured him secret enemies in Italy mighty Adversaries in Germany and such Rebels in every place where there was any thing appertaining unto him that the good Emperor was constrained to return and to imploy his whole power and strength for the recovery and conservation of his own After whose departure the Christians by the Popes Counsel breaking the Truce which the Emperor had taken with the Turk for their advantage and dividing themselves into Factions by the imitation and example of Italy which was divided into Guelfians and Gibbilines made civil Wars one against another And when the other part was assaulted by the Turks and Infidels they did not only not help one another but of set purpose the one part assisted the very Moors against the other by whom they were both
destroyed in a very short time and Ierusalem yeilded up again unto the enemies I might tell how Constantinople by the discord of the Graecians how Anatolia by the same cause and the subtilty of Ottamon how Caria Licaonia and Phrygia by the like occasion how Harly and Andrynopoly by the very self same means and how by reason of the debate and controversie betwixt Emanuel Paleologo Emperor of Constantinople and the King of Seruia and the Valachians all Albania Velona Salona Râ—manca and Thracia were subdued and taken by the Turk I might tell you how that the discord betwixt Alphonso King of Arragon and of Naples and the Venetians and betwixt Sextus the Pope Francis Sforza Duke of Milan and the Floentines enforced the poor Venetians who otherwise were not able to withstand their domestical Enemies to give the Turk Chalcedonia a principal City of Anatolia together with the Island of Stalemina otherwise called Lemnos and an hundred thousand Duckets in ready money and eight thousand of yearly Tribute I might tell you as Lewis Fuscarin Embassadour of Venice in an Oration that he made unto Pope Pius the second told him That the contentions betwixt Christian Princes have been so many and so obstinate that the Turk by reason of them possesseth two Empires which be Constantinople and Trapesonda Four principal Kingdomes of Persia Arabia Syria and Egypt Twenty great Provinces and two hundred fair Cities I might tell you how Barbarossa burnt Niza in Provence and carried above forty thousand Captives out of the Kingdom of Naples Pulia and Calabria taking only advantage of the sedition which then raigned in Italy I might tell you that the Island of Rhodes was lost because the Christians were not able to succour the same by reason of the Wars of Italy and the Insurrection of the commonalty of Spain I might tell you that the Kingdom of Hungary was lost by the like dissention And briefly that in late years the contentions betwixt the French Kings and Charles the Fifth and King Philip of Spain have greatly hindred the progress happy success and fortunate accomplishment of such enterprises as were valiantly attempted and might worthily have been executed against the aspiring pride of the insatiable Turk But to tell you all this and the circumstances thereof were somewhat too tedious And I hasten unto other points and I shall have occasion to handle that which is untouched and not sufficiently declared in this point in another place more aptly hereafter The second point whereat they wonder is that Princes hating Rebels as the Enemies of their estates the Impugners of their authority the Adversaries of their absolute power and the Subverters of their Kingdoms do in these dayes not only bear with Rebels but also harbour them not receive them alone but also aide and assist them So say they the Queen of England maintaineth the Rebels of the United Provinces commonly called the States of the United Provinces So say they the King of Spain supporteth yea and helpeth with money men and munition the Rebels of France commonly called Leaguers So say they the Popes holiness animateth the Catholicks of France and England to rebell against their Soveraigns Truly to nourish Rebels is an action in nature hateful and in policy dangerous for to aid the wicked is to participate with them in their wickedness and he that giveth countenance comfort or succour unto his Neighbours domestical Enemies is to look for the like measure if his Subjects at any time and upon any occasion chance to rebel against him But because many things in outward appearance seem good which indeed are naught and vitious not only in this Age but also in times past are and have been baptized by the names of vertues It is now and it hath always been usual to deem all things honest that are profitable honourable that are expedient and lawful that may be justified by examples Is there any thing that maintaineth States and upholdeth Kingdomes better then Justice And yet lived there not a man that inwardly professed and openly said Si violandum est jus regnandi causa Is there any thing more odious or unbeseeming a Prince then to say one thing and do another And yet lived there not a Prince that wrote for his Posie Qui nescit dissimulare nescit Regnare Is there any greater sign of an insatiable mind and of ambitious covetousness then having many Kingdomes to covet more Kingdomes and yet lived there not a King who having conquered most part of the world wept because he heard a Philosopher dispute of another world which he had not as yet subdued Is there any thing more cruel or barbarous then an Emperor being bound by duty and commanded by the Almighty to conserve and preserve his Subjects to wish and intend the death of all his Subjects And yet lived there not an Emperor who wished that all the people of Rome had but one head that he might cut it off at one blow And what moved these Princes Kings and Emperors to violate Justice to dissemble with all men to aspire and desire more Kingdomes and to covet and imagine the death of their Subjects but a colourable shew of honour or of profit The common Proverb saith give a man an Inch and he will take an Ell and who desireth to do be great regardeth no Parentage careth for no kindred nor esteemeth any Lawes The ancient Romans whose fame is notable through all the world and whose Actions are imitated by most of the world seemed outwardly to be just and true dealers never coveting more then their own but alwayes contented in common opinion with their own And yet in their inward thoughts they were never satisfied till all that belonged to others became their own They first conquered Italy then Spain next France afterwards Germany and after them Scotland and England their desires and covetousness rested not there but as men infected with the Dropsie the more they drink the more they desire to drink so they the more they had the more they desired and did spread the wings of their ambitious Avarice over all Africa and Asia making themselves of Lords of one Town Monarchs of the universal world In all which their conquests they carried an outward shew of manifest Equity pretending for all and every the wars which they undertook not one but many just causes which they used to declare unto their friends and confederates and not to conceal them from their very enemies unto whom they sent usually an Herald of Arms who should demand restitution of such things as they pretended to be unjustly taken from them or reparation of their supposed wrongs But if a man should now with the eyes of indifferency look upon the causes which moved them to undertake all or most part of their wars he should find that they were but colorable shews for what cause had they to war with Carthage but that they envied Carthages greatness What moved them to subdue
life and welfare of his Subjects but when the Prince casteth off humanity and the Subjects forget their duty when he mindeth nothing less then the publique wealth and they suffer things whereunto they have not been accustomed when he breaketh Laws and they desire to live under their ancient Laws when he imposeth new Tributes and they think themselves sufficiently charged and grieved with their old when he oppreseth and suppresseth such of the Nobility as favour the common people their ancient Lawes Priviledges and Liberties and they take the wrongs that are done unto their Favourers and Patrons to be done unto themselves and their Posterity Then changeth love into hatred and obedience into contempt then hatred breedeth disdain and disdain ingendereth disloyalty after which follow secret conspiracies unlawful assemblies undutiful consultations open mutinies treacherous practises and manifest rebellions The chief reasons whereof are because the common people are without reason ready to follow evil counsel easie to be displeased prone to conceive dislike not willing to remember the common benefit which they received by a Prince when they see their private Estates impoverished by him or his Officers forgetful of many good turns if they be but once wronged more desirous to revenge an injury then to remember a benefit quickly weary of a Prince be he never so good if he be not pleased to satisfie all their unreasonable demands easily suspecting those who are placed in authority over them commonly affecting time that is past better then the present briefly all liking what the most like all inclining where the greatest part favoureth all furthering what the most attempt and all soon miscarried if the most be once misled This natural disposition of the common people is proved by common experience observed by wise Polititians and confirmed by many examples not of one Realm but of many Nations not of one age but of many seasons not of barbarous people but of civil Realms not of Kingdoms alone but of other manner of Governments briefly not of Subjects living only under Tyrants but also under the best Princes that ever were for there is no Kingdom comparable unto France for antiquity or for greatness for strength or for continual race of good and vertuous Kings for absolute government of Rulers or for dutiful obedience of Subjects for good laws or for just and wise Magistrates and yet France that hath this commendation and these benefits hath many other times besides this and for other occasions besides the causes that now moveth France to rebel revolted from her liege Lords and Soveraigns for proof whereof let us examine and consider the causes and motives of this present Rebellion begun in the late Kings time and continued in this Kings days They that write thereof at large and seem to understand the causes of this revolt more particularly then others affirm that this Rebellion began upon these occasions The Authors and chief Heads thereof saw Justice corruptly administred Offices appertaining unto Justice dearly sold Benefices and Ecclesiastical dignities and livings unworthily collated new Impositions dayly invented and levied the Kings Treasures and Revenues prodigally consumed old Officers unjustly displaced and men of base quality unworthily advanced they saw the late King carried away with vanities governed by a woman entred in League and Amity with their Enemies and fully resolved to follow his pleasure and to leave the administration and government of the whole Kingdom unto their mortal Enemies They saw him careless in the maintainance of their Religion unlikely to have any issue to succeed him not willing to establish any succession of the Crown after him and obstinately minded not to enter into League with them that intended and purposed to uphold and maintain their Catholick Religion Lastly they saw that as long as he lived the King of Navar and his followers could hardly be suppressed and that as soon as he dyed the said King was likely to be his Successor which hapning they considered the desperate estate of their Religion the sure and certain advancement of the Protestants and of their cause and quarrel the utter subversion of all their intents and purposes And lastly the final and lamentable end of the greatness of themselves and of their Families Wherefore to withstand all those mischiefs and inconveniencies and to prevent some of them and to redress and reform others they called a general Assembly of the three Estates implored the help of forreign Princes levied as great Armies as they could possibly gather together propounded means of Reformation to the King and when they found him not willing to yeild to their advise and counsel they combined themselves against the Protestants his pretended and their open enemies seized upon greatest part of the Kings Treasure took possession of his best Holds and Towns of strength removed such Officers as disliked them and in all Affairs that concerned the advancement of their Cause imployed men fit for their humours made for their purpose brought up in their Factions practised in their Quarrels affectioned in their Cause and wholly devoted to their wills and pleasures And because they found themselves unable to encounter with the late King and his Confederates unless they were also assisted by some forrain Princes they sought all ways and means possible to insinuate themselves into the Grace and Favour of strange and mighty Potentates to recommend their Cause and Quarrel unto their protection and to joyn their Domestical power with their forrain Enemies They consider therefore that the Popes Holiness by the heat and vehemency of the hatred which he beareth unto Protestants The King of Spain by the greatness of his Ambition and the Duke of Lorrain by the ancient envy and enmity which hath been and which is betwixt him and the House of Bourbon might easily be perswaded and induced to favour their party and further their Attempts and Enterprises The Duke of Guyse as chief Head and Patron of these Actions sendeth Messengers unto every one of these Princes beseeching them as they had heretofore secretly favoured him and his complices so they would now that matters were grown to ripeness and secret Conspiracies to open resistance vouchsafe him and his Confederates their help and assistance to the utmost of their power In which Suit he findeth happy success and with promise of assured and sufficient aid is animated to proceed with courage and not to omit any manner of cunning and policy to win unto himself as many friends as he might possibly He therefore considering that for the better accomplishment of his designs it was needful and expedient for him to continue at the Court and there to draw unto himself as many partakers as by any means possibly he might obtain repaireth thither with all diligence And knowing that he should undoubtedly fail of his purpose unless he might effectually compass three things of special consequence he laboureth to the utmost of his power to bring them
Point I likewise Answer briefly That the Law that provideth for the remedy of such as by Imprisonment or by violence and just fear and such as the Law â—aith cadet in fortem virum have yeilded to any inconveniency extendeth not in my simple conceit her force unto the Contracts of Princes which are celebrated and concluded after long Wars betwixt them For if Conquerors might not impose what conditions of Peace they please upon the conquered there would never be any end of Wars And as private men being in troubles may even in cases which admit no giving or taking on any side as for Ecclesiastical livings betwixt Ecclesiastical persons redeem their troubles by giving or taking whatsoever shall be agreed upon and with the best conditions they may so in Wars Princes who have lost the field and so weakned their Forces that they are able to make no longer resistance may lawfully alienate the more part of the Revenues of their Crown to purchase their liberty and their Subjects quiet who if their Princes might not capitulate with his and their Adversary in such manner as the Conqueror shall demand should be deprived of their lives liberties and Livings of all which three every King is sworn to have a special care and regard and to seek all means possible to preserve them all And in consideration hereof it is usual amongst Princes rather to lye in durance a long time then to yeild to the unreasonable demands of their enemies whilst they are in the heat of their choller and indignation because when their wrath is somewhat asswaged and either time or intercession of other Princes who commonly in such cases interpose their helping hands and be Mediators of Peace mitigated and moderated their anger they are willing to yeild to reasonable conditions For confirmation hereof I could alleadg many examples but I will deal with a Frenchman at his own weapon Guicciardine in his before mentioned History discoursing at large of the hard measure that was offered unto Francis the first King of France after he was taken Prisoner at Pavia in Italy by the Army of the Emperour Charls the fifth saith That there were never but two Kings of France taken prisoners in the field to wit King Iohn and the said Francis King Iohn was so kindly used in England where he lay above 2 years priâ—oner that after he was delivered thence he would needs go thither again to see his good Host for so he termed the King of England whereas Francis the first albeit he greatly desired to be transported out of Italy into Spain being in great hope and confidence that the Emperor who had seen the change and variety of time and also the inconstancy of fortune would have some Princely compassion upon him found all things contrary to his conceived hope and expectation for he was committed to hard prison kept with a continual and strong guard not attended upon as a Prince of his might and greatness ought to have been hardly suffered to speak with his Sister who was sent out of France on purpose to comfort him and never brought unto the Emperours sight and presence until that through grief and melancholy he fell into so dangerous a sickness as made the Phisitians almost despair of his recovery the Emperour not for love as Guicciaraine affirmeth but for fear to lose by his death all that he hoped to get for his Ransome went to visit and comfort him The reason of this hard usage was to inforce him by long durance and want of liberty to redeem his troubles upon hard conditions And although he had oftentimes answered the Emperour that he had rather dye in Prison then yeild to his unreasonable demands which could not be well performed without the great prejudice yea almost the utter subversion of his Kingdom and had accordingly written unto his Nobility and Council in France that they should make no more account of his life or liberty because the demands of his Ransome were too too unreasonable yet he was forced at length to subscribe and consent unto such hard conditions and Articles as were agreed upon by Charles the fifth and his Council Which indeed were so hard that although his Sons lay in Spain as Hostages for their performance yet after he was delivered he would not see them accomplished but fell a fresh to Wars with the Emperor and in the end by the intercession of other Princes made a more reasonable end But King Iohn as both the French Chronicles and ours do report was set at liberty with more equal conditions and yet the same were not performed And the Frenchmen in all Treaties of peace with us have either gone so far beyond us with their wits that they have oftentimes greatly deceived us or have so fraudulently violated all or the more part of the Articles of their Agreement that our victories being many against them never yeilded unto us any great commodity or advantage The consideration whereof moved one of their Writers to say that we never won any thing of them by the dint of Sword but they recovered the same again by the sharpness of their wits And another Historian of theirs mocketh us in his writings and saith That when we come to treat with them of Peace we sit down proudly and with great words extoling our exploits valour and good success against them in the beginning of our parts we do demand no less then the whole Kingdom of France but in the end of them we fall from Mountains unto Molehills Now sithence we by their own confession have been so courteous and reasonable that we have yeilded them far better favour and better conditions of peace then they hoped for and they contrarywise have dealt so craftily and so deceitfully with us both in the time of King Iohn and others before the Reign of Charles the Sixth that we cannot be blamed for dealing more hardly with them in the said contract and for using the surest way we could devise for our security and assurance of that which was promised unto us And certainly as the Treaties and Conclusions of peace made with King Iohn and King Francis were in the opinion of the best and learnedst Lawyers of Europe held lawful although they were not in all points performed so the Contract made betwixt Charles the Sixth and his Son-in Law Henry fifth of England was undoubtedly agreeable to Law and Equity for otherwise Princes should be in worse condition then Subjects who are bound to perform every point of a reasonable contract or agreement which they make But it was hard to demand and take a whole Kingdom True if conquests were not lawful we should have dealt so favourably with Charles the Sixth as our Predecessor did with King Iohn it might be we would have done so if King Iohn and his Successors had not before oftentimes deceived us Princes do not usually take advantage of their enemies when they have the upper hand over them
with all utmost extremities But if they do what remedy is there or who can gainsay the Conqueror Courtesie is commendable in all men and especially in Princes who are to extend the same at all times when it is demanded in good manner and by men worthy of mercy and compassion And such was the lamentable estate of Charles the Sixth who had at once many miseries heaped upon him by the heavy wrath of God as namely wars within his Realm rebellion of his own Son against him revolt of his Subjects and distraction of his wits and so it was extream cruelty to adde affliction to the afflicted Indeed mercy is to be extended to persons worthy of commiseration and Lunatiques are by all men to be pitied and in regard hereof the King of England whereas he might have destroyed the whole Realm of France burned the Cities wasted the Countries led away the people in captivity taken their goods to his own use bestowed the Nobilities and Gentlemens Lands upon his own Subjects altered the Lawes of the Countrey changed the Government thereof deprived the most part of them of their lives and seated his own Subjects in their possessions he suffered them to live at liberty to enjoy their ancient possessions to maintain and use their own priviledges to dwell in their wonted habitations and to continue in all respects as free as they were before they were conquered And whereas he might have made the King prisoner carryed him with him into England and to have placed another to govern for him especially he being not in case to rule and govern by himself He was so far from so doing that he suffered him to enjoy the Kingdom whilest he lived and by taking his Daughter to wife transferred not only the French but also the English Crown unto the issue of her body a thing to be greatly desired of that Father whose Son by reason of his disobedience deserved not to succeed him a thing practised by all men that have had the like children a thing far beyond the custom of Frenchmen themselves who in the like cases have not used the like clemency and moderation For over what Enemies had the French-men ever the upper hand whom they used not most cruelly What barbarous cruelty exercised they in Italy and especially at Naples where their Tyranny in Government their extremity in polling their insolency in mis-using the common people was such that in one night they were all slain and in hatred of them and their posterity the wombs of all Neapolitan women that were suspected to be with child by French-men were ripped up and the children pluckt out and likewise murdered with their Mothers What cruelty purposed they to have practised in England at what time Lewis the Dolphin of France was called into England by the Barons who bare Armes against King Iohn Intended they not to have destroyed the most part of the Realm Purposed they not to have killed the very Barons themselves who were their friends and confederates Had they not executed this their purpose if a noble French-man who was in England had not as well in hatred of their intended cruelty as in commiseration of the poor English Nobility revealed upon his death-bed their barbarous intentions To be brief what severity used King Lewis surnamed for his lenity towards others Lewis the M E E K against Bernard his own Nephew and rightful heir to the Crown of France as we have shewed in the second point which we handled whom he not only deprived of his right but also held him a long time in Prison and condemned him to lose his eyes which were accordingly pluckt out of his head and his cheif Counsellours endured the like punishment Of which both he and they complaining not without just occasion were so far from finding such compassion and remedy as they deserved as that a new Edictment was framed both against him and them Now with such Adversaries with men of such cruelty with such as had oftentimes falsified their faith and broken their promises what wise Prince would ever have used greater lenity more mercy or better Justice then the King of England shewed them Especially considering the immortal hatred deadly malice and long emulations competentions quarrels and contentions that have been alwayes betwixt England and France The fifth Objection that they make against this Contract is is That the Kingdom of France cannot be given unto any man by Will or Testament Which priviledge seemeth unto me very strange because I find by report of probable Histories that the Kingdomes of Spain England Aragon Scotland Poland and other Countries have been given away by Will and Testament and therefore if the French-men will challenge an Immunity contrary to the custom of other Countries and repugnant to the Law of all Nations they must shew how they came by such a Priviledge and why they should not follow the customes of other Kingdomes For whosoever will alledge an exemption from the due observance of the Law must make it appear at what time for what occasion and by whom he or his Predecessors obtained the same that the quality of the Giver and the consideration and cause of the Grant being duly examined and discreetly considered the strength and validity of his exemption may be well and perfectly seen I know that there are many degrees of Princes and that some Kings are in some manner subject unto others from whom they receive Lawes and by whom they and their Kingdomes are ruled and directed So hath Scotland been ruled by England so hath Denmark acknowledged the Empire so hath Sicily obeyed Rome so hath the Pope challenged power and authority over the Empire But all Histories agree in this that although of other Kingdomes some be subject to the Pope others unto the Emperour yet the Kingdom of France is and alwayes hath been most absolute neither depending upon the Emperour nor being in any respect subject unto the Pope That the Emperour hath no authority over France was shewed when as Sigismond the Emperour would have made the Earl of Savoy a Duke in Lyons for then the Kings Officers withstood him therein and forced him to his great grief and in a great fury and anger to depart thence and out of all the dominion of France before he could use in that point his Imperial power and authority And that the Pope hath no manner of Authority Prerogative or Preheminence over France it appeareth by the confession of all Canonists who have written and do write of the Popes Prerogatives For albeit they make the Empire and almost all the Kingdoms of the world in some sort subject unto the See of Rome yet they confess the King of France to be so absolute that he acknowledgeth no Superior but God and that there is no other Prince but he unto whom some Pope or other hath not either given or confirmed his Estate and Kingdom It must needs
of his life in a house of Religion And that the Peers of France not regarding the young years of Charls the son of Lewis their King deprived him of his right and made Eude Earl of Paris king of France You may think it as lawful for Charls the 6. to deprive his Son Charles of his Inheritance for the horrible murther committed as it hath been said on the person of the Duke of Burgundy a Prince of the blood royall a Peer of France and a Counsellour unto the King his Father and for the great manifest and undutiful disobedience which he shewed unto his Father as it was for the States of the same Realm to deprive Theodorick for his Insufficiency Lewis for his Pusillanimity and Charles for his youth So you see the last Objection refuted by their own Examples And as you see the cause why it is said that the Kings of France cannot dis-inherit their children so I will let you understand the reason why they have invented a new shift or device thereby to deprive those of their due who made claim to such debts as the Kings of France owed them There was a time and so it is still when a King of France dyed greatly indebted to the Switzers which debt they challenging of his immediate Successor and Heir who dyed in their debt It was answered that although true it was that Contracts do bind the Contrahents and their heirs as well private men a Princes yet the Kings of France not succeeding as Heirs but as Successors by custom are not within the meaning and sense of that Law which speaketh of Contracts and their Contrahents and their Heirs only By which cavil the poor Switzers were deceived of their due debt as we English-men have been debarred of our Claims Titles and Rights sometimes by the Law Salique which was as I have said no Law of France and sometimes by such exceptions devices and subtleties as I have lately specified The fourth point whereat they wonder is why the Kings of England having good right unto the Crown of France and better success when they demanded their Right by Fire and Sword do not still prosecute their demand and did quickly lose whatsoever they or their Predecessors got in many years This point consisteth of two several points the one why we forbear to challenge our right the other by what occasion we lost all that some of our Kings had conquered especially Henry the fifth who subdued the greatest part of France and although he dyed very young yet he left his Son Henry the Sixth being an Infant of few years so mighty at home so be-friended abroad so accompanied with good Souldiers so well assisted with good Counsellours so followed by cunning and expert captains and so directed by wise and discreet Generals that when he was but ten years of Age he was crowned at Paris King of France by the Dukes of Bedford and Burgundy and in the presence of the chief Peers and Nobility of France This first point is easily answered because ever since the first time we laid claim to the Crown of France those Princes of ours who were Martial men and inclined to Wars demanded their Right by open Wars as both ours and their Chronicles do testifie But it pleased God sometimes to send us as he doth unto other Kingdomes such Princes as were rather given to pleasure and unto peace rather then unto Wars and Martial exploits in whose time the Frenchmen were wise enough to take advantage of their quiet and peaceable natures and when our Kings and Subjects following as Subjects commonly do the humours and qualities of their Princes gave themselves unto pleasures and pastimes the French followed the Wars and either by open Invasions or by subtile devices recoverd part of their losses Besides it hath sometimes fortuned that when we had valiant Princes and such as hath both good will and sufficient power to recover their Right our Realm hath either been divided within it self and by domestical dissention hindred to prosecute Forraign Wars Or that our Kings coming by their kingdoms by force of Armes have had more mind and occasion to stable and assure the same unto themselves and their Heirs then to make Wars abroad Again during the contentions betwixt the houses of Lancaster and of York sometimes the one part and sometimes the other sought favour and friendship and alliance of the Kings of France and they who prevailed in their attempts and purposes by their aid furtherance and sufferance thought it an especial point of wit and policy to seek and continue their Amity yea and sometimes to buy the same with very hard conditions lest that having them for their Enemies they should either invade their Realms or assist their Competitors who most commonly fled unto them for help relief and succour For as many of our Kings as have been driven out of their Royal Seats and Dignities by their domestical Adversaries have been either entertained or restored to their Crowns by the Kings of France and Scotland the Dukes of Burgundy or the Princes of Henault as were Edward the fourth Henry the second the sixth and the seventh Besides some of the kings of France as namely Lewis the twelfth and Francis the first doubting that our Kings would annoy them at home whilest they were busied in Forraign Wars corrupted our Kings Council with bribes and with yearly rewards and pensions made them so bound and beholding unto them that they did not only bewray their Masters secrets but also diverted their purposes and if at any time they were purposed to molest France or to joyn with the Enemies of France they changed the Kings minds and perswaded them not only not to hinder but also to help and further the French Kings in all their Enterprises and against all their Enemies And they were not only contented to â—ee our cheif Counsellors as Francis the first â—id Cardinal Wolsey who bare such sway with Henry the eighth changed his determination so often made him friend and enemy to whom he would and favoured the Emperour Charles the fifth and sometimes the French king his common Adversary in such manner that it was commonly said that Cardinal Wolsey ruled the French King the King of England and the Emperour but also they purchased our Kings favour and furtherance with yearly Fees and Pensions For it is written that Lewis the eleventh to retain and entertain the King of England for his friend payed him yearly in London 50000 Crowns and bestowed yearly 16000 other Crowns upon his chief Counsellors the Lord Chancellor and the Master of the Rolls and when our King had any occasion to send any Embassadour unto him he received them so honourably entertained them so friendly rewarded them so liberally and dispatched them with so fair words although their Embassage was never so unpleasant and displeasing unto him that they departed alwayes very well contented And albeit that some
down in Don Antonio's Apologie unto which I refer you Although there be at the least twenty points therein of no small moment which in my opinion are not sufficiently cleared nor substantially handled yet therein you shall easily perceive how king Philip in getting the same kingdom imitated as I said before his father I must likewise refer you to the history of Hernan Logeres touching the discovery and conquest of the Indies for it were too long for me to tell you what small forces went thither out of Spain first and how the Leaders of those slender Armies taking advantage of the divisions which they found betwixt the kings of those Countries did easily overthrow some with the help of the other There you shall see how a number of naked men fly like sheep before a few armed souldiers there you shall read that even amongst those barbarous people and princes there wanted neither deceit nor policy there you shall find that the Spaniards being far from their Country and not many amongst an infinite number of mortal enemies strived and contended amongst themselves for superiority which argueth an unsatiable desire of rule and government and their natural proneness to mutiny although they challenge an especial praise above all other Nations for their obedience to their Superiours there you shall see the fruits of division the effects of tyrannie the force of terror and fear and the vertue of good and expert souldiers fighting against rude and ignorant multitudes there you shall observe in some of these unchristian Princes more loyalty friendship constancy and perseverance in their honest and lawful enterprises then hath lately been found in many Christian Princes there briefly you shall find enough to satisfie you how the Spaniards came to the possession of the Indies if withal it may please you to understand that Pope Alexander the sixth being a Spaniard and chosen Arbitrator betwixt the Kings of Spain and Portugal at what time they were at variance for and touching the division of the Indies the said Pope shewed himself too too partial unto the Spaniard and gave him much more then the Portugal thought that in reason and conscience should have been allotted unto him Now from the Indies and the aforementioned Kingdoms unto the Earldoms and Dukedoms And first to the Dutchy of Millan a State which hath suffered many alterations of which I may not speak without digressing too much from my purpose and because I hasten unto many other points whereof I intend by Gods grace to discourse at large I may not be over-long in this point The Dutchy of Milan was anciently a member of the Empire and none was held lawful Lord or Duke thereof which had not received his investure and approbation from the Emperour It would be both long and tedious to relate unto you the many competencies for this Dukedom the sundry Pretendants thereunto and the mighty Partakers of these competitors whereof leaving ancient quarrels aside and not troubling you with the Titles of the Viscounts with the pretentions of the Sforzas nor with the claims of the Predecessors of Francis the first king of France and of Charles the fifth Emperour I will only tell you that the former challenged the same Dukedom in right of the Lady Valentine wife unto the Duke of Orleance and the later pretend right thereunto because the contract of Marriage betwixt Valentine and the said Duke was not confirmed by the Authority of the Emperour because the Emperour had never granted unto the before-named Duke the Investure of the said Dukedom These reasons indeed are sufficient in Law to deprive a Vassal of his Seigniory if by voluntary negligence or wilful obstinacy he refuse to do homage or to demand the Investure of his hold and Tenure of the Lord and Sovereign But there are many occasions which may excuse this demand upon which I shall not need to stand because they are not pertinent to this purpose which is only to shew you whether the Spanish King came rightly or unrightly unto the Dukedom of Millan The which difficulty may be cleared in this manner Let the Spaniard shew that his Fathers Allegation was lawful then shall it follow that his War for the same with the French King was also most lawful And so consequently his getting the same by force of Arms likewise lawful Let him shew that it was gotten with the Forces and Expences of the Empire then it shall follow that it belonged unto the Empire Let him shew that his Father having purchased his Dukedom in right of the Empire and at the costs and with the help of the Souldiers and Captains thereof had full Authority to alienate the same and to bestow it upon him his lawful Son and that he so did then shall it follow that he is true owner thereof But I fear me it will be very hard and difficult for him to shew all these particulars and therefore I dare not deliver it for any sound opinion that he hath right thereunto unless he shall plead the Renunciation and Resignation made thereof by the said Francis at what time the Treaty of Peace was concluded betwixt his Father and he the said Francis at Cambray At which time the said Francis for himself and his heirs renounced demised released and resigned into the hands and possessiâ—n of the sâ—id Charloâ— and of his Heirs all Rights Titles and Interests which he or they had or might have unto the Dukedom of Millan From which Dukedom I will now come to the Dutchy of Burgundy and to all the Earldoms and other members implicatively contained therein and lawfully invested in the Duke thereof For Charls last Duke of Burgâ—ndy who was unfortunately slain by the Switzers was Earl of Flanders and of Holland Duke of Brabant and Lord of all the united Provinces by reason whereof and of those laudible qualities which he possessed he thought himself inferiour to no Prince living in his time and never had been overthrown as he was had he not dwelt too much in his opinion had he not presumed too much of his own strength had he not thought too basely of his enemies and had he not made so slâ—ght account as he did of the French Kings subtle and secret practises against him which indeed were so politique so wise and so secret that a French Historiographer writeth That the French King still sitting in his Chair at home and suffering the Duke to follow his own humours and suborning and procuring him daily new Adversaries did him far more much harm then they who did openly and directly bear Arms against him This Duke being slain as is above-said in an unfortunate time for the house of Burgundy and for a very small occasion for the Wars wherein he was slain were but for a Cart loaden with sheep-skins left issue but one Daughter whom Maximilian the Emperour married and had by her issue Philip Arch-Duke of Austria who begat Charls the Emperour and
Navie when Don Iohn de Austria gave the Turk the famous overthrow for which all Christendom greatly rejoyced they might haply have gotten Constantinople and have recovered most part of the Turkish Dominion Next unto the House of Austria is the State of Venice which although it be far inferiour unto many Christian Princes in power and strength by land yet it yeildeth unto very few or none of them in force by Sea With this State the Spaniard knoweth also that it is very good and convenient for him to entertain peace and amity For albeit they have many Countries confining and bordering upon the Turk for the which they pay him yearly Tribute and that their Merchants have continual entercourse of Trade and traffique unto Turky and likewise the Turks with them which bringeth in inestimable wealth and benefit unto the State and that in consideration hereof the Turk will not easily offend them nor they willingly displease him yet the Venetians knowing him to be a Turk that is a common enemy of Christendom the devourer of other mens estates the disturber of the common peace and a most notable breaker of all League Truce and Amity as often as he stirreth they stand in continual awe of him and notwithstanding all leagues contracts and confederacies with him are content to joyn with the Spaniard at any time against him and to use the utmost of their power to annoy and molest him as it was seen by the great aid which they gave unto the Spanish King when as Don Iohn de Austria gave the Turk the above-mentioned overthrow Thus being assured of the Venetians friendship entertaining perfect and perpetual amity with the House of Austria and having the rest of the Princes of Italy for his friends he hath little occasion to fear the Turk And yet for his better security he seeketh to live in league and amity with him and likewise keepeth continual friendship with the Turks greatest enemies hoping to turn them upon him if at any time he should chance to attempt any act of hostility against any of his States and Dominions The French King is the second considerable friend or enemy the Spaniard hath of whose friendship or enmity he is to make no small account For albeit the one hath many more Kingdoms many more People and much more Treasure then the other yet because France is of it self and within it self a very great Kingdom well inhabited full of many great Cities replenished with all things necessary and sufficiently furnished with whatsoever is needful either for Peace or for War The King thereof is in my opinion nothing inferior unto the Spaniard and much more able to pleasure or annoy him then any other Prince of Christendom It may be said that the Spaniards many Dominions yeilds him infinite multitudes of Souldiers that his Indies furnish and enrich him with great abundance of Silver and Gold and that the one and the other make him in a manner invincible But if his men by reason they are far off cannot easily be brought together Iâ— because they are of divers Nations they will hardly agree long together It because they be of contrary natures and conditions they are not in like measure fit for the Wars If their discipline shall be found contrary their humours divers and their courages in no respects equal or like What benefit What good success may be expected of an Army being compounded of so many diversities Again if the wealth of the Indies may be as it hath been oftentimes intercepted If his Treasures do scant suffice for his ordinary and extraordinary expences If his debts be already more then he is well able to pay What booteth his wealth Or why should France fear his Treasure Or what just occasion hath he either in regard of his people or in respect of his gold to contemn or make small reckoning of the united Forces of France especially since the Countries of France are able to set forth such a sufficient Army to encounter with his forces at any time and the yearly revenues of the Crown of Fraâ—ce will serve to maintain and furnish the same Army withal things necessary Appianus Alexandrinus who lived in the time of Adrianus the Emperour in his History of the Roman Wars writeth That in his time the Emperour Adrianus had in pay 200m. Footâ—men and 500m. men at Arms 3000. Carts and Waggons for his Wars and 300m. Armors to Arm his Soulâ—iers withal he had also a Navy of 600. tall Ships and of 1500. Gallies with many other Vessels of divers sort and with an infinite number of all kind of Instruments and Weapons for Sea-fight besides 80. Ships with the Prores and the Poups of gold for a shew or ornamenâ— of his Wars And lastly he had in his Treasure-house 150m. Talents in ready coyn This force this preparation this strength and wealth seemed unto the same Author so great that in the proem of the very same History he saith That all the Forces of Alexander the Great of the Assirians of the Medians and of the Persians which were four mighty Emperours were never able to attain in 900. years unto half the power strength and greatness that the Romans had Titus Livius had the like opinion of the Roman power For he saith That Alexander King of Epirus was wont to say That all the Wars which Alexander the Great ever had were in comparison of his own Wars with women rather then with men And that all the life of Alexander the Great would not have sufficed to end and finish one only War with the Carthaginians with whom the Romans in the first Wars against them fought twenty four years together And that the Romans had overthrown above 1000. sundry Armies the least of all the which was far greater then the Armies of the Macedonians or of Alexander the Great All which may seem to be true because Plutarch in his Lives of the Roman and Greekish Worthies reporteth That Iulius Caesar took in his time one thousand Cities by assault overcame more then 300. sundry Nations took above a Million of men prisoners and slew better then another Million of men in divers Battels for if one General of the Romans wrought so many worthy Exploits subdued so many Regions and slew so many Enemies how infinite now incredible were the Armies and the Victories of the Romans who had many Captains As both the Scipios Fabius Maximus Pompeius Magnus and divers others not much inferior to Iâ—lius Caesar Notwithstanding all this that is said I must needs say that as Iohn Bodin a French Authour saith in his Book de Republica the Romans having made tryal of four several Estates As of a Royal a Tyrannical an Aristocratical and a Popular State never thrived better nor ever flourished more then they did under their Popular State And to what end say I thus Forsooth to this purpose To shew you that when the Romans were most mighty when their Authority was greatest when
these examples move them to do the like when as the like occasion of fear or of envy is offered unto them Hannibal counselled as you have heard Antiochus to war upon the Romans in Italy when they were far stronger then the Spaniards is and no man had better experience of the Romans or of Italy then Hannibal had The reasons therefore enforcing Hannibal to give that Counsel to Antiochus may as they have many times serve to move the French King to follow his counsel the rather because experience proved it to be true and Antiochus failed of his purpose because he hearkned to Hannibal's perswasion But this difficulty will be better cleared if I shall let you understand the opinion of one of the best Warriors of our Age as well touching the wealth as the strength of the French King Monsieur de la Nove who dyed but a few years past and when he lived was generally reputed and esteemed the best Captain of our time in his Book of Military discourses delivereth that the French King Henry the second levyed yearly by ordinary means of his Subjects fifteen Millions of Francks part whereof were engaged and pawned for his debts and yet saith he our King levieth no less at this day Here you see the French Kings Revenues were in some measure comparable unto the Romans For Plutarch in his before mentioned History writing of the life of Pompey who was surnamed the Great reporteth That the yearly and ordinary Revenues of the Roman Common-wealth before the Conquest obtained by Pompey came but to five Millions of Crowns which is fifteen Millions of Francks the just Revenue of the French King until that Pompey increased the same and brought it to eight Millions and 500 m Crowns and brought unto the Treasure-house ten Millions of Jewels and ready coin So if you remember that as it hath been shewed the Romans never flourished more then they did when they were governed by Consuls and not by Kings or by Emperours yea you shall see that the French King coming not much behind them in yearly Revenues may be thought in some respect equal unto them The same Mounsieur de la Nove in his twentieth Military Discourse talking of the might and puissance of the French King deliverâ—th That he may very conveniently set forth an Army of 60. Companies of men at Arms of 20. Cornets of light Horse-men and of five Companies of Harquebusiers on Horseback which were in all 10000. Horse-men besides 4000. Royters and 100. Ensigns of French Foot-men and 40. Ensigns of Swizzars and yet he shall leave his Frontier Towns sufficiently well armed and furnished with men and munition as well to defend as offend the enemy Du Haillan in his 14th Book of the History of France setteth down That Philip de Valois when as he warred with Edward the Third King of England for the Crown of France had an Army of 100 m fighting men The same Authour in his sixteenth Book writeth That Charls King of France meaning to go into England against King Richard as I take it the second brought to the Sluce in Flanders a Navy of 128â— Ships all loaden with men and munition which I have thought good to let you understand to the end you may see that if the Alps should be made unpassable by the Spaniard for the Frenchmen which was the Emperour Charls the fifth's purpose and intention to do if in his life time he could possibly have brought it to pass yet the French King is not unable or unfurnished of ships to convey and carry as his Predecessors have done a sufficient Army by Sea into Italy Plutarch in the life of Iulius Caesar recordeth that the Frenchmen came with an Army of three hundred thousand fighting men to raise Iulius Caesars Siege before Alexia a huge number and such a number as the Romans never used the like against any Forrain Enemy as the same Plutarch testifieth in the life of Fabius Maximus where he affirmeth that the greatest power which the Romans ever had against any enemy whatsoever was but eighty eight thousand souldiers and Andreas Ficcius in his book de Repub. reporteth that they seldome or never passed the number of forty or fifty thousand a less number then which Charls the fifth the present King of Spain's father held to be sufficient as I have said before to encounter with any Christian Prince and I have thought good to repeat because hearing what you have heard of the French power you may think the French King well able to annoy any King of Christendom For although I should grant that his power is weakned and he not able to arm such multitudes as his Predecessors have done for which I see no reason if he were freed of his Civil wars yet it must needs be granted that he could easily make an army of that number and therewith greatly prejudice the Spaniard in Italy especially since a Captain of valour and experience will adventure to set upon innumerable multitudes nothing fearing their number with a few well trained and experienced souldiers as Alexander the great did upon Darius his innumerable hoste and Hannibal did upon the Romans who as Polibius testifieth in his second book with scant twenty thousand feared not to fight with the Romans in Italy amounting unto seven hundred thousand footmen and seventy thousand horsemen Thus as in Revenues so in multitudes of Souldiers at the leastwise in such multitudes as they commonly used you see the French King is in some measure comparable to the Romans but especially in no respect inferiour unto Hannibal for men or money and therefore without all doubt and controversie as likely and able to war with the Spanish King within the very bowels of Italy as he was to contend with the Romans when they were strongest as all Princes are most commonly within their own Realms and Dominions especially if they have as the Romans had the same wholly and entirely to themselves But although this point touching the King of France his possibility and means to molest and trouble the Spanish King in Italy be well and sufficiently cleared by that which is said yet I cannot so leave it for I hold it convenient to let you know the opinion of his Father concerning the same matter He therefore considering the variable affections of the Princes of Italy the hidden and secret malice which they inwardly bear unto all strangers and forreigners the many pretensions which the French King hath unto Naples and Milan together with sundry prosperous attempts and journeys which of late years they have made into Italy counselled the present King of Spain his son at the time he resigned all his Kingdoms unto him a very rare and commendable act to carry a watchful and wary eye over the French King he willeth him to be jealous of his greatness and to seek all means possible to weaken him he adviseth how to war against France and how by his own
she might happily be enabled to maintain either all or part of the Expences of those Wars with his Treasure And having learned of men of great experience what Forces would suffice to effect her desire and purpose thought it superfluous and needless to send thither greater strength then they not unadvisedly required And albeit neither her Majesty nor the Lords of her privy Council were ignorant that the Indians were far stronger then when they were first conquered And therefore that such a Navy as was first sent thither could not work the like effect there yet both her Grace and they thought it not meet to employ any more of her own or of her Merchants Ships in that service lest that the Spanish Fleet which was expected in England many years before it came coming upon her Realm in the absence of Sir Francis Drake and his Consorts should not have found the same sufficiently provided to make such resistance as was needful For as it sheweth courage in a Prince to give the first on-set upon his enemies within his own Dominions so it argueth want of discretion and wisdom to assault his adversaries with such force and power as if the enemy in absence thereof invade his Realm there should not be found at home an Army sufficient to withstand his Invasion Now as touching her Majesties Attempt made against Portugal and Spain The manner thereof is not unknown unto the world the cause is notorious and the success is not hidden nor secret For Mr Anthony Wingfields and Mr Dr Doylies Books the one in English the other in Latine set down the order motive and the event of that Attempt so truly so fully and so plainly as I shall not need to say any thing thereof especially having already touched his Right at large for whose cause and at whose instance the Voyage was undertaken But because the said Books make but a plain and true Narration of the Journey and of the cause and success thereof leaving the Justification of the same cause unhandled and you desire to see the same confirmed and strengthned by some examples declaring the equity thereof I will in this Point somwhat satisfie your desire and pleasure Presupposing therefore Don Antonion his Title to the Kingdom of Portugal to be just and right as his own Apology can and doth testifie I think it will not be denyed but that what help soever was or shall be hereafter yeilded unto him for the recovery thereof was and will be both warrantable by Law and justifiable by many and infinite Histories The Law be it of Nature or of Nations warranteth any man whatsoever Vim vi repellere to repel force by force which is not tyed to this bare sence and meaning only That it shall be lawful for him to defend himself only against him that assaulteth his person or endangereth his life but it reacheth further and giveth him leave to use any moderate violence yea sometimes to kill him if he cannot otherwise retain his own that goeth about by main force to put him out of possession of his lands and inheritance or to take away his goods from him The same proceedeth further with us in England and in France and provideth that if a man be assaulted and others stand by and help him not they are held for partakers of the violence that is offered unto him and if a man be robbed upon the high-way and Hue and Cry be not made presently after the Theeves the Town Village or Hamlet which presently pursueth not the Malefactor shall answer whatsoever is taken from the party that is robbed The reasons of this Law are many First it is expedient for the Common-wealth to conserve the lives and goods of the Subjects thereof then there should neither be Meum nor Tuum if this Law did not take place Next the first and especial cause of assembling Societies together and of making and fortifying Villages Towns and Cities was a desire and care which men had to live together in safety as well of their Goods as of their persons Lastly nature detesteth unlawful violence desireth the conservation of her Creatures tendreth their welfare and hateth the Procurers of her harm and detriment and therefore provided Princes that should minister Justice unto all men indifferently defend the innocent valiantly maintain their Subjects in peace continually and duly inflict condigne punishment upon the breakers and perturbers of peace and tranquility Now because Justice loseth her name and majesty unless a proportionable Equity be observed in the administration and exercise thereof as private mens security is regarded and tendred in Justice so the Law must likewise have the indempnity safety and commodity of Superiors Magistrates and Princes in recommendation otherwise they should be in far worse case then their own Subjects are For the wrongs that are done unto them are righted by their Magistrates and therefore it standeth with good reason that some provision be made and some care had for the reformation of such injuries as are offered to the Kings and Princes If a Subject be thrust out of possession of his proper Inheritance the Law provideth that he shall be presently restored thereunto And if a king be wrongfully driven out of his kingdom shall not he be allowed to seek a restitution thereof He shall but how Forsooth at his hands who hath deprived him but what if the Usurper will not yeild to his petition he is then to implore the help of other Princes and they on his behalf are to pray and admonish the Usurper to make restitution of all that he detaineth wrongfully whereunto iâ— he shall not hearken after due admonition given unto him they may junctis viribus invade his Realm and by main force inforce him to restore whatsoever he with-holdeth unjustly For this charge lay upon the Emperours as long as they were of sufficient force and authority to command and controll the Kings of this world But now that the Imperial Majesty is somewhat abated and Kings have freed and emancipated themselves from the Emperours power and jurisdiction it remaineth as part of the charge of Kings to see that no violence be offered unto their Colleagues and especially unto their Confederates Therefore it is usual amongst Princes to enter into Alliance together with express conditions to take the Enemies each one of the other for their own Enemies and not only to defend their own Estates against all men whatsoever but also to offend him whatsoever he be that shall attempt any thing to their prejudice and there is nothing more common then to see Princes oppressed to fly for aid unto the Oppressors Adversaries and to receive help and succour from them They therefore are highly commended which receive and harbour a distressed Prince and they contrarywise worthy of perpetual shame and infamy which either refuse to receive such an one or after his receipt offer him any manner of wrong or violence because as to adde affliction unto the
General with 150 men at Armes A few more Examples like unto this will give some better light unto the obscurity and doubtfulness of this question and therefore I will afford you some such examples Edward the third King of England espying a time of great advantage to invade Scotland because he might be the less blamed if he should take the same occasion publikely protested that he was not in League with the Scot because the League betwixt them was fully agreed and concluded upon in his minority and while he being under Age had not the capacity to perceive the disadvantage and great harm that grew unto him by the same League The Scots and Picts being in League with the ancient Britanes and spying a convenient time to molest them whilest Maximinianus the Emperour was absent invaded the Realm and pretended that they were not bound to the League concluded betwixt them and Maximinianus if he were once out of the Kingdom The same people notwithstanding their League invaded the Brittanes another time saying that the League was at an end by the death of Placitus the Roman Lieutenant who had concluded the same League The Brittans in the time of King Arthur entred into League with Lothus King of the Picts and bound themselves to receive Aludred a Pict for heir and successour unto King Arthur but when Arthur was dead contrary to the Convenants of this League they made Constantius and not Aludred their King and being accused of the said Picts for breach of the said League they answered that the League betwixt Lothus and Arthur was fastened unto this condition that as soon as the one or the other dyed the Subjects of neither of them should be tyed any longer thereunto adding further that it stood not with policy to admit a Stranger to bear rule and government over them The examples are infinite that might be alledged to this purpose but these few may suffice to shew the proneness and ready good will of Princes to falsifie their Faith and to colour the breach thereof with some reasonable shew and pretence when they found it not commodious or convenient for them to hold every Covenant and Article of their Agreements Now having seen by this that hath been said already that Leagues are lightly broken it resteth for the better strengthening of my purpose that I declare unto you by such examples as shall presently come unto my memory what occasions one Allie hath taken to be offended with another and how upon such occasions offered of great friends they have become mortal enemies For hereby you shall see that since Princes are most commonly led and ruled by examples insomuch that they hold all things to be well done which not being apparently unjust or dishonest are done by example that our Queen notwithstanding the ancient continuance of the League that hath been between the Crown of England and the house of Burgundy of which the King of Spain pretendeth himself to be lawful Heir may most lawfully fall from the same and by many and infinite Presidents justifie the receipt of the King of Portugal and the aid given unto him I find many causes in such Histories as I have read which have moved princes who were conjoyned together in a very straight League of Amity and Friendship to fall at variance and either to war one upon another or to associate themselves each one with the Foes and Adversaries of the other Iulius Caesar although the Romans were in League with the people which were anciently called Lingones yet he held them yea and used them as Enemies because they aided the Helvetians which are now called Swizzers with corn and other provision Other Princes have taken occasion of offence against their Allies and Confederates because they have fallen to Agreement with their common Enemies and Adversaries without their consent of privity So was Pope Sextus the fourth highly displeased with Ferdinando King of Naples because he not making him privy thereunto had agreed all matters of variance and controversie betwixt himself and Laurence de medicis and the City of Florence So did Lewis the twelfth of France justly complain of Pope Iulius the second because at what time France stood in most need of him he compounded the differences betwixt the Church and their common Enemies and for this injury offered unto him published bills and books of greivous complaints against him saying that he was worthy to be deprived of his Popedom Illescas in the life of Pope Leo the tenth reporteth That the Venetians being in League with the King of Spain against the French King departed from their Alliance with the Spaniard and allied themselves with the French King for no other occasion but because Prospero Colona one of the Captains of the Spanish Army did not presently give unto them Bressia which he had taken from the French King and should as it seemed have been restored unto the Venetians as soon as it was taken Sometimes it falleth out that many occasions meet at one time to move a Prince to relinquish and leave the side and party of his confederate Many causes enforced Pope Leo the tenth to leave the French King and to join with Charls the fifth First his unsatiable desire to recover Parma and Placentia The pity he took of Italy to see what misery it endured under the French Thirdly The good will he had to gratifie the Emperor for the great love which he shewed at the Diet holden at Wormes unto the See of Rome Fourthly his indignation and displeasure conceived against Monsieur Lotreth Governour of Milan because he did not only molest and trouble the poor Millanois with a thousand vexations and grievances but also gave all the Benefices Bishopricks and other Ecclesiastical Livings within the Dukedom of Milan without the Popes leave and licence And further because he had had given commandment that no man should appear upon any Citation sent from Rome nor should go thither to follow any Suit or Process begun or moved there And lastly the remembrance of those injuries which were done by the King of France unto his Predecessors and especially unto Peter and Laurence de Medicis his Father and his Brother Here you see the Pope whom the rest of Italy most commonly followeth partly moved with a just hatred against the Frenchmen and partly fearing their overgrowing power in Italy to prevent the hateful increase of their greatness leaveth them and joyneth himself unto their enemies Now you shal see another Pope named Clement the seventh and with him also the Venetians finding that Charls the fifth with whom Leo the tenth allied himself against the French King yeildeth not accordingly as he was bound the investiture of the Dukedom of Milan unto Francis Sforza who promised to give him for the same six hundred thousand Ducates and to marry with whomsoever it should please him and also to hold the Dukedom at his devotion And further conjecturing
since the said Merchants at no time had any cause why they should not credit her Highness as well as him Nor did they weigh the violent and extraordinary dealing of the Duke of Alva who as soon as he heard the news of the intercepting of the said money commanded all our English Merchants that were then in Antwerp or elsewhere in Brabant and Flanders to be detained as prisoners seized upon their goods and Merchandizes and willed that the English house should be kept by a Guard of High-Dutchmen and presently wrote unto the King his Master to detain all our Merchants in Spain and further knowing that there were divers English Ships in Zeland laden with Cloth and other Merchandize of great worth and value he caused them likewise to be stayed and neither they nor our Merchants in Brabant Flanders Zeland or Spain were dismissed before the king of Spain was fully satisfied which might easily be done the very Cloth it self which was transported out of England into those Countries being almost worth the sum that was pretended God knoweth how truly to be taken away from the Spâ—niard For although we should grant that this money was wrongfully taken and detained by her Majesty yet the order which the Duke of Alva took for the recovery thereof was not to be justified He ought first to have acquainted his Master with the taking thereof Then an Embassadour should have been sent from him into England to demand restitution thereof And lastly if her Grace had denied the restoring of the same or not sufficiently satisfied the taking of it the course which was taken had not been amiss But here the Cart went before the Horse and judgment was given before the Cause was heard Now because our Merchants lived quietly in the Low Countries as well before as after the taking of this money because they enjoyed their Priviledges as largely as ever they did because we had daily Traffique with Spain and the Kings Embassadours remained then and many years after in England All which are Arguments and probable Conjectures that there was peace betwixt us and Spain the intercepting of this money will still seem unlawful unless it be shewed that the Spaniard hath given her Majesty some just occasion of discontentment before the time of taking thereof Truly it cannot be denied that our Merchants had Traffique as it is said in Spain and elsewhere under the Spanish Dominions but not for any love to our Prince or Nation but in regard of the great benefit that they brought unto the King and to his Countries which could not well stand or at the least wise as late experience hath shewed flourished as they did without them Witness the misery of Antwerp at this present the poverty of Burges and the calamity of many other Towns both in Brabant and in Flanders which as long as they were haunted and frequented by Englishmen yeilded to few Towns and Cities of Christendom for wealth and prosperity Witness again Middleboroug Vlushing Amsterdam and other Towns in Holland and Zeland which before the departure of our Englishmen from those Towns which are now under the King of Spain and before their Traffique in Holland and Zeland had not the tenth part of the wealth or resort of Merchants thither which they have at this present in so much that many Towns in these two Provinces are of late years made larger yea twice as big as they were wont to be Witness lastly the great wealth power and strength which the States of the United Provinces are grown unto since they have cast off the yoke of Spanish Tyrannical Government entred into strait League with our most gratious Queens Majesty and hath had Traffique with her loving Subjects for which the small aid which they have had from us small indeed in comparison of their great charges and with the yearly Revenues which they gather by the resort of Merchants thither it is seen of late that they are become so mighty as that for provision of Wars for strength by Sea for Munition for all kind of furniture for Wars both by Sea and Land and especially by Sea they may almost compare with the mightiest Prince in the world Have they not of late years boarded the Spaniard did they not when he sent his Invincible Army into England stand us in great stead Have they not won many Towns which were lost and betrayed in the time of the late Earl of Leicesters being there when they had far greater help and countenance by us then they have had of late Briefly have they not and do they not carry themselves so of late years that it may not only grieve the Spaniard but also all the Princes of Christendom that he hath given them so just and good occasion to know and to use their own strength For if the chiefest Towns of France which are grown to such an humor and liking of encantonizing themselves as it hath been thought meet to publish many reasons in print to shew the great inconveniences and difficulties which they should incurre and find in so doing if I say these Towns should enter into consideration of the wealth and prosperity of the said States and their Subjects and after due examination of their happiness follow their examples and so in time cast off the yoke servitude and obedience which time out of mind they have owed and most dutifully shewed unto their Kings would it not be a very ill president a dangerous imitation and a most pernicious example Should not other Princes have just cause to suspect and fear the like change and alteration in their kingdomes And were it not greatly to be doubted and feared that other Subjects would be as ready as forward as desirous as they of liberty of alteration and of a new kind of Government Nay was there not a time when almost at one time all the Subjects of Europe not seeing so much as they may now see jumped so well in one desire to free themselves from their subjection unto Kings and Princes as that all Kings and Princes were enforced to joyn together in strength and in good will to suppress them The danger therefore of this inconvenience only being well and wisely considered all the Princes of Europe have great occasion to be offended with the Spaniard who by his unjust severity hath in some manner endangered all their States and royal Principalities But hereof more conveniently hereafter in another place Now again to my purpose The Subjects of the United Provinces travell dayly into Spain they carry thither and fetch thence many commodities they only abstain from carrying and bringing of things necessary and profitable for the maintenance of Wars May any man considering the premises and seeing how they and the Spaniards fight dayly one against another at home and within their own Countries say truly that there is no War betwixt them No verily it is not the entercourse of Merchants nor the residence of Leaguers and Embassadours that
think that the Spaniard desireth not her Kingdoms who sheweth many and manifest signs that he affecteth the Rule and Empire of all the world Why should she not envy and hate him who seeketh to encrease his power to the end he may be the better able to annoy her And how can she be too wary too circumspect too wathful over such a friend if he will needs be taken as a friend who watcheth and snatcheth every little and great secret and coulourable occasion to play her the part of a deadly and a mortal enemy Shall she take him for a friend that seeketh to murther her person to estrange her Subjects to destroy her Realms The first confirmed by the Treasons before mentioned The second proved by the pernitious and detestable Book published by Dr Allen wherein he exhorteth teacheth and licenseth her Subjects to rebel against her and had for his labour a Cardinalship procured by the Spaniard The last lately verified and manifested by the hostile attempt and violence of his invincible Navy gathered together in seven years space compounded of all Nations and reported to have conquered before it came to the place where it meant to conquer and yet by our Might and the Almighties assistance happily and speedily conquered It is truly written or wisely fained That Hercules a man exceeding common mens stature a man blessed with more then ordinary good fortune a man of rare vertues and of admirable force and strength went up and down the world walking with a mighty Club in his hand and wandring from place to place only to subdue and chastise Tyrants and this true History or wise Fiction tendeth to no other purpose is reported for no other cause but to signifie that oppression is hateful and oppressors hated that affliction craveth compassion and afflicted persons are worthy of mercy and that to subvert the one is laudable and to succour the other is lawful Then if as Cornelius Tacitus saith other men direct their counsels to things that they think may and will be profitable unto them but Princes are and must be of another condition because all their actions must tend to the affectation and purchasing of Fame and Renown The Prince that succoureth the oppressed and seeketh to supplant the oppressor worketh a deed of Charity an action of Piety a work of commendation and in working thereof bendeth his counsels and directeth his actions unto the attaining of true honour and everlasting fame Then if as Polibus saith he that hath not compassion of other mens harms must not hope that any man shall have pity of his miseries Princes because there is quaedam rerum vicâ—ssitudo and fortune was never at all times favourable although they be in the highest degree of felicity must not presume too much on their own good fortune nor condemn those that are in miseries lest that if they chance to fall no man will vouchsafe to help them up again Then if as Thucidides saith he is not only a Tyrant that enforceth his Subjects to live in bondage and servitude but he also that may withstand another mans violence and do not withstand the same Princes which see their neighbours violently oppressed and as idle lookers on yeild them no manner of reliefe and succour when they may conveniently help them and in danger to be esteemed and reputed Tyrants Then if as Zenophon saith it be not lawful to break faith with him that falcifieth his word and promise Princes that withhold not their helping hands from the oppressed because they have been and are in League with the Oppressor who hath violated his faith unto them and unto others are not to be condemned of wrong and iniquity Then if as Iosephus saith patience and long suffering of an injury maketh the wrong-doer most commonly ashamed of his actions the Prince that cannot be intreated to leave off his wrong doing may well be ashamed thereof Then if as Bartholomeus Facius saith women-kind the weaker and more fearful it is the readier it is to beleive any credible report her Majesty is not to be blamed for crediting the just complaints of the oppressed States unto which the late King of France did as you have heard give open ear and would as it is credibly reported have vouchsafed sufficient relief had he not been letted by domestical dissentions and wars nourished and maintained of purpose by the Spaniard because he should not be able to yeild them relief and succor Then though it belong unto private men to conserve and retain their own and unto Princes to contend and strive for other mens Goods as ambitious minds do affirm and desire yet must they remember that the desire of Rule passeth all other affections yet must they not forget that some things resembling vertues are scant commendable but rather hateful and odious as too too great and obstinate severity and a mind nothing flexible or relenting at the sight at the remembrance of another mans misery Then though Princes be of power to begin Wars and to oppress their Subjects yet ought they to consider that it is not always expedient to do all that a man may or can do that a wise man must first try all other means then use the tryal of Armes that as it is commendable to be valiant against the enemy so it is praise-worthy to use clemency and gentleness towards them that are meek and penitent that they which offend by force and not of purpose by constraint and not of free-will and use Armes for their liberty and not oâ— malice deserve pardon and not hard dealing favour and not cruelty life and liberty and not death and servitude Then to be short if every one of these reasons shall not be available unto the Queen of England and the oppressed Flemmings yet let all avail her and them so shall she and they be justified and the Spainiard condemned so shall their and her actions be approved and his doings be reprehended so shall no man have just occasion to envie their and her prosperity and all Princes good cause to fear and suspect his over-growing authority so briefly shall it appear that the Spaniards unkind dealing deserveth no kindness of her Majesty and that although she hath hitherto spared him yet she hath no occasion to favour â—im And now I will make it appear that not withstanding his many Kingdomes and great power it lay in her power long sithence to have overthrown him For if it had pleased her Highness to have sent greater strength in Flanders then she did and of late years to have aided the United Provinces with huger Armies then she ever sent thither those Countries which are now partly in hâ—s possession and partly freed from his bondage had all before this time rejected him for their Lord and not any of them ever returned to his Subjection But the fear which she had of him and his power at home the supplies which she sent into France and the upholding of her friends in
or nothing always desirous to embrace many things although he holdeth not safe any thing But of Princes I had rather deliver unto you other mens judgments then mine own opinion You have heard what the Spanish Kingdoms are and by that which hath been said you may easily conjecture that his principal force and strength cometh from Spain and Italy Countries as far different in conditions and qualities as they are distant in place and scituation Of the force of these two Countries you shall therefore hear what a learned Writer and what I who am not worthy to write hath set down for his resolute opinion I have told you long since that Guicciardine termeth the Footmen of Italy Infamia della militia And now to the same purpose because it falleth out very fit for my purpose I may not forbear to tell you that the same Authour in his ninth Book of the same History useth of the Infantry of Italy these words following All Princes that can be served with High Dutchmen Spaniards or Swizzers refuse the service of Italian Footmen because they are neither acquainted with the Customs and Orders of other Nations nor accustomed to continue long in the field The same Writer considering that some kingdoms naturally are better able to defend themselves then offend their enemies delivereth for his opinion that the Spanish King is far better able to defend his Kingdom from any Invasion to be made by the King of France then to offend or annoy the said King By which two judgments I may boldly conjecture and prove my conjecture by Nicholaus Machiavelli who hath written a whole Chapter upon this Argument that not only the Spanish King but also any other Prince whatsoever being driven when he hath occasion to offend or invade an enemy to use forrain power and mercenary Souldiers is not to be esteemed a strong and mighty Prince and that such is the state and condition of the king of Spain is manifestly proved by the places before alledged out of Guicciardine For if his Italians the principal forces of an Army always consisting of Footmen be not fit for that service and his Spaniards are better able to maintain his Realm at home then to molest his enemies abroad who can justly esteem him strong whose chiefest strength dependeth wholy upon these two Nations And now to leave the Italians as men in this respect not worthy to be had in any great reckoning and to proceed more largely in the discovery and declaration of the Spanish valour True it is that as I have said before continual use and daily experience in Martial affairs have made them of late years very famous It is also most certain and manifest that they are very patient and able to endure labour hunger and thirst light of body sparing in their diet and therefore satisfied and maintained with a little wary and politique and therefore cunning in using and inventing new Stratagems briefly so desireous of Wars that unless they have a forrain enemy they will easily fall to variance and civil discord at home But if you call to remembrance how they come to that fame which now they have attained if you consider that they are as Titus Livius testifieth of an unquiet and contentious disposition and always affecting change and alteration if you call to mind that as Paulus Iovius reporteth they have minds evermore thirsting for Rule and Government whereunto if they once attain they bend their whole force and thoughts unto the purchasing of further and higher Authority Lastly if you weigh and remember that as Piero Mexias a Spanish Historiographer saith they cannot endure to be governed by a stranger you must needs think that the before mentioned vertues may be either obscured or hindred by these later vices For let them meet with a Nation not so timerous as those with whom they had to deal of late let them follow their natural disposition and so fall at variance amongst themselves let them still cover and affect Authority and so when they should jointly help one another against their enemies proudly disdain to be ruled by their own leaders as they have done of late years Lastly let them contemn a stranger as they did the late Duke of Parma or not agree with strangers as they did in Flanders what fruit may be expected of their service or what profit can proceed of their valour It is imputed unto the Germans for a great fault that when they are ready to join with their enemies in battel they oftentimes refuse to strike a stroke before they have their due and monethly pays and for this one fault Princes make no great account of them and yet the Spaniards who are subject to this fault as well as they are commended for their loyalty and obedience in so much that some men write that they were never discontent for want of their pay But if you read either the Indian History or the Writers of their late Wars in Flanders you shall find that they have oftentimes revolted for lack of their pay yea they have banded against their Captains and their best Souldiers have resisted the commandment of their Generals This I could prove by many Examples but one notable Example shall suffice for those many At what time it was agreed betwixt the King of Spain and the States of the Low Countries that all Spaniards shall depart thence It was thought convenient and necessary by Don Iohn de Austria who was the General for the King in Flanders to appoint some principal and chief Captains to have the leading and conducting of them into Italy Whereupon Don Iohn gave express commandment unto the Kings Secretary Escovedo to assemble the Counsel of War in the Town of Antwerp and there to consult and deliberate what man was meetest for that purpose This Councel assembled made special choise of Don Alonso de Vargas who willingly accepted the charge but Iulian Romero a man of great worth and no small experience openly reâ—uâ—ed to be commanded by Don Alonso alledging for the only reason of his disobedience that it would be a great dishonour for him to go into Italy under such a Leader because that he being Master of the Camp Don Alonso had been his Souldier and De Vergas as boldly protested that since he had been thought worthy by the Counsel to govern he would not be governed nor guided by Iulian Romero The Councel acquainted Don Iohn with this contention he fearing to discontent either Romero or Vergas and doubting that if they should be discontented some great inconvenience might follow thereon commanded the Councel to chuse a third man which was the County of Mansfield Whereat Don Alonso so stormed that he complained of Don Iohn de Austria a Danderas displagad with Banners displayed as the same Don Iohn termeth it in his Letters to the king of Spain yea it seemed that he was so displeased therewith and so resolute to signifie his grief and discontentment unto the
it cometh to pass that divers learned men in their Writing striving to yeild more praises to Spain then it deserveth make mention of such commodities to be as yet in Spain which many years before our great Grand-fathers time were never seen nor found therein So doth Iohannes Vasoeus in his Preface of his History of Spain say that there was sometimes so great abundance of gold and silver Mines in one Province of Spain called anciently Boetica as that divers forain Nations being drawn thither with an unsatiable desire and covetousness thereof did not only lade their Ships with Gold and Silver but also made Anchors for their Ships of silver The same Authour addeth further That when the Carthaginians came first into Spain they found in many houses great Barrels and Hogsheads made of pure silver and in some Stables the Mangers for their Horses of silver In so much that the Carthaginians being enriched only with the wealth of Spain were made able therewith alone to subdue the Sicilians Libians and Romans for they found their silver in such great quantity that one man called Bebelo gave daily unto Hannibal there thousand Crowns The same Authour proceeding in one and the same manner of commendation affirmeth our of Iustin That Spain may compare for fertility of soil with France Affrica and Italy for that these Countries never help Spain but Spain oftentimes holpe them with Corn and all other kind of Victuals The same Authour Hyperbolishing still in one manner calleth Spain the most warlike Nation of the world the Teacher of Hannibal to war the Nurse of Souldiers and the Province which knew not her self nor her strength before she was overcome and that she troubled the Romans more then any other Nation of the whole world The same Authour always continuing one course preferreth Spain for Antiquity of true Religion and for faithful obedience to her Soveraign Kings and Governours before all other Nations attributing the first foundation of their faith and profession of Christ unto Paul the Apostle and Iames the son of Zebedeus and extolling their loyalty because they have not only been always true unto their own Kings but also to forraign Princes and Leaders As Hannibal Pompey Iuba King of Numidia Sertorius a notable Roman Rebel reposed greater trust and confidence in Spaniards then in their own Nations Lastly the same Authour striving to exceed all others in flattery equalleth Spain for learned men and women with the most learned Nations of Europe And Sebastianus Foxius in his Book de Institutione Historiae with a Spanish brag speaking by way of a Dialogue more arrogantly then wisely of himself giveth such praises unto himself for eloquence as Tâ—lly the father and founder of eloquence would or did ever challenge And yet Tullies Verse O fortunatam natam me Consule Romam argueth that he was somewhat proud and arrogant Now to avoid the just reprehension of hatred or malice I will forbear to confute their Assertions at large and briefly impugn them not by mine own but by other mens Testimonies who shall not be inferiour but equal to Vasoeus for learning and sidelity Munster therefore shall tell you that Spain now yeildeth no golden or silver Mines but that all the Mines it hath are of Lead and Tin which may perhaps in time turn into Gold and Silver if we may beleeve Raymundus Lullius and other Alchimists of his opinion which if it should chance at any time as many Historiographers as write of England would tell you that England should not then go behind Spain for gold and silver The same Authour shall likewise tell you how likely it is that Spain should excel Affrica France and Italy in fertility of soil since as he saith Spain lieth barren waste and desolate in many places and late experience sheweth that Denmark Holland and England have many times supplied Spains wants of Corn and other Victuals How warlike a Nation Spain hath been let not only Terapha a Spanish Chronocler and better witness for Spain then Vasoeus a Flemming but also reason and daily experience testifie both which telling us as you shall hereafter hear that Spain hath been conquered by more sundry Nations then any other Nation in the world do by necessary inference conclude that Spain yeildeth unto all those Nations in Prowess and Chivalty And all Historians of former times and of this present Age will undoubtedly controll as many as shall presume to affirm that France and England troubled not Rome much more then Spain did before they could be conquered for where was Caesar in greater danger then in England Where was there a Prince that durst challenge him to a single Combat but in England And what hold had he of his Conquest after he had conquered England No better then Vasoeus might have of a wet Eel by the tail But to proceed to the confutation of the rest Terapha in some manner agreeth with Vasoeus touching the Antiquity of Religion for he saith that during the Raign of Claudius the Emperour Iames the Apostle travelled over all Spain and not long after Paul came to Narbona but how many won Iames to profess the Gospel by travelling over all Spain Forsooth but poor nine Disciples as Terâ—pha reporteth a small number for so great a Travel or for Vasoeus to boast and brag of much less for him to preâ—et Spain in this respect before all other Nations for I know not why for Antiquity of Religion England should yeild unto Spain because the same Iosephus which buried the body of Christ not alone as Paul and Iames came into Spain but with great company arrived into England and not he alone but divers of his society converted not poor nine but infinite many and not to profess Christ Jesus but to be baptized And if a Spaniard may carry equal credit with a Flemming which a Spaniard will rather die then not do our little English Island professed Christ long before Spain For Dr. Illescas in his Pontiâ—ical History reporteth that Pope Elutherius sent Fugacius and Damianus into England to baptize King Lucius and all his Houshold And England was the first Province in all the world in common opinion of all other Nations that received and professed Christian Religion and if Spain may brag of their Isidorus Archbishop of Sivil or of Eludius Archbishop of Toledo which purged their Country of the Heresie of the Monopoliss why may not our Island boast of Augustinus Militus and that Iohn which Pope Gregory the first sent into England not to remove errors as their Bishops did but to confirm our Countrimen in that Christian Religion and Profession which they had received and entertained almost five hundred years before their coming Neither may it be justified that Spain as Vasoeus saith after it had once entertained the Doctrine of Christ never fell from the same for Illescas in the life of Pope Pelagius the second affirmeth that in the 585. year of Christs Incarnation
sixth book of his Chronicles of Flanders reporteth that Philip King of Flanders in the year 1181 having Wars against the French King had 200000 Men in his Army and Adrianus Barbadus in the Chronicles of the Dukes of Brabant recordeth that the Bishop of Utritch is able upon any urgent occasion to arm 40000 Men. The first of these reports sheweth what the force of Flanders hath been and the second giveth me occasion to conjectuâ—e and think that the strength of the United Provinces cannot but be great since a Bishop of one Town could readily and conveniently Arm so many Men. It is written that the chiefest cause of displeasure and contention betwixt Philip sirnamed The Fair king of France and Pope Boniface the eighth was because the said Philip would not at the request and intreaty of the Pope restore Guido Earl of Flanders unto his Liberty that he might accompany and assist the Christians in their Wars in the Holy Land where the said Guido's Predecessors had done better service then any other Prince of Christendom and the Pope held an opinion that Guido's presence would avail the Christians much more then the society of all the other Princes What a loss then hath the king of Spain by the Low Countries poverty as well of money as of men since the same Countries were of late years more populous far richer and better inhabited then they were in times past It is a worlds wonder to see the Riches the beauty the Pride and the jolity of those Citiâ—s before the late Câ—vil Wars And it will make any mans heart bleed as we say within his body to behold the poverty desolation ruine and calamity of them at this present Neither is the weakness of Flanders so prejudicial or hurtfull unto the Spaniards as the obstinate continuance of the United Provincâ—s in their disobedience against him For considering the extremity of his malice against England it must needs be very grievous unto him that there is so fast a League of friendship betwixt us and them And he cannot but be sorry in heart as often as he remembreth what aid they yeelded us against his invincible Navy whâ—reby the same was more easily subdued and overthrown But if he should look considerately upon their Strength by Sea and the multitude of their Mariners and Sea-faâ—ing mâ—n whereof he hath more need then of any other people whatsoever 〈◊〉 cannot but utterly despair to attain unto his desires or to satisfie his revengefull minde so long as those Pâ—ovinces shall continue in Amity with us It will seem incâ—edible that I have heard reported of the multitude of the natural Inhabitants in such a Country where most part of their Martial men are imployed in forreign Garrisons and the people remaining at home are scant fit to make soulders For that every man that hath an affâ—ction and liking to be trained up in Armes desireth to be sent into some such place where he may have the use of Armes It is an ancient custom amongst Princes if one hath an occasion to passe with an Army through anothers Country to take Pledges and Hostages that he shall passe without any kinde of Annoyance And if caution be thought necessary when a multitude goeth but through a Forreign Dominion how can a Prince be too watchfull provident and circumspect over an infinite number of Forreigners residing within the limits of his Kingdom where although they be not armed yet they may arm themselves at any time although they be dispersed yet they may congregate and unite themselves together at their pleasure although they want Guides and Governours to direct them in any malicious enterprise yet if any Army of their own Nation should attempt any manner of Hostility against the Prince within whose dominion they live they may watch and wait for some good opportunity to joyne with their Countrymen and so endanger his Estate that harboureth them And sometimes Strangers of a few grow to so great a multitude in other Princes dominions that they become both terrible and dangerous unto the Countrey which they inhabit There was a time when certain wicked Rebels cruelly murthered Charles Earl of Flanders of which some were according to their desert severely punished and others were both they and their Posteâ—ity banished out of all parts of the Earldome and also out of all the dominions of the king of France insomuch that all men and nations hating them for their wickedness they wandered up and down the wide world and could not finde any place that would receive and harbour them until that Edward King of England vouchsafed them a simple dwelling place in a little Island of Ireland called Gherma where in a few years they so multiplied and encreased that in the year 1287. they presumed to wage war against the said King Edward but being happily subdued by him the greatest part of them were slain and the residue which escaped became Sea-Rovers and spared not to pill and poll any Nation whatsoever thâ—t chanced to fall into their hands This example may warn all Princes to take heed of strangers and especially of such as have been Traytors unto their own Princes and whosoever considereth well every circumstance thereof and of many others like unto it may boldly presume to say that the Prince whose Country is replenished with strangers and especially with such as have bâ—en Traytors unto their own Princes hath great occasion to live in great doubt of his own security and of his subjects safety But I speake not this against such strangers as are fled into England or any other Country for their conscience sake to avoid the tyranny of the Spaniards I know that God ordained Cities of refuge whereunto it was lawful for â—nnocents and men wrongfully oppressed to fly for safety and yet even over such strangers it cannot be amiss to have a watchful Eye as well to Cherish tâ—em if living well and under Law they be wronged by the natural subjects of his Country where they live against the course of Law as to foresee that neither all nor part of them be induced by the natural or professed Enemies of the State in which they are harboured to attempt any open Hostility or secret Treason against him that vouchsafeth to harbor them You have heard what may be said against the present strength of the Spanish King Now it remaineth that you hear what can be objected against his wisdom and justice in Civâ—l Government For as necessary are Justice and Prudence for a peaceable regiment as Force and Policy in time of Wars To censure his wisdom will argue small wisdom in me who do both know and acknowledge it to be my duty to think well as I have said of all Princes and not to examine their actions nor look into the mysteries of their secret enterprises And yet because his favorites and friends spare not to report whatsoever their wicked hearts can imagine against our Sovereign I may boldy presume to commit
that the Princes are not overwise and discreet which labour all the daies of their lives to Conquer and subdue Forain Kingdoms For after that they have attained the desired Fruits of their desired Labour and Travaile what have they gotten worthy of their painâ—s and charges They have added somewhat to their former Reputation They have increased their yearly Revenues of their Crown They have as it becometh good Husbands augmented the Talent which God bestowed upon them And what is all this but a thing that glistereth and is no Gold a shew of Reputation that is no true Glory and a Representation of great profit than can have no long continuance For if this happie and glorious Conqueror shall leave his natural Country and govern in person his new Conquered Kingdome what sorrowes what inconveniences what troubles dangers and vexations will follow thereof His natural Subjects will complain that they are forsaken and the â—onquered will not long like of his Government The former will find Fault with his Deputies and the later will desire his room rather then his presence The one will not think him worthy to enjoy his own and the other will esteem all that he getteth theirs because they presume that it is gotten with the goods and wealth of the Country which they call theirs So he becometh a stranger unto his own and being daily amongst his own his own will not know him And that which is most greivous if his own chance to rebell as many have done in their Soveraignes absence he is fain to imploy strangers to suppress them And if his Strangeâ—e happen to revolt he muâ—t either make a Butchery of his own to subdue them or lose in a few daies that which was gotten in many years I shall not need to stand upon the proof hereof I have cleared that by many examples in the beginning of this discourse And therefore I will now come unto the second Error not inferior but rather greater then the fiâ—st It is an usuall Policie amongst Princes when they have given their loving Subjects just occasion of discontentment to yeild them some manner of satisfaction whereby their alienated mindes may be Changed and their natural Affections enforced to return But the King of Spain being neither mindful of his Policy nor careful as it should seem to maintain and keep his own having alienated the hearts and estranged the Affections of his kinde and tender Subjects by an indiscreet toleration of bad and leud Officers is so far from pacifying their Wrath as that he provoketh them unto further Anger and discontentment by refusing to condiscend unto a most reasonable Requâ—st which not they alone by their Ambassadors but also other Princes for them make unto him For after that the Low Coâ—ntries by the example of the Kingdoms of Poland Swedland Denmark France Scotland and England together with the Common-wealth Dukedoms Principalities Counties Palatinates and other Dominions and free cities of Switzerland Savoy Wittenberge and other Provinces of Germany fell from Popery unto the profession of Gods true Religion they desired of their King that they have liberty of conscience and without danger of a Spanish inquâ—siâ—ion profess that Religion wherein they were fully resolved to live and die But the King thinking it not convenient or beseeming the Royall Majesty of a Prince to yeild unto any extraordinary Petition were it never so humble or reasonable of his Subjects refuseth to satisfie this request For which his refusing as many asâ—favor him or his cause alleage these reasons First that Men of two Religions can hardly live in Peace and quietnes together in one Estate Secondly that these suppliants have been and are still the cause of all troubles and seditions in the Low-Countries Thirdly that he had faithfully promised the Popes holiness never to entertaine or maintaine any other then the present Roman Religion within any of his Kingdoms or Dominions Fouâ—thly that such a toleration as was demanded by his Subjects cannot be warâ—anted by the example of any Kâ—ngs or Princes of later or former times Fifthly that the King of France and the Queen of England having had the like motion made unto them by their natural and most loving Subjects could never be moved to condiscend to their humble Petitions And lastly that it was not seemly for his Majesty to be directed by other Princes what to yeeld or not to yeeld unto his Subjects especially since he both held and knew himself to be very well able to enforce his rebellious and heretical Subjects to submit themselves unto the profession of that Religion which his Subjects in Spain and in other his dominions do profess These are in briefe all the reasons that ever I could heare alledged by any man for the justification of his refusal and to the end that his error may not be coloured or maintained by the shew and shadow of these simple reasons I will briefly confute every one of them in order True it is that there is no streighter tie no surer stay no stronger hold to coâ—joyn and knit the hearts of Subjects together then is the conformitie and unitie of religion and that the readiest way to sever and separate their Affections is to set them at strife and variance for Religion In regard whereof diverse wise men and grave counsellors have advised their Kings to take heed that no kinde of heresie creep into their kingdoms to resist the first beginniâ—g of any heresie whatsoever and to foresee that no new opinion enter into the hearts of their Subjects and if any by chance happen to finde never so small entrance to labor by all meanes possible to remove the same For variety of opinions easily ingendred findeth meanes to increase without great difficultiâ— and having once penetrated into the interior cogitations of mens hearts so ravisheth their senses blindeth their eyes and obscurâ—th their judgements that they can neither see nor discerne the truth from falshood nor the light from darkness but so cleave and hold fast on their opinions that they will almost as soon and as willingly depart from their lives as from their heresies But if by reason of not opposing and withstanding the beginning and increase of opinions the number of Subjects professing a Religion contrary to their Kings be once grown to be equall or greater then the multiâ—ude of those which agree with him in opinion there are but two waies to reforme and order this disorder The one to command as Dagabert King of France did that all they that profess not the same religion which their King doth shall by a certain time appointed depart out of his Realme and that those who remaine within the limits of his kingdome beyond the day prefixed shall be held as Enemies unto the State and therefore be reputed 〈◊〉 worthie of present death The other to permit them to continue in their Country and to enjoy liberty of conscience The which way because it draweth nighest unto humanitie seemeth unto
maketh any such vow or promise first it had been very good that he had never made it and next it were very convenient never to put the same in execution bâ—cause the sin that hurteth but one man alone is much more tolerable then that which may endanger many This promise therefore if it were never made but suggested requireth no performance and if it were once made it likewise ought not to be performed because it is impossible and cannot be maintained without great effusion of blood without hurt unto many and prejudice unto a whole estate From this promise therefore unto tâ—e fourth Reason a Reason almost as easie to be refuted as to be repeated For the Emperor Constans maintained the Corps and Colledge of Arrianus not for any affection that he baâ—e unto them but because he thought it part of his charge and duty to conserve and preserve the life of his Subjects Theodosius sirnamed the Great who was always a most moâ—tal enemy unto their opinion did likewise permit them to live in company with his other Subject And Valens and Valentian whereof the one wâ—s an Arrian and the other a Catholick suffered men of both Religions to live under their Government The Emperor Ferdinand granted leave and liberty unto his subjects of Silecia and Lituania which are Provinces of Bohemia to change their Religion And not long after him Maximilian the Emperor licensed them to build Churches after the manner and fashion of Protestants Besides the Pope himself the Dukes of Mantua Ferrara Florence and Baviera together with the Seigniory of Venice suffer Iewes to live in their Country And the Kings of Poland and Moscovia vouchsafe to suffer a number of Tartarians and Mahometists to lead their lives in their Countries Imitating therein the example of Constantine the great who after that he had established Christian Religion in Rome excluded not any Pagans and Infidels out of Rome In the Kingdom of Poland the Greek and Roman Religion was at one time a long whiâ—e professed And now there are many Lutherans Catholiques Anabaptists and Calvinists Lastly it cannot be denied and this methinketh should move the King of Spain most of all that his Father Charles the 5 after that he had fought a long while with the Princes of Germany which professâ— Luâ—herasme being aided in the same Warrs by the Pope and all the Princes of Italy granted at the length that Peace unto the Protestants which is called the Peâ—ce of Aubspurge Considering therefore that al these Popes Emperors Kings Dukes Princes and Barons having no less regard then the King of Spain of their Soules health hoping to have no worse part then he in the kingdom of Heaven did permit do yet permit the professed and sworn Enemies of Christ and of his Gospell namely the Jewes to live nay to be born and to enrich themselves within their kingdomes Dominions and Principalities What Shame Dâ—shonor or prejudice can it be unto the King of Spains Catholick Majesty to give leave unto his loving and trustie Subjects to adore and worship the same Goâ— which he himself honoreth and reverenceth in such forme and manner as they desire I know not what should be the cause that he who is so desirous in all other things to follow his Fathers 〈◊〉 Examples and Counsells doth not vouchsafe to imitate him in this Toleration which will be acceptable unto his Subjects answerable â—nto their desires agrâ—eâ—ble unto Gods word and very proâ—itable for the Advâ—ncement of his own reputation It is to come unto the fift Reason because the Queen of of England and the King of France will not yeeld unto any such Toleration in theâ—r several kingdoms Alaâ— neither the example of the one nor the other can serve to strengthen his cause For he hath not the like Authority in Flanders as they have in France and England They are free and he is bound They are tied to no conditions and he is fastened unto many and especially unto these not to break their ancient Priviledges nor to innovate any thing without the consent of the States of the Country by whom he is to be directed in all matters of great counsel and importance Besides there must needs follow farr greater Inconvâ—nience unto him then unto her by denying Liberty of conscience unto their Subjects For his are so many that require the same that above 30000 departed at â—ne time out of Flanders because he refused their humble Request and the number of Traditioners in England is so little that all that were of any note and name amongst them were heretofore and are at this present reduced into one little Island nay into no great house of a little Island But the late King of France who was esteemed one of the wisâ—st Princes of Europe would not in any wise suffer two Religions to be professed in his kingdom but because he would plant one onely there he made wars a great while against his own subjects destroying their houses wasting their Fields ruinating their Cities and Massacring their persons But who gave him Counsel so to do Was it not the King of Spain or his Pensioners And what advantage got he therefore Truly no other but the ruin and desolation of his Country And what end had he of his war before he died Forsooth such an end as made him to repent that ever he undertook those wars And what continuance had these wars Certainly they lasted above thirty years and the Protestants are now stronger then ever they were And what issue is come of these French troubles Undoubtedly the issue was such that whereas the Realm was divided but into two Factions a little before the Kings death there were three and of those three the last was most unjust pernitious and execrable For in the same one Papist killed another the son bore Arms against the father the brother against the seed of his mothers womb and the subjects being in their opinion of a good Religion against their King whose Religion was as good or better then theirs It is not then the French kings examples that moveth him It beseemeth not his Catholâ—ck Majesty to be directed by other Princes what to grant or what to deny to his subjects This is the last and in effect the best of his Reasons For it is usual amongst Princes and therefore no shame to crave counsel advice and direction one of another in matters of great weight and moment and happy haâ—h that Prince been alwayes accompted who could and would follow such advice as hâ—s faithfull Friends abroad gave him Thence it cometh that Princes send Ambassadors one unto another that they crave conference one with another that they have oftentimes Interviews and solemn Meetings and according to this custom he either dissembleth egrediously or meant truly that the Ambassadors sent by the Emperor the Queen of England and other Princes of late years to Cullen should have ended all contentions and controversies betwixt him and his Subjects
Rome that a petty Duke of Ferrara hath presumed to withstand the Popes Ordinances and Commandments that the Florentines warred many years against him that the Venetians make no account of his Forces that the nigher any Prince joyneth unto him the less he esteemeth him and lastly that a very small Army of Charles the fifth sacked not many years ago his Pontâ—fical Seat and put him to such a ransom as best liked the victorious and conquering Emperor But his Excommunications are more feared then his Forces and he hath much more money then might I must needs confess that many Princes have been excommunâ—cated by him but because I shall have occasion to shew what slâ—nder accompt both Kings and meaner Potentates have made of his turbulent and thundering Excommunications I will leave them and come unto his demean unto his treasure For the better determination whereof I think it convenient to declare unto you what kinde of men our Popes are of late dayes some of them are poor Inquisitors of base parentage brought up in beggery advanced by corruption and preferred unto that Dignity by Bribes Rewards aud Simony And they who have been of best birth amongst them have been but the younger brothers of Dukes of Florence of Ferrara of Mantua or of some like mean Prince and all of them have most commonly spent their poor patrimony and the small gains of their former life in the attaining of their Pontifical Dignity Besides when they come unto the height of that Authority either they spend their Revenues prodigally as did Paulus Tertius who in less then fifteen years wasted 25 millions of Gold or spare the same thriftily to buy some estate for their children as did Gregory the 13th so that what with prodigal spending what with extream covetousness tending to the advancement of their posterity the Popes have not much money otherwise to help their Allies and Confederates Moreover who so shal consider that their yearly Revenues are mightily decreased by by reason that Bohemia Hungary Denmark Sweden Scotland Holland England and most of France Flanders and Germany are fallen from their Obedience and vouchsafe not to send them yearly such Tributes Pensions Tenths and other Commodities as they were wont to receive from them must needs understand and confess that there can arise no great profit from their Alliance and Confederacy The terrour of their interdictions of which some Princes more Religious then wise have in times past made some small accompt The regard of their Authority of which when their vertues were more then now they are greater reckoning was made then is at this present the converting of their Crociados which were wont to be imployed in holy Wars into profane uses are the onely means and benefits wherewith they are now able to pleasure their best friends Leaving them therefore to their passions and extreme sorrows conceived for the small hope which they have to recover their losses which is in no respect answerable to the extremity of their desire I will descend unto the â—rinces of Italy as from a mountain unto a Molehill These Princes if they were to give aid and succour unto a King of France unto an Emperor or to any other Prince or Potentate pretending some Right Title or Interest unâ—o some Dukedom of Estate of Italy may perhaps yeeld such help and Assistance as happily may further such a Princes Enterprise But as for such a League and such forces as shall be sufficient to hasten the utter overthrow and subversion of all Protestant Princes or to revenge the great injuries and indignities lately endured by the Spanish king they are far unfit and unable to gather together any such strength and he is greatly deceived that caâ—rieth such an opinion of their might and power The best guard that they have is the reciprocal fear which one of them hath of another the continual and great jealousie which is betwixt them and the small and slender Love which one of them beareth unto another every one of them not onely enveighing but also withstanding by all means possible the advancement of the other be it in wealth or in credit in power or preheminence Their Subjects are not warlike their best Souldiers are as you have heard of no great value or estimation their Courage is soon cooled their Armies are quickly defeated there best Captains by reason of their long Peace are of mean experience and their is scant any Town City or Country that is not a witness of their Cowardise Adversity bondage and servitude you shall hear hereafter what discommodities may arise unto those Princes of Italy which have unadvisedly entered into this League and therefore from them unto the Peers of France These Princes are no other then Traitors Rebels and Conspirators against their Prince and Country And therefore detestable before God odious unto the world and execrable unto their Postâ—rity For although Princes according to the Common saying like such Treason as any wise is beneficial unto them yet all men hate and abhor Traitors especially such as these be who having received great honour pleasure and prefermen of their King did by all meanâ— possible endeavour to deprive him of his Crown Scepter and Life Their taking of many Towns their purpose to seize upon the Kings own person their desire to bring him to Paris as a Prisoner their carriage towards him there and their preparation Army and Hostility against him after his departure from thence do abundantly testifie and declare their Treason now what honour can it be unto the King of Spain to joyn and associate himself with such men as the world detesteth all men abhor and his own Spaniards will not onely hate but also be ashamed to receive them into their Company or to harbour them in their houses For I find in the Histories of France Italy and Spain that whenas the Emperor Charles the fifth intending to honour the Duke of Burbon who had revolted from his King unto his service prayed one of the chief and principal Dukes of Spain to lodge him in his Palace the Duke shewing himself therein a greater Enemy to Traitors then a Friend to Treason answered the Emperor that both he and his house were at his Majesties commandment but if that it pleased him to lodge the Duke therein he would set fire thereon as soon as the Duke should be out of it as on a house infected with the Treason of Burbon But Francis the first King of France used the like help of the Turks and Infidels to be revenged upon his Enemies and Lewis Sforza Duke of Milan to make himself the better able to withstand their violence which went about to deprive him of his Estate brought an Army of Turks into Italy and it is commonly said that the Queen of England was in the League with the Great Turk Why then may not the king of Spain imploâ—e and use the help of his Friends in France of whom because they
committed divers oversights after his resolute murder of the Duke of Guise For had he not killed the Cardinal of Guise the Clergie had not been so highly offended wiâ—h him had he not presently called the now King to help and succour him made him his Generall and declared him his immediate Successor he had not so much displeased the contrary Faction as he did and yet he received no great benefit by his coming unto him for he brought not above two thousand men with him and the Nobility which within a few daies after came unto him with their people were about thirty thousand againe the delay and surcease of Arms for fifteen daies together after the victory had against the Count of Egmont gave time and space unto the Parisians to make sufficient provision of all such things as they wanted Secondly the King hindred himself greatly by staying to recreate and solace himself a while at Corbeit making a sure reckoning that he had gotten a final and happie end of his wars because he had won that Town which is as it were the Key of all Victuals that pass by that River to Paris Thirty had he been so provident in executing all other Peers and Noblemen of the Duke of Guise his mind with the same Duke as they were which committed the Massacre of Paris he had quickly been ridd of his Enemies Fourthly had he presently after the same murder shewed himself in the field with those Companies that came unto him and had he not done all things by haifs as he did â—e had undoubtedly dismayed and terrified all the Towns adhering unto the Lâ—agueâ—s which were greatly discomfiâ—ed and amazed with the sudden accident of the Duke of Guise his death but after that he saw his Enemy dead he thought that he had no more Enemies in the World this confidence made him so careless that he suffered Orleancâ— to be lost which might have been saved by shewing himself only within convenient time in the Field and he gave the Duke of Maine leave to returne and fortifie himself and made small account to do any of those things which within a month after hee would gladly have done The Leaguers likewise committed their oversights of which if the King had taken advantage he might easily have subdued them For after that the Duke of Guise had driven the King from Paris many prognosticated that either the Duke would destroy the King or that the King would murther the Duke For there was no hope and less likelyhood that so foule an Indignitie offered unto a King both of great might and notable valor would bee put up at the Dukes hands without a revenge And after that day all that the Duke did was begun without providence continued without justice and in end had a bad â—nd For when he had mounted almost up to the top of his desiâ—es by force and violence he a thinking that the Nobilitie of France would be highly displeased with his audacious Insolency and insolent Attempt seeketh meanes to pacifie the King and to reenter into his good grace and favor This poor Prince blinded with ambition and bâ—soâ—ted with the love of a kingdom thought that a Prince being so injuriously dealt with all as the King was would by the goodness of his nature be reconcileâ— and he believed that he might easily find the meanes to perswade the Kâ—ng to resign his Crown or to induce the People to inforce him thereunto But the King was fully resolved to have his revenge hee assembled therâ—â—ore the Estates of France thinking to find sufficient credit and â—uâ—horitie in that Assembly to bring the Duke to his death by Sentence and Judgment And the Duke on the contrary side supposed that in that Assembly he should find friends enough to deprive the King of his Scepter But the King failed of his purpose and the Duke missed his marke and yet the King within a small while after effected his desire but committed other errors besides the above mentioned of which the Leaguâ—rs took present hold and advantage they thought that the Kings negligence and the hatred of the People conceâ—ved against him for the Dukes death gave them fit opportunity to deprive hâ—m of tâ—e Crown But withall they considered not how unwortâ—y thâ— best of them was to weare the same and how unable to keep it when it was upon his head Again when they saw that the Dukes death had rather fortified then weakened their partie they supposed that all was gotten that nothing remained to be conquered that they needed to take no more paines but to give themselves unto delights and to make partition amongst themselves of the kingdoms and when they came to deliberate who should be their King they could not agree amongst themselves upon any certain person whereas if they had presently resolved to make the Duke De Mayne it migh easily have been effecteâ— but the competitors were many and there began a debate and emulation betwixt the Duke and the Marquis Du pont his cosen the Duke of Aumale woâ—ld not give his head for the washing and the Dutchesses of Montpensieur and of Nemurs put in for their best friends the later for her Son of Nemurs which began to win credit amongst the people and the first for her brother who began to lose his reputation and the Duke De Mayne foolishly gave over the name and hope of being a King and accepâ—ed the Title of Lieutenant of the Crown besides whilst this contention was rife amongst the Nobles and whilest they busied themselves in framing a Process against the late King which Process endured some eight or nine Monthes the people perceiving how pleasant a thing it was to be subject unto no man and the chief cities being glad that they had cast off the yoak of a Monarchie would not endure any speaking of a new King but to free and emancipate themselves as well from the Authoritie of a Prince as of an high Couâ—t of Parliament by the imitation of Paris they establâ—shed in every City a Council of certain persons of mean and base qualitie into whose hands they puâ— all kind of Authority and they presumed to limit the Duke of Maynes Authoritie and to set certain controllers over them Tâ—is breedeth a dislike betwixt the Nobilitie and the Peopâ—e and especially the Officers of the Crown as the Officers of the Privie Seale of the Parliament of the Exchequers the Judges the Treasurers and all the Serviturâ—es of the Monarchie were highly displeased therewith and would not give place to nor go after the Magistrates that were câ—eâ—ted by the People Lastly the King of Spain their chief Patron and upholder dealeth but faintly with them and is not so readie to help them as they supposed he would be So they are enforced to threaten him that they would yeild to the King before they could obtain such help as they expected from him For although he sent the Duke of Parma and others to relieve
them in their Necessities yet he stâ—ndeth in doubt that if he should send any great supplies and God should bless them with any extraordinary Fortune that the Duke of Mayne should be chosen King he seeth that they were too strong to yeild unto his motions hee perceiveth that he must keep them low and in continual need of his help and therefore when he hath once succoured them he withdraweth his forces and leaveth them somtimes in such distress that the Duke of Mayne is constrained to forget that he is Lieutenant General of the Crown of France and to his great shame and dishonor is driven to go seek for Aid of the Duke of Parma which carried the â—itle but of a Lieutenant unto his Master in one Province And truly it is reported that the King of Spain took not the loss of his men at the battaile of Iury where he received a great overthrow so grievously but that he was right glad to see his partakers reduced to so great an extremitie as that they were enforced to present him a Blank and to offer to subscribe to any thing that he should demand These faint proceeding of the King of Spain these apparent coutentions betwixt the Leaguâ—res themselves and this general discontentment of the common people might have shortned the Warrs in France if the now King had been of sufficient power to take and make his advantage of them But I shall have occasion to shew why this advantage was omitted and not taken in another place And therefore to proceed according to my purpose If you consider that the Etolians and Arcadians warrâ—d a long time together for a wild Boare that the Carthaginians held long Warrs with the People of Piraca for a Sea-Rovers ship that there were mortall Wâ—rrs betwixt the Scots and Picts for a few Doggs which the one Nation had taken from the other And that the wars betwixt Charles Duke of Burgondy and the Switzers began but for a cart loaden with sheep skins which Mr. de Romont took from a Switzer who passed therewith through his ground you shall easily perceive and see how ready Princes are to take very light occasions to war one against another And this ready desire accompanieth most commonly those Princes who have valiant hearts good occasions and ready means to be revenged on their Enemies It is therefore to be thought that the now king of France who is endowed with all the perfections and vertues which the Almighty of his bounteous liberality useth to bestow upon Princes will not suffer the king of Spain to offer him such wrong as he doth without revenging the same He is valiant and wise and undoubtedly he will follow the Life and Actions of his Predecessors of which Pipin made wars with the Venetians because they favoured the party of Nicephorus Emperor of Greece against Charles the great his Father Philip sirnamed The Fair warred against Adolph the Emperor because he had taken money of the king of England to make wars against France Philip Augustus denounced wars against France unto Iohn king of England because he killed his Nephew Arthur And Clovis the first of that name warred with Alurick king of the Visgots because he harboured and received the Exiles of France and had suborned certain men to come and kill the French king within his own Realm And hath not the king of Spain deserved much more then all these the hatred and hostility of the present king of France since he sendeth aid not to the Enemies but to the Subjects of the king of France since he hath not taken but given money to others to make wars against him since he hath not killed his Nephew but his own Son since he not onely receveth the Exiles of France but counselleth the good Subjects thereof to become bad and the most obedient to rebel against their king and hireth not strangers but his own natural Subjects to come and murther the French king in his own Palace But it may be said that the Spanish king hath taken a good course to keep the Frenchmen out of his kingdom by sending his Forces into theirs and by nourishing and continning the Civâ—l Wars in France To this I answer That the Leaguers begin now to lose their credit that their Forces and Strength declineth that their Towns and Partners leave them and that if they will not vouchsafe to imitate M. Coriolanus they must expect the success and fortune that fell unto the Earls of Warwick and Salisbury in England M. Coriolanus taking in evil part that the Romans had rejected a very reasonable demand which he made unto them joyned with their Enemies and obtained for them many battels and victories against his own Country but being intreated by his Wife and his Mother he returned into his Country and recovered whatsoever he or his Enemies had taken from Rome By whose Example if the Guisards being now so weakned as they are will not learn to submit themselves unto their Princes mercy they must fear and be afraid when they hear that the Earls of Warwick and Salisbury after that they had deprived one king of his Royal Seat and Scepter and placed another in the same were both cruelly murthered in the Field although there was a time whenas the one could have obtained whatsoever he would of the common People and the other by reason of his Offices had all the chief Forces and strength of England as well by Land as by Sea at his disposition and commandment Now if these two Earls had no better end but to be slain in the Field although they were the mightiest and best beloved Rebels that ever were in the world What assurance can the Guâ—sards of France have of their good fortune What hope in the multitude of their partners and their fellows in Arms What confidence in the favour of fortune which never was nor never will be constant in any other thing but inconstancy Their glory therefore cannot continue long their Alliance shall not greatly avail the Spanish king and the remembrance and memory of this their Rebellion will alwayes remain fresh as well in the hearts of our after-comers as in the mindes of our selves and our children because men are more prone and ready to remember the wrongs that others do unâ—o them then the benefits they receive from others How can the Frenchmen then forget the subtilty and cunning which the Spaniards used in taking from them the kingdom of Naples the rigour and cruelty that was shewed unto Francis the first to make him resign the Sovereignity of Flanders the injury and injustice used by Ferdinando king of Castile when he usurped and took into his hands the moyetie of the kingdom of Navarr and the unlawfull violence of the Spanish kings father practised in the usurpation of the Dukedom of Milan And remembring all this can they want good occasion to exercise all kinde of Hostility against the Spaniards as soon as it
shall please God to send an end of these Civil Wars The occasions are great And if you remember what hath been said of the Strength of France you will think that the means which the French king may have to be revenged of these wrongs are far greater and so in this respect the Spanish king hath shewed his indiscretion in entring into League with the Guisards Of whose Friendship I pray you let us now consider what hold and good assurance he may have There are divers kindes of assurances to be taken together some content themselves with the faithfull promise of their Allies others require Hostages many demand to have some Holds and Towns of strength in their custody and there be such as never think themselves safe or well assured unless they unarm their confederates But the strongest and best bond is in the opinion of the wisest a firm conjunction and binding of the Allies together by the way of Wedlock Now of all these sorts of Alliances which hath the king of Spain taken Or which of them can he take without shewing himself very indiscreet May he content himself with the faithfull promise of his Allies Will they hold their promise unto him who have violated their faith unto their Liege Lord and Sovereign Hath he taken Hostages of them Will they carefull of other mens lives who have so small care of their own Will they give him any strong holds With what reason can he detain them since both they that give them have no authority or sufficient power to deliver them up into his hands and he is not strong enough to keep and defend them when the hath them Will he unarm them Take their weapons from them and what good can they do him Will he make them assured to be at his devotion by a fast bond and linck of marriage What honour or rather shame shall it be for him to mingle his Blood his Honour and his House with the Infamy Dishonour and Ignominy of Rebels and Traytors But of Traytors some one of them will become a king O poor and unadvised Prince who shall spend his money to honour him who deserveth no honour and of whose faithfull friendship he can have no fast assurance But how shall he become a King By the Forces of Spain O simple and indiscreet King who thinketh to purchase a great and invincible Kingdom from a Stranger when he is not able to recover a poor Country taken from him by his own Subjects But by what means and by what colour shall he become a King By the Example and imitation of Hugh Capet who as you have heard was made King by shewing unto the Pope and the People of France that in choosing a King the man that is present ought to be preferred before him that is absent he that governeth in Person before him that ruleth by a Deputy he that is both carefull and vertuous before him that is careless and vicious But what manner of imitation is this unless you call it an imitation when as a man doth all things quite contrary to his Actions whom he proposeth to himself to follow and imitate For he that was deposed by Hugh Capet governed by his Lieutenant and the present King of France ruleth by his own person he was hated by reason of his great negligence and this King was beloved for his great pains and diligence He was insufficient to Govern and this King hath given many Experiments of his great wit and sufficiency And to be short This Hugh Capet who is proposed as a man worthy to be imitated by the Arch-Traitor that would make himself king of France used as his most principle reason this Argument to shew that Charles Duke of Lorrain and Uncle unto Lewis the fifth deserved not to be chosen king because that in all controversies that fell out in his time betwixt the Empire and the Kingdom of France the said Charles shewed himself more affectionate and friendly unto the Emperor then unto the French King How blinde then are those Guisards who cannot see that when they shall desire the people to make choice of one amongst them to be their King the greater part will hardly yeeld to their motion they will cry out that their King is yet alive that it is not reason to take the crown from his head and to put it upon a Strangers or upon one of his inferiour Vassals that many can witness that in all contentions betwixt France and Spain they have alwayes shewed themselves more favourable unto Spain then unto their own Country And lastly that the Duke of Lorrain because he was a Prince of the Empire had more Reason to favour the Emperor then the Guisards have to befriend the Spanish king whom they should hate and abhorre because he loveth not their Country You have seen the Spanish kings indiscretion in contracting this League Now give me leave to shew you the Leagueâ—s great solly in subscribing thereunto The Causes which moved them to enter into this League were as you understand already very many But it appears not how true or rather how false their pretentions are This must be discovered and then their folly cannot be concealed They lay to their late kings charge that he was an Heretick a Parricide a wicked and impious despiser of God a Tyrant and Hypocrite a perjured Prince and a man given over to all kinde of vice and wickedness They charge him further that he wasted the Revenues of the Crown and that he committed many other follies long since mentioned To all these that their malice falsehood and folly may appear I will answer briefly A full denial of all that they say might serve for mine answer were it not that I seek by reason and truth to confound them that have neither reason nor truth I must therefore run thorow the kings life and to purge him of the crime of Heresie I think it convenient to declare what he did both before and after he was king against those whom the Leaguers term Hereticks Now to omit other matters testifying his great zeal and affection unto the Roman Catholicks before he was king of France I will prove the same by four principal Arguments First it is apparent unto the world that he was one of the chief Authors of the Massacre of Paris which was general through Erance and practised with a great hope utterly to extirpe all the Protestants in France Next it is certain that no Prince living could shew greater hatred stomach or courage against men of a contrary Religion unto himself then he did at the â—iege of Rochel before which he lay until he was fetcht thence into Poland Thirdly it is notorious unto as many as know any thing of his Election unto the Kingdom of Poland that there was nothing that more estranged the Affections of the Electors from him then his great hatred shewed against the Protestants both in the time of the massacre and also at
the siege to Rochel Insomuch that Mr. of Valence who was his Ambassador unto the Electors was faâ—n to publish a Book wherein he more cunningly then truly derived the fault and crime of that Mâ—ssacre from him unto the Duke of Guise who took the same in so evil part that after the king was estâ—blished in Poland the said Duke published an other book wherein he cleared himself and layed the chief blame upon the late French king Lastly whenas he had ruled a while in Poland and saw the diversities of Religions there he loathed the Country detested their opinions and could hardly be brought to take the Oath which bound him to permit and tolerate a plurality of Religions in that kingdom But it may be thought that as many Princes have shewed themselves honest vertuous and religious before they were kings to the end they might the better attain unto a kingdom so he being assured by his Mother and by a vain prophesie that she should live to see all her sons kings and knowing that he should hardly come to the kingdom unless he gave some manifest signes of his zeal in Religion during the time that he lived as a Subject under his Brother repressed his nature dissembled his manners and disguised his Religion that Heresie might not be a bar unto him for the kingdom In the refuting of this Objection I shall have occasion to confound many of his Actions together which will serve to confute some other crimes layed to his charge When his bother Charles the ninth died he was in Poland where hearing he news of his death he took such a course for his departure from thence as highly commendeth his wisdom and manifestly declareth his great and natural love and affection unto his native Country with which course it shall be very requisite and expedient to acquaint you throughly because his Adversaries draw from hence their principal Arguments to prove his Infidelity and the beginning of his evil Government for where as he was say they bound by faithfull promise and oath to contnue in Poland and to have an especial care of the Wealth and welfare of that Country he left and abandoned them when they had most need of him as may appear by the Letter that was sent unto him after his departure by the principle Peers Nobles and Senators of that Realm It is not unknown unto any that know the State of France and are conversant in the writers of the later Accidents thereof that he was very unwilling to go into Poland because that he saw that his brother was not likely to live long and that he dying in his absence the kingdom which was alwayes to be preferred before the Crown of Poland might be wrongfully tranferred unto his Brother or unto some other whom his Brothers young years or his absence might encourage to affect the same This consideration moved him not to give his consent unto that journey before that his Mother faithfully promised to revoke him with all possible diligence if his Brother should chance to die And some write that at his departure his mother whether it were to make him the more willing to goe or that she was resolved to take such order that Charles the ninth should not live long said unto him Take not his departure my son grievously for it shall not be long before thou shalt returne Let it be spoken either to comfort and encourage him or with her foreknowledg and prejudicate opinion he was scant setled in Poland when a Messenger came unto him to signifie his brothers death This Message being delivered he wisely and providently called together the Nobilitie of Poland imparted unto them his Brothers death required their Counsel in a case of such difficulty as greatly perplexed his Wits and not lightly troubled the wisest amongst them The first thing that was decreed was that the Nobles should mourne for him in the same manner and with the same solemnities that they usually observe in mourning for their own Kings whereby they signified their great love which they bore him The next matter that was resolved was to dispatch a present Messenger into France with Letters of Credit unto the Queen his mother requiring her for him to take upon her the Regency of France untill his returne And the third Conclusion of their consultation was to call a general Assembly of the States and therein to deliberate and consult what might be best for the King to do whether to returne into France or to continue and remaine in Poland In this interim he calling to minde the trubulent Estate of France the young years of his Brother and the Ambitious and aspiring minds of divers of the French Nobility And liâ—â—wise understanding that the Peers of Poland fearing his suddain departure were about to take some order for preventing the same determined with himself to depart thence before his going should be known aswell because he would not have the same hindred and crossed by the Nobilitie as for that he knew it would be very dangerous for him to pass homeward through the Countries of divers Princes that bore him no great good will if he should depart thence as that they might have any foreknowledg and intelligence of the time of his departure and of the way which he went in returning into France This resolution thus taken he writeth a letter with his owne hands unto those in whome he reposed greatest confidence and signified unto them that since the time of their last conference he had received such Intelligence out of France as gave him just occasion to hasten thither in Poste and not to attend the general Assembly of the States of Poland he promiseth to returne so soon as he could conveniently prayeth them to excuse his suddain departure unto the rest of the Nobilitie And for such matters as his leisure would not permitt him to committ unto his Letter he desireth them to give credit unto a faithfull Counsellor of his whom he left behinde him with further instructions for them The Nobilitie understanding by his owne Letter and these mens reports marke the love they bore him and the care which they have of him sent presently a Nobleman in Poste after him to beseech him to returne and wrote their Letter unâ—o the Emperor to certifie his Majestie that his hastie returne into France proceeded not of any offence given unto the King by them nor of any evil opinion conceived by the King against them but of some urgent occasion requiring his presence in France They rested not here but when they saw that he returned not in such time as they looked for him they wrote a large Letter unto him wherein they declared how lovingly they consented to choose him before a number of other Pâ—â—nces that were competitors with him how honorably they sent for him into France how royally they received him how dutifully they carried themselves towards him how carefully they provided for the safety of both
his short abode in Poland Thus I have freed him from suspition either of Heresie or of any favor shewed unto Hâ—reticks whilst he was abroad Now lâ—t me examine his liâ—e at home and see whether untill his dying day he might be justly â—axed or touched with the crime of Heresie He came to Lyons about the 9 of September in the year 1574 where the Queâ—n his Mother the Duke of Alencon his Brother the King of Navarre Charles Cardinal of Guise and others met with him The 10 of September a short space of recrâ—aâ—ion and solace after so long a Journey he falleth to consult with all those before namâ—d what meanes were best to be used to renew Waâ—rs against those whom they termed Hugonetts he beseigâ—th Pusania upon the Roane and taketh the same the 5 of October assaulteth Mombrim laieth seige to Lioron and never left in the dead of Winter to Warr against the Protestants untill he took a little Truce during the solemnitie of his Coronâ—tion Not long after his Coronation there came Ambâ—ssadors unto him from the Switzers to intreat libertie of Conscience for the Protestants of France They are heard with small favor and their Petition rejected with so great indignation that the Queeâ— Mother was fain to pacâ—fie her son in hâ—s great rage and fury The Protestants require ayde out of Germany Duke Casimer cometh into France The Prince of Conde groweth strong the king of Navarre flieth from the French Court unto him the Catholicks want money the Pâ—pe sendeth them 400000 Florins The Duke of Guise is sent to meet with Casimir either to repell him with force or to deceive him with policy and becauâ—e they feared the king of Navarre diverse waies and meanes are practised â—o make him suspected unto the Prince of Conde immediatly after the Duke of Guise followeth Mounsieur the kings Brother with greater troupâ—s but both he and the Duke finding themselves not able to encounter with the Pâ—ince of Conde and the Duke of Casimir Mounsieur receiveth the Duke with great Friâ—ndship in Burgony and talketh very familiarly with him To be short the king and Queen and Casimir meete a Peace is concluded all offences are forgiven and liberty of conscience is granted to be used in all places saving Paris The Duke Casimir depâ—rteth and hee is no sooner gone but the Catholicks cry out against this peace the Citizens of Paris tread the Articles thereof under their feet A generall Assembly is called at Blâ—ys The king of Navarre the Prince of Conde and the Mashal Damule come not to this Assembly The Articles of the beforenamed Peace are abrogated and a full resolution is taken to subvert the Protâ—stants or to enfoâ—ce them to receive the Counsell of Trent The Decrees of this Assembly are sent to the Prince of Conde and they are required to subscribe unto them which they refuse to do The king is discoâ—tented and sweareth not to leave untill he hath uâ—terly overthrown the Protestants Hee writeth unto Duke Casimir and unto the Lansgrave of Hesse requiring them not to give any more succour unto the Prince of Conde The one answereth the king gently and prayeth him to keep the late concluded Peace and the other threateneth that if the same be not observed to return into France with far greater strength then he brought thither the year before New troubles begin but are quickly ended by reason of Mounsiâ—urs going into Flanders and taking upon him the defence and Patronage of that Country This is the kings behaviour and carriage before the holy League the which beginneth in the year 1585. Of this League three especial causes are pretended The Troubles of France the kings sterility and the right of succession which belongeth unto the king of Navarr By the confederates in this League these things are required That the Catholick Religion and the Nobility that professed the same may be restored unto their ancient dignity That a Parliament might be called that Tributes may be gathered for the king and the kingdom that extraordinary exactions may be mitigated that evâ—ry third year a Parliament may be held And lastly that an Army of 16000. footmen and 3000 horse may be gathered and maintained with the kings treasure against the Hugonets and the same Army to be lead by the kings own person or by the Duke of Guise as his Lieutenant General They set foâ—th an Apology containing their Griefs and these Petitions and end the same with a promise to lay down their weapons if the king will be content to subscribe to these Articles and to overthrow the Protestants The king of Navarr finding himself to be the mark whereat these Leaguers shot published his Apology proveth himself to be no Heretick Apostate Persecutor or Rebel sheweth that the Duke of Guise is the onely Perturber of the peace and quiet of France and that he cannot feel the wound thereof because he is a stranger and lastly for the ending of all troubles without more effusion of blood challengeth the combat The late King published likewise his Answer to every Article and promiseth that all these things shall be done answerable to Gods Word and the prescript rule of Justice praying the Leaguers that since both he and the Queen are yet young enough to have children and that children are the Gift of God they will not rashly think him to be without all hope of children Here I might trouble you with the rehearsal of many examples of many Rebels like unto these who when their demands have been so reasonably answered as these were desisted from wars or had but an evil issue But I must restrain my self and labour to be short otherwise I shall be both too long and tedious What could a king nay the most absolute king of the world the mightiest king of Europe do more then this king did Or what would they require more at this kings hands then he performed He entered not into this League would not be one of their confederates Hinc nostri fundi Calamitas But he seemeth to allow the proscription and disinheritance of Navarr he banisheth all Protestants out of the Realm he answereth the king of Denmark who becometh a sutor for them that he neither can nor will have Peace with them he writeth to the Prince of Germany who likewise intreated his favour for the Protestants That he knoweth well enough what to do without their counsel and marvelleth that they have so great leisure as to meddle with other mens matters and especially with such things wherewith they have nothing to do This is not enough He provideth an Army against the Protestants he sendeth to encounter with the Forces of Germany that were coming into France to succour them The Duke of Guise overthroweth them and the kings Brother-in-Law the Duke of Ioyesa is overthrown by the king of Navarr with the loss of his own life and of 12000. of his Souldiers The Duke of Guise made proud and insolent with this victory
and having gotten above 120000 Crowns by the spoiles of the Enemies returneth to Paris boasteth of his conquest preferreth himself before his idle loytering king as he termeth him discovereth his secret intentions more openly then he did before and seeketh how he either might make away the king or thrust him to a Monastery And when he heard that his secret practices were revealed unto the king by the Duke of Espernon he is sore troubled and laboureth to free himself from all manner of suspition What way taketh he to bring this to pass Submitteth he himself unto the king Cleareth he himself of the Accusations laid to his charge Craveth he pardon of his insolency He doth But how Forsooth in such manner that even a man with one eye might easily see that he dissembleth He cometh to Paris with a small Troop but so disposeth his Army that his intention to carry away the king by force could not be hidden He craveth conference with the king is admitted to his presence They spend three whole dayes together in conference he so playeth his part that the king leaveth to suspect him removeth the Duke of Espernon from the Court and his company who had revealed his secrets and is angry with the said Duke for accusing him wrongfully What followeth God who knoweth the inward thoughts of all men and hath an especial care of Princes â—afety by a sudden and unexpected accident layeth open his dissimulation and bewrayeth the Dukes Treachery The king seeing that armed men came into Paris in great Troopes by night and day setteth his Switzers to watch and ward in every street of Paris It â—ortuned that a Switzer by chance was striken by a Parisian with whom he had some private quarrel hereof followeth a great slaughter The Duke of Guise committeth the Switzers to prison besetteth the Lover with a Garison of Souldiers The king beginneth to be afraid he fleeth from Paris secretly taketh his mother thence with him commendeâ—h the Duke of Espernon his Faith and Loyalty and escapeth the danger of the Lion that lay in wait for his life for that time but is to die the death within a short time after not by the sharp and merciless sword of the proud and ambitious Duke which had been more Princelike but by a short and poysoned knife of a Jacobin Fryer which was too base a death for the greatest Monarch of the World But again to the Duke who hearing that the king began to sound the depth of his Treasons and to suspect all his proceedings to remove his many doubts and to recover his good opinion sendeth certain Ambassadors unto him if they may be termed Ambassadors that go from a Rebel unto a king of his own and of diverse Cities and Provinces which he had drawn to his own Faction and had alwayes ready at hand By the mouth of these Ministers sufficiently instructed what to say he protested that nothing was further from his thoughts then to seize upon the kings person For if he had had any such minde any such intention he might have wrought his pleasure upon him when he had him in Paris First therefore he desireth that the Duke of Espernons malice and untrue Accusations might carry no credit at the least-wise not breed any disgrace and discredit Next that whatsoever hath been heretofore done or said might be buried in oblivion Thirdly that the Duke of Espernon and his brother Mr. de Valetta might be banished the Court disturbers of the Common Peace Fourthly that the Government of Normandy might be given unto the holy League Fifthly that his Brother the Duke of Mayne might be created great Master of the kings Pallace and the Cardinal of Bourbon made Governor of all France Sixthly that two Armies might belevied and maintained at the kings charges against the Hugonets and one of them to be sent into Picardy under the kings or the Duke of Guise his conduct and the other into Dolphine of which the Duke of Mayne must be General Lastly that the king of Navarr with all his Adherents and all other Hereticks might be thrust out of the Court and utteâ—ly destroyed and a Parliament presently called wherein they might consult of matters of greater weight and consequence The king perceived by these unreasonable demands that their pleasure and purpose was to make him a king of Poland in France that is such a king as should carry the bare 〈◊〉 and Name of a king and others should rule thinking it high time to call his wits together to be in no longer subjection and to begin to dissemble with them who go about to deceive and subvert him by cunning and dissimulation he therefore yeeldeth to all that was demanded commandeth an Assembly of the three Estates to be held the next September at Bloys exhortethall his Subjects unto a general Peace and deviseâ—h all means possible to supplant the Duke of Guise To this Parliament came the most and best Peers of the Realm The Duke of Guise absenteth himself either for fear because his guilty conscience accuseth him or of set purpose and cunning because he seeketh to be intreated In his absence they began to consult of great matters in all which the king ruleâ—h not but is â—uled he signifieth unto the Nobility thâ—re assembled that he taketh himself greatly bound unto them for their good and wholesome counsel professeth himself to be unable to Govern so turbulenâ— a kingdom any longer desireth to be eased of sâ— great a charge and thinketh it expedient both for the Common-wealth and for himself to imitate the example of Charles the fifth and to shut himself up as a Penitentiary in some Monastery and therefore he prayeâ—h them to consider to whom he might best surrender his Crown But if his judgement might be of any foâ—ce and weight with them no man should contend for it For no man was equal much less to be preferred before the Duke of Guise He is valiant in Arms wise in Counsel zealous in Religion faithfull to hâ—s Country and wanteth nothing requisite in a king but the name of a king He is heard with great attention beleeved wiâ—hout any contradiction and the Duke is sent for with all speed possible It is no need to bid him come he flyeth he seemeth to be in Heaven but falleth as suddenly as Lucifer did down to hell The king calleth him into his private Chamber pretending to have some great occasion to confer with him before the rest of the Nobility he giveth him into his hands certain Letters of his own hand-writing sâ—nt unto the king of Spain but intercepted by which he is convinced to have â—ought the kings untimely death and the unlawfull possession of his Crown He â—alleth down upon his knees humbly besâ—echeth the kings pardon And whiles with frivolous Protestations and false Oaths he laboureth to clear himself he is not so cruelly as justly murthered in the king presence The Arch-Traytor being thus executed the Queen Mother allowed
taken an oath to keep the Statutes of his Country without breaking the same or without departing from the true sense and literal meaning of them may violate them if the iniquity of the time will not give him leave and leasure to confer with his superiour or to ask his opinion or if there be manifest dangers like to follow of the delay which he shall use Besides if a Judge be commanded yea sworn not to do any thing against the Lâ—wes of God or nature or of his Country yet if he be urged by some great occâ—sion or if necessitie enforce him thereunto or if some notable danger scandall or inconvenience is like to follow of the strict observance of those Laweâ— he may lawfully violate them And shall a Judge have Authority to break Lawes and shal not an absolute Prince have the like liberty A Provost Marshal taking a Theif in the fact of committing a robberie may hang him up presently with out any forme of Judgement and shall not a King cause a notorious Traytor to be murthered without a solemn Sentence The Governor of a City taking an Homicide an Adulterer a ravâ—shâ—r of Women upon the Fact may chastise and punish them according to the Rigor of the Law wâ—thout any forme of Law and a King taking a Traytor beâ—ng abouâ— to deprive him of his life of his Crown apd Scepter shall he not do him to death without asking the opinion of his Judges without imploring the helpe of his Magistrates and without imparting his Treason unto his Counsellors or unto the Friends and Allies of the Traytors especially when as he may escape whilst these things shall be doing when bee is so strong so backed with friends so guarded with Souldiers that if he be not executed upon a suddain the respiâ—e and leisure which shall be given him shall gâ—ve him time and meanes not only to escape the punishment which he hath deserved but also to put in great hazard the life of his Prince and the weale of his Country to be short when either the Prince or the Traytor must die presently It is written of Iehu the Judge and King of Israell that he fearing the great multitude of Baals Priests and doubting that if he should put them to death by the way of Justice there would follow some great Inconvenience or scandal to himself he feigned that hee himself wouâ—d do sacrifice unto God Baal and by that pretence and colour he caused them all to come together and when they were all assembled hee willed them all to be murthered Who hath heard the Historie of Ladislaus king of Bohemia commendeth him not for his wisdome and discretion in dissembling the grief which he took to see the Earle of Cilia his faithfull and assured Friend and Vncle killed almost in his presence so â—uningly that he not only seemed not to be grieved with his death but also to think that he was lawfully killed because hee presumed to come Armed into the Court where all others were unarmed The Bohemians seeing how lovingly hee entertained Ladislaus Humiades the Author of this Murther how kindly he used his Mother how wisely hee suffered Ladislaus and his Brother Matthias to bring him into Beuda and how resolutely when he had him where hee was stronger then hee he commanded him to be done to death for the murther committed on his Vncles person took it for a manifest Argument that he would prove as indâ—ed hee did a very wise just and valiant Prince siâ—ce in his youth he was so subtile and so resolute and gave them so notable an Example and President of his Justice Who hath read the policy which Darius king of Persia used in revenging the injury of Oretes who was grown to be so mightie so proud and so well backed with friends that hee neither could nor durst do him to death by the ordinary Course of Justice and prayseth him not for inventing a way to induce 30 of his Gentlemen to undertake his death And who commendeth not the Magâ—animitie and resolution of Bageus who when it fell out to his lott to be the first of the 30 that had vowed to hazaâ—d their live foe their king went no less hastily then cuningly about his enterprise and within a very short while murthered Oretes who had beaâ—ded and braved his King many years Briefly who readeth and alloweth not the History of David who when a man câ—me to him from Saul his Camp and told him that he had kilâ—ed Saul commanded his Sâ—rvant to kill him presently and said unto him Thy blood bee upon thine owâ— head for thine own mouth hath spoken against thee And yet every man knoweth that Saul killed himself and that this poor simple man thought to have had a reward of David for bringing him the first news of Sauls death These premissâ—s therefore being duly considered it must follow that the late king had great reason aâ—d just cause to command the Duke of Guise to be killed But his friends say nay They have caused it to be imprinted that he was one of the Peers of France one of the greatest of that Realme one of the best beloved Subjects of Europe and one that was allied unto great Kings and Princes And that therefore the King causing him to be murthered as he was migâ—t well think and justly feare that in doing him to death he should highly offend his best friends and give just occasion unto as many as suffered any loss or detriment by his death to revenge the same As therefore Iulius Caesar winked at the Treason committed by Dunorix and called him not into question for the same for feare to offend his Brother Divitiacus who was an assured and faithful Friend unto the people of Rome and a man of great credit and Authority in his Country even so the King should have spared the Duke of Guise and not have used such câ—ueltie towards him as he did for feare to displease and discontent his dearest and best friends and as Henry the 4 King of England deprived the Dukes of Anmarle of Exceter and Surrey of the Lands and possessions which Richard the second gave them and yet spared their lives so the king had done well if he had taken away the lands and livings and not the life of the Duke of Guise Truly if hâ—s kingdom should have received no greater loss or dammage by the Duke of Guise his life then the commonwealth of Rome received by Dunorix the king should not have greatly done amiss to have suffered him to live But since that the Duke did alwaies aspire unto the Crown and since he desired sought and laboured by all meanes possible to usurpe the same the King played as his Mother said the right part of a King whâ—â—â— as he resolved and exâ—cuted his death with all convenient speed For the same Caesar which had pitâ—y and compassion on Dunorix because his life could not greatly hinder or cross his dâ—signes and purposes first banished
I will briefly examine that which hath been already said and by his own Acts and Demands convince and prove his intention It is said that the foot shall not presume to rule the head no more should a Subject take upon him to controll the King or to prescribe unto him what hee shall do And yet the Duke of Guise not once but many times rebuketh his Kings proceedings against she Protestants blameth him of Negligence and telleth him more boldly then wisely that hee must not spare them but subvert them And what was that but to spoile his kingdom The Counsellor is commended which rather refuseth as Office and charge with modesty that is laid upon him then affecteth the same before he be thought worthy thereof and yet the Duke of Guise staieth not untill he was moved by the King but nâ—med himself for his Lieutenant And what was that but to appoint the Kings Officers Wee read of Saul that it grieved him greatly when it was said that David had killed Twenty thousand Enemies and Saul but ten Thousand and yet the Duke of Guise after that he had overthrown the Germans is termed an other Gideon and he termeth his King a loiterer and what was that but to disgrace his Soveraign It is commonly said that where there is no offence committed there needeth no pardon and yet the Duke of Guise would seem not to have offended although hee desireth to have all that was said or done to bee pardoned and buried in Oblivion And what was that buâ— to betraâ— a guilry conscience and an unwilling minde to acknowledge and confess his offence The Subject that armeth multitudes without his kings commandment when there is no fear of a Forreign Enemy or any other in arms within a Realm giveth many presumptions and arguments of a Rebellious minde And yet the Duke of Guise doth not onely arm Multitudes but also proteâ—teth that he and they will lay down his and their arms until the king yeeldeth unto his demands and what was that but to threaten and menace his king The Count of St. Paul High Constable of France was held a Traytor by Lewis the eleventh and so executed because he betrayed his counsel and kept certain Holds and Towns of strength from the king and yet the Duke of Guise must be no Traytor who revealed the kings secrets and withheld many Towns and Cities from him and drave him out of the principal City of his Realm Francis the first proclaimed the Duke of Bourbon to be a Rebel and a Traytor because he fled to Charles the fifth and bore arms in his quarrel against him and yet the Duke of Guise is no Traytor who favoureth the Spanish king more then his own Prince and bringeth Spaniards into France to murther and massacre the kings loving Subjects He saw that his conspiracies and secrets were discovered by the Duke of Espernon and therefore he must be banished the Court He saw that the king of Spain prevailed not against England because he had no Towns in France to harbour his wearied and Sea-beaten Souldiers and therefore at his next coming he must have Normandy at his devotion for that was his purpose when he demanded that Normandy should be given to the holy League What meant he when he required that his brother should be made great Master of the Kings Pallace and the Cardinal of Lorrain Governour of all France Why demanded he no office for himself Forsooâ—h because it was not yet time for him to say he must be king France could not brook two kings The late king must be first deposed and was it not his meaning to procure him to be depoâ—ed and deprived of his Crown at the Parliament which he required to be presently called and assembled That was the matter of great wait the cause of such consequence whereof they must consult an to bring the matter to pass there must be two great Armies in readiness the one in Picardy and the other in Dolphine to bridle those who were most likely to withstand hâ—s Coronation and not to admit and receive him for their king The Hugonets also must be all subverted They were the Oratoâ—s that preserved Athens they were the Geâ—se that saved the Roman Capitol they therefore must be taken away or else he must fail of his purpose That Nation whose king hath the honour to be called the most Châ—istian king may not brook an Heretick for their king and therefore the king of Navarr must be taken away he must not live any longer the Prince of Conde next heir to the Crown after him was already dispatched by poyson and his young infant was not fit to rule But if the king of Navarr's death might have contented him if his overthrow might have set France at Liberty and utterly have subverted the Protestants why was not this king of Navarr's offer accepted Why refused he the combat whereunto he was challenged Such a Champion as the Duke was should not have refused such a challenge such a Gideon that flew so many Germans should not have been afraid to encounter with one Man especially with such a man as forgat the name and state of a King to fight with a Rebel as debased himself to contend with a Traitor as if he won the battle could not but lose some of his honour because he had encountered with an infamous person and if he lost the field lost both his life and Scepter Such a Father and Protector of his Country should not have denied to hazard his life in such a quarrel as might have saved the lives of many of his best friends who have been killed since the time of that challenge But he thought it best to sleep in a whole skin and he knew how to be king without such a hazard he had preferred many and therefore they would and should prefer him But of him enough And from him to the rest wherewith the late king was more vainly then truly charged It followeth in the Accusation that he prodigally wasted the Revenues of the Crown and gave himself to all kinde of vice and wickedness This wastfull spending of the Revenues of the Crown is a fault that exceedeth all other faults a fault that offendeth a kings Subjects much more then any other vice because when Princes Treasures are wasted they flie to their subjects Coffers and empty their Chests to fill their own Exchequers Subjects therefore for their ease require that their king should be a good husband It was a commendation that Tully gave to king Demetriâ—s It is a quality that is required in a good Steward it is a property by so much more requisite in a Prince by how much his charge is greater then other mens but a though they desire that their Prince should be thrifty yet they would not have them covetous and as they can be contented that they should be liberal so they like not that they shall be prodigal Thrift maketh them able to live with their
the Clergy as much for three years together And yet the same year the City of London was charged with Two hundred armed men Canterbury with Forty St. Albans with ten and other Towns and Cities according to their wealth and ability Two years were not fully ended but the people were charged again and so almost every third year during his reign until that in the Forty fifth year thereof he levied a certain sum of Fifty thousand Marks of his Subjects aud within six years after he charged all persons of his Realm as well men as women that were fourteen years of age to pay him Four pence a peece except onely such as went a begging from door to door The like Subsidies were levied by Richard the Second by Henry the Fourth and Henry the Fifth and almost by all the rest of our Kings the which for brevitie sake I pass over with silence But to clear her Majesty the better of this accusation and to make it known unto her Subjects how greatly they are bound unto her Highness for sparing to use such means for money as many of her Predecessors used in time of their necessity it will not be a miss to acquaint you and them with many ways that our Princes have practised to releive their wants of which her Majesty although her occasions to use money were greater or as great as theirs never did put any one in practice In the recital of these practices I will not name our Kings in order as they reigned but relate their means to make money as they shall come to my memory Edward the First called by a Writ called Quo Warranto all together that held any Lands of him to shew by what Title they held their Lands who recovered much money of the meaner sort who having no evidences to shew durst not withstand his demand untill the Earl of Surrey called before the Justices to the same effect answered That he and his Ancestors entering into this Realm with William the Conqueror won their Lands by the Sword and that he would hold his by the Sword which stout answer made the king surcease his demand Henry the seventh wanting money caused all penal Statutes to be examined and all forfeitures layed upon his Subjects by them to be strictly and severely exacted Which exaction cost Richard Empson and Edmond Dudly their lives Henry the first in a Parliament held in the one and thirtieth year of his Reign put Priests to their fines who lived with their wives still in house with them Henry the second Anno 1166. ordained a Collectâ—on on to be made through all his Countries and Dominions of two pence in the pound of every mans Lands and Goods Jewels and Apparel onely excepted to be paid the same year and for the space of four years next ensuing one penny of every pound to be paid yearly and those that had not the worth in goods and lands to the value of twenty shillings and were house-holders and had any offices they should pay a penny to this Contribution And those that departed this life within the term that that this Collection was current their debts being paid were appointed by the same Ordinance to pay the tenth part of all the residue of their goods unto this Contribution Richard the first to make money for his voyage against the Turks levied a Tax engaged sold and let to Farm his Lands his Tolls his Customs and other his Revenues with certain Countries and Offices and understanding that Hugh Pudley Bishop of Durham had great store of ready money he sold to him the Mannor of Seggesfield with the Wapentake belonging unto the same and also found means to perswade him to buy his own Province which he did and was thereupon created an Earl by the King for the same and was Intitled both Bishop and Earl of Durham He had likewise great sums of money of the Citizens of London for Priviledges granted unto them Besides he had licence of Pope Innocent to dispence with such as pleased him for their vows and to go into the Holy Land although they had taken the cross on them for that purpose and of those he took abundantly and divers others he compelled to fine Also he feigned that he had lost his Seal wherefore he commanded a new to be made and willed it to be proclaimed and published in every Country that those to whom he had granted any thing by his Deed or Charter meaning to enjoy the same in surety should not think it much to come and have it confirmed by his new Seal least afterwards the other being lost their lawful Titles might be called in question Lastly he levied the tenth part of all the moveable goods throughout the Realm of England to the aid of the Wars and this Collection passing under the name of an Alms was extended upon the goods of Spirituall men as well as Temporal This King was as you shall hear hereafter taken Prisoner in returning from those Wars and for his Ransom order was taken that all manner of persons as well Spiritual as Temporal should give the fourth part of their whole Revenues due to them for that year toward the Kings Ransom The same king after his retuâ—n sold the Offices of Sheriffs and divers other Offices and procured a Subsidie to be given unto him of two shillings of every â— lough-land and commanded that every man should make for him the third part of Knights service accordingly as every Fee might bear to furnish him forth into Normandy The same King by vertue of a Parliament called back and resumed into his hands all Patents Annueties Fees and other Grants before his voyage into the Holy Land by him made or otherwise granted or alienated And because it should not seem he used a meer extort violence herein he treated with every one of them in most curteous wise bearing them in hand that he well knew they meant not to let forth their money unto him upon usury but would be contented with such reasonable gains and profit as had been raised to their use in the time of his absence of those things which they held of him by Assignation in way of loan so that now the same might be restored unto him again since he meant not to sell them but to let them forth as it were to Farm for a time as all men might well understand considering that he could not maintain the port of a King without receipt of those profits which he had so set forth And hereunto every man yeelded although no man had received a third part of the principal which they had layed forth The same King having borrowed a great sum of money of the Merchants of the Staple called the Monks of Osteaux gat them to pay the same telling them that he borrowed it of certain Merchants beyond the Sea upon confidence of their good benevolence The same King caused all Offices in Aurmen Poictou and Mayne to fine with him for their Offices
quiet Government at home to confer the necessities of her Predecessors with the urgent occasions that her Grace hath had to use much ready money they shall finde that her Ancestors never had so just occasions of necessary expences as her Majesty had of late years yea almost for the whole time of her reign For albeit her Majesty hath not had continual open Wars as some of them had yet her charge hath been nothing inferior unto theirs For first Wars are now adays as I have said far more chargeable then they were wont to be Then her Grace hath had no other Princes to contribute towards her expences as her Predecessors had Next her Loans to foreign Princes as to the Kings of France of Navar of Scotland to the late Duke of Alencon and to the States of the Low Countries have been very great And lastly her charges both by land and Sea could not chuse but amount yearly to infinite sums considering how many times her Highness hath been constrained to send her Navy to the Seas and her Land Souldiers forth of the Realm Besides her Predecessors charges were for the most part voluntary being undertaken to conquer and not to defend their Realms to get other Princes Dominions and not to conserve their own to revenge forein injuries and not to repulse domestical invasions briefly their Wars were for their own profit and hers for her Subjects benefit considering therefore that whatsoever her Grace hath levied not granted unto her by her Parliament without any contradiction without any accusing her of Prodigalâ—ty wâ—thout any such exception taken against her demands as hath been taken against other her Predecessors without any suspition of hâ—r evil Government therefore without any consigning the managing and government of the same unto others then unto them who by her Majesties appointment have the custody thereof it is a manifest argument that her Subjects were always most willing to yeeld to all manner of contributions that her Highness in her Princely Wisdom and Discretion did take to be necessary for the defence of her Realm And if these malicious Accusers would look upon the governments upon the Exactions upon the extortions of such Princes in whose Realms they either live by Alms or wander up and down as Vagabonds their own consciences if at least they have any would condemn them of malice of untruth or of gross ignorance for the wisest amongst them may and are well able to make large volumes of such Subsidies Taxes Impositions and Grievances as are levied in France Italy Spain of which the hundreth parts are unknown much less practised in England and this must needs appear to be most true and manifest since it cannot be denied that in some Dukedoms of Italy the Circuit of which is not comparable unto one Shire of England the yearly Revenues of the Duke far exceed the Revenues and Rents of the Crown of England Moreover if it may please this Viperous generation of Fugitives to call to mind the Interest that Princes have in their Subjects Goods and the great power that is given unto kings in the Old Testament over the Lands and Possessions of as many as live under their Obedience and also to remember that Princes the longer they live the more absolute Imperious and self-conceited they are in the Execution of their Government and the more Experienced in their proof they must rather commend then condemn her Majesty whom neither continuance of time nor fulness of Authority nor presumption upon the good Wills of her people nor confidence upon the Equity of her Cause nor the consideration of her Subjects weal wholly depending upon her welfare nor briefly the remembrance of her gentle and sweet-Government hath ever imboldened to be over-chargable unto the Realm or over-burthensome unto her Subjects This grievous accusation is more truly then briefly refelled Now leaving the rest of these Fugitives suggestions unto another place wherein I shall have occasion to handle them more fitly I will end this point with condemning the King of Spain for being too light in crediting these Rebels in two principal points For first he ought to have considered that neither the vain Pamphlets disspersed by his lying Ambassador Mendoza nor the malicious book written by Cardinal Allen was able to alter remove or shake the natural and dutifull affections of our English Subjects they were too well acquainted with the Ambassadors old and inveterate malice with his hostile practices and his desperate intents They knew the Cardinal to be a Religious Fugitive to sell his tongue and the use thereof for money to be like unto Richard Shaw that was hired to preach at Pauls-Cross and there publickly to justifie the wrongfull usurpation of Richard the third to resemble the Duke of Buckingham who neither feared nor blushed to commend the same cause for just and most lawfull in the Guildhall London to imitate Iohn Petit a Preacher of France who for a far less bribe then a Cardinalship allowed approved and commended in Pulpit and in writing the most horrible murther committed by the Duke of Burgoigne on the person of the Duke of Orleans And lastly to follow his example who without all example was not ashamed to write a large volumn against the late king of France and therein to deduce many reasons many causes for and by which he maintained that the said King might be lawfully deposed and another set up and established in his place Secondly he might have considered that those Fugitives are for the most part peevish and discontented Schollers fitter to mannage a Pen then a Lance to dispute of Philosophy then to discourse of War to be partial in their own conceits then to be prodigal in their assurance briefly to be ready to say more then they know especially when they are either assured or in good hope by saying much to obtain much he might have remembred that Iohannes Viennensis sent into Scotland by Charles the sixth of France although he was a man of great experience a Captain of long continuance aud one that by his long abode in Scotland knew England and her Forces far better then our Fugitives do deceived his King at his return out of Scotland in reporting unto him the strength of our Nation he had fought with many of our Armies had seen 60000 Footmen 8000 and Horsmen of ours in the Field was of opinion that our Country was easie to be conquered within the Realm howsoever it prevailed and conquered abroad And lastly he both knew and signified unto the king that the Duke of Lancaster was absent in Portugal with the Flower and chief Youth of England These reason moved the French king to determine to invade England presently to carry an huge Army to Sluce in Flanders to assemble all the Nobility and Peers of his Realm for that voyage and to proâ—â—se unto himself an assured victory against England But what event had this Journey What effect followed of this perswasion The
Raigne married Margaret his Daughter at Yorke and then and there did him homage for his Kingdom Lastly it appeared by the Popes Bulls written into Scotland that the Kings of Scotland were excommunicated by divers Popes because they would not obey the Kings of England their Lords and Soveraignes Buâ— against all this and whatsoever else may be said by us to fortifie and defend our Title the Scots make three principall Objections The first that their King never did homage unto us but for the Countries of Northumberland Cumberland Westmerland and Huntingdon the which they confess they held of our Kings and by their grant and guift The second that Edward the third being chosen Arbitrator of the great and notable contention that was betwixt Iohn Baliâ—l and Robert Bruce for the Kingdom took the two Competitors aside and sounded which of them would take the kingdom to hold it of him which when Robert whose Title was as they thought best refused to do and Iohn was content to performe hee wrongfully pronounced Judgement for Iohn Baliol and so extorted this Homage by Fraud and Corruption The third that the Estates of the Realme never acknowledged this Homage but were so farr from yeilding thereunto that the Nobility of Scotland deprived Iohn Baliol of the Crown and gave the same unto Robert the first because he submitted himself and his Kingdom unto King Ed. The three Objâ—ctions may not be unanswered and therefore unto â—very one of them in Order True it is that a King may hold his Kingdom of no Superior and yet owe Homage for some Member thereof unto another or some Principality that hee holdeth of an other and he shall still nevertheless remaine a most absolute King For who will deny King Edward the third of England to be either absolute or Soveraigne King of England although he swore Homage and Fidelity unto King Iohn of France for Gascoigne and other Dominions which he held of him in France Or who will take the Emperor Chales the fift not to bee an absolute and Soveraign King in Spain or other his Dominions and Kingdomes because hee sometimes owed Fidelity and Homage unto the French King for the Dukedome of Burgondy Bâ—t the case is altered in the King of Scots because hee did Homage both for these Countries and for his Kingdom And this is no good Argument The King of Scots did Homage unto England for certain English Provinces held of England therefore they did not Homage for Scotland But the second Objection is of better weight and yet may bee thus answered I might here oppose the Credit of an English man against a Scots credit and desire to have Holinshed and Thâ— Walsingham speaking for us to be as well believed as Hector Boetius and George Buchanan would bee credited when they speake for Scotland But you shall heare this Objection confuted by an Italian namely by Pelidore Virgil a man of more indifferency of less partiality and perhaps of better Judgement against whom if it be be said that he was either hired to write our History favorably or that he could write nothing of us but what he had from us I â—nswer that there was never any man justly condemned upon a bare and light suspition and I eftsoones say as I once said before that where a matter cannot be proved but by domestical witnesses there such a proof is both allowable and lawfull Then to refell this Objection I say out of Polid. Virgil that Kâ—ng Edward pronounced not Judgment for Iohn Balioll because he promised to hold Scotland in homage of him but because he came of the eldest Daughter of King David and Robert Bruce of the Second I strengthen my saying by these Arguments First it is said that King Edward very wisely when as this great conâ—ention was referred unto his Audience and determination he called together as Hector Boetiâ—s himself writeth the learnedst men of England and of Scotland he sent the State of the Question into France whence he received Answer that Iohn Baliolls Title was the better And because he might be suâ—pected if he should examine the matter alone and give sentence himself he chose 12. English men as Boetius saith or 20. as Holinshed reporteâ—h and as many Scots as English men whom he made Judges of the controversie and they when they had throughly discussed both conpetitors Rights gave Judgment for Iohn Balioll which Award was confirmed by the King Then whenas the King had seen so many Evidences and proofs confirming his Right and Title unto the Soveraignity of Scotland as are before mentioned is it likely that he who had Right to that which he demanded would condition with the Competitors in such manner as is objected Lastly although he had made Iohn Baliâ—ll to enter into such a condition and to binde himselfe thereunto this cannot help the Scots for that it is lawfull for any Man to Claime his Right at any time and to tell him that is likely to detaine and withstand his Right that he shall not have his lawfull Favor unlesse he will be content And this is most lawful in a cause of Contention betwixt the Soveraigne and his Vassal because the Soveraigne must require Homage at his hands and the Vassal is not in some Mens opinion bound to do him homage unlesse it be required The third Objection is Answered with as little difficultie as the rest For the chief Peers of Scotland acknowledged Obedience and homage unto King Edward They consented unto the delivery which Iohn Balioll made unto our king of his kingdom they required our king to be bound as he was in an hundred thousand Marks to deliver the kingdom to thier king again within two moneths and they appointed certain principal Noblemen to receive and keep the Revenues and Profits of the Crown to his use whom King Edward should declare to have best Right thereunto Againe Iohn Balioll was not deprived of his Crown by the States and Nobility of Scotland as Bucanan reporteth but was enforced as Hector Boetius restifieth to resigne all his right in the Crown unto King Edward and to relinquish and give over his kingdom and at the same time all the Nobility of Scotland did swear homage and Obedâ—ence unto our King and Boetius hath nothing to say 〈◊〉 their defence but that our King enforced them thereunto As though it were not lawfull for the Superior to constraine his Vassals and Subjects in case fair means cannot prevaile with them by violence to acknowledge their duty and service unto him But it pleased the Almighty to punish the Scotish disloyalty Inconstancy and Rebellion they revolted often They broke their promise many times They thought it lawfull to delude us with fair words and to deceive us with vaine promises But the eternall who hateth deceivers and deceitfull dealings so prospered all our Attemps against them that our King for a while left them destitute of a King caused them to swear and submit themselves unto some of
his own laws made the Earl of Pembroke whose name was Odomar Valentinian Governor of Scotland and to the end they should have no Memory no Monument nor Testimony of a Royal Majesty he transferred a Seate of Stone whereupon their Kings were wont to sit at their Coronation out of Scotland into England and the same remainth at thâ—s day at Westminster Now to leave these and the like Testimonies because they carry the lesse credit for that they are reported by our own Historiographers I will come to the violent presumptions which may be gathered out of their own Histories First it cannot be denyed that God hath blessed us with many famous and notable Victories against the Scots Then it must be granted that we had alwaies wit enough to make our best advantage of those victories Next it is not likely but that we took the benefit of such advantageâ— And who will think that when we were so often provoked so many times deceived so throughly informed of our Right that we would not claime our Right Againe at the very time of this notable competency betwixt Iohn Balioll and Robert Bruce it is written that Ericus King of Norway sent certain Ambassadors wiâ—h Letters of Commissiâ—n from him to demand the Kingdome of Scotland in the Right of his Daughter Margaret sometimes Wife unto the King of Scots in which Letter he acknowledgeth our King to be Lord and Soveraigne of Scotland And why should there be found Bulls of Excommunication against the Kings of Scotland for not obeying our Kings Or why should it be recorded that two Kâ—ngs of Scotland Carried at severall times the Sword before King Arthur and king Richard at their Coronations Or why is it not probable that Scotland should be as well Subject unto us as Bohemia and Hungaria were unto the Empire Naples and Sicilie unto Rome Burgondy and Navarr unto France the Duâ—edom of Moscovia aâ—d the Marquisate of Brandiburge unto Polâ—nâ—a Portugall unto Spaine and Austria unto Bohemia Or lâ—stly why may it not be thought that as these Kingdoms and Dominions remaine still in their old Subjection and acknowledg their Ancient Soveraigne so Scotland ought to do the like Our Fortune seldome failed us against them They never used us so kindly nor our kings at any time behaved themselves so unwisely that they Resigned their Right and Title unto Scotland as other Princes have done But now to the like advantage of this kind of inferiority as a Frenchman contracting or bargaining with one of our Nation in England maketh himself by this contract and Bargaine a Subject unto our Laws so any man whatsoever offending within our Realm subjecteth himself by reason of his offence unto our Jurisdiction And this is so true that a very mean man being a Judge if a great personage remaining under his Jurisdiction who by reason of his greatness may seem to be freed from his Authority shall commit an offence worthie of Punishment during his abode there the same mean and Inferior Judge may lawfully punish his Offence Example will make this matter more cleer For Example sake then grant that a Bishop abideth a while within an Archdeacons Jurisdiction and there offendeth in some Crime that deserveth Punishment the question may be whether the Archdacon may punish this delinquent For the Negative it may be said that Par in parem non habet protestatem much lesse an Inferior against his Superior and that an Archdeacon is Oculus Episcopi and Major post Episcopum and therefore can have no Authority over a Bishop yet it is resolved that if the Bishop be a stranger and not a Bishop of the Diocesse the Archdeacon hath sufficient Authority and the power to Chastise and Correct his offence but he cannot meddle with him if he be his own Bishop and the reason of the diversity is because his own Bâ—shop is as it were the Archdeacons spirituall Father and it is not Convenient that the Son should have any manner of Authority over the Father Now since it is certaine that where there is the like reason there the like Law shall be I may boldly infer by this Law that the Scottish Queâ—n offending within her Majesties Dominion may be punished by her Grace although she were her farr better I might here before I come unto her voluntary and forcible Resignation of the Crown tell you that she committed many things both before and after her Imprisonment that made a plaine forfeture of her Kingdome But although when I tâ—uched the duties of Vassals in some part I promised to touch the same in this plâ—ce more largely yet for brevitie sake I must omit this large discourse and only tell you that as the French King called our King Iohn in question for the murther commited by him at his Instigation on the person of his Nephew Arthur and forfeited his States in France for his not Apperance or insufficient Answer unto that Crime so if the Scottish Subjects had not deprived their Queen for the Parâ—icide laâ—d to her charge our Queens most excellent Majestie might not only have taken notice thereof but also have punished the same For albeit the Fact was committed without her Highness Realm and Dominion yet the person who was murthered being her Subject and Kinsman her grace might ex eo capite in my simple opinion lawfully have proceeded against the Malefactor And I remember that I saw a man executed at Venice because he killed his own Wife in Turky and the reason why they proceeded against him was the hainousness of the Fact and for that his Wife although she were not so was their naturall Subject And yet I confesse that our Common Laws regard not offences commited without our Realm wherein me thinketh they have small reason For sithence that for a Bargain made beyond the Seas I may have my reâ—edy here why shall not have the benefit of Law for my Child and Kinsman or any other that is near and dear unto me murthered beyond the Seas since the life of a Subject ought to be of far greater value and worth then his goods And if in a Civill action of which the Cause and originall is given beyond the Seas they can 〈◊〉 the Bond and Obligation to be made at Lyons within some Shire in England when indeed the same Lyons which they meane and where the Bond was made is in France why may they not lawfully use the like Fiction in a Criminal Cause But now the third point that Argueth the late Scottish Queens Inferiority unto our Queen She was deposed and therefore no longer a Queen This point hath in it two very strange points It is strange to hear that a Man or a woman being borne a Prince should be deprived and that he which receiveth a Kingdom by his birth should lose the same before his death But because this point hath great affinitie which the third objection that is made against the unfortunate Queens Execution I will forbear to speak thereof untill
the Laws of Humanity or Hospitality are or can justly be said to be broken if such a Prince be severely punished for since he first violateth these Laws himself he giveth thereby just occasion unto him whose death he seeketh by unlawfull means to use the benefit of Law for the shortning of so unthankfull a Guests life especially if before his attempt and conspiracy his detainor always used him gently and curteously But it was never seen say the Scotish Queens friends that a Prince flying from the violence of her Subjects or passing by another Princes Realm as the Scotish Queen did to go into another Country was detained prisoner It is a thing never heard of never practised in any Age or by any Prince were he never so barbarous never so void of Humanity This is a vehement Objection but not so vehement as ridiculous For as a private man cannot come upon his neighbours ground without his leave so Princes may not set their feet on their neighbours Territories without asking them leave and license and the Prince that shall presume to come into another Princes Country without his leave is thought too indiscreet and unwise although the occasion of his coming be never so just and lawfull It is written of Baldwine the Emperor of Constantinople that when he being driven from his Imperial Seat came into England to demand aid of our King the cause of his coming was very just and equitable but when landed at Dover word was sent him by our King that he had done unadvisedly and otherwise then it became a king of his Magnificence and Majesty to adventure to come into our Realm without making them privy before hand to his coming and because he vouchsafed not to ask leave it was held for a manifest sign of great pride and contempt Was there ever Prince that took a more just and necessary and commendable voyage then Richard the first king of England did unto the Holy land Was there ever any journey of which followed better success then of that his voyage Had ever Prince more just occasion to hope to pass by another Princes Country without danger or detriment then he had And yet as he returned although he was disguised in apparel to the end he might not be known and pass safely he was intercepted by Leopald Duke of Austria and held a long time in prison by him and afterwards dilivered unto the Emperor And albeit that the Pope and other Princes considering that he was unlawfully detained became Mediators and Intercessors for his liberty yet he could not be delivered before he had endured twenty two moneths imprisonment and had paid better then one hundred and fifty thousand pounds for his Ransom Both our Chronicles and the Scotish Histories report that Iames son unto Robert King of Scotland when his Uncle being Governor of the Kingdom had murthered his Elder brother and purposed to have made him away also was sent by his father into France or into England with letters of recomenmdation unto both Kings wherein the poor and distressed Father besought both Kings to have compassion of his wofull and unhappy estate and to receive and entertain his Son with all kindeness The young Prince after that he had been but a small while upon the Seas not brooking them very well commanded the Master of the ship to land him in England He is presently brought unto the presence of King Henry the first to whom he shewed his Fathers letters The King having perused them called his Councel together they deliberate what were best to do with the Prince some think it good to send him into France others whose opinion was followed perswade the king to detain him as prisoner I might alledge a number of Examples like unto these two but they may suffice to refute this frivolous Objection And the late Queen of Scots might have learned of either these Princes how to have carried her self in the time of her Captivity King Richard was a valiant a mighty and a notable wise Prince His case was lamented of all the Princes of Christendom His Subjects were both willing and able to have constrained his Detainers to deliver him His journey was undertaken for the benefit of all Christendom and therefore it behoved all Princes to be offended with his imprisonment Briefly neither the Duke nor the Emperor had just occasion to detain him and yet during the long and tedious time of his durance he neither sought any unlawfull means to escape out of prison nor practised any treacherous wayes to be revenged of his Detainers The Scotish Prince doubtless was to be pittied The cause of his flight was just and honest and the detaining of him prisoner waâ— rather hatefull then honourable and yet this poor Prince carried himself not onely honestly and faithfully as long as he was prisoner in England but also when our king caused him to attend upon him into France where he might have easily escaped from his keepers or quickly haâ—e procured some violent means to purchase his liberty he continued stâ—ll a faithfull prisoner And was so far at all times from seeking revenge for his hard and long imprisonment that he alwayes thought that he was well and courteously used and in requital of that courtesie when as Henry the sixth Son unto the same Henry who kept him Prisoner was driven out his kingdom he not onely haâ—boured him but also helped to restore him to his kingdom The good carriages of these two Princes condemneth the Scottish Queen and the general custom of Princes as not onely to crave leave when they come into other Princes Dominions but also to provide for their safety and security as long as they shall be there confuteth this foolish this fond this ridiculous and childish Objection It is written of a King of Navarre that when he had occasion to come into England in the four and fortieth year of Edward the Third his reign not to conspire against us but to intreat a League with us and to fight for us he not onely demanded leave but also durst not adventure to come before that the King had sent unto his Realm certain Bishops Earls and Barons to remain as Hostages and Sureties that he should be well used so long as he continued in England And surely Princes have great reason to require such Assurance since many Kings and Princes have been in great danger to be killed yea and some have been killed when they met of purpose to talk of Common Affairs So was Iulius Caesar in danger to have been in conference with Ariovisâ—us so was William Duke of Normandy killed in conference with Arnold Earl of Flanders so was the Duke of Burgundy muâ—thered at a meeting with the Dolphin of France And these examples have made Princes more provident and wise then they were wont to be for that they will hardly be perswaded or intreated to any such Enterviews or if they must needs meet they cause places to be made of
the King of Spain not just occasion to invade her Highness Realms The causes then of this invasion are unjust now followeth the course a course not beseeming a Prince of his might of his years of his long continuance and experience in the exercise and administration of a kingdom For first his years are fitter for peace then for war for rest and quietness then for troubles and unquietness and many wise and mighty Princes either before or as soon as they came to his years have given over the World resigned their kingdom and spent the residue of their time in Monastical idleness I read that Sigisbert Etheldred Elured Constantine and Inas King of England that Charls the Fifth and Uladislaus kings of Bohemia Constantine king of Scotland and Amadeus Duke of Savoy before they came to the Spanish kings age renounced the world to live unto God in houses of Religion I record oftentimes the notable exploits the marvellous victories and the rare and admirable vertues of Pompey of Alexander of Antiochus of Theodosius and of Charls king of France who were all as you have heard sirnamed the Great and I find that they were all so far off at his age from seeking new occasions of Wars of new Conquests that either all or the most part of them commended their souls unto God and committed their bodies unto the earth before they attained his years I remember all this and in remembring it I think that it pleased the Almighty to take them out of this world so soon as they were no more fit and able to conquer in the World thereby giving to understand unto their after-commers that in their youth they may lawfully attend upon Conquests upon Arms upon Wars as occasion shall be presented unto them but that in their elder age they ought to have their thoughts their cogitations and their eyes fixed upon no other things then upon the conservation of their kingdoms the wealth of their Subjects and the health of their own souls For when private men much more Princes attain unto threescore and odd years it is high time for them to amend their lives and to reconcile themselves unto God because their strength faileth them their vital spirits decay and the hour of death approacheth Here you see one great over-sight in his course now followeth another Wise and discreet Princes most commonly before they enter into dangerous and long Wars appoint and compose the Quarrels and contentions which they have with their Neighbors or with any other Princes that are able to cross their Enterprises It is written of Iulius Caesar of whose commendations all Histories are plentiful that when he was fully resolved to war with the Veyans he sent a Gentleman accustomed and acquainted with the natural disposition of those people to contain the Inhabitants of the River of Rhine in their duty and obedienâ—e and to take order that the Gascoines should not in any wise help or assist his enemies The Romans being entreated by the Spaniardw with whom they were in league to succor them against the Carthaginians denied them such aid as they demanded because that the Frenchmen at the sametime warred in Italy Richard the first king of England being determined to make a voyage into the Holy Land for relief thereof and fearing that either the King of Scots or his Brother Iohn might at the instigation of the French king trouble and disquiet his Realm in his absence would not undertake that journey before he assured unto himself the king of Scots and his Brother by many gifts and rewards and also bound the French king by vow and oath to attempt nothing against his kingdom before that fifty days should be expired after his return out of Syria And that victorious king of Franceâ—who â—who passed triumphantly from the beginning of Italy unto the end thereof without striking a stroak would not adventure to enter into Italy before he had made a very fast ane strong League of Amity and Friendship with Fardinando and Isabella King and Queen of Spain and before he had purchased through Bribes and Corruption the assured friendship of the king of England and had also accommodated and appeased all causes and occasions of contentions and variance betwixt France and the Emperor Maximilian It seemeth the Spanish king either regarded not or remembred not these examples because that intending and fully resolving to invade England he made the French king his enemy rather than his friend from whom he might receive far greater annoyance and disturbance in his intended purpose and enterprise then from any other Prince in Christendom But the Catholick kings Councellors perswade him that he and his Confederates are well enough able of themselves not onely to withstand but also to subdue and subjugate all those Princes which are not in league with him and that the next way to recover his own patrimony in the Low Countries was to distress and destroy England first which being once happily effected he should finde it very easie and nothing at all difficult to master his Subjects and inforce them by open violence to receive both him and his Religion he must therefore bend his whole â—orces against Englaâ—d against England that hath highly offended him and that may easily be subdued because he shall finde many there who being weary and discontented with the present Government will be ready to entertain his Armies and immediately will joyn their strength with his Forces But not to stand long upon the confutation hereof let these grave Councellors or these discontented Fugitives unto whose perswasions both the Spanish King and his wisest Councellors give too much credit tell me whether ever any Prince had or may desire to have a better opportunity or an easier means to invade and conquâ—r England then Lewis Son unto the King of France had who was not onely called into the Realm by the Barons with a faithful assurance of all the best help and furtherance that they could yeeld him against King Iohn but also was comforted and accompanied with all the good wishes and blessings that the holy Father of Rome could bestow upon him and wanted not the many Forces and continual Supplies which the mighty Kingdom of France was able to afford him And yet how speeded this valiant Lewis What success had his ambitious Enterprise Forsooth he prevailed for a time won to day and lost to morrow and in the end was glad to return from whence he câ—me with far greater shame then honour But what need I speak of matters beyond mans memory worn out of remembrance and reported by antient Historiographers when as the success of the late Spanish Fleet may serve to admoâ—ish a wise Prince how to trust the vain reports of lying Fugitives and how to make great preparations against a mighty Kingdom in hope of assistance within the Realm Was there any man that gave them succour either of Men or Victuals Was there ever an Haven that was either able or willing
him Flanders Holland and all the rest of his seventeen Provinces would likewise fall from him But it pleased him having two notable Examples before his eyes the one of Antienâ—time the other of latter years the first bad and the other good to reject the one and to follow the other The Examples were these Rehâ—boam the sonne of wise Solomon would impose greater Taxes and Subsidies upon his Subjects then his Father had done before him The People hereupon complained unto him as the Low-country Subjects did unto the Spanish King desired him rather to mitigate then to increase his Impositions shewed that they were not able to bear and support so great charges He called his Councellors together as undoubtedly the Spaniard did and craved their advice The elder Counsellors were of opinion that it was good and expedient to yield unto his Subjects demands as perhaps the better sort of the Councell were and by easing their charges to assure unto himself their hearts and their affections But the younger sort and such undoubtedly were the Spanish Senators either in Wit or years advised him to reject their Petition and not to suffer them to prescribe Laws unto him who were to receive laws from him but to let them know that he was their King and they his Subjects and that it belonged unto them to obey This Counsel what followed But what followed in following this Counsel The greatest part of his People Rebelled against him Ieroboam was chosen King and Rehoboam raised an Army of 80 Thousand men to constraine his Subjects to return to their former obedience but he lost him time and Ten parts of his Kingdom Lewis the Eleventh King of France a wise and subtile Prince if ever there were any in France at his first coming to the Crown played his part as Rehoboam did until that the chief of his Nobility rebelled against him This wise King acknowledged his fault sought all means possible to pacify and reconcile those Rebells He yielded to their demands and was so far from punishing their disobedience as that he received them for his chief Councellors and was always more directed by them then by any other of his Counsell And when he had escaped the danger whereinto he was fallen by his Folly he gave great thanks to Almighty God that it had pleased him to give him the Grace not to hazard the losse of so great and mighty a Kingdome as France was and is upon the uncertainty of a Battaile and especially of a Bâ—ttaile to be fought against his own Subjects Subjâ—cts that love their Prince as the head of the Politique body their children as the stay and hope of their everlasting Families and their Liberty as the most precious Jewell of their worldly wealth And therefore when they see their Liberty restrained or impeached they forget their duty to their Prince remember not their love to their children and cut off their love and affection to their goods Nay they are no longer Masters of themselves being void of 〈◊〉 of reason of Judgment apprehending no thing else but that which is before their eyes and following those only who delude their senses abuse their reason and deceive their Judgment so that to strive with them in these Passions is to contend with mad men in their fury and it is almost as impossible for a Prince to rule them in this rage as it is impossible for one man to take and tame a number of wild Beasts in a wide and great Forrest It is doubtless that the Spanish King knew thus much but it pleased him to beleeve Appius Claudius better then Servilius to persecute and not to pacifie Volera to reject and not to receive Menenius his Counsell and to imitate Rehoboam of Israel rather then Lewis of France no marvel then if Rehoboams hard and ill Fortuâ—e and not Lewis his rare and strange Felicity beâ—ideth him You have seen his bad course heard his impossibility to subjugate and subdue England It remaineth to shew you that although he should conquer England yet he could not continue long in quiet and peaceable possession thereof It is hard to say what course he would take and how he would governe if he should chance to prevaile against England but I think he would imitate the example of others who have made conquest of strange and forreigne Countries before him and he will therefore make all things new as he himself shall be new He will appoint a new government and new Governors He will establish new Laws new Orders new Customes build up new Citadels and pluck down old Castels kill our Nobility and place Spaniards in their roomes Change all our Officers and make Castles and Forâ—s to keep his Subjâ—cts in awe and in fear destroy the Counâ—y and take away all ancient Priviledges impoverish the rich and inrich the poor unarme the vanquished and arms the vanquishers plant his religion and banishours impose new tributeâ— and charge the Subjects with strange impositions Briefly set spies in every City in every village in every town in every Hamlett and in every House to mark what is done or said what what is Counselled or practised Behold this is all that he can do This is as much as the Danes did This is the course that William the Conqueror took Briefly this is the manner of Government which the Romans practised and it is likely that he will doe all this in his own Kingdome But our Country men knowing by certaine report that he will doe all this will rather die then endure all this or if they endure it for a time will undoubtedly both seek and finde means to free themselves from such servitude in shorttime The examples of other Nations and other People which have killed themselves with their own hands because they would not fall into their Enemies hands will both move and encourage them to imitate and follow their Magnanimity The rebellions of many Princes will animate them to Revolt from their obedience Necessity will put some way or other into their heads how to find weapons how to choose Captains how to perswade a general Revolt and how to procure an alteration and change of his Tyrannical Government For albeit that the Spaniards will perhaps for a time Governe with all mildness â—â—â—anity and Justice yet as soon as they think themselves well setled and assured to hold and continue their conquests as soone as they taste those sweet Commodities and pleasant fruit which follow after the great increase of wealth and riches then will they begin to change their customes and their conditions then should you see which God forbid you ever see the Magistrates rob the commonwealth base and unworthy persons advanced to places of Dignity Superiors wrong their Inferiors â—â—supportable tributes imposed upon the People abominable Vices left unpunished Offices of Justice sold for money Laws little or nothing regarded Strangers more honored and respected then our own countrymen and good manners changed into evil conditions
States and to crosse his Counsels and Intentions in the use of those means For doth he continue in credit by the General reputation and conceit that is had of his wealth Let it be shewed that he is poor and needy Holdeth he his Subjects and Towns of Conquest in awe by keeping Garisons in them Seeke either to corrupt those Garrisons or to perswade those Towns to expel them Borrows he money in his need and necessity of the Genowaies and other Merchants of Italie Counsel them to call for their old Debts and to lend him no more money before they be paid Doth our Nation and others inrich his Country by resorting thither Let them repair no more then they needs must to those Countries Fetcheth he yearly great wealth from the Indies Let that be intercepted more then it hath been Placeth he wise Governors and Magistrates in his Dominions to Containe his Subjects in obedience and his Neighbours in fear Send Fire-brands and Authors of Sedition amongst his Subjects as he doth amongst ours and think it as lawfull and easie to estrange the affection of his wisest and most trusty Deputies and Lieutenants as it was and is for him to allienate the hearts of some of the Nobility of France from their King Hath he married the now Duke of Parma so meanly that he can not be able to recover his right to Portugal Or hath he so weakned Don Antonio that he shall never be able to returne into his Country Provoke the one to be his Enemy in putting him in mind of his Fathers untimely death and by remembring the great wrongs that he suffereth and let many Princes joyn in heart and in helpe to set up the other against him and to strengthen and succor both rather then the one or the other should not annoy him Is France unable to hurt him because France is divided Reconcile them that are dissevered and revive the quarrels and pretentions that France hath against him Presumeth he that the Germans will rather help then hurt him because he is ally'd to some in Conjunction of blood and to others in league of amity dissolve his alliances and debase the mightiest of his kindred To be short are the Pope the Venetians and the other Princes of Italy either for feare or affection his friends encourage the Timerous and fearfull and alter and remove the love and affection of them that beare him best good will But some man will say This is sooner said then done and therefore I have said nothing unless I shew you how all this may bee well and conveniently done There is a generall meanes and there are diverse special waies to effect all this I will acquaint you with both because you shall bee ignorant of neither and I will be as brief as I may because I take it high time not to trouble you any longer It is grown unto a general use of late yeares and undoubtedly it was usual in times past when Princes undertake any great actions or enterprises that may perhaps seem strange and somwhat unreasonable unto other Princes whose favor and friendship they desire to publish the causes and reasons which induce them to enter into those actions and in those Declarations to omit nothing that either may grace and credit them or discredit and disgrace their Adversaries The States of the Low Countries when necessity inforced them to renew Wars against the Spaniards published certain Books containing the causes which moved them thereunto and caused those Books to be imprinted in seven several Languages in Latine in French in their own Tongue in High Dutch in Italian in Spanish and in English to the end that all the Nations of the World hearing the Justice and Equity of their quarrel mâ—ght either as Friends help and assist them or as Neutrals neither aid nor hinder them as their Adversaries The late Duke of Alenson because it might seem strange unto some that he being a Catholick Prâ—nce would aid men of a contrary Religion and reprehensible unto others that being in some manner allied and a supposed friend unto the Spanish King he would accept the Title of the Duke of Brabant and undertake the defence of the Low Countries against the Spaniards made it appaâ—ent unto the world by the like means that it was not any ambitious mind or greedy desire of advancement but a Princely clemency and commiseration of the distressed state of that Country too much oppressed by the Spanish Tyranny that moved him to receive them into his Protection and Patronage The like did the County Palatine Cassimer when as he came into Flanders with his Forces And the like have many other Princes done not in just causes only but in matters that had far greater affinity with injustice and dishonesty then with justice and integrity That Duke of Burgondy which more wickedly then justly murthered the Duke of Orleance fearing that his murther might justly purchase him the Kings heavy displeasure and the general harted of all France suborned a learned and famous Divine named Iohn Petie not onely to excuse but also to commend and allow the execution thereof in many publick Sermons and writ divers Letters unto the best Towns of France to declare and justifie the cause that moved him thereunto Henry the Fourth of England whom many Hâ—storiographers hold rather for a wrongful Usurper then a lawful King to make it known by what Title he took upon him to be King of England sent divers Ambassadors into Spain Germany and Italy with such instructions and so forceable reasons that he made a bad cause seem just and equitable That Pope of Rome which as you have heardâ— betrayed Frederick the Emperor most leudly unto the Great Turk and was the onely cause of his long and chargeable imptisonment finding that his unchristian treachery being happily disclosed did greatly blemish his name and reputation to give some shew and colour of Justice to a bad cause caused to be published that two notable Murderers had been taken at Rome who voluntarily confessed that the Emperor Frederick had hired and sent them thither of purpose to kill the Pope How the Duke of Bnckingham and the more learned the conscionable Dean Richard Shaw justified in the Guild-hall of London and at Pauls Cross the unlawful and tyrannical Usurpation of Richard the Third our Histories make it so manifest that I need not to trouble you with the recital thereof Since therefore not mean and Lay-men onely but Noblemen and great Divines havâ— both defended and furthered wrongful causes and with their deâ—ence and furtherance have brought to pass their lend and wicked purpose why should not men sufficiently seen in matters of State and throughly furnished with all good qualities requisite in a good and worthy Writer of which sort this Realm had rather some want then any great store depinct the Spainard and his tyranny so lively and so truly that their reasons their perswasions and their admonitions may may shake the affections
is the force of ambition and unsatiabâ—e are the desires of covetous Princes who having subdued one Country seek presently after anoâ—her and when they have conquered that labour to attain unto new Conquests and never leave to inlarge their over large Territories until a small peice of ground incloseth their dead and rotten bodies But it may be said the King of Spain is old but covetousness dieth not but increaseth in old age He is already Master and Lord of many Kingdoms and so many Countries But as I have said the more a man hath the more a man wanteth he being nigh unto deaths door thinks nothing of his death But every Prince before his death would be glad to make his name immortal his Dominions infinite He is a Catholick Prince therfore will hold his words and promises with Catholicks as he hath done hitherto But deceitful men keep touch in small matters to deceive the better in causes of great weight and consequence They may therefore justly fear that he who coveteth Kingdoms that are far from him is not without a great desire of States that joyn and border upon his Dominions and they may well think since he is descended as you shall hear anon of such Predecessors as were ready to take any occasion whatsoever just or unjust honest or dishonest commendable or reprehensible to enlarge their Dominions that he hath learned of them to have the like desires and use the like practises But grant they have no just occasion to distrust him what shall they gain by his friendship what profit shall they reap by aiding and assisting him He called them to help him But when forsooth when his ships were suâ—k bruised and broken some lost and never heard of and those which returned into Spain were so shaken and beaten with weather and Gun-shot that either they will be altogether unprofitable or hardly repaired without great and infinite charges and when his people were either drowned or so terrified that they will have a small desire and less courage to return in England But why implored he not their helps when he went for England with an assured hope and confidence of an happy Conquest of an honourable Victory He was loath to use their help because he thought himself able to aâ—tain his purpose without making them partakers of his glory and now that he hath failed of his purpose he calleth them unto a second voyage intended for a revenge of the dishonour received in his first journey and they must go to recover his credit and to revenge his quarrel who have not as yet righted many wrongs done unto themselves nor wiped away divers foul spots and stains which blemish their own credit And how must they revenge his quarrel Forsooth by sending their best Soldiers into a strange Country by dis-furnishing themselves of Ships and Artillery and by lending him Munition and Mariners who might do well to spare his own people and to reserve theirs to encounter with the common enemy of Christendom Their Ancestors bought peace with unreasonable conditions and at a great price and they shall go to Wars where they have no cause of War Their Predecessors when any Nation dwelling beyond the Alps intended to pass the Alps endeavoured by all means possible to hinder their passage and to keep them at home and they having not felt the forces of such Nations these many years shall for his sake now go about to provoke them Their Forefathers lived quietly at home with their own and they shall disquiet themselves and other men and endanger their own for his cause and his advantage Their Parents never suffered their ships or their Souldiers to depart out of Italy for fear left the great Turk in their absence should invade their Country and they must send their provision and their people to fight against the Heavens against the Windes against the Weather and the Sea for so they sight that fight against England Their hearts may tremble to think of it and that whâ—ch hath happened once may happen again If whilest their Forces shall be imployed in the Spanish kings service the Turk shall assail them at home shall they stay for their strengths until they come out of England Or shall they yeeld themselves unto his mercy and discretion For there is no other way to relieve them or to repel them But it may be said that the Spaniards credit and reputation will be their Buckler his greatness will restrain and repress their Adveâ—iaries Tell me you that think so Is he stronger then hâ—s Father was Hath he ever had better success in the Wars then he And yet in the prime and flower of his years and even when he thought himself free from all danger from all trouble and vexation of the Turks the Turks came to besiege Vienna which is the Emperors chief Seat and a City of as great strength as any other City of Europe They may consider that Armies that go far from home have as I have said seldom good success that enterprises which are unadvisedly and hastily taken in hand seldom fall out well that men being once deceived of their expeâ—ation in any thing that they undertake proceed faintly and fearfully in all that belongeth to that action that to hang good Souldiers and to imploy them in a bad cause and evil quarrel is but to tempt God and lastly that is more grievous that which a man hath already in possession then not to attain unto that which he would fain obtain All these being duly considered they may justly be afraid when they call to minde that their Navy which they shall send into England to help the king of Spain shall pass through many Seas Rocks with many contrary Winds in great Tempests and through manifest and dangerous parils and that their Souldiers shall be sometimes subject to hunger and thirst sometimes be Sea sick and in great danger of other diseases for where many be shut up close together there few can be in health long All this being duly considered they may well be dismayed when they shall remember that the Spanish Fleet which went out of Spain with an assured hope of victory returned with great loss and ignommy And they may be discomforted when they enter into cogitation that the Spanish Navy returning to that place where they were once well beaten and remembring what small relief they had when they were in distress will not onely lose theâ—r courage themselves but also discourage their Italian Souldiers not being accustomed to sight so far from home or on so dangerous and troublesome Seas and with so valiant a Nation as the English Sea and Subjects are They may again be dismayed when they consider that although they should conquer England yet they cannot keep it long because they have no just cause to fight against England And lastly they may be dismayed when it shall come to their mindes and remembrance that the small hope and confidence which they have
enough to rule his own Kingdom reâ—uâ—â—d their offer and they in disdam of him presently made choice of this Rodulph who had been the Master of his Palace and had learned divers Feats of Chivalry under him in regard of which experience the Electors as some men write yeelded him their consent But others report that after that for his ingratitude and evil demeanor he was put out of Othagarius his service he followed the Arch-bishop of Ments and attended so diligently upon him in the Journey which he made unto Rome that when he returned thence he made him Emperor although he was then of a very mean living as Albertus Argentinensis Iohannes Vitudaranus Rotridano Molespini Giovani Villani and Aeneas Sylvius who was afterwards Pope Pius the Second with many others do testifie And it is written that the same Arch bishop bragging many times with his friends in secret conference what a great deed he had done to make so mean a man Emperor would say unto them merrily that he carried an Emperor behinde him in his riding Hood when he travelled by the way You have heard how he came to the Empire now let me tell you how he demeaned himself therein The first thing he did wisely considering his own weakness he insinuated himself into the favour of the German Princes and whether it were to please them who were somewhat offended with Othagar King of Bohemia because they thought he disdained to be Emperor or to shew himself grateful where he had received great favour and courtesie he presently summoned his Master Othagar to come to do him homage for his Kingdom Othagar contemning both the Message and the Messenger and taking him for a proud servant who bâ—ing unworthily advanced would begin to shew his pride against his Master refused to appear at his summons Rodulph presently in regard of this contempt invaded the Dukedom of Austria and forfeited the same unto the Empire Othagar being highly offended with the confiscation denounceth Wars against the Emperor By the intercession of friends they met at a place appointed And there Rodolâ—ph dissembling cunningly his pride and insolency goeth first to salute Othagar calleth him his Lord and Master thanking him for vouchsafing to end their contention by a friendly composition rather then by bloody Wars maketh a marriage between his Daughter and Venceslaus the Son and Heir of Othagar and then with a fair shew of assured and faithful friendship prayeth him to vouchsafe if not openly because perhaps he would be ashamed to do it yet secretly and within his Royal Tent to do him Homage for his Kingdom and Principalities The King won with fair words yeeldeth to his demands offereth up unto him five several Banners whereof the Emperor restoreth unto him onâ—â—y two and detaineth the other three one for Austria another for Corinthia and the third for Syria and pacifieth the King who was greatly offended therewith by promising faithfully to restore them unto his Son Venceslaus as soon as the Marriage betwixt him and his Daughter shall be solemnized To this deceit and cunning he addeth a worse despight and contumely For having intreated to do him Homage secretly and within a Tent he caused a deceitful Tent to be made the which should fall open as soon as the cords thereof were unloosed In this Tent Othagar falleth down on his knees and suddenly whilst he is doing Homage the Tent falleth open the Germans laugh at his humility the Bohemians are grieved with his submission and he himself is highly displeased with the Emperors deceit And his grief is increased because his Wife scorned and mocked him at his return To be short he prepareth all the Forces that he could possibly make and reneweth War against the Emperor The Emperor that whilst he had been his servant remembred that Othagar had given great occasion of discontentment unto the great Captain of Moizona called Milota him he putteth in mind of an old injury and so prevailed what with bribes and what with perswasions that in the very conflict he forsaketh his Master and leaveth him to be murthered of two Brethren whose third Brother Othogar had caused to be executed for some offence worthy of death The king being thus slain he rewardeth both the Traitor and the murtherers and following his victory burneth a number of Monasteries and Religious houses that Othogar had builded A rare and strange Pesident For it is abominable in a servant to betray his Master more abominable to cause him to be murthered and of all abominable things the most abominable to reward the Traitors and recompence the murtherers But to burn Religious houses in despight of the Founder and to spoil Gods Temple in hatred of a man is an act the like whereof hath never been found but in such as neither care for God nor regard his service Neither did Rodolphs wickedness end in these hainous Actions but he wrongfully warred upon Bemera unjustly invaded Bohemia unlawfully seised upon Austria and most cruelly burnt above threescore very fair and beaut full Castles in Turingia Rodolph having reigned as Emperor nineteen years and in all this time never vouchsafed to set one foot towards Italy to be crowned there of the Pope which negligence in those dayes was held for a most hainous offence departed the World and leaveth his son Albert Duke of Austria who in disdain of the French king within 6 years after is made Emperor and imitateth his Father in his bloody cruelty For he beginneth his Empire with killing Adolph his Predecessor continueth the same with the wrongfull molestation and usurpation of Mayeme dishonoureth his Reign with a violent and forcible seisure into his hands and to his sons use of the kingdom of Bohemia and endeth the same not by a natural but by a violent and unnatural death For it pleased God that his own Nephew and other Earls of the House of Austria should by taking him revenge the wicked and detestable murther which he committed on the sacred person of Adolph the Emperor Frederick Duke of Austria was the third Emperor of this House if he may be called an Emperor who being unlawfully chosen wrongfully usurped the Empire For the Bishop of Trevers and Ments and the Marquess of Brandenburgh together with Iohn king of Bohemia chose Lewis of Bamera Emperor and Frederick had the voices and suffrages of the Bishop of Colen of the County Palatine and of the Duke of Saxony whose Elect on was of no force because when the six principal Electors cannot agree but three of them are for one and three of them are for another the king of Bohemia as Umpier determineth the matter and he casteth his voice upon the said Lewis and made him lawfull Emperor But Frederick according to the ambitious and violent nature of his proud Family pursued his pretensive right by bloody wars and drew the Pope the kings of France and of Hungary the County Palatine Stratsbourgh and other Imperial Cities to stand stout and obstinate in
and during the minority of his son he had caused Ferdinando his brother to be elected King of the Romans yet he used all the cunning he could possibly to perswade him to relinquish and resign that Title unto his Son Philip now and then King of Spain and also he sent for Maximilian his Son in Law and Nephew King of Bohemia to pray him to be content to condescend and yeeld unto his Fathers resignation and the Queen of Hâ—ngary and Gravilla the Emperors Chancellor made many Voyages into Hungary to intreat Ferdinando to yeeld unto this motion unto which neither the King of Hungary nor Maximilian his Son would vouchsafe their consents These three points being thus cleared it resteth to speak somewhat of Charls the Fifths Successors as Ferdinando Maximilion and Rodolph but their actions are fresh in memory And if the Law of the Emperors Creation called the Golden Bull which expresly forbiddeth to chuse above four in one house to succeed one after another in the Empire were as it should be in full force and strength none of them should be accounted or held lawful Emperors Now if the breach of this sacred and inviolable decree I mean the golden Bull which hath been infringed by making not four but seven or eight at the least of the House of Austria Emperors together shall nothing at all incense and instigate the Princes of Christendom against this ambitious and aspiring generation It shall be needful to revive the loathsom memory of many great and grievous indignities and ingratitudes unkindly and unjustly shewn by the late Emperors of the house of Austria unto divers great and mighty Princes of Germany and unto the Empire it self It must therefore be shewed unto them that Rodolph the first Emperor of this Race to assure unto himself and his Heirs the Dukedom of Austria and the States of Stiria and Suevia which were united unto the Empire for fault of Heirs Males resigned the Exerchat of Italy unto the Pope and freed as many Cities of Italy from the homage and obedience which they owed unto the Emperors as would buy their freedom and liberty of him for ready money Albeit his Son when he was Emperor fought many Battels and got many Towns with the Forces and Expences of the Empire but reserved all the profit arising by those Battels to his proper use and to have better and more easie entrance into Bilencia he usurped the State of the Marquess of Menia And Albert the Second enriched himself greatly although he ruled not long by troubles and divisions Is it not the House of Austria that hath wrongfully deprived many Princes and divers Electors of the Empire of their States and Dignities Is it not this house that hath unjustly compelled the greatest Princes of Germany to flie for succour and to seek the protection of the French King Is it not this House that hath unlawfully confiscated the States and Digninities of Iohn Fredrick Duke of Sexony Is it not this House that hath most cruelly razed the Walls and destroyed the Forts of the most noble and vertuous Prince the Lantsgrave of Hess Is it not this House that hath violently sacked destroyed and utterly overthrown the great and goodly Dukedom of Wittenberge Is it not this House that contrary to all humanity hath confiscated the greatest part of the Duke of Cleur his goods and made him too deer for a Wise that brought him Dowry Is it not this House that to make the Princes of Germany their Servants and Slaves have contrary to the Laws of the Empire erected a new Councel in the City of Spires Briefly Is it not this House that useth them most unkindly of whom they have received most Curtesie Have they ever had greater aid greater helps of any Princes of the Empire then of the Duke of Saxony Who sought for Frederick Duke of Austria against Lewis Duke of Bavaria more willingly and valiantly then Rodolph Duke of Saxony Ernest Duke of Saxony was the only cause and means that Maximilian was chosâ—n Emperor And Iohn Duke of Saxony went unto the Assault of Aba in Hungary and never departed thence until he made Maximilian Lord and Master of the whole Countâ—y Frederick of Saxony refused the Empire when it was offered unto him and procured it to be given unto Charles the Fift And yet the same Charls omitted no Art no cuning no way nor means that he could possibly devise to â—subvert and â—vinate the House of Saxony He set up Maurice and Agust his Brother against Iohn Frederick And Maximiliam stirred up the Sons of Iohn Frederick one against another Rodolph Count Palatine bore armes in the behalf of Frederick of Austria against his own brother Lewis Duke of Bamera and Frederick Count Palatine who was Recompenced for this pleasure by Frederick the Third who procured all the States and Princes of the Empire to be his mortall Enemies Briefly who favoured and furthered the Election of the last Maximilian so much as Frederick Count Palatine And yet not long after he gave so hard a sentence against him at Auspurghe that all the Princes of the Empire reversed the same in his Presence Now to speak of the Spanish Kings abuses towards the Princes of Germany and others were infinite labour and either that which I have already said is sufficient to cause him to be generally hated or the late Apologies of the Prince of Aurange of the State of the Low Countries of the now King of France of Don Antonio and of others will supply whatsoever I either for modestie or for brâ—vitiesake forbear to discover Then to conclude this point If France might be moved to set on Foot for the Kingdome of Navarre the Dukedom of Burgondy and all or part of the Lowcountries If the Pope might be intreaâ—ed to bestow the Kingdom of Naples and Sicily upon som Prince of worth and estimation If the Venetians and other Princes of Italy would be content to divide and share the Dukedom of Milan betwixt them If the States and Princes of the Empire would be pleased to reconcile the Kingdomes of Bohemia and Hungary with the Dukedom of Austria unto the Empire If the Duke of Parma or Don Antonio might be seated in Portugall And lastly England Holland and other States and Pâ—inâ—es that are mighty upon the Seas would either stop the Spaniards passage into the Indies or intercept his Treasure when it cometh from thence the proud and insolent House of Austria should quickly be reduced unto their old and pristine Estate and the Princes of Christendome when they should have no Adversary to fear but the common Enemy of Christians should undoubtedly live in great security peace and Amity For then are Kingdomes most safe when their Neighbours Forces and their own strength are not greatly unequall And then should our English Island be the strongest and happiest Kingdom in Christendom But in taking this course it behooveth to be somwhat Circumspect least that the overthrow and downfall of
one terrible and mighty Adversary raise up another who may be in all respects as dangerous and as well to be feared as he For because France lieth neerer unto us then Spaine and Vis unita is alwaies held to be Fortior if France should recover Burgondy and the Low Countries should we not have great and just occasion to fear France For neither may our happy victories against France encourage us not to esteem France since it is no point of wisedom not to fear the least Enemy that may be nor the late benefits pleasures and Offices of kindness shewed by us unto the late Kings thereof can assure as that France will never endammage us I have already shewed the causes of our fortunate success against France and if those causes should once begin to fail us the good fortune which proceeded of them would soon leave to follow us and as well Princes as private men receive favours and courtesies readily look upon their Benefactors unwillingly remember good turns slowly and requite received benefits faintly Then because the fresh memory of new courtesies cannot extinguish the grievous and unpleasant remembrance of ancient quarrâ—ls we must as we have said still have a very careful and watchful eye over France and intreat France to be content to joyn with us in placing and preferring some such Prince unto the quiet and assured pâ—ssession of the Low Countries as may be well able with the help of us and France to retain the same and yet unable to hurt us or France Neither must the cross dealings of the late Duke of Alencon discourage us to attempt any such matter for we saw that they whom he had handled somewhat unkindly might easily have been perswaded to have received him again for their Duke And there may a Prince be found that shall be less suspected and more acceptable unto the Flemings then any French-man can be The Duke Ernestus who was lately sent to be their Governour in my simple opinion seâ—meth to be a fit man for that purpose For whereas the Spanish King of late would have bestowed the Infanta his Daughter upon him it may easily be thought now that that hope faileth him because he knoweth now where to find a fitter Husband for her then to match her with him and to give him the Low Countries for her Dowry But common same reporteth that there is an intent and purpose to marry her unto the French King as well because he is now become a Catholick as for that France and Spain have often matched together and the Pope may easily be entreated to dispeâ—se with the French King to take her for his Wife Truly it were hard to permit him to marry so near a Kinswoman as is his now living wives own Neece But grant that the Popes dispeâ—sation may salve this sore that the French King may forget the wrongs and indignities offered unto him by Spain that this were a good and ready way to reconcile these Princes that have lived too long togeâ—her in contention and variance and that of this reconciliation there is likely to follow a great and general benefit unto all Christendom Yet I can hardly think that the Spanish King would ever yeeld his consent unto such a Match And though he would ever yeeld his consent thereunto yet it behoveth all the Princes of Christendom to hinder such a marriage For if his Son should die whose life is in Gods hands should not all the Kingdoms and Dominions of the Spaniard because there is no Law Salick in Spain descend unto his Daughter And would not the desired addition of all those unto the Kingdom of France make the warlike and mighty Prince thereof not onely to think upon but also to attempt the Conquest of all Europe Should he not grow too mighty Should he not be able to Tyrannize over all the world more then the Spaniard doth now And then doth it not greatly import all Christian Princes to withstand this Marriage Besides grant that his son doth live to have many children were it not a very unwisâ— and indiscrect part of the Spanish King to give hâ—s Daughter in marriage unto such a one as what for his old grudge unto Spain what in regard of the Title and Interest that this wife may give him unto the Crown of Spain will undoubtedly be content to take her for wife were it for no other occasion but to have so good just and colourable a cause as her right would give him to challenge invade and conquer Spain For the Prince of Orange by noting the Spanish Kings son of Bastardy in his Apology and by animating the French King to defend his Neece right whensoever God should call her Father to his mercy hath set open such a gap as will give a very easie entrance into the Kingdom of Spain unto the Spanish Daughters ambitious nature or unto his valiant minde if there be any valour in him who shall have her to wife The surest and safest way then for the Spaniard is either to match her lowly as Austiages did his Daughter with some mean Prince who shall not be able to hurt or prejudice his Son or else to bestow her upon the said Duke Ernestus who although he be her neer kinsman and a Prince of no great living yet because it is a matter very usual in the House of Austria to match in their own blood and for that the Spaniard hath Kingdoms and Dominions enough to bestow upon her in marriage neither the propinquity in blood nor the want of living can be an obstacle unto the match But it may be said what shall it avail if she be married to the Duke Ernestus and Flanders be her Dowry Shall it not be all one Will he not be at the devotion of his Father in-law And will it not be a means to make the Emperor more fast and assured unto Spain and to carry the less love and affection unto us and our Friends But I suppose the Empire shall be transferred unto some other Prince and although it shall remain still in the House of Austria yet I know he that shall be or is Emperor can have no great means to annoy us Besides we may finde many wayes to set a variance and separaâ—ion betwixt the Father and the Son and when God shall have wrought his will and pleasure upon the Father betwixt the Brother and the Sister Were there ever more hot and bloody wars betwixt us and France then when the French Kings Sister was married unto our King Or when our Kings Daughters have matched with France Did not these marriages breed and bring forth the chiefest causes of our most deadly contentions And did not our and their profit and gain make us forget blood affinity and Alliance But if it shall seem dangerous to hazard our safety upon so weak an hope it shall not be amiss to use all policy to procure such a match and to cause her Dowry to be either the Kingdom
Iohn for the execution before and the possession after the conquest The Pope writeth unto the King in the behalf of his Brother he fearing that when his brother had obtained England he would not rest satisfied therewith but coveted greater matters and that he should find many Christian Princes ready to assist him in his endeavours thanketh the Pope for his loving and kindly care of his Brothers advancement and denieth not his suit for fear he should offend his Brother but requireth time to consult and deliberate of the matter for the enterprize said he is honourable but hard and difficult and my Brother a fit man to be employed therein but his credit must be regarded and his aiders and abettors cannot chuse but participate of his dishonour if the enterprize should not succeed according to his and their desires This answer runneth for currant until the plot laid for England was prevented and broken by the wisdom and policy of the Queen and Council of England Then Don Iohn and his Secretary together with the Pope and other Italian Princes think upon another Kingdom for him and altogether practise how to make him King of Tunis a place that required a man of his worth as well to keep it as to contain the Turk within his limits The Pope therefore writeth again unto the Spanish King praying him to bestow the Kingdom upon his Brother He entertaineth both the Pope and his Brother as he did for England alwaies forbearing to make Don Iohn greater and mightâ—er then he was himself All these practises with the Pope were done secretly and Escovedo was the man that was still employed in them The King was never made privie unto them until that the Popes Nuntio talking by chance with Antonio Peres revealed all their secret intelligences with the Pope and he presently made report thereof unto the King The Spanish Ambassador also advised the said Peres that Don Iohn de Austria by means of Escovedo had great recourse unto the King with whom his Messenger had several privie conferences and never acquainted him with any and after they had been with the King they went unto the Duke of Guise who concluded a great league of amity and friendship between Don Iohn and the said Duke upon pretence that the defence of both Kingdoms France and Spain was the cause of this League Antonio Peres imparteth the news unto the King who dissembleth his knowledge thereof and entertaineth both his Brother and his Brothers Secretary with all outward shews of kindness and brotherly affection Don Iohn wearied with continual crosses and untoward proceedings in Flanders resorted on the sudden into Spain without giving the King any notice of his coming The King giveth him outwardly a very kind entertainment confer together about his preferment and dispatcheth him in all haste for Flanders pretending the troubles there to be such as his long absence from thence might greatly endanger his State Don Iohn departing leaves Escovedo behind him to solicite and follow his business in his absence Here endeth Escovedo's prosperity and beginneth Antonio Peres his downfal from that favour and good fortune which followed him before that time For when the Duke Don Iohn was gone the King consulteth with him how to proceed against Escovedo Then they call to mind all their former intelligences they think it dangerous to send him back again into Flanders because he would still nourish him in his ambitious humour Then they hold it likewise to be a matter of no small danger to proceed against him by Order of Law because that was to call his Brother in question and so to offend his Brother thereby to give him an occasion to fall from him unto his most mortal enemies Then they resolve that the best and safest course was to give Escovedo a Baccado that is a morsel to shorten his days because that being done secretly his Brother would haply think that some of his enemies had secretly poysoned him This resolution being thus taken Antonio Peres is commanded by the King to put the same in execution and he performeth the charge so cunningly that no man but he and the King knew by whom Escovedo was poysoned He being dead his son Pedrâ— Escovedo useth all means possible to come to the knowledge of them that murthered him and seeking findeth some light occasion of slender presumption against Antonio Peres which is nourished by Peres his enemies Escovedo counselled by Peres adversaries and his Fathers best friends presenteth an humble supplication to the King wherein he accuseth Antonio Peres of his Fathers death and beseecheth his Majesty to vouchsafe him the benefit of Law and Justice against the Murtherer His Petition is received and read by the King that he shall have Justice with all favour and expedition Peres is committed as a prisoner unto his house and order is given for his examination The King wavereth betwixt hope and fear as men usually do whose consciences are charged and burthened with guilt somtimes he hopeth well because no man to his knowledge knowing the matter but he and Peres he thinketh that the accuser shall never be able to make sufficient proof of the matter and somtimes he doubteth that Peres may in hope of pardon from him by whom he was set on work confess the murther and the cause thereof These perplexities thus troubling the King Peres is likewise perplexed with the same passions somtimes he liveth in hope because the King comforteth him and his accuser proceedeth faintly in his accusation within a while after he beginneth to fear because he is committed to harder durance commanded to confess the fact and conceal the cause willed to compound with his accuser and so eagerly prosecuted that he flyeth to Aragon The people there being grieved with the manner of proceeding against him and with the manifest breach of their ancient priviledge rise up in Arms make Ghilmesa their Head and by main force deliver him out of prison he being at liberty flyeth into France and thence cometh into England Thus you have briefly heard the fact now it remaineth to clear such questions as may arise from this fact The Questions are these 1. First Whether the King commanding Escovedo to be murthered in this manner may not worthily be accompted and called a Murtherer 2. Next Whether Antonio Peres obeying this Commandment hath not committed as great an offence as the King 3. Then Whether the King being found a Murtherer deserveth not to be Deposed or Excommunicated for this Murther better then the King of France did deserve to be deprived of his Life and Crown for murthering the Duke of Guise 4. Lastly Whether this Excommunication and Deposition may be warranted by the example of other Princes who having committed the like offences have endured and undergone the like punishment To clear the first question it shall be needful to know whether the King had just occasion offered him by Escovedo to cause him to be murthered For though Princes have life
and death over their subjects yet he is to be accompted a Tyrant that causeth any of his Subjects to be done to death without having deserved to lose his life and this authority given them by Law and common consent of their subjects tendeth to no other purpose nor respecteth any other end then that sin may be punished and malefactors not permitted to live both to the scandal and detriment of well doers If therefore Escovedo committed no offence worthy of death the King had no power no warrant no authority to take away his life his offence therefore must be known the nature quality and circumstances thereof well examined and duly considered and according as his crime shall fall out and prove to be great or small pardonable or capital so shall the Kings actions seem punishable or excusable All that Antonio Peres his Book chargeth him withal is that he had secret intelligence with the Pope the King of France and the Duke of Guise wherein he was set on by his master Don Iohn de Austria who was the King's Lieutenant General and by vertue of this office represented the Kings own person and was armed with his authority if not in all things yet in as much as concerned the execution of his charge and commission The question then must be whether the Secretary unto such a Lieutenant performing that which is commanded by his master may be taken and condemned for a Traytor Treason hath many branches and is of divers kinds and it would be tedious and troublesome to make a recital of them all And it shall suffice to declare whether any of the actions specified in this accusation be within the compass of Treason He wrote Letters to whom To the Pope Why He was no enemy but a friend to the King of Spain What was the tenor and contents of this Letter Nothing else but that it might please his Holiness to recommend one Brother unto another Why That was an office of kindness and not of treason And for what purpose desireth he to have him recommended Forsooth for the employment in the service and enterprise that was to be made against England Why that service liked the King and proceeded first from him it tended to his benefit it was to be undertaken in revenge of his supposed wrongs against his enemy and all this is no treason And for whom wrote he For Don Iohn de Austria his Kings Brother the Pope's Darling and Turks scourge the Princes of Italies Favourite the Queen of Englands terror and the whole Worlds wonder But he wrote without the King's privity How shall he know that Had he not good cause to think that all that he did was done with the King's counsel and consent Had he not eyes to see and ears to hear and discretion to consider that whatsoever was done against England should be both grateful and acceptable unto the King I but he might think that the King would not be content to have his Brother made a King Why He was his Lieutenant already and so next to a King He had done him great service and was to do him more and so deserved no small recompence he had the Title of a Duke but no Living fit for a Duke the vertues and valour of a King but no possibility to be a King but by his Brothers favour and furtherance briefly he desired that honour and Escovedo perhaps thought the King meant to prefer him to that honour the rather because the King might be led to advance him to a Kingdom in his life time by his fathers example who prefers his Brother Ferdinando to the Empire before he died himself why then be it that he was either deceived in his cogitation or beguiled with the love of his Master or went further then he had warrant to go why lawful ignorance extenuateth the gravity of and as to annoy a Princes enemy so to pleasure his friend was never punishable or at any time accounted treason But when the enterprise against England failed he solicited the Pope for the Kingdom of Tunis but how Not to have it without the Kings good leave and liking And when made he that motion Even then when the Princes of Italy and the wisest Counsellors of Europe stood in fear of the common enemy doubted that Tunis might be recovered by the Turk and therefore thought it meet to have so valorous and victorious a Prince there as was Don Iohn de Austria who having the Kingdom in his own right would be the more willing and ready to defend it and was this desire an offence Or could this motion be counted treason He might have remembred that Don Iohn de Soto was removed from serving Don Iohn de Austria because he furthered him in the like enterprizes But he saw him preferred to a place of greater honour and commodity which gave him just occasion to think that the King rather liked then disallowed his actions Thus you see there is no desert of death in practising with the Pope Now it remaineth to consider how this dealing in France with the King or the Duke of Guise may be justly esteemed a crime capital It appeareth that the French King was then in League with the Spaniard whose Ambassador was then residing in his Court and Ambassadors are not permitted to remain but where there is a League of Amity betwixt Princes The Guisards affection hath been declared to have been always greater towards Spain then towards France And the enterprize of England might seem unto Don Iohn de Austria very difficult yea impossible without some favour without some help from France if then to favour this enterprize he had some secret intelligence with France is he therefore blame-worthy Or hath it ever been counted a fault in a servant or Lieutenant to seek all lawful and honourable ways to bring to pass his Masters desire and purpose Do Princes prescribe unto their Lieutenants or Ministers all that they can do to compass and effect their designs Do they not rather give them a few short Instructions and leave it to their discretion and wisdom to foresee and use other means to further their intentions Is not this the reason why they make choice of wise and discreet men for such employments Is not this the cause that when they send young Noblemen either to Wars or Ambassadors or to forraign Governments they are ever accompanyed with grave and wise Counsellors Briefly Is it not this that moveth them to command that their young Lieutenants Ambassadors or Governours shall do nothing without their Counsellors I know that it is very dangerous to be employed in Princes affairs Danger in conceiving a message and Danger in delivering the same and danger in reporting an answer thereunto And yet be it that a messenger conceiveth not a business rightly that he delivereth not his will and pleasure as he should do and that he faileth in report of his answer to whom he is sent yet he committeth not a
and Antonio Peres his voluntary confession which is a slender kind of proof and especially against a King for exceptions may be made and taken against it As that Antonio Peres bewrayeth his own filthiness and therefore is not to be heard That he is but one witness That he is as Socius Criminis and therefore his accusation of little force and many other like which for brevity I omit and will dispute tanquam ex concessis and have two principal reasons to induce me thereunto The first because I presume that no man will be so impudent as to accuse a King and his own Soveraign to his face and to the view of all the world of a horrible murther unless his accusation were true and tended rather to purge himself then to defame and discredit his Prince The second cause I find that the Spanish Kings friends and favourers have not made any conscience or difficulty to calumniate our Princess her life and actions upon far more slender presumptions then we have of this murther The Author of that seditious Book which was written against the late King of France delivereth it for his resolute opinion That the said King deserved to lose his Crown because he not only consented but also commanded the Duke of Guise and the Cardinal his Brother to be murthered He aggravateth his murther by three principal reasons and instances The first Because they were innocent The second Because they were allied unto the King And the third Because they were massacred by common murtherers These reasons have already been sufficiently reproved Their innocency hath been shewed to be horrible treasons their alliance unto their King not worthy of pardon or commiseration and their death to be warrantable by Law and equity It resteth to make a brief comparison betwixt them and Escovedo and the comparison may be this Escovedo practised with friends they with foes He for the King's Brother they against the King his Brother and all his blood He to the benefit of his Prince and Country they to the hurt and ruine of the King and his realm He with the consent and command of the King's Lieutenant they against the will and pleasure of all the King 's loving and faithful Officers He to reduce the King's subjects to their obedience they to alienate their Princes subjects from their allegiance He to submit strangers unto his Princes Dominions and they to subject their Prince and Country unto strangers He to â—oyn other Countries with the Spanish Kings they to dismember and distract many provinces from the French Crown He was never admonished to desist they were oft-times required to depart from their unlawful League and Confederacy He was cut off before he came to any open action they lived after they had committed many notable and notorious treasons He was accused but of presumption they were convicted by divers and evident proofs He perished because it was thought he would or might have done evil they were not executed before it appeared that they had done too much evil He living could not endanger his Kings life and they if they had not been slain when they were would have shortned their King's days and utterly have subverted his Realm and their Country Briefly his death did the Spanish King no good their punishment had freed the French King and his Country of many troubles and dangers had not a factious and wicked Fryer ended his life before he could see an end of those troubles If ergo the King of France deserved to be excommunicated and deposed for murthering them much more deserveth the King of Spain the like punishment for massacring him although they far excelled him in honour and dignity And if great crimes are to be punished with great penalties small offences with small correction and such as the fault is such is the chastisement I shall not need to prove my opinion with more arguments And if the common and Ecclesiastical Laws have no greater punishment then degradation and excommunication and both of them are equal unto deposition unto death in the Civil Law and if for what faults they may be afflicted by an Ecclesiastical Judge deposition and death may be imposed for the same crimes by a Civil Magistrate Murther being punished with degradation and excommunication in an Ecclesiastical Court Murther must needs be capital before a Temporal Judge But what need I stand any longer upon the proof of my opinion The Author of the before-named seditious Book easeth me of that pain Ergo since the Law saith Such Judgement as a man giveth against another such must he expect and look for himself and he that approveth a witnesses honesty and integrity when he is produced to testifie in a matter for him cannot refuse to take exceptions against his person if he chance to be brought forth afterwards for a witness in another cause against him The Leaguers were the Spanish King's friends who by the mouth of this author have condemned the French King for a murtherer and have thought him worthy to be deprived for those murthers must needs allow the same reasons the same Law the same judgement against the Spaniard Thus the third question is cleared Now followeth the fourth in the handling whereof I shall likewise be eased by the same author for the same examples which fortifie his opinion may serve to confirm my assertion He mentioneth many Princes who were deposed or excommunicated or censured by the Pope for murther The Princes deposed were Ptolomeus Phisco King of Egypt Tarquinus superbus King of Rome Philip King of Macedonia Herdanus King of Castile and Edward and Richard both the second Kings of England The Kings excommunicated by the Pope were Peter King of Castile whom Pope Urban excommunicated because he killed Blanch the daughter of the Duke of Barbon and divers Peers of his Realm Maganus Nicholas King of Denmark who was likewise excommunicated for the murther committed by his sons procurement on the person of Canutus his Nephew And lastly King Iohn of England who incurred the like punishment for causing his Nephew Arthur to be murthered without any desert without any due observance of Law or Equity The same author aggravateth again the French King's murther because the Cardinal was an Ecclesiastical man and a man of great Calling and Dignity and proveth again his opinion by the example of Henry the eighth King of England whom the Pope excommunicated and absolved his subjects from the oath and duty of obedience which they owed unto him because he cause Fisher Bishop of Rochester to be done to death And by the example of Bolislaus King of Poland whom Gregory the seventh not only excommunicated but also deprived him of his Crown and Dignity because he had killed holy Stomlaus But it may be said that the French King killed two and the Spaniard but one that Escovedo was a man of no such quality as the Duke and the Cardinal that their death alone was not the only crime that
was proved against the French King but many other matters as hainous as their murther Briefly that in Kings one fault be it never so grievous may be pardonable a few somwhat tolerable but many must needs be punishable in the highest degree and with the greatest extremity To this I may answer that I have already sufficiently cleared the French King of all that was more wrongfully then truly laid to his charge and that the Spanish King may be charged with many crimes as many as the late King of France but in particular Escovedo his death was an horrible murther but the proceeding of Antonio Peres and his friends made it much more horrible for wherein did Peres offend the King Was it an offence against his Majesty that he fulfilled his commandment in causing him to be murthered whose death he desired Was it a treason not to confess this murther which could not be revealed without the King's prejudice Was it a fault to confess the murther as he was commanded and to conceal the cause as he was willed Was it not a crime punishable to compound with the accuser and to buy his quiet as Peres did with twenty thousand duckets Briefly Was it a sin unpardonable to blemish his own reputation and to impoverish himself and all to please and content the King If all these be no faults then had the King no just cause to be displeased with Peres as he was somtimes friendly other times hardly pleased to day favouring him to morrow persecuting him one while promising him great rewards another while taking from him his own goods and his own substance and if all these be faults whose faults be these Are they not the King 's as well as Peres his faults Nay came they not from the King and not from Peres who did nothing but what the King commanded him what he thought fit and convenient to be done which he not only required him but also promised him great rewards to do But grant that Peres offended the King highly what offence had Peres his wife and children committed that they should be imprisoned and his Son lose his ecclesiastical living Offended they because they became suitors for his enlargement for his speedy and just tryal Had he been a manifest Traytor it was lawful for his wife to sue for his pardon Had she been guilty and consenting to his treason she could have endured no more then he did unless he had been first condemned and the Law favoureth women even in cases of treason because it presumeth that by reason of the infirmity of their Sex they dare not attempt so much as men and had his son joyned with his mother for his fathers liberty that was no sufficient cause to take away his Living For the Law which enjoyneth a childe to prosecute and revenge his fathers death if he chance to be killed upon pain of loss of his childes part and portion cannot but permit him yea either expresly or secretly charge him to do his best and uttermost endeavour to preserve and keep his father from a wrongful and undeserved death And the Cannons which permit not the Pope who is a competent and the highest Judge in any Ecclesiastical cause to take away a Benefice from any man at his pleasure suffer not a Lay Prince who is no competent Judge in Ecclesiastical causes according to those Cannons to make his pleasure a just and sufficient reason to deprive any man of a spiritual Living It is ergo manifest that there was and is great wrong done unto Antonio Peres to his wife and children and this wrong ceaseth not in them but reacheth unto others and not unto mean men only nor in the least kinde of injury For Iohn Don de la Nuca a man of no mean authority a Magistrate the chief Justice of all Aragon must not be lightly punished which had been somwhat tolerable but unjustly beheaded which was extream tyrannie and for what cause If I may not tell you the King 's own letter shall tell you This Letter written by the King unto Don Iohn Alonso contained these short but sharp words Assoon as you receive this Letter you shall apprehend Don John de la Nuca chief Iustice of Aragon and let me assoon be certified of his death as of his Imprisonment you shall cause his head straightway to be cut off and let the Cryer say thus This is the Iustice which the King our Lord commandeth to be done unto this Knight because he is a gatherer together of the Kingdom and for that he raised a Banner against his King who commandeth his head to be cut off his goods to be confiscated and his House and Castle to be pluckt down to the ground Whosoever shall presume so to do let him be assured so to die You see the cause he is a Traytor How is that proved The King said so He gathered together the Commons How doth that appear By the King's Letter He raised a Banner against the King who is his Accuser The King Who the Judge The King What Tryal had he Assoon as he was taken he was executed a Judgement goeth before an Arraignment and Execution before a Judgement Who was the Executioner Don Alonso de Vargas With what solemnity is the execution done Whoso is a Traytor shall die so whoso raiâ—eth the Country shall die so whoso raiseth a standard in the field against the King shall die so all is treason and all is death all upon a sudden and all without due and lawful proof For such a Justice as Don Iohn de la Nuca was could have no other Judge no man else to condemn him but a certain Court called Contes Lateras the King and the States of the Kingdom such a crime as was laid to his charge cannot be heard and determined in Aragon by the King such a sentence as passed against him hath no more power or force against a mans person his goods or his honour then a sentence given by the complainant against the defendant such a King as the King of Spain should be in Aragon is no longer a King if he break the Laws of the Union and of those Laws there are two especial branches the one That whensoever the King breaketh those Laws the Subjects may presently chuse another King The other That all the States and rich men of the Country may assemble together and forbid any rents to be paid unto the King until the Vassal whom the King doth wrong be restored unto his right and the Law which he doth presume to violate be likewise re-established in full force and strength Moreover because there is no other Law and Obligation wherewith to binde a King then with an Oath an Oath is taken of the King at his Coronation to keep those Laws and the Oath is given him with these words We who are able to do as much as you do make you our Lord and King with this condition that you shall keep our Laws and
France who are now grown the most absolute Kings of the world were wont to do nothing that was of any weight or consequence without the consent of their best and wisest subjects The Kings of Poland Denmark and Sweden cannot make war against their enemies which is one of the principal marks of Soveraignty without the consent and leave of the States of their Country Crommus in the year 1559. withstood the coronation of their King Frederick until that he had sworn solemnly that he would not condemn any Nobleman to death or confiscate his lands or goods but suffer him to have his tryal by the Senate That all Gentlemen should have power of life and death over their subjects without appeal or without giving the King any part or portion of the penalties or forfeitures that shall be raised and levied of Gentlemens subjects And lastly That the King should not give any office whatsoever without the counsel and consent of the Senate These are hard conditions and presumptive arguments that the King of Denmark may hardly be called a Soveraign and yet Frederick yeilded to these conditions and his Successors have ever since observed them he because he could not otherwise do and they because they thought it not convenient to deny that which he had granted knowing that if they had refused his conditions they should not be received and admitted unto his succession and yet sithence the Nobility encroached herein upon their King I take it to be lawful for his Successors to free themselves as soon as they shall be able from that bondage and scant princely servitude if they be not sworn as the Spaniard is at his Coronation to see these conditions inviolably kept and observed for if they be sworn I hold it not lawful for him to break his oath for men may not voluntarily commit perjury for any temporal commodity and it is far better to endure temporal inconveniences and discommodities then to offend a mans conscience and endanger his soul. All Histories new and old are full of the like indignities offered unto Princes by their subjects as often as the rebellious people have had any good fortune against their Soveraigns and all law and reason permitteth such Princes to redeem their liberty by any means possible so it be not done contrary to their oath or done within a convenient time For though it be true that nullum tempus occurrit Regi yet that is most commonly understood in matters of lands but jurisdiction may be prescribed and there is nothing more common and ordinary then for inferiour officers to prescribe their superiours when they be negligent and careless of their jurisdiction and when an inferiour hath fully prescribed he hath as good right and interest in his prescribed jurisdiction as any prince hath in the authority which his Predecessors have had time out of mind or from the institution of their Kingdoms Be it therefore for that the Nobility of Aragon have had the before-named priviledge from the first beginning of that Royal Monarchy or that they have used the same so long a time as serveth to induce a prescription or that a general custome hath put them in full and lawful possession thereof it is not now lawful for the Kings of Spain unto whom the Kingdom of Aragon descended with all charges and burthens thereunto belonging to revoke and disanul the same priviledges and since that he is bound to observe them because his Predecessors did so and custome bindeth him so to do it is not greatly material whether his oath were well and lawfully taken yea or no and because he hath sworn to keep them he cannot dispense with his Oath or of himself remit the conditions whereunto he yeilded at his Coronation For they that swear to do any thing which they are bound to do although they were not sworn thereunto binde themselves in double bonds to do the same the first of honesty th' other of necessity As if a merchant should swear not to falsifie any merchandizes that he uttereth he is bound to observe his promise in honesty and of necessity in honesty because no conscionable man will falsifie his word and of necessity because his oath made that necessary which was before but voluntary and so forfeited and strengthned the former bond But to come more fitly and properly to our matter what was the point for which Iohn de la Nuca suffered Antonio Peres suffered part of Aragon revolted and many as well good as bad subjects of the Spanish King were slain in Caragoca Was it not the just grief and lawful discontentment conceived for the new course and extraordinary tryal that Inquisitors would and should have used against Antonio Peres Did not this Inquisition breed a tumult in Naples and in Flanders where it brought more to their untimely deaths then there are living creatures in all Aragon Did you not know that this Inquisition was first invented for heretiques and now it is used or rather abused against all sort of offenders all kinds of offences being unjustly and maliciously drawn to the notice and cognisance of the unmerciful and rigorous Inquisitors that serve the Pope for his executioners and the Spaniards for their tormentors Did not Don Iohn de la Nuca and many others know that Ecclesiastical Judges are not to deal in temporal causes be they meerly civil or criminal against private men or for the Prince Did not all the people know or at least might they not have heard that Clergy men cannot be present at a sentence of death much less give such a sentence And briefly Do not all the world know that it belongeth to him to judge who examineth a cause and heareth the merits proofs and circumstances thereof Why then should Inquisitors judge and others examine especially when the Law prescribeth both the Examiners and the Judges and where the party accused desireth the benefit of Law and the supreme Judge is bound by solemn oath to vouchsafe and yeild him the benefit and fruition of his desire But it was the King's pleasure that Antonio Peres should die and when Temporal Magistrates would not Ecclesiastical Judges should condemn him If Antonio Peres his death might have contented and satisfied him why sought he not some friend to make an end of him in the same manner that he dispatched Escovedo for him Had it not been less known to the world less danger to the State less prejudice to his Laws He might have been secreâ—ly murthered with far less trouble then openly condemned and his injustice in poysoning him should have been known but to the murtherers whereas his iniquity in condemning him could not be but apparent unto the fight and view of all the world but his ingratitude unto Antonio Peres for the pleasure done him by taking away Escovedo his life made others unwilling and fearful to pleasure and gratifie him with the like vilany Alas poor King that could not finde one in the whole
King that Don Iohn de Austria in his Letter unto the King is fain to intreat his Majesty that if Don Alonsâ— moved with the same passion which possessed him when he chid hand-smooth with him should so much forget himself as to write Alganalibertag some unbeseeming speech unto his Majesty Como la ha hecho a mi as he hath done â—aith he unto me it might please his Majesty not only to dissemble but also to comfort favour and promise him some high reward assuring his Majesty that whatsoever recompence his Grace should bestow upon him he would take the same as bestowed upon himself yea further beseeching his Majesty to let Don Alonso understand what he had written in his behalf and that his commendations hath not a little availed him to the end saith he Salga de la opinion que ya concedido he may conceive no more so evil an opinion of me as he hath done Was not this think you a point of great disobedience in a base Souldier as Don Alonso had been Was it not a bold part of a Souldier to rail at his General unto his face Was it not a fault severely punishable to refuse to march under a Leader chosen by consent of an whole Councel at War Was not that General in an evil case who was constrained to flatter so mean a Souldier Or can that king be thought to have obedient and loyal Souldiers who must of necessity be inforced not only not to punish but also to pardon and not to tolerate alone but also to recompence a rebellious and insolent Captain for fear of some inconvenience that might follow of his discontentment or punishment But this was not all And Don Alonso alone shewed not himself discontented Sancho de Avila the Colonel Mudragon the Captain Monteselega the Colonel Verdugo the Castellan Francisco Hermandes de Avila and many other of the most especial Captains of that time were likewise so displeased and uttered their discontentments in such manner as that Don Iohn was compelled as he testifieth in the same Letter to pacifie them not only by granting them their whole pays out of Wars which they had in Wars but also by promising them that they should have the like charges and Offices in the Dukedom of Milan as they had in Flanders Now whereas the wisest best and most serviceable Captains shew manifest signs of undutiful carriage and intolerable arrogancy may the meaner Souldiers be justly blamed if they fall into the like offence Or can that Nation be worthily commended for loyal and obedient Souldiers whose chief Officers do so highly forget and neglect their duty especially in a matter of such weight and importance as the departure of the Spaniards out of Flanders was at that time unto the King but this kind of disobedience is not usual and whereas there be good Masters there most commonly be likewise good servants So the Spanish King being better furnished with notable Captains then any other Prince in Christendom he must likewise have sufficient and good Souldiers And because it hath been said that not the number and multitude but the goodness and valour of Souldiers maketh their Kings victorious it must needs follow as a necessary consequent that the King of Spain whose Captains pass the Captains of all other Princes both in number and experience cannot be without good Souldiers and therefore is strong enough to encounter with any Adversary whatsoever To this Argument it is easily answered that although the valour of Souldiers is better to be regarded then the number yet that Prince who hath valiant Souldiers not being able to bring into the field a proportionable and equal number unto his enemies especially such enemies as rather excel then yeild unto his Subjects in valour and Chivalry may undoubtedly be held and reputed a Prince of no great strength and puiâ—sance If then you remember as you cannot forget that the Christian Adversaries with whom the king of Spain hath any great contention are the king of France and the Queen of England the Subjects of either of which Princes are neither inferiour unto the Spaniards in number or in valour you cannot chuse but perceive and see that the King is not of might and power sufficient to contend at once with both these Princes This was well known unto his Father who as it hath been said before so carried himself in all his life time that when he had England for his enemy France was his friend and when he fell at variance with France he presently procured the friendship and alliance of England Besides there is nothing more usual then to make conjectures of things to come by things that are past and to measure the present forces of Princes by their own or their Predecessors strength and power at other times for although a Kingdom be at sometimes more populous then at others yet because man in reason hath a better regard of that which is commonly and dayly seen then of that which happeneth very seldom he cannot greatly be deceived that measureth a new raigning Princes might and power by his own and his Predecessors former puissance But before I enter into the due consideration hereof it shall not be amiss to let you understand whence it cometh to pass that the Spaniards are lately become so famous as they are you know that in this our corrupt Age as men are friended so they are favoured that they who are highest in Authority are most commonly as high in praise as they are in preheminence that all men covet to win favour with the Mighty that no man can so securely as perhaps boldly derogate the least jot that may be from their credit and reputation who in common opinion are held praise worthy Common same is by Law a certain kind of proof and our common Proverb saith That it may be an untruth which two or three report but that can hardly be untrue which all or most men affirm to be certain and manifest yea such is the force of common same that whensoever it proceedeth first from grave and honest personages it carrieth great credit and he shall hardly be credited that shall venture to gainsay or control the same Since therefore divers Authors of great Antiquity of marvellous gravity of singular learning and rare wisdom have attributed in their speeches in their conferences in their writings more praises and far greater commendations unto Spain then unto any other Country many for fear to be reputed unwise if they should not subscribe to their opinion some to follow the new received custome of open and intolerable flattery and others for affection which easily deceiveth very wise men have of late years either thought it a duty or a degree and step to preferment to concur in opinion both openly and privately with as many as have dedicated their Studies and devoted themselves and their uttermost endeavours to the setting forth maintenance and augmentation of Spain and of the Spanish Kings honour and reputation Thence