must have a wise quicke and sharpe wit and iudgement rightly and discreetly to ponder and weigh the circumstances and accidents of every affaire prudently to apply them to the rules and Maximes yea sometimes to force and bend them to serve to the present affaire But this science and habit of knowing well to weigh and examine the accidents and circumstances of affaires and then to be able handsomely to apply unto them their rules and principles is a science singular and excellent but rare and not given to many persons For of necessâ—â—â— he that will come to this science at the least in any perfection to be able to mannage and handle weightie affaires had need first to bee endowed with a good and perfect naturall iudgement and secondly he must be wise temperate and quiet without any passion or affection but all to publicke good and utilitie and thirdly hee must bee conversed and experimented in many and sundry affaires These he cannot have and obtaine unlesse hee himselfe have handled or seene them handled or els by great and attentive reading of choise hystories he have brought his iudgement to bee very stayed and well exeecised in such affaires We must not then thinke that all sorts of people are fit to deale with affaires of publicke The scope of the Author estate nor that every one which speaketh and writeth thereof can say that which belongeth thereunto But it may be some will enquâ—re if I dare presume so much of my selfe as to take upon me effectually to handle this matter Hereunto I answer that nothing lesse and that it is not properly my purpose wherunto I tend or for which cause I enterprise this Worke But my intent and purpose is onely to shew That Nicholas Machiavell not long agoe a Secretarie of the Florentine commonweale which is now a Dutchie understood nothing or little in this Politicke science whereof we speake and that he hath taken Maximes and rules altogether wicked and hath builded upon them not a Politicke but a Tyrannicall science Behold here then the end and scope which I have proposed unto my self that is to confute the doctrine of Machiavell not exactly to handle the Politick science although I hope to touch some good points thereof in some places when occasion shall offer it selfe Vnto my aforesaid purpose I hope to come by the helpe of God with so prosperous a good wind and full sailes as all they which reade my writings shall give their iudgement and acknowledge that Machiavell was altogether ignorant in that science that his scope and intent in his writings is nothing els but to frame a very true and perfect tyrannie Machiavell also never had parts requisit to know that science For as for expertence in managing of affaires he could have none since during his time hee saw nothing but the brabblings and contentions of certaine Potentates of Italie and certaine practises and policies of some cittizens of Florence Neither had hee any or very little knowledge in hystories as shal be more particularly shewed in many places of our discourse where God ayding we will marke the plaine and as it were palpable faults ignorances which he hath committed in those few hystories which it pleaseth him sometimes by the way to touch which also most commonly he alledgeth to evill purpose and many times falsely As for a firme and sound iudgement Machiavell also wanted as is plainely seene by his absurd and foolish reasons wherewith for the most part he confirmes his propositions and Maximes which he sets downe only he hath a certaine subtiltie such as it is to give colour unto his moct wicked and damnable doctrines But when a man comes something nigh to examine his subtilties then it truth it is discovered to be but a beastly vanitie and madnesse yea full of extreame wickednesse I doubt not but many Courtiers which deale in matters of Estate others of their humor will find it very strange that I should speake in this sort of their great Doctor Machiavell whose bookes rightly may bee called The French Courtiers Alcoran they have them in so great estimation imitating and observing his principles and Maximes no more nor lesse than the Turkes doe the Alcoran of their great Prophet Mahomet But yet I beseech them not to be offended that I speake in this manner of a man whom I will plainely shew to be full of all wickednesse impietie and ignorance and to suspend their iudgement whether I say true or no untill they have wholly read these my discourses For as soone as they have read thâ—â— I doe assure my selfe that every man of perfect iudgement will say and determine thâ—t I speake but too modestly of the vices and brutishnesse found in this their great Doctor But to open and make easie the intelligence of that should here be handled wee must Of Machiavell and his writings first search out what that Machiavell was and his writings Machiavell then was in his time the Secretarie or common Notarie of the Common-weale of Florence during the kingdome of Charles the eight and Lewis the twelfth kings of France Alexander the sixt and Iulius the eleventh Popes of Rome and of Henry the seventh and Henry the eight kings of England in which time hee writ his bookes in the Italian language and published them about the first beginning of Francis the first king of Fraunce as may be gathered by his owne writings Of his life and death I can say nothing neither did I or vouchsafed I once to enquire thereof because his memorie deserved better to be buried in perpetuall oblivion than to be renewed amongst men Yet I may well say that if his life were like his doctrine as is to be presumed there was never man in the world more contaminated and defiled with vices and wickednesse than hee was By the Praefaci he made unto his booke entituled De Principe Of the Prince it seemeth he was banished and chased from Florence For he there complaineth unto his Magnificall Lawrence de Medicis unto whom he dedicated his Worke of that hee endured iniuriously and uniustly as he said And in certaine other places he reciteth That one while he remained in France another time at Rome and another while not sent embassadour for he would never have forgotten to have said that but as it is to be presumed as a fugitive and banished man But howsoever it be he dedicates the said booke unto the said Lawrence de Medicis to teach him the reasons and meanes to invade and obtaine a principalitie which booke for the most part containeth nothing but tyrannicall precepts as shall appeare in the prosecution and progresse of this Worke. But I know not if they de Medicis have made their profit and taken use of Machiavels precepts contained in his said booke yet this appeares plainely that they since that time occupied the principalitie of Florence and changed that Aristocraticall free estate of that cittie into a Dutchie
Knights and thirtie thousand other people of warre the other victorie was at the journey of Poitiers which also the said K. Edward gained by the conduction of the Prince of Wales his sonne and lieutenant Generall against Iohn King of Fraunce who was there taken prisoner with a son of his called Philip after Duke of Bourgogne and many other Princes and great Lords all which were conducted into England there was made there a great discomfiture of people By these two battailes lost in Fraunce the one after the other in a small time the kingdome was so debilitated of his forces and goods as it could not stand yet for a further heape of mischeefes at Paris and in many other places of the realme at the same time arose there many broiles and civile dissentions But that good King Charles le Sage was so wise and prudent in the conduction and government of the affaires of the realme as well in the time that he was Dolphin and Regent of France his Father being prisoner as after when he was king that by little and little hee laid to sleepe all civile stirres and discords after hee did so much that he recovered upon the Englishmen almost all which they occupied and although he was not so brave a warriour as his father king Iohn nor as his grandfather King Philip yet was he wiser and better advised in his deliberations not hazarding his affaires as they did fearing to be reputed cowards nor did any thing rashly without due consideration Hee tooke not arms in hand but he knew well how and when to employ them to his good Insomuch that K. Edward of England seeing the wisdome of that king made his Armes rebound and become dull and his victories and conquests to be lost and annihilated Truly said he I neuer knew king that lesse useth Armes yet troubleth me so much he is all the day enditing letters and hurteth me more with his missives than ever did his Father or Grandfather with their great forces and Armes Behold the witnesse which king Edward gave of the wisdome of his enemie king Charles which was yet of so great efficacie that he brought his kingdome into a good peace by the meanes wherof his people became rich and wealthie where before they were as poore and miserable And not only the people became rich but the king also himselfe heaped up great treasures which hee left to his sonne after him insomuch that he was not onely surnamed the Wife but the Rich also I could to this purpose adde here many other examples but in a thing so cleare the example of these two kings Salomon and Charles shall suffice which two for their great wisdome have acquired the name of Wife they both were rich in great treasures both of them maintained their subjects in peace both left their kingdomes opulent and abundant and placed the estates of their Commonwealths in great felicitie It is a thing then plaine confessed That it is an exceeding great good to a people Prudence is more requisit in a Princes Counsell than in himselfe when they have a Prince that is wise of himselfe but thereupon to inferre and say as Machiavell doth That the government of Prince ought to depend vpon his owne proper wisdome and that he cannot be well counselled but by himselfe is evill concluded and such a conclusion is false and of pernitious consequence For a Prince how prudent soever he be ought not so much to esteeme of his owne wisedome as to despise the counsell of other wise men Salomon despised them not and Charles the wise alwaies conferred of his affaires with the wise men of his Counsell And so farre is it off that the Prince ought to despise anothers Counsell that even he ought to conform his opinion to that of the men of his Counsell which are wise and ought not stubbornely to resist their advise but to follow it and hold his owne for suspected And therefore that wise and cunning Emperour Marcus Antonius the Philosopher being in his privie Counsell house where was that great Lawyer Scaevola Maetianus Volusianus many other great persons excellent in knowledge and honestie after having well debated with them the matters they handled when sometimes he tooke in hand to sustaine opinions contrarie to theirs Well said he masters The thing then must be done according to your advise For it is much more reasonable that I alone follow the opinion of so good a number of my good and faithfull friends as you are than that so many wise men should follow the opinion of me alone Vnto this opinion of the Emperor Antonius agreeth also the common Proverbe That many eyes see clearer than one eye alone Experience also teacheth vs That things determined and resolved by many braines are alwayes wiser safer better ordered than the resolutions of one alone And we see also that the ancient Dionis Halic lib. 2. Romanes and all Commonweales well governed as well in times past as at this day have alwayes followed and observed that which by pluralitie of wise mens voices was concluded determined And truly so much the wiser a Prince is so much the more will he suspect his owne opinion For the same wisedome which is in him wil persuade him not to beleeve himselfe too much and to have his own judgement for suspected in his owne case as all publicke affaires may be said to be proper to the Prince and to permit him to be governed by his Counsell And contrarie because there are no people more presumptuous nor that thinke to know more than they which know little nor that thinkes to be more wise than they that have no wisdome if you learne a Prince that thinketh himselfe wise this principle of Machiavell That he ought to governe himselfe by his owne wisdome and Counsell and that he cannot be better counselled than by himselfe you shall streight find inconveniences For then shal you see that he will beleeve neither counsell nor advise but that comes out of his owne head and he will say to them that will give him any That he vnderstands well his owne matters and that he knoweth what he hath to doe and so will bring his estate and affaires into confusion and overthrow all upside downe And from whence comes this evill government and disorder Even from that goodly doctrine of Machiavell which willeth That a Prince should govern himselfe by his own wisedome and that maintaineth That a prince cannot be well counselled but by his owne wisedome The consequence then of this Maxime is not small seeing the publicke state of a countrey may stagger and be overthrowne thereby Better then it is that contrarie the Prince hold this resolution To govern himselfe by good counsell and beleeve it and have in suspition his owne wisedome For if the Prince bee wise and his opinion found to be founded upon Reason they of his Counsell will easily fall to his advise seeing also that
hardie withall he suffered them to take upon him some small advantages seeking still to draw them unto some place of advantage to fight with them as indeed he did They beeing swelled for that in some light skirmishes they had overthrowne some few of Annibals souldiors and thereby thought it was not honourable to recoile and that men would think their hearts failed them to flie before such as they had alreadie beaten resolved to give battaile and indeed they gave it but they lost it to their great shame and confusion Which the Romane Senate seeing sent against Anniball Fabius Maximus who was not so forward and it may bee not so hardie in enterprizing as Flaminius or Sempronius were but he was more wise and carefull as he shewed himselfe For at the first arrivall as the other did he did not aboord and set upon Anniball who desired no other thing but began to coast him a farre off seeking alwayes advantageous places And when Anniball approched him then would he shew him a countenance fully determined to fight yet alwaies seeking places of advantage But Anniball which was not so rash as to joine with his enemie to his own disadvantage made a shew to recoile and flie to draw him after him Fabius followed him but it was upon coasts and hils seeking alwayes not the shortest way but that way which was most for his advantage insomuch as Anniball saw him alwaies upon some hill or coast nigh him as it were a cloud over his head so that after Anniball had many times assaied to draw Fabius into a place fit for himselfe and where he might give battaile for his owne good and yet could not thereunto draw him said I see well now that the Romanes also have gotten an Anniball and I feare that this cloud which approching vs still hovers upon those hils will some of these mornings poure out some shoure on our heads Breefely the prudencie and wisdome of Fabius brought more feare and gave more adoe unto Anniball than all the Romane forces which yet was not small I have above recited another example witnessed of king Edward of England who said That he feared more the missives and letters of king Charles le Sage than he feared the great and puissant armies of 40 and 100000 men of his Father and Grandfather and that wrought him more trouble and broke more of his purposes and enterprises in enditing of letters than they ever did with their great forces Which is another witnesse made for prudence and good Counsell like unto the example of Anniball which witnesses are so much the more worthie of credite as the one proceeded from a most valiant king and the other from a most noble and hardie Captaine both which well knew by long use and experience how to helpe themselves with force and armes And if we consider the Romane hystories we shall truly find that the ancient Romanes made themselves lords and maisters almost of all the world more by wisdome and good Counsell than by force although they used both Therefore said Varro as by a common proverbe received in his time That the Romans vanquished sitting as if he would say As they sit in their chairs in their Senate they provide so for their affaires by good Counsell and wisedome that they get and obtaine the upper hand in all their enterprises Yea and we see that at this day the Venetians maintain very well their estate yea do augment and make it greater although they understand no thing how to handle armes and indeed when they must needs goe to warre they hire and wage people to doe it but yet notwithstanding are they wise and prudent keeping themselves as much as they can from the warre and when they have warre they do discreetly seeke meanes to quiet and appease it by some other way than by battailes besiegings of Townes or any other exploits of warre And assuredly they know better how to finish and bring a warre to an end by their wisedome and good Counsell without striking any stroke than many puissant princes by their forces and armes Hitherto we have spoken of a princes Counsell which in the time of the Roman A Senat and the Estates are things correspondēt emperours men called The princes Consistorie and our French The kings Priuie Counsell But now we must know that as well the Romane emperours as the kings of France of old have yet had another Counsell whereunto they had recourse in all their waightie affaires which were of great consequence as when they stood in need to make lawes ordinances and rules concerning the universall estate the Romanes called this Counsell the Senat and the French call it the Parlement But this name of Parlement aunciently signifieth an assemblie of the three estates as Philip de Comines saith and as is seene by all our French hystories Our kings also De Comines lib. 1. cap. 64. convocated sometimes with their ordinarie and priuie Counsell some good number of great Prelats and Barons of the realme and that assemblie they called The great Counsell But afterward men attributed the name of Parlement unto the assemblie of Iudges and Senators which judged causes and processes from whome there is no appeale And some thinke that our Parlement is at this day like unto the Senat of Rome but they are greatly deceived for the Romane Senat tooke not any knowledge of the processes and causes of particular persons but only dealt with affairs of the State of the universall government and pollicie and of matters of consequence unto all the Commonwealth and therefore the assemblie of the three estates in France doe much better resemble the Roman Senat than the Parlements doe at this day which might better be compared unto the Romans Centumvirat or to their Praetorian government which dealt in the knowledge of appellations and matters of justice distributive from which judgement ther was no appeale And as the name of Parlement is at this day otherwise applied than it was anciently so is it of the name of Great Counsell But to come to our purpose Wee read that the good Emperours never contemned or thought much in waightie affairs to take the advice of the Romane Senat and to governe themselves thereby for although that by the change of the estate which happened in the time of Iulius Caesar when the commonwealth was changed into a Monarchie the authoritie of the Senate was much abated and weakened yet there was never emperour found that durst enterprise altogether to abolish it but contrarie the good and wise emperors rather helped to establish their authoritie and power And the reason why no emperor good or wicked durst enterprise to abolish the Senate was because by the Law Roiall whereby the estate Monarchicall was established at Rome there was only transferred unto the king the authoritie and power of the people and not that which the Senat had Which people although they had sovereigne power over every particular person of
thousand commissaries by their enquiries know how to dispatch in a yeare Therefore the Prince which contemneth words spoken without due deliberation and such other things as are not of importance and which forbiddeth that no man shall report unto him such matters shall in such things doe that which is most covenable and agreeable unto his gravitie and majestie and in so doing he shall shew himselfe more magnanimous and in heart more generous neither fearing distrusting or doubting any thing Such an one was that great Augustus Caesar for one day as one pleaded a criminall cause before him against Aemilius Aelianus the accuser amongst other crimes maintained that Aelianus accustomed to speake Sueton. in Aug. cap. 5. evill of Augustus and to detract and slander his Majestie Augustus then making a countenance to be angry returned towards the accuser saying Is it true that thou saiest that Aelianus hath spoken evill of me I would well thou couldest prove it for I would then cause him to know that I have a tongue as well as hee and would say as much and more evill of him than hee hath done of me This poore accuser seeing Augustus make no more account of it was much ashamed and wished after that he Capitolinus in Marco had never advaunced such an accusation Such was also the Emperour Antonius Pius with whom the murmurations which Marmosets blew in his eares could not take place and he made no account of them As one day Lucilla the mother of Marcus Antonius the Philosopher which Pius had adopted for his sonne being in a chappell upon her knees before the image of Apollo Valerius Omulus who was a Marmoset addressing his speech to the Emperour Pius Behold sayth he Lucilla makes her prayers to Apollo that thou might quickly finish thy dayes that her sonne might raigne But the Emperour Pius reprooved him for such talke and told him that Lucilla and Marcus Antonius his sonne were too good to think such a thought So generally we read That all good emperours such as the abovesaid and Traian Adrian Nerva Alexander Severus and others like have not onely hated and detested but also chased and banished farre from the court reporters and relators of false tales But as I before said It becomes not a Prince to make account but rather to contemne A word spoken in hast ought not to be regarded Froiss lib. 4. cap. 6. words not spoken by good deliberation And to that purpose will I rehearse a Iudgement which was given and recorded in full counsell of king Charles the sixt whereat were his Vncle the Duke of Burgoigne the Conestable the Mareschals of France and many other great Lords of the Kings privie Counsell Master Peter de Courtnay an English Knight being one day at the Court of the King of France offered a chalenge unto a French knight called Guy de la Tremouille by deeds of armes to trie who was the stronger knight and best in armes la Tremouille had no desire to refuse him so that by the consent of the King and of his Vncle the Duke of Burgoigne and in their presence and before many other great Lords they ranne a launce one against the other and no more for the King would not suffer them to go any further the English knight was evill content thereat but yet without making other countenance desired leaue of the King to returne into England which the King graunted and gave him for his conduction and guide for his assurance unto Calais the Lord de Clary a french gentleman one renowmed and of great valour As they went by the way the english gentleman desired to go by Lucen to salute the Countesse of S. Paul the King of Englands sister who dwelt there who gently receiued them and made them good cheere talking and speaking of newes as the custome is This English told the Countesse that hee could not find in France a knight with whom to do deeds of armes and that he would never haue thought but to have found in the Court great store covertly taxing thereby the french Nobilitie Clary his conductor marked well his words but he spake not one word whilest he came to Calais being there Clary angerly said vnto Courtnay Messira de Courtnay I have acquited my selfe of the charge which the King my Lord gave mee for your conduction to this towne now that I haue no more charge of you I thinke good to remember you of certaine words you delivered at Lucen to Madame the Countesse of S. Paul where you said you could not find in France a knight with whom to do deeds of armes thereby taxing the noble knighthood of France therefore to maintaine with you the contrary I offer my selfe to do deeds of armes with you in what maner you will choose prouided that you can obtaine of the governour of this towne for the king your master a permission place to do them The said permission and place was granted and they so fought that Clary wounded M. Courtenay in divers places This came to the King and his Vncles notice Clary was sent for who for his defence said that that which he had done was to maintain the honor of France and alledged many faire reasons whereby it seemed that not onely he ought not to have been blamed for that he did in that case but that rather he merited to bee allowed and praised The matter was handled in the kings Counsell by judgement and decree Clary was condemned to prison for a certaine time and in the meane while his goods were seized into the kings hand and little there wanted he was not banished France but a certaine time after the king pardoned him at the intercession of the Duke of Bourbon and of the said Countesse of S. Paule And at his deliverance was made knowne unto him the morive of the kings Counsell which was this That the kings Counsell thought him worthy that punishment because a light and rash speech delivered in familiar talke he would revenge as a serious and weightie matter If this decree were well observed as it merited to be we should not see so many quarrels murders and suits for our words rashly and undiscreetly spoken And it should be a thing much better becomming Christians not so easily to feele words preferred and spoken upon suddaine motion than in so scrupulously seâ—king points of honour to enter into contentions and quarrels whereby we make demonstration that we are nothing lesse than that we would appeare to be For we would that by our quarrels and going to law upon an overthwart and rash speech men should account us of great heart that we have our honor in singular commendation and estimation and in the meane while we discover our selves in effect to be of a pusillanime base and feeble heart that wee cannot despise and contemne a word of no account pronounced in hast Was that great Emperour Augustus Caesar and many other ignorant what were the points of honour yet
in hearing interrogating and confronting them with him that is accused Therefore hee sent the cause and the parties to Iunius Rufus Governour of Macedonie commaunding him to examine diligently the witnesses and take good advisement whether they were good men worthy of credit and if Alexander the accuser could not prove well his accusation that he should banish him to some place This commandement of the emperour Adrian hath since been marked by the Lawyers which since made a law thereof Behold how men must proceed when it lies on mens lives and not to beleeve Marmosets and reporters neither beleeve papers without seeing or hearing witnesses and the accused without searching whether the witnesses be good men or no as is done at this day for at this day there is nothing wherof magistrats make a better market than of mens lives But let us passe on Froissart lib. 2. cap. 173. lib. 3. cap. 63 68. and other following and lib. 4. cap. 92. c. I would now rehearse an example truly tragicall of king Richard of England who was sonne of that valiant and victorious prince of Wales This king came to the crowne very yong and had three good uncles about him the duke of Lancaster Yorke and Glocester by whose counsell for a certaine time hee governed well his kingdome But the earle of Suffolke whom the king made duke of Ireland entred so farre into the kings favour that he governed himselfe after his fancie Then took he occasions to talke so of the kings uncles as was very strange for he told him that his uncles desired nothing but to deale in the affaires of the kingdome to obtaine it to themselves a thing which they never thought And did so much by his reports that the king put his uncles from his counsell and from dealing with any of the affaires of the kingdome whereof the people and especially the Londoners were so evill contented that they rose up and made warre against the king or rather against the duke of Ireland and they were at a point to give the battell one against the other But the duke of Ireland who was generall of the kings armie lost his courage with great feare that he had to be slain or taken and therfore fled passed into Flanders where he finished his dayes never after returning into England As soone as he was fled his armie was dissipated the kings uncles seized upon the kings person established a new Counsell by justice executed some of them which were of the duke of Ireland his adherents A longtime after another Marmoset called the earle Marshall gained the duke of Ireland his place and was so farre in the kings good grace that he governed all as he would One day this earle Marshall talking with the earle of Darbie eldest sonne of the duke of Lancaster the earle of Darbie chanced to say Cousin what will the king do will he altogether subject the English nobilitie there will soone be none it is plainely seene that he desireth not the augmentation of his kingdome But he held this talke because the king had put to death chased away a great number of gentlemen and caused the duke of Glocester to die a prince of his blood and yet continued in that rigour to make himselfe be feared and revenging still that which was done in the duke of Irelands time The earle Marshall answered nothing to the speeches of the earle of Darbie but only marked them in his heart Certain daies after he reported them to the king and to make them seeme of more credit he profered and said hee was readie to enter into the campe against the earle of Darbie to averre the said words as outragious injurious against his Majestie The king not measuring the consequence of the deed in place to make no account of these words sent for the earle of Darbie his cousin germane and after hearing before him the earle Marshall speak his wil was they should enter into the camp and fight it to utterance But the kings Counsell conceiving it might come to be anevill example such great lords to slay one another and that the earle Marshall was not of equall qualitie unto the earle of Darbie they counselled the king to take another course namely to banish from England for ever the earle Marshall because he had rashly appealed and challenged unto single combat a Prince of the bloud to banish also the Earle of Darbie for ten years only for speaking the aforesaid words of the king his lord The king following the advice of his Counsel by sentence given by himself banished the earle Marshall out of England forever the earle of Darbie for six years only moderating his Counsels advice foure years When the earle of Darbie came to depart there assembled in the streets before his gates at London more than fortie thousand which wept cried lamented his departure extreamly blamed the king and his Counsell insomuch that going away he left in the peoples hearts an extreame anguish and greefe for his absence and a very great amitie towards him yet notwithstanding he left England and came into France Whilest he was in France the duke of Lancaster his father died The king to heape up his evill lucks caused to be taken seized into his hands all his lands goods because they fell to the earle of Darbie Hereby hee got great hatred and evill will of the Nobilitie and of all the people Finally the Londoners which are a people easie to arise made a complot and part against the king and secretly sent word to the earle of Darbie that hee should come and they would make him king The earle arriving in England found an armie of the Londoners ready So went he to besiege the king Richard in his castle unprovided whom he tooke and imprisoned and caused him to resigne unto him the Realme and Crowne of England King Richard was put to death in prison after hee had raigned two and twentie yeares a thing very strange rigorous and unheard of in England or in any kingdomes nigh unto it And so the earle of Darbie who had beene banished from England remained a peaceable king and was called Harry the fourth of that name This earle Marshall who kept at Venise knowing these newes died ragingly This was the end of this Marmoset and the tragicall evill hap whereunto he brought his master and that upon words reported which were never spoken as any evill speech of the king but onely for the greefe hee had that they of his Counsell governed so evill the kingdomes affaires Which words should nor ought not to have been taken up nor reported to the king and being reported unto him he should have made no account of them to have alwaies presumed rather well than evill of his cousin Germane Herodes borne of a lowe and base race was created king of Iudea Galalie Samaria Joseph Antiq â—ib 14. cap 23.
also comes that vertuous people beeing angry and chafed to see themselves despised as also to see strangers preferred before them suffer themselves to be governed and guided by turbulent passions contrarie to their natures Moreover it seemeth well that the Poet Hesiodius and Aristotle shoot not farre from the white of truth when they say That by right of nature he ought to dominier and rule who hath the more able spirit to know how to command well and he that hath the lesseable ought to obey And although sovereign principalities are not ruled by that naturall law because of the difficultie which falleth ordinarily in the execution of their election yet for all that that law alwayes sticketh naturally in the spirits and minds of men insomuch as it seemes to them which feele themselves to have some sufficiencie that there is wrong done them when they are put by to bring into an office one lesse capable By the abovesaid reasons then I hope men may see and usually we reade how great disorders doe often come when princes have preferred strangers unto publicke charges offices and honours before them of that nation and countrey where such charges and honours are distributed and exercised The yeare 1158 William king of Sicilie by his originall was a Frenchman gave Annale 1168. the estate of the Chancellor of his kingdome to a person very capable and fit but he was not that countreyman but a Frenchman The lords of the kingdome greeved to see a stranger constituted in so high an estate within their countrey and that A strange Chancellor cause of a great massacre in Sicilie the greatest magistracie of justice must needs be exercised by strange hands a very cruell conspiration For not onely they conspired the death of that chancellor a Frenchman but also of all them of the French nation which were dispersed in the kingdome of Sicilie Calabria and Apuleia For that purpose sent they secret letters through all the townes and places of the said countries whereby they advertised their friends and adherents which were alreadie prepared all over that they should massacre and slay each one respectively the Frenchmen of their places and towns on the day and hour that they would assigne them Which was executed and there was made in the said countries an horrible butcherie and exceeding great effusion of French blood Behold the mischeefe that came in that kingdome for having a stranger for their chancellor True it is that some may say that this massacre of the Frenchmen in Sicilia and other countries of Italie happened not so much for that reason that there was a strange chancellor as for that the Italian race hath alwayes ben much enclined to shed the blood of our nation For that same race made also another like generall massacre in the year 1282 by a conspiration wherin it was concluded that every one of the country should slay or cause to be slaine his French guest at the first sound of their Evensong bell even upon Easter day Which conspiration was not only executed but also the rage of the massacrers was so great that they ripped the bodies of women of their owne nation alive which were never so little suspected to be gotten with child by Frenchmen to stifle the fruit they caried And this cruell and barbarous massacre was called the Sicilian Evensong By the SiciliaÌ„ EveÌ„song imitation hereof the same race complotted and executed not in Sicilie but in France it selfe and through all the best townes of the kingdome the horrible and generall massacre of the yeare 1572 which will ever bleed and whereof their hands and swords are yet bloodie Of which exploit they have since incessantly vaunted and braved calling it The Parisien Matines M. Martin du Bellay rehearseth also in Paritien Matinâ— his Memories how the same race murdered a great number of poore souldiers after the journey of Pavie comming towards France lame wounded and unarmed slaying them in their high waies But such is this peoples generositie of heart alwayes to be tenne or twentie against one and to brave such as are wounded or unarmed which have no meanes to resist This Messeresque generositie is at this day called in France Coyonnerie and Poltromerie But let us come to our purpose touching the disorders that come by strange magistrates By the peace of Bretaigne made betwixt Iohn king of Fraunce and Edward king Froissart lib. 1. cap. 216. 246 c. Pla. in Martin 4. of England the countrie of Aquitaine was acquited purely and in al soveraigntie by the sayd king Iohn to the said king Edward This king Edward from the first possession of the sayd countrie gave it to the prince of Wales his eldest sonne who came and lay in Bourdeaux and apart kept a court great and magnificall The gentlemen of Gascoigne and of other countries of Acquitaine which by the means of the sayd peace should become vassals to the king of England to the said prince of Wales his sonne came straight to find the prince at Bourdeaux first to sweare their faith and homage secondly to obtaine his favour and good countenance as is the custome of all nobilitie The prince of Wales very gently courteously benignly and familiarly entertained them but in the meane while he gave all the offices estates of the countrie as the captainships and governments of the towns and castles the offices of bayliffs and stewards the estates of his court unto English gentlemen where of he had alwaies great store about him These English gentlemen although they held no other goods but their estates spent prodigally and held as great a traine as the lords of the countrey and to maintaine that they committed great extortions upon the people Hereupon came it that the people feeling themselves oppressed by the English officers the nobilitie and vertuous people seeing themselves recoiled and kept from offices that the prince gave al to strangers which were not of that nation and that herewith he would needs impose a new tribute and impost upon the countrie in a little time all revolted from his obedience and so caused all the towns of Aquitaine to revolt one after another insomuch that the king of England and the sayd prince of Wales his sonne lost straight all the countrey having therewithall procured the evill will of their subjects by giving offices unto strangers Iohn duke of Bretaigne in regard that hee had taken a wife in England was marvellously Froiss lib. 1. cap 311 â—14 affected to the English partie yea against the king of Fraunce his soveraign lord The nobilitie of Bretaigne were much grieved therat insomuch that one day the three greatest lords of the countrie that is to say the lord de Clisson de Laval and de Rohan went to him and after salutations said to him in this manner Sir wee know not upon what thought you shew your selfe so enclinable and favourable unto the English you know that the
king of France is our sovereign lord and the dutchie of Bretaigne holdeth also of the crowne of Fraunce Wee pray you to despoile and rid your selfe of that affection which you have to the Englishmen and shew your selfe a good Frenchman such as you ought to be for we come to declare unto you that if you doe it not wee will abandon and leave you to serve the king of Fraunce who is our sovereigne lord The duke hereat was much troubled and could not so much cover his courage but he sayd That the king of Fraunce did wrong the king of England to despoile him of Aquitaine Certaine time after distrusting his subjects he sent into England to have Englishmen for his service and to give them captainships and governments of towns and castles of Bretaigne The king of England sent him people but the gentlemen of Bretaigne thinking much that their duke distrusted them and would prefer Englishmen before them themselves seazed the fortresses and towns of the countrie before the arivall of the Englishmen Insomuch that the duke seeing himselfe brought into a great extremitie abandoned his countrey and saved himselfe in England This came unto him for loving strangers more than his owne subjects and for that he desired to give them the charges and estates of the countrey The king Charles the eight in the voyage of Naples which he made in his owne Comines lib. 1. cap. 20. person conquered the realme of Naples almost without stroke striking and was received of all the people and of the most part of the Nobilitie of that countrey as a Messias sent of God to deliver them from the cruell and barbarous tyrannie wherein they were before and had now long time beene under their kings Alphonsus and Ferrand of Arragon usurpers of that kingdome upon the house of Anjou whereunto Charles succeeded Every one may judge if it had not beene easie for the king if he had enjoyed a good Counsell to have kept that goodly kingdome in his perpetuall obedience For when a people hath been tyrannized by an usurper and that he comes to recover his naturall prince which deales with them like a good prince there is nothing to induce the people to denie him obeisance or to revolt Because on the one side they acknowledge that after God and reason they ought to obey him which is the true and lawfull prince unto whom alwayes there is more amitie borne than unto another and on the other side they see themselves discharged and unburdened of that heavie waight of tyrannie and of an usurper But what came there unto king Charles Thus having conquered that kingdome hee gave all the estates and offices of the country unto Frenchmen which he had with him in that voyage whereof the gentlemen of the countrey and especially such as had alwaies either secretly or openly held to the part of the house of Anjou were so discontented and spighted that they straight cast off all amitie good affection to the king and incontinent entred into practises and complots to make all the countrey to revolt which they straight did and so made void that voyage and for nothing the king lost both his people and his money who assuredly might have well kept the kingdome of Naples if he had given the offices thereof to them of the countrey and sought meanes to have maintained them in voluntarie obedience By the aforesaid example it appeares That the Frenchmen gained nothing by getting into their hands all the offices and estates of the kingdome of Naples yet gained they much lesse in the fact I come now to speake of seeking to take away the honour of the warre from the Spaniards in Spaine at the battaile of Iuberoth You Froiss lib. 3. cap. 12 31 14 15 16. must then understand that the king Iohn of Castile being an allie with the king of Fraunce demaunded succours of him and aid to make warre against king Denis of Portingale The king of Fraunce sent him gallant succours as well of footmen as horsemen Our Frenchmen arriving there were very well entertained of king Iohn of Castile our French desired the point of the battaile to shew both what they could doe in warre as also their good affection to doe him service The Castilians contradicted this beeing greeved and envious against the French that so vaunted preferred themselves before them Notwithstanding all that the Spaniards could doe the king graunted them their request where of they were very glad and the Castilians as sad What did the Castilians Vpon despight and envie they complotted together to suffer the French to pursue the enemie without following or seconding them but onely to make a shew that they would follow them to the end that all the glorie might remaine to the French if they vanquished or all to them if after the overthrowing of the French they were victors Vpon which resolution it is well to note how envie and hatred blindeth judgement For if they had not been very passionate they might well judge That forces devided might easily be vanquished one after another as it happened to their ruine and dishonour and to the ruine of the French but being joyned together they might much sooner have beene victorious Finally the battaile was given against the Portugals which were valiantly encountred by the French but beeing unseconded by the Castilians which held the arreregard they were found the more feeble insomuch that they were all slaine or taken And which was a thing very lamentable Of those there were a thousand gentlemen taken prisoners amongst which there were nineteene great lords all which also were thus slaine For as the Portugals a while after the defeating of the avantgard of the French perceived to arrive the arreregard of the Castilians they resolved to slay their prisoners and did so lest they either should make warre upon them behind or els escape So having slaine all their said prisoners they marched valiantly against the Castilians whom they likewise discomfited If we Frenchmen had not been so ambitious and covetous of glorie as to seeke glorie in a strangers countrey above them of that countrey they had not falne into this mischeefe Ochozias king of Iuda was son of Athalia a woman stranger daughter of a king 2. Kings cap. 10. 2. Chron. cap. 22. of Samaria This king governed himselfe by Samaritans which were much hated of the people of Iuda unto whom he gave the principall charges and offices of his kingdome at the persuasion of his mother a Samaritane also despising and casting behind the wisest and most vertuous of his kingdom by which he should haue beene governed after the example of his predecessors This was the cause of that kings destruction for as Iehu was in destroying the house of Achab brother of Athalia he slue also Ochozias and extermined almost all his race as a partner and friend which maintained Achab. If Ochozias had governed himselfe rather by people of his owne kingdome than
not be corrupt and become cowards by too great peace and prosperitie for want upon whom to make warre The resolution of the Senat was in a meane betwixt these two opinions For it was ordained That the Carthaginians should be permitted to remove their towne into any other part tenne mile from the sea But the Carthaginians found so strange the removing of their towne that they had rather suffer all extreame things insomuch as by long warre they were wholly vanquished and their towne altogether rased and made inhabitable Very memorable also to this purpose is the advice of the Chancellor de Rochefort Annales upon the year 1488. who was in the time of king Charles the eight For many counselling this yong king to make war against Francis duke of Bretaigne to lay hold of his dutchie this good Chancellor shewed That the rights the king pretended to that duke were not yet well verified and that it were good to seeke further into them before warre was attempted for it should be the worke of a tyrant to usurpe countries which belong not to him According to this advice embassadors were sent to the duke who then was at Reves to send on his side men of counsell and the king would doe so on his side to resolve upon both their rights This was done and men assembled to that end but in the meane while duke Francis died and the king espoused Madame Anne his daughter and heire and so the controversie ended The same king enterprising his voyage of Naples caused to assemble all his presidents Annal. upon Anno 149â— of his courts of Parliaments with his Chancellor his privie Counsell and the princes of his blood to resolve upon his title and right to Naples and Sicilie These lords being assembled visited the genealogie and discent of the kings of Sicilie and Naples they found that the king was the right heire of these kingdomes so that upon that resolution this voyage was enterprised Hereby is seene the vanitie of Machiavell who presupposeth That king Charles had enterprised that voiage to get all Italie but that Fortune was not favourable unto him for that was never his deseigne nor purpose neither assayed he to seize upon any thing in Italie but of certaine townes necessarie for his passage in determination to yeeld them up again at his departure as he did And if the king would have enterprised upon Italie hee had had a farre more apparent title than the magnificent Lawrence de Medicis seeing all Italie was once by just title possessed by Charlemaine king of France his predecessor But this hath been alwayes a propertie in our kings not to run over others grounds nor to appropriate to themselves any seignorie which appertained not unto them by just title We reade also of Charles the fift called the Sage That being incited by his nobilitie Frois lib. 1. cap. 245. 25. and people of Guienne to seize againe that countrey which was occupied by the English he would not enterprise it without great good deliberation of good Counsell And therefore he caused well to be viewed by wise and experienced people the treatie of peace made at Bretaigne betwixt his dead father and the king of England for that it was told him that the king of England had not accomplished on his side that which he was bound to doe After they had as they thought well resolved him of this point yet he was not content to be satisfied himselfe but would that his subjects should be also well resolved thereof and especially such as were under the English obedience and to that purpose hee sent preachers covertly into such good townes as were occupied by the English insomuch that readily by the preachers inducements there were more than threescore townes and fortresses which revolted from the Englishmen and offered themselves unto the kings obeisance This then is a resolved point That a prince ought not to enterprise to obtaine a If by warre any can be constrained to be of any Religion countrey where hee hath no title under colour to deliver the inhabitants thereof from tyrannie But here may arise a question if it be lawfull for a prince to make war for religion and to constraine men to bee of his religion hereupon to take the thing by reason the resolution is very easie For seeing that all religion consisteth in an approbation of certaine points that concerne the service of God certaine it is that such an approbation dependeth upon the persuasion which is given to men thereof but the meanes to persuade a thing to any man is not to take weapons to bear him nor to menace him but to demonstrate unto him by good reasons and allegations which may induce him to a persuasion But he that will decide this question by examples of our auncestors he shall find divers to be for and against For to reade our French hystories in the lives of Clowis the first Charlemaine and some other kings of Fraunce it seemeth that their studie was altogether bent upon warre Annales upon Anno 718. against Paynims for nothing but to make them become Christians with hand-blowes and force of armes But what Christians That is when the Paynims were vanquished and that they could no more resist they were acquited upon condition to be baptized without other instruction And most commonly as soone as they could againe gather strength they returned to their Paynim religion And this is well shewed us by the hystorie of one Rabbod duke of Fricse who being upon the point to be baptized and his clothes off and having one foot in the font hee demanded of the archbishop of Sens which should have baptized him Whether there were more of his parents in hell or in paradice The archbishop aunswered him that the most must needs be in hell because his predecessors were never baptized Then the duke drawing his foot out of the water Well said he then I will goe to hell with my parents and friends and I will not be baptized to be seperated from them so he withdrew himselfe denying to be baptized Here I leave you to thinke if this man were well instructed in the Christian doctrine It seemeth that at that day to be a Christian it sufficed to be baptized and commonly Paynims were baptized by force of armes We reade also That our auncient kings of Fraunce made many voyages into Turkie and into Affrica for the augmentation of the Christian Religion and to revenge as they said the death of our Lord Iesus Christ upon the Paynims and Infidels But one time the Paynims themselves shewed them well that they enterprised such warres by an inconsiderate zeale For the armie of Fraunce whereof the duke of Bourbon was cheefe being in Affrica making warre against the Infidels in the time of king Charles the sixt the captaine generall of the Turkes and Saracens sent an herauld to the duke of Bourbon to know wherefore he discended into Affrica to
make warre upon them The duke of Bourbon assembled the greatest lords of the armie to resolve what answer to make to the herauld After by the advice of all it was answered That they Christians made warre upon them to revenge the death of Christ the sonne of God and a true Prophet which their generation had put to death and crucified The Turkes understanding this answere sent againe to the duke of Bourbon and the lords of France that they had by some received evill information upon that matter for they were the Iewes which crucified Iesus Christ and not their predecessors and if the children must needs suffer for their auncestors faults they should then take the Iewes which were then amongst them and upon them revenge the death of their Iesus Christ Our Frenchmen knew not what to answere hereunto yet they continued the warre where was done no notable exploit but by contagion of the aire they were constrained to returne after they had lost the most part of their armie Likewise in the yeare 1453 the Pope having proclaimed a Croisado in Christendome to run over Turkie to avenge the death of our Lord Iesus Christ and to constraine the Turkes to be christened the Turke writ letters unto him wherein he signified that they were the Iewes which crucified Christ And as for him hee descended not of the Iewes but of the Trojans blood whereof hee understood the Italians were likewise descended And that their dutie were rather both one of us and the other to restore rather the great Troy and to revenge the death of Hector their auncestor against the Grecians than to make warre one upon another as for his part he was readie to doe having alreadie subjugated the most part of Greece And that he beleeved that Iesus Christ was a great Prophet but that he never commanded as he was given to understand that men should beleeve in his law by force and by armes as also on his part he so constrained no man to beleeve in the law of Mahomet Behold the substance of the Turkes letter to the Pope which seemed to bee as wel yea better founded upon reasons than the Popes buls For verily Iesus Christ would that by preaching his law should be received into the world and not by force of armes In the time when Christendome was devided into Clementines and Vrbanists by reason of a schisme of Popes we may well presuppose that the one thought the Froisar lib. 2 cap. 132. 133 lib. 3. cap 24. other to be altogether out of the way of salvation and our hystorians say That the one part called the other dogs miscreants infidels c. Their reason was because they said that as there was but one God in heaven so there ought to bee but one on earth and the aforesaid Clementines held assuredly That Pope Clement was the true god on earth and Pope Vrbane the false god and that the Vrbanists beleeved in a false god and by consequent that they all strayed from the faith For as no religion can stand without beleeving in God so esteemed they that they which beleeved not in the true earthly god were altogether without all religion as dogs miscreants our hystoriographers which held that opinion as well as the other said That from that time the faith was shaken and readie to fall to the ground The same opinion had the Vrbanists of the Clementines as the Clementines had of the Vrbanists We have before in another place said That under colour of this diversitie in religion the king of England who was an Vrbanist enterprised to make warre upon the kings of France and Castile Clementines Likewise also the Clementines enterprised no lesse against the Vrbanists yea against the Pope Vrbane himselfe whom they besieged in the towne of Peronse where he was in great danger to have been taken yet in the end he saved himselfe at Rome The king of Fraunce determined to have passed into Italie by warre to have destroyed the Vrbanists but in the end he tooke another resolution which was to cause the schisme to cease so he caused to convocate a great and notable assembly in the towne of Rhemes in Campaigne whither in person resorted the emperour Sigismund and there a conclusion was made to exhort the two Popes to submit themselves to the new election of a Pope wherein their right should bee conserved unto them and if they would not submit themselves thereunto that the Christian princes and their subjects should withdraw themselves from the obedience both of the one and the other After this subtraction was made because the said Popes would not obey the exhortation that was made there was a new election of a Pope in a Counsell held at Pise by the emperors and the kings authorities called Pope Alexander the fift a Frier minor and the other two Antipopes were cursed as is said in another place And thus ceased the warres for Religion in all Christendome To this purpose also you must know That during the said schisme of the Clementines Froisar lib. 4 cap. 33. and Vrbanists the duke of Bretaigne had peace with the king of Fraunce and a great assembly was made betwixt them in the towne of Tours The duke appearing there some of the kings Counsell shewed him that hee was disobedient to the king being of another religion than the king was for the king was a Clementine and the duke an Vrbanist and it was not meet that the vassale should be of another religion than his soveraigne lord The abovesaid duke aunswered wisely That it could not bee called a rebellion or disobedience for no man ought to judge of his conscience but only God who is the soveraigne and only judge of such a matter and that he beleeved in Pope Vrban because his election was before Pope Clements Some of the kings Counsell of the meanest sort made a great matter of this diversitie of religion but the dukes of Berry and Bourgoigne the kings uncles were opinioned that it was not a sufficient point to stand upon to put by an accord with the duke of Bretaigne insomuch that following their advice an accord was concluded yea a mariage of one of the kings daughters with the said duke of Bretaigne This example and advice of these two good dukes mee thinkes all Christian princes should follow and not cease to agree together for diversitie of Religion but to remit the judgement thereof unto God who alone can compound and agree the differences of the same And not onely amongst princes the bond of amitie ought not to bee broken for difference of Religion but also princes ought not to use armes against their subjects to force them unto a Religion but they ought to assay all other meanes to demonstrate unto them by lively reasons their errors and so bring them to a good way and if it appeare not that their subjects doe erre and stray they ought to maintaine them and not persecute them at the
his sepulcher and another Amphitheater at Rome and many other goodly houses and publike buildings most sumptuous to behold he also caused to bee repaired bridges gates waies to furnish many townes with store of money as well to make new buildings in them as to renew the old heerein imitating the example of the emperour Trajan his predecessor who immortalized his name by his publike works and buildings which hee made even in building new townes and ioyning rivers one to another or to the sea by great and deepe channels to aide and make easie the commerce of all countries also in drying up great fennes and marrishes and in laying plaine rocks and mountaines to make fit waies for travailers and in doing other notable workes Such actions as these are meet workes for peaceable times and are honourable and proper to immortalize the name of a prince as to make warre to have victories and triumphs We see that the restauration of good letters which king Francis the first of that name of happie memorie brought into France in his time did more celebrate and make it immortall in the memorie of all Christian nations than all the great warres and victories which his predecessors had And truly princes which love and advance letters doe well merit that learned people should send their honourable memorie to all posterity and such as dispise them and hold them under feete are not worthie that hystoriographers and men of learning should bring their woords and victories into honour and reputation much lesse to immortalize them in the memorie of men For as lawyers say that they ought not to enjoy the benefite of lawes which offend and despise them so the prince which makes no account of learning ought not to enjoy the benefit thereof which is to make immortall generous and vertuous men But if we make comparison of the magnificence and Estate that a prince should Froisar lib. 7 cap. 353. 4. hold in the time of peace and prosperitie with that he should hold during war and povertie there is such difference as betwixt the day and the night for proofe hereof I will alledge but the time of Philip de Valois For wee reade that in that time which was a time of long peace that king had almost ordinarie in his court foure or five kings wich resided with him in regard of his magnificence as the king of Boheme the king of Scotland the king of Arragon the king of Navarre the king of Maiorque many great dukes counties barons prelates the greatest part of whose charges hee defraied that it might appeare that the king of Fraunce was a king of kings It is certaine to maintaine this magnificall and great Estate there must needs follow exceeding great expences but hee might well doe it for his people being ritch and full of peace they had better meanes to furnish and provide for him a crowne than in the time of warre to give him a three halfe pence At that time a king of England passed into France to doe homage unto king Philip for the dutchie of Guienne which the English had long time held of the crowne of France when the English king saw the traine of the court of France hee was ravished in admiration to see so many kings dukes counties barons princes peeres of France constable admirall chancelor marshall and many other great lords which reputed themselves happie to obtaine the good grace of king Philip. This moved the king of England far more easily and in other meanes to doe his homage than he thought to have done and at his returne into England he said on high That he supposed there was neither king nor emperor in the world that held so magnificent and triumphant an Estate as the king of France did Should not we desire to see such a time againe but we are farre from it and take no course thereunto for civile warres cannot bring us unto it but onely a good and holy peace well and inviolably observed by a good reformation of justice and of all estates which was corrupted in France For without it the people can never prosper but shall alwaies bee gnawne and eaten even to the bones and the people beeing poore the king cannot be ritch no neither his nobilitie nor clergie for all the kings revenewes all tallages all the nobilities and clergies rents proceede from the poore people By this which wee have above handled this Maxime of warre is sufficiently understoode I will add no more therunto but that Machiavell shewes himselfe a man of very good grace when he saith That the Italians are a people of nimble light spirits and bodies for hee cannot more properly note them of inconstancie and infidelitie and when afterward he saith That willingly they never go to battails he can not they any better taxe them of cowardise and pusillanimitie but the reason wherby he would seeme to couer this fault is more to be accounted of than the rest For saith he this proceedeth of the little heart cowardise of the captaines as if he said That all Italian captaines are faint hearted cowards which rather discourage than add heart unto their souldiers to fight And heerein I beleeve he saieth truth for so many Italian captaines as wee have seene in France this fifteene yeeres there hath not been one found that hath done any one memorable exploit they can indeede make many vaine and brave shewes and in many subtile stratagems there are found no better warriors but in battailes and assaultes of townes they never by their wills will come as their owne Machiavell beareth them witnesse 2. Maxime To cause a Prince to withdraw his mind altogether from peace and agreement with his adversarie he must commit and use some notable and outragious iniurie against him BEcause sayth Machiavell men are naturally vindicative and desirous Discourse lib. 3. cap. 32. to take vengeance of such as offend them it consequently fals out that they vvhich have outraged or iniured any but especially if the iniurie be great they can never trust him they have so iniured For every man feares and distrusteth his reconciled enemie And therefore to find meanes that a prince may never set his heart and mind upon peace nor reconcile himselfe to any adversarie hee must be persuaded to practise some outragious act upon his said adversarie So by that meanes he will never trust him nor be reconciled with him BEhold heere the very counsell that Achitophel gave to Absalon to make him irreconcilable with David his father and to place a division Samuel lib. 2. cap. 26. and perdurable confusion in all his kingdome For hee advised Absalon to cohabitate and dwell even with his father Davids wives which was the greatest and most villanous injurie that he could have done unto him and to this end he did it that Absalon and all they which followed him might bee utterlie out of hope to make peace with David and by that meanes
But if any demand how diviners and astrologers could so justly foretell the death of the emperour Domitian I answere that we must beleeve that this said prediction was not by art or science but the evill spirit would give boldnesse of enterprising unto Domitians enemies in making them know by frivolous divinations his fatall houre that they might beleeve the starres and heaven to aid their enterprise And God above who serves himselfe with such meanes as pleaseth him to exercise his justice gives efficacie to the spirit of error The same effect came of the divination of Caracalla for it was the cause that Macrinus enterprised to sley him although he never before thought of it till the astrologers declared their divination nay he would never have done that enterprise if that divination had not constrained and drawne him unto it Master Philip de Comines reciteth to this purpose a very memorable hystorie that happened in his time He saith there was at Naples a king called Alphonsus a bastard of the house of Arragon who was marvellous cruell a traitour and dangerous for none could know when he was angry he could so well manage his countenance yea and often betray men as he made them good cheare and he was a man wherein there was neither grace nor mercie neither had hee any compassion of the poore people This king Alphonsus had a sonne also as wicked as he called Ferrand who had found means to bring before him under his fathers assurance many princes and barons of the countrey to the number of foure and twentie and amongst them the prince de Rosane his brother in law having married his sister all which hee caused to be imprisoned notwithstanding the faith and assurance which he had given them insomuch as some remained foure or five and twentie yeares prisoners As soone as the king Alphonsus was dead and Ferrand his sonne was king the first thing hee did at his comming to the crowne was to massacre all those said great princes and barons which he himselfe had imprisoned during his fathers life by a Moorean slave of Affrica which he rewarded and straight after the execution sent him into his countrey This king Ferrand or Ferdinand having newes of the said murder as the king of Fraunce Charles the eight enterprised the conquest of Naples judging himselfe unworthie to be king because of his great and abhominable cruelties sent embassadors to the king to agree and to be at an accord with him offering to yeeld himselfe tributarie to the crowne of Fraunce to hold the kingdome of Naples of him and to pay him 50000 crownes yearely But the king who knew there was no fidelitie in the Arragonian race of Naples would enter into no treatie with the king Ferdinand who being in dispaire to be ever able to hold that kingdome against the king of Fraunce having his owne subjects his enemies died for sorrow and dispaire and left his sonne Alphonsus his successor This Alphonsus the new king was as wicked as his father and had alwayes shewed himselfe pittilesse and cruell without faith without religion and without all humanitie insomuch as perceiving that king Charles approched Rome his conscience also judging himselfe to be an unworthy king he resolved to flie into Spain and to professe himselfe a monke in some monasterie But before hee fled hee caused to be crowned king at Naples a young sonne of his called Ferdinand who was not yet hated in the countrey his nailes beeing not yet either strong or long ynough to doe evill This done hee fled into Sicilie and from thence to Valence in Spaine where he tooke the habite of a monke and in a little time after died of an excoriation of gravell But it was marvellous that this cruel tyrant should be so seized of feare as he should go in no good order away but left all his moveable goods and almost all his gold and silver in his castle at Naples And this feare proceeded to him from a faintnesse of heart for as Comines saith never cruell man was hardie And when one desired him onely to stay three dayes to packe up his goods No no said he let us quickly depart from hence heare you not all the world crie Fraunce Fraunce Men may see how an evill conscience leaves a man never in quiet This wicked man knowing that by his crueltie hee had procured the hatred of his subjects the wrath of God and the enmitie of all the world was tormented in his conscience as of an infernall furie which ever after fretted his languishing soule in the poore infected and wasted bodie And to end this tragoedie straight after he had saved himselfe the king of Fraunce obtained the kingdome of Naples And a little while after the said young Ferdinand sonne of the said Alphonsus died of a feaver and a flux So that within the space of two yeares God did justice on foure kings of Naples two Alfonses and two Ferdinands because of their strange cruelties which were accompained with disloyall impietie and oppression of subjects for alwaies those keepe company together A like punishment happened by the conduction and judgement of God to that Comines lib. 1 cap. 132. 133. and Bellay lib. 1. of his memories cruell king Richard of England king Edward the fourth his brother This king Edward deceasing left two sonnes and two daughters all yong and in the tutelage and goverment of Richard duke of Glocester his brother This duke desiring for himselfe the crowne of England caused his two nephewes cruelly to be slaine and made a report to goe that by chance they fell of a bridge and so were slaine His two nieces he put into a religion of Nunnes saying they were bastards because saith hee the dead king Edvard their father could not lawfullie espouse their mother for that before hee had promised to espouse a gentlewoman which hee named and the bishop of Bath beeing present protested it was so and the promises of marriage were made betwixt his hands The duke of Glocester having thus dispatched both his nephewes and nieces caused himselfe to be crowned king of England and because many great lords of England murmured at this crueltie this new tyrant king which named himselfe king Richard the third made to die of sundrie deaths all such as hee knew had murmured against him or his tyrannie After all this when hee thought hee had a sure estate in the kingdome it was not long before God raised him up for enemie the earle of Richmond of the house of Lancaster who was but a pettie lord in power without silver and without force who but a little before was detained prisoner in Bretaigne To whom certaine lords of England sent secretly that if he could come into England but with two or three thousand men all the people would come to him make him king of England The earle of Richmond hasted to king Charles the eight then raigning in France by whose permission hee levied people in
Normandie to the number of about 3000 men after hee embarked with the troupe and tooke his course to Dover wher king Richard attended him with 4000 men but God conducted that busines sending a contrary wind which landed the said earle in the northern parts of England where without all interruption landing they which sent for him met him by consent marched toward London King Richard met him on the way with 40000 or 50000 as they came nigh one another to give battaile the most part of king Richards people turned to the earle of Richmonds side Yet that king who despaired otherwise to bee maintained in his estate than by a victory upon his enemie gave battaile to the earle and was slaine fighting after hee had raigned about a yeere And the earle of Richmond went right to London with his victory and the slaying of that tirant Then tooke he out of the monastery king Edwards two daughters whereof hee espoused the elder and was straight made king of England called Henry the seaventh grandfather of the most ilustrious Queene Elizabeth at this present raigning Alfonsus king of Castile the 11 of that name who began his raigne Anno 1310 Frâ—isar lib. 1. cap. 230. 231 241. 242 243. raigned 40 yeeres left after him Peter Henry his bastard sons This king Peter was a prince very cruell inhumane amongst other cruelties he committed he caused to die Madame Blanche his wife daughter of duke Peter of Bourbon sister of the queene of France of the dutches of Sauoy He made also to die the mother of the said Henry his bastard brother also banished slew many lords barons of Castile Insomuch as by his crueltie hee acquired the hatred of all his subjects yea of strangers his neighbours so that his bastard brother being legitimated by the Pope at the earnest sute of the nobilitie of Castile and the help of the king of France Charles le Sage who sent him a good armie under the conduction of master Iohn of Bourbon countie of March of Messier Bertrand of Guesclin after constable of France hee enterprised to eject king Peter out of his kingdome of Castile and to make himselfe king and did according to his enterprise For as soone as hee was entred with forces into Castile all the countrie of all sorts abandoned that cruell king Peter who fled and retired to Bourdeaux towards the prince of Wales praying him to give him succours against his bastard brother This prince who was generous and magnanimous graunted his demaund under colour that the said Don Peter was a little of his parentage but in truth moved with desire of glorie and to acquire the reputation to have established a lawfull king in his kingdome against a bastard which the French had set in so did hee enterprise to goe inro Castile with a strong army to establish king Peter in his kingdome All succeeded so well unto him that hee got a battaile at Naverret against king Henry who fled into France and king Peter was established in his kingdome The prince of Wales exhorted him to pardon all such as before had borne armes against him and from thence forward to become gentle and kind towards all his subjects which hee faithfully promised to bee But hee did no such thing but againe exercised his cruelties and vengeances as well upon the one as the other In the meane while Henry the bastard gathered a new army with the help of the king of France which was conducted by the said Messier Bertrand of Guesclin and unlooked for they gave an assault nigh unto Montiell in Castile to king Peter and put him to flight with a great overthrow of his people King Peter saved himselfe in a castle which was incontinent besieged and seeing himselfe evill provided within it hee by stealth sought to save himselfe with a few people but he was encountred by the said Henry his bastard brother who slew him with his owne hand By which meanes the said Henry with his race remained peaceable kings in the kingdome of Castile and king Peter finished his life unhappie by reason of his great cruelty whereof hee could never be chastised By the abovesaid examples it seemes unto mee That a prince may easely judge if hee be of any judgement how pernitious and damnable the doctrine of Machiavell is to enstruct a prince to bee cruell for it is impossible that a cruell prince should long raigne but we ordinarily see that the vengeance of God yea by violent meanes followeth pace by pace crueltie Machiavell for confirmation of his doctrine alledgeth the example of the emperour Severus who indeede was a man very cruell and sanguinarie yet raigned eighteene yeeres or there abouts and dyed in his bed But unto this I answere that the cruelties of Severus seeme to bee something excusable because that he had for competitors in the empire Albinus and Niger two of greater nobilitie than hee and which had more friends Insomuch as it seemed necessarie for him to weaken the two competitors and to withstand their friends from hurting him to use that crueltie to kill them Yet hee pardoned many Albinians and reconciled himselfe unto them moreover hee exercised part of his cruelties in the revenge of the good emperour Pertinax which was a lawfull cause yet withall had he in himselfe many goodly and laudable vertues as wee have in other places rehearsed so that as his crueltie made him much hated his other vertues wrought some mitigation thereof Lastly hee made no other end than other cruell princes for hee dyed with sorrow as saith Herodian who was in his time for that hee saw his children Dion in Seve Herod lib. 3. such mortall enemies one against another and that Bassianus the eldest had enterprised to kill his father who yet did pardon him But Bassianus pardoned not his fathers phisitions which would nor obey him when hee commanded them to poison his sicke father for as soone as his father was dead hee hanged and strangled them all Heerein also God punished the crueltie of Severus that having exercised all these cruelties and slaughters well to establish the empire in his house hee was frustrated of his intention For of those two sonnes Bassianus and Geta one slew the other and Bassianus after he had slaine Geta endured not long but was slaine by Macrinus and left behind him no children Therefore although it seemed that God spared to punish Severus crueltie for his other good vertues yet remained not hee unpunished for seeing his sonne who had learned of him to bee cruell durst enterprise to slay him hee dyed of griefe and sorrow And wee neede not doubt but his conscience assaulted him greatly for he might well thinke that it was a just divine vengeance to see himselfe so cruelly assaulted by his owne blood and to see machinated against himselfe by his owne sonne the like crueltie which hee exercised against others yet he dissembled this pardoned
On the other side Artabanus prepared himselfe and his retinue in as good order as was possible without any armie to goe meet his new sonne in law What did this perfidious Caracalla As soone as the two parties were joyned and that king Artabanus came nigh him to saluâ—e and embrace him he commanded his souldiers earnestly to charge upon the Parthians Then straight the Romanes embraced and entertained the unarmed Parthians with great blowes of swords and other armes as enemies and as if there had been an assigned battaile in so much as there was a great slaughter made of the Parthians but the king Artabanus with the help of a good horse escaped with great difficultie and danger So that this simuled and disguised marriage although pleasant to Caracalla and his friends yet were they sorrowfull to many poore Parthians Artabanus beeing saved determined well to revenge himselfe of that villanie and trecherie but Macrinus releeved him of that paine who within a little time after slew that monster Caracalla who was already descryed through all the world because of his perfidie Besides that perfidie and violation of Faith is the cause that none wil beleeve nor Perfidie is the cause of the ruine of the perfidous trust them which once have used it yet proceeds there another upon it which is That breach of Faith is ordinarily cause of the totall destruction ruine of the perfidious and disloyall person The example above alleadged of Anniball may well serve to prove it for his trecherie was first a cause that none would trust him secondly it was the cause that another perfidious person seeing him without friends or meanes enterprised to play another part of perfidie which forced him to poyson himselfe We have also in another place before recited the example of Virius and other Capuans to the number of seven and twentie which desperately slew themselves because they had broken their Faith with the Romanes But amongst other examples that of king Syphax of Numidia is most illustrious and memorable This king promised Scipio that he would aid and give him succours against the Carthaginians The Carthaginians knowing this found meanes to lay a bait for this king by Titus Livius lib. 9. 10. Dec. 3. a faire Carthaginian damosell called Sophonisba one of a great house who by her enticements so drew him into her nets that she caused him to breake his Faith with Scipio and made an alliance and confederation with the Carthaginians by the marriage of Sophonisba whereby they accorded that they would have alike friends and enemies Scipio beeing hereof advertised was much both astonished and greeved yet hee thought it good resolution not to attend whilest the two powers of king Syphax and of the Carthaginians were joined together Hee then so hasted that hee placed his armie before king Syphax who was going with thirtie thousand for the helpe of the Carthaginians and overcame all those succours insomuch as Syphax himselfe was taken prisoner his horse having been slaine under him was brought alive to Scipio who demaunded of him wherefore he had broken his Faith with the Romancs which he had so solemnely sworne betwixt his hands This poore captive king confessed that an enraged follie had drawne him unto it by the meanes of the Carthaginians which gave him that pestilent furie Sophonisba who by her flatteries and enticements had bereaved him of his understanding After this miserable king was in a triumph by Scipio led to Rome died miserably his kingdome brought under the obedience of the Romanes which gave a good part of it to Massinissa another king of Numidia who had ever been loyall and faithfull unto them in the observation of their Faith So that Syphax lost himself and his kingdome by his perfidie and breach of Faith and Massinissa acquired great reputation and honour and greatly amplified and enlarged his kingdome for rightly observing his Faith and loyaltie Charles the simple king of Fraunce in his time made strong warre upon Robert Annal. upon the year 916. duke of Aquitaine and vanquished him in a battaile nigh Soissons where duke Robert was slaine Heber countie de Vermandois brother in law of that Robert was so greeved and displeased at that overthrow that he enterprised a part of perfidie and villanie to catch the king his soveraigne lord therefore with a countenance of amitie he invited the king to a great feast in the town of Perone whither the king came with many other great princes and lords but the said countie caused them all to be taken prisoners and shut them within the castle of Perone Afterward hee enlarged all the said princes and lords upon condition of their promises never to bear armes against him but still retained the king prisoner in the said castle where he died within two yeares after Lewis the third of that name his sonne succeeded him in the crowne who at his first entry revenged not the death of his father upon countie Heber fearing some insurrection in his kingdome because of his great kindred and friends yet at the last he also made a great and solemne feast unto which he entreated the great lords and barons of his kingdome and even countie Heber and his friends and kinsfolkes As they were all assembled at that feast behold there arrived out of England a currier a thing fained by king Lewis who booted and spurred fell upon his knees before the king and presented letters unto him on the king of Englands part The king tooke those letters and caused them to be read low by his Chancellor the rather to deceive As soone as he had read them the king began to smile and say on high to the companie Truly men say true that the English are not wise My cousin of England sends me word that in his countrey a rusticall clownish man had summoned his lord whose subject hee is to a dinner at his house and as soone as he came there he tooke and detained him prisoner and after strangled him and villanously caused him to die Therfore he sends me word to have the opion of the princes barons and lords of Fraunce to know what justice should bee done upon that subject I must make him an answere and therefore my masters I pray you tell me your advices What thinke you said he to the countie de Blois the most auncient to this matter my good cousin The countie de Blois answered that his opinion was That the said rusticall fellow should die ignominiously and that according to his desert All the other princes and lords were of the same opinion yea even Heber countie de Vermandois Then tooke the king the word and said Countie de Vermandois I judge thee and condemne thee to death by thine owne word for thou knowest that in the shew of friendship and under the shaddow of a feast in thy house thou diddest invite my dead father and being come thou retainedst him and brought him most
villanously to his death therefore by thine owne confession thou doest merit a most ignominious death Straight after the king commaunded that he should be hanged and strangled which was done So this perfidious and disloyall Heber received the reward of his perfidie and breach of Faith as hee himselfe judged to have merited Edward king of England the second of that name was much governed by the Frois lib. 1. cap. 5. 13 14. house of the Spensers which took upon them the handling of all the affaires of the kingdome and despised farre greater lords than themselves The said king having lost a battaile at Esturmelin against the Scots all England imputed the evill lucke of that losse unto the evill government of the Spensers They beleeving that the great lords of England which envied their credit had caused this brute to bee sowne resolved to take vengeance thereof by a most perfidious disloiall meanes For they persuaded the king to convocate a generall assemblie of States to advise and provide as they gave to understand for the affaires of the kingdome The princes and lords of the kingdome not doubting any thing assembled at the kings commaund But incontinent as they were assembled king Edward whome the Spensers had persuaded that his princes and lords meant to get his kingdome from him commanded them to be taken arrested prisoners which was done and without any knowledge of cause he cut off the heads from two and twentie of the greatest lords and princes of the kingdome and amongst them there was beheaded Thomas duke of Lancaster the kings uncle who was a good and a sage prince and who after was cannonized and saincted This perfidie joyned with crueltie for commonly the one goeth with the other was the cause that the said king was deprived by all the States of England of his royaltie as unworthie to carrie the crowne and was confined to prison where he finished his daies And the Spensers authors of such disloialtie were executed and rigorously punished according to their merits For after they had ben drawne on hurdles through the streets all over the citie of Herford their privie parts were first cut away and cast into the fire then were their hearts taken out of their bellies and also cast into the fire after their heads were cut off and carried to London and the bodies of every of them were quartered and every quarter caried into other severall towns to be set on the tops of their great gates in detestation of their great perfidie and disloyaltie which they used towards the said lords It was also a great perfidie in Charles the last duke of Bourgoigne in that hee De Comines lib. 1. cap. 78. and Annal. 1475. gave safe conduct to the contie of S. Pol constable of France to come to him with good assurance and then tooke him prisoner and delivered him to king Lewis the seventh who making his processe at Paris his head was cut off in the place de Greve True it is that the said countie had committed great faults as well against the king as against the duke hee had also alwaies studied to nourish warre betwixt the said two princes yet notwithstanding it was a very dishonorable and infamous thing for the duke to take him prisoner after hee had given him his faith and assurance by the safe conduct which hee graunted him For if hee had not beene hee had according to his determination with his silver fled into Almaigne from thence in time he might have made his peace and againe have come into the kings favour But he was deceived as before and the said perfidie was so much the more infamous and dishonest because it was perpetrated by this duke of Bourgoigne for the covetousnesse to gaine the townes of S. Quinten Han and Bohain which belonged to the said countie which the king gave to the said duke to the end hee would deliver and betray him But behold the just judgement of God who permitted that this duke of Bourgoigne was in the end beaten with the same rods wherewith hee had beaten the countie of S. Pol for being twice overthrowne at Granson and Morat by the Suissers the siege of Nus succeeding evill unto him and also having lost the dutchie of Lorraine which before he had unjustly occupied upon the duke of Lorraine who conquered it all these traverses and troubles engendred such greefe sadnesse and confusion in his spirit and great indisposition in his person that hee was never after whole either in bodie or mind His wits thus comming into decay there came into his braine a distrust of his owne subjects and therefore thought good to serve himselfe with strangers and to chuse a loyall and faithfull nation he addressed himselfe to a countie de Campobache an Italian and gave him charge to bring with him many Italians to his service as hee did This was the last act of the Tragedie of his life For this countie de Campobache ceased not till he had betrayed him unto the duke of Lorraine before Nancy which the said duke of Bourgoigne held besieged and there was slaine in an assault which the duke of Lorraine gave him to constrain him to raise the siege And so in like sort as by perfidie and violating of his faith he had caused the constable of S. Pol to leese both life and goods so by the treason and perfidie of Campobache hee both lost his life and his house was ruinated and â—ent in pieces which was the greatest house in Christendome next unto that of Fraunce He should never have done that would set downe all the calamities mischiefes proceeding of perfidie and breach of publicke Faith It caused the ruine of Carthage the great in Affrica which for a long time was one of the greatest and most flourishing commonweales that ever was in the world It was the onely ruine of Corinth of Thebes of Calchis which were three of the greatest fairest and richest cities of Greece It was the cause of Ierusalems destruction and of all the countrey of Iudea yea breefely there never happened any great subversion and desolation in the world were it of citties commonweales kingdomes empires great captaines great monarchs or of strong and flourishing nations but it came upon perfidie and the breach of Faith True it is that it draweth at the taile with her crueltie avarice and other like companions but yet perfidie is the mistresse and governesse of all She breaketh peace she renueth civile and strange warres she troubleth people nations which are quiet she destroyeth and impoverisheth them she overthroweth right and equitie she prophaneth and defileth holy and sacred things she banisheth and chaseth away all pietie justice and the feare of God she bringeth in Atheisme and contempt of all religion she defaceth all amitie and naturall affection towards parents our countrey and nation she confoundeth all politicke order shee abrogateth good lawes and customes Finally what mischeefes hath there ever beene in the
unbrideled and undiscreet appetites but a good Prince cannot correct so many evill Counsellors which will feed their Prince with smoke and lies and will hide from him such things as he ought to know for the Commonweale This may yet be better shewed by the examples of many Princes which have ben Princes of little wisedome have beene well governed by good Counsâ—ll Capitol in Goâ—d Iun. of small wisedome and vertue and yet notwithstanding have well ruled the Commonwealth by the good and wise Counsell of prudent and loyall Counsellors wherwith they were served as did the Emperour Gordian the yong who was created Emperour at eleven yeares of age insomuch that many judged the Empire to be falne in to a childish kingdome and so into a weakenesse and a bad conduction But it proved otherwise for this young Emperour Gordian espoused the daughter of a wise man called Misitheus whom he made the high Steward of his houshold and governed himselfe by his Counsell in all his affaires so that the Romane Empire was well ruled so long as Misitheus lived Likewise Ioas king of Israel came to the Crowne a young child of the age onely 2. Kings 11. and 12. and 2. Chro. 23. of seven yeares but hee was governed by Ioiada his vncle a very wise man Insomuch that whilest that good Counsellor lived the kingdome was well and rightly administred Charles the sixt king of France was but thirteene yeares old when hee came to the Crowne was of small vnderstanding yet during his minoritie the kingdome was well and wisely governed by his three uncles the Dukes of Anjou of Berry and Bourgoigne There was nothing in their government to be spoken against but only that they were a little drawing unto themselves the kings treasure all other affaires were administred well and prudently Yet true it is that after the kings majoritie they yet entred into the government of the kingdome because of a phrensie that tooke the king which endured more than twentie years but then their government was corrupted by ambition covetousnesse a desire of vengeance envie yet as I said during the kings minoritie they did governe well The kings of France Clotharie the fourth of that name and Chilperic the second Annales of France vpon the year 716 the three following were both Princes of small vnderstanding and indeed had no wisdome to conduct the affaires of the realme but they had for a Counsellor and Conductor of their affaires that valiant Lord Charles Martell that during their reigne the realme was well ruled yea with many great and excellent victories In our time we know that the Emperour Charles the fift was left very young by his father and grandfather in such sort as during his minoritie hee could never have Du Bellay lib. 1. de se Memoires knowne how to governe his affaires which were great and in great trouble in many places His said father then foreseeing at his death that his sonne had need of a good overseer which were a good man ordained for that purpose to governe him and his affaires king Lewis the twelfth praying him to accept that charge knowing well the sinceritie and loyaltie of that good king which for nothing would wound his conscience as he did not althogh he might for therby he had offered him great occasions of enlarging his limits The king then loyally to acquit himselfe of that charge gave unto that young Prince for Governour a good man faithfull and of good understanding called the Lord de Chieures by the counsell of whom and of certaine other good Counsellors the affaires of that young Prince were much better managed even in that low age than ever they were in his fathers or grandfathers time This good government in that base age proceeding from good Counsell gave so great a fame and reputation unto that yong Prince that he was chosen Emperour at the age of 20 yeares The Emperour Domitian besides he was not wise he was wicked and exceeding cruell yet he during his raigne had so good hap to encounter and light upon such Suetonius in Domit. cap. 3. 4. 8. 10. Governors and Magistrates for the Provinces of his Empire being good and wise men that whilest he raigned the Romane Empire was well governed and there was none but certaine particular persons of Rome which felt the evill of his vices and crueltie Charles the eight king of Fraunce came to his Crowne at the age of thirteene yeares and was a very good Prince but of no great understanding nor wisedome Annales of France upoÌ„ the yeare 1484. yet the Estates that were assembled at Tours gave him a good Counsell which they did chuse of fit and capable persons by which Counsell the affaires of the kingdome were well governed during the kings minoritie although there fell out some emotions and stirres of some revolters I will not here repeat the example of the Emperour Alexander Severus who very young came to the Empire and under whom the affaires of the Commonwealth were well governed by the meanes of good Counsellors as is abovesaid I may also here adde many other examples of our kings of Fraunce which were not too spirituall and yet governed well by their good Counsell As also there were many Emperours of the Romane Empire some ignorant and brutish others voluptuous and effeminate others cruell and knowing nothing but to handle yron As were Philipus Licinius Dioclesianus Maximianus Carus Carinus Gallus Constantius Aurelianus Galienus Leon Macrinus Zeno Iustintanus and many others which yet made very good Lawes as wel for distributive justice as for the pollicie of the Empire as is seene by the Code of Iustinian which lawes wee must needs attribute to their wise and learned men which were their Counsellors for none of all them knew any thing or little except Macrinus how to make good Lawes Therfore I conclude this point against the Maxime of Machiavell That a Prince may wel governe wisely the Commonweale by the good counsell of good and faithfull Counsellors although he be evill provided of wisdome But here remaineth a difficultie which is not small How an unwise Prince may Of the election of good CouÌ„sellors and Magistrats provide good and loyall Counsellors seeing that Princes that are wise and well advised are therein often deceived And upon this point I confesse there is nothing harder nor of greater consequence to a Prince than to guide himselfe well in the election of such persons whereof he should compose his Counsell For there are great hypocrisies and dissimulations and one seemes to be a good man sincere and continent which shewes himselfe another man when meanes comes in his hand to corrupt vertue for to make his particular profit thereof And we see but too much by experience that the old Proverbe is true Honours change manners You may see how the most gracious and courteous in all the world the most affable and officious to every one that is
unto him then he constrained him whether he would or no to accept that Office He had also a good grace in the election of the Senators of the Senat for he chose not any without demanding the advise of them which were already in that estate and enquired of the maners knowledge and sufficiencie of him or them which were to be Senators And when it came to passe that any man by his opinion did bring any into an Office that was not in all points sufficient as it often commeth to passe that they that favor a man make his manners good and his knowledge greater than it is he thus punished them to bring them to the lowest roume of all their companie which was a covenable and meet punishment for he that by undue and unlawfull meanes will advaunce another meriteth well to bee put from the place himselfe We find in our hystories of France that our kings have sometimes imitated this manner of proceeding of the Emperour Alexander in his manner of election of Counsellors and Magistrates For by auncient ordinances which lately were fresh in the publicke Counsell of Estates of Orleance but since evill observed Offices ought to be conferred upon such as were named to the king by the other Officers and Magistrates and by the Consuls Presidents of Townes and Provinces which were to make true report of the life good manners and sufficiencie of such as they named As for the vent and selling of Offices it seemeth that it hath been long time tollerated in Fraunce For M. Philip de Comines in his Hystorie which hee writ of Comines li. 1. cap. 12. the life of king Lewis the eleventh saith That alreadie in the time of that king when he had warre against the lords of the Commonweale in the yeare 1464 the Perisians made a great trafficke and commerce of Offices whereof they are more desirous than any others of all the French nation For sayth he there are some which will give eight hundred skutes or crownes for an Office that hath no wages nor stipend belonging unto it and some will give for an Office that hath a stipend belonging unto it more than fifteene yeares the stipend comes to But it seemes unto me that de Comines toucheth not the white when he speakes of the cause why the Parisians are so desirous of Offices For the true cause seemeth to be for that by the customes of Paris a father cannot bestow upon one child more than upon another be they daughters or sonnes unlesse it be in Offices And that therefore the Parisians which desire to advantage any of his children above other as commonly the father which hath many children loves one more than another are as it were constrained to buy Offices And would to God that this custome were yet to invent and that the Parisians had free dispensation of their goods and that they had not brought in this villainous trafficke of Offices But a strange thing it is which Comines addeth That even in the time of king Lewis the eleventh the parliament of Paris maintained that such a commerce and trafficke was lawfull But he speakes not of what Offices the Court of Parliament tollerates that kind of trafficke It is not credible that at that time Offices of judgement were sold nor that the Court of Parliament approved such a commerce but rather that they were Offices of Fines Vshers Castle keepers Sergeants Notaries Offices of Waters and Forrests and such like whereof the sale was tollerable but not of Offices of Presidents Counsellors Bailiffes Stewards Lieutenants and other Offices of judgement For it is seene by Annales vpon An. 1499. our Annales that king Lewis the twelfth who was called the Father of the people to spare his people and to pay the debts of king Charles the eight his predecessor and to helpe other great affaires which he had on his Arme for the recoverment of the Duchie of Millaine he was the first king that began to sell Offices Royall excepting alwayes the Offices of judgement which he touched not This was a very good king and did this to a good end to comfort and help his poore people from tallages and borrowings Who considered that it was as much and more reasonable that hee should take silver for such Offices which were not of judgement as privat persons did upon whom they were freely bestowed unto whom it was lawfull as is said by a sufferance alreadie inveterate of the said Parliament to sell and trafficke them But since the fact of this good king hath been drawn into a consequence and an use yea the exception of Offices of judgement is cleane also taken away in such sort that now al Offices indifferently are venall yea to him that offereth most to the last penny And although we may say still it is to the same end namely to helpe the people yet it is evident that that end is not sought nor followed For by the contrarie the people is eaten up even to the bones by these buyers of Offices which will needs draw out of them the mony of that they bought And it seemeth according to the saying of the Emperor Alexander that they have reason for that which may be bought may be sold As for the manner of election of the said Emperour whereby he preferred to estates such as demaunded them not before such as sought them our kings have sometimes used that also as king Charles le Sage when he gave the Office of Constable to that generous and valiant Knight Bertrand de Guesclin For de Guesclin Froisart lib. 1. chap. 290. lib. 2. cap. 49. Annales vpon An. 1402. excused himselfe the most that hee could in the world from accepting that estate shewing him that he was a simple knight that the Office of Constable is so great that he that will acquite himselfe of that Office ought rather to commaund great men than them that were of low calling and that he durst not enterprise so much as to commaund the brethren cousins and nephewes of his Majestie But the king replied unto him M. Bertrand by this meanes excuse not your selfe for I have neither Brother Cousin Nephew Countie nor Barron in my kingdome which shall not obey you with a good heart and if any one doe otherwise I will cause him to know that it displeaseth me So that in the end de Guesclyn accepted the Office as constrained After the death of this valiant Constable king Charles the sixt sonne of the said Charles le Sage minding to give that Office to the Lord de Coucy who was a brave and wise knight and of a great house and had performed great services unto the Crowne of France but he refused it saying that he was not capable for an Office of so great a burthen and that M. Oliver de Clysson was more sufficient than he to exercise that Estate for he was valiant bold wise and wel beloved of the people of warre M. Oliver made the
called with these gracious names Subsidies Subventitions Aydes Grants not with these tearmes Tailles Imposts Tributes Impositions which were tearmes more hard and odious Examples appeare of the first cause when the generall Estates assembled at Paris after the death of king Charles le Sage to provide for the government as well of king Charles the sixt being under Annal. upon An 1380 and Fross li 2. cap. 58. 60. age as of the kingdome which government they gave unto three of the kings uncles namely to the Duke of Berry Languedoc to the Duke of Bourgoigne Picardie and Normandie and to the Duke de Aniou the remainder of all the realme and the rule of the young kings person was committed to the said Dukes of Berry and Bourgoigne So was there ordained during the said kings life another ordinance In like manner the generall Estates were held at Tours after the decease of king Lewis the eleventh to purvey for the government of king Charles the eighth under Annal. upon An. 148. and Coâ—â—n â—ib 1. ca. 109. age and of the kingdome And by the same Estates was established a Counsell of twelve persons good men and of good calling to dispatch the affaires of the kingdome yet in the kings name and under his authoritie And the rule of the young kings person was committed unto Madame de Beavien his sister When king Charles the sixt le bien aime was come to the age of one and twentie yeares his uncles were discharged from the government of the kingdome by the Froiss lib 1. cap. 134. lib. 4. cap. 44. advise and deliberation of the kings great Counsell But this good prince by an accident of sicknesse fell a certaine time after into a frenzie which sometimes bereaved him of his sences insomuch that the Estates assembled at Paris gave the government of the kingdome during the kings indisposition to his two uncles the dukes of Berrie and Burgoigne The yeare 1356. that king Iohn was taken prisoner nie Poictres at the journey of Annal. upon An. 1356 and Fross li. 1. cap. 170. 171. Maupertins with his sonne Philip after Duke of Burgoigne and that they were led into England there remained in France three of the said king Iohns children namely Charles Dauphin and duke of Normandie Lewis duke de Aniou and Iohn duke of Berrie There was a question about the providing for the government of the kingdome because of the kings captiuitie but none of them would enterprise the mannaging thereof of himselfe insomuch that the generall Estates were assembled at Paris whereby were elected thirtie six persons some say fiftie to governe the affaires of the kingdome with Monsieur le Dauphin who at the beginning called himselfe the Lieutenant of the king his father but afterward he named himselfe Regent The yeare 1409. during the raigne of Charles the sixt king of France were held Monstrelet lib. 1. ca. 59. the generall Estates at Paris for the reformation of abuses in the kingdome And there it was ordained that all accountants for the kings revenues and rents should make their accounts By the meanes of which reformation great summes of money were recovered upon the same accountants and there were also made some good lawes and ordinances In other conventions of Estates the money and coine hath been reformed from weake and light unto thicke and of good waight and goodnesse Also of late at the generall Estates held at Orleans were made manie goodly ordinances for the good and comfort of the poore people reformation of justice and for the cutting off of manie abuses which were committed in plaies at Cardes and Dise in superfluitie of apparell and in matter of benefices But commonly commeth such euill hap that all good things which are introducted and ordained vpon good reason and to a good end incontinent vanish away and wicked examples are alwaies drawne into consequence As for the last cause for which we haue said the generall Estates in old time were called namely for the graunt of Helps Subsidies ther are manie examples in our Histories As in the time of king Iohn wherein the Estates accorded great subventions Froiss lib. 1. cap. 155. Annal. upon An 1354 58. 59. or subsidies to make warre against the English men which then held a great part of the kingdome And after he was taken prisoner and led into England the said Estates agreed to give vnto Monsieur le Dauphin his soune great summes of money to pay for the said kings raunsome and for Philip his sonne being also a prisoner And well to be marked it is that our histories doe witnesse that all the people of France generally were meruailously anguished grieved with the prisonment captivitie which they saw their king suffer but especially the people of the countrey of Languedoc For the Estates of the said countrey ordained that if the king were not delivered within a yeare that every one both men and women should lay by all coloured garments such also as were jagged and cut and such as were enriched with gold silver or other strange and costly fashion Likewise to make cease all stage-plaies morrisdauncings piping yea and plaies pastimes and daunces in signe and token of their mourning and lamentation for their princes captivitie A thing whereby appeared the great and cordiall affection of this people towards their king As truely the Frenchmen have alwaies been of great love and affection towards their kings unlesse they were altogither tyrants But to make an end of this point Certaine it is that before king Charles the seventh called le Victorieux no Subsidies were imposed without assembling the generall Estates And that our kings used thus to do was not because they had power by an absolute authoritie to impose tallages and subsidies without calling the Estates but it is to the end they may be better obeyed with a voluntarie and unconstrained obedience and to shunne all uprores and rebellions which often happen upon that occasion And truly the French people have alwaies been so good and obedient unto their kings that they never refused him any thing if there were but any appearance of reason to demand it Yea often the Estates have granted their king more than he would demand or durst looke for as is seene by that which our histories write of the Estates held for Subsidies But because Aydes and Subsidies were customably granted for the making of De Com. lib. 5. cap. 18. warres M. Philip de Comin saith That kings should also communicat and consult with their Estates whether the causes of such warres be just and reasonable and that the Prince cannot nor ought not otherwise to enterprise a warre For it is reason that they which defray the charges and expenses should know something But yet he passeth further and saith There is no Prince in the world which hath power to lay one pennie upon his subjects without their grant and consent unlesse he will use tyrannie and
realm as the princes of the blood and the kings Counsell is to say nothing because it may so come to passe that the princes themselves be under age or prisoners or captives or witlesse or suspected or dead or otherwise uncapable as also it may come to passe that the kings Counsell shall be dead or quashed or suspected or otherwise unable so that the estate of the kingdome and the Roialtie shall be evill founded and assured upon such foundations and leaning stocks But the body of the estates Generall is a body not subject to minoritie captivitie perclusion of understanding suspition nor other incapacitie neither is it mortall therefore is it a more certaine and firme foundation of the kingdomes and Roialties estate than any other For the body of the Ewates which is a body composed of the wisest fittest of the kingdome can never faile because it consisteth not in Individuis and certain perticular persons but it standeth in Specie being a body immortal as al the French nation is immortall The Princes the kings Counsellors are but fraile brittle leaning stocks and means subject to incapacitie so is not the body of the Estates and therefore the Estates being the true and perpetuall foundation to sustaine and conserve the kingdome cannot be abolished but ought to be convocated whensoever there is to be a provision in the cases above mentioned Withall also Reason willeth that the Estates whom the affairs of the realme toucheth most should have a part in the conduction of publike things but most especially in the cases aforesaid where the king cannot order them Therefore is it a strange damnable and pernitious position which our strangers that governe France at this day dare impudently hold That it is treason to speake of holding the Estates But contrary a man may rather say That it is treason to abolish the Estates and that they which wil hinder that they shall not be held in the cases aforesaid but especially for the reformation more than necessarie of so many abuses as these strangers haue brought into Fraunce are themselves culpable of treason being such as doe overthrow and ruinat the Realm the Roialtie and the King in taking away the principall piller which sustained them And truly such people do merit that processes and indictions should be laid upon them as upon the enemies of the Commonwealth which doe subvert overthrow the foundations upon which our Auncestors have with great wisdome founded and established the estate of this goodly and excellent kingdome The like may we say of the Law whereby the lands and provinces united to the Crowne of Fraunce are inalienable For a king of France cannot abolish that Law because it is the third piller upon which the realme and his estate is founded For proofe hereof I will alleage but two examples the one was practised in the time of Charls le sage king of Fraunce and the other in the time of king Francis the first of happie and late memorie By which two examples may appeare not onely that this law of Not alienating the lands of the Crowne is a pillar of the kingdome but also that the Estates are as the very and true basse and foundation thereof King Iohn having been taken prisoner at the battaile of Poiters was conducted Froiss lib. 1. ca. 201 211 212 214 246 247 310. into England where he made treatie of peace with king Edward of England But the estates of the kingdome which were assembled would not agree unto that treatie as too prejudiciall and to the diminution of the Crowne of France King Edward was so angry and despited thereat that he made a great oth that he would end the ruinating of Fraunce And indeed whilest king Iohn was his prisoner he passed over the sea and made great warre in France and much wasted the flat Countrey but he made no great conquest of the Townes In the end the Duke of Lancaster counselled him to make peace with the French shewing him that he did but leese time so to run over the fields and spoile the champion countrey and souldiers only had the profit and he himselfe losse of people and expences These reasons could not much move the king to make peace he was so sore offended and animated But God who had pitie of this poore kingdome which was in extreame desolation and confusion wrought and brought to passe as it were by miracle a peace sending from heaven a tempest accompanied with lightening so great over the campe of the English that they thought that heaven earth would have met and the world have finished for so great stones fell with the tempest that they overthrew men and horses Then the king of England seeing God fight against him being in a great fear and distresse made a vow unto God That if by his grace he escaped from that peril he would hearken unto peace and would cease to saccage and destroy the poor people as indeed he did after the tempest seased Which peace yet was accorded to his so great advantage that thereby besides the ransome of three millions of franks Guienne remained unto him in soveraigntie also the countrey of Armignac de Albret de Comines de la Marche de Santongeois Rochellois and a good part of Languedoc which before never was in the peaceable obedience domination of English Vnto this peace which was concluded in a village called Bretigni nigh to Chartres the French subjects of that countrey would not in any sort agree nor condiscend but refused to obey and yeeld themselves English For their reasons they alleaged That the king had no power to dismember and alienate them from the Crowne of France and that therupon they had priviledges from king Charlemaine whereby they could not nor ought not to be cut off from the truncke and house of France After that they had long debated refused to obey the king Iohn who upon good hostages was returned into Fraunce sent into his countries M. Iames de Bourbon his cousin and a Prince of his bloud to make them obey the English insomuch that whether they would or no those good French subjects should forsake the French obedience and be under the English governement This could not be without great greefe of heart sadnesse and incredible displeasure But above all others most remarkable for great constancie were they of Rochell to remaine French for they many times excused themselves unto the king and stood stiffe more than a Rochellois good Frēchmen yeare before they would let the Englishmen into the towne And thinking that their excuses and remonstrances might stand in some stead they sent to the king their Orators which arriving at Paris and being brought before the king fell at his feet with weepings sobbings and lamentations making this speech Most deare sir your poore and desolate subjects of your towne of Rochell have sent us hither to beseech your Majestie in all humilitie and with joined hands that it
would please you to have pitie and compassion upon them They are your naturall subjects and they and their ancestors have ever been under the obedience of your majestie and your auncestors Alas Sir what greater evill hap can there come unto us than to be now cut off and alienated from the kingdome and from the Crowne of France They are borne and have been nourished in the French nation They are of manners condition and language naturall Frenchmen What a strange and deplorable miserie should it now be to them to bend themselves under the yoke and obedience of the English a strange nation altogether different from us in manners conditions and language shall not this be unto them a cruell and slavish servitude now to become subjects unto them which of long time have not ceased to vex this poore kingdome with warre For if upon some divine punishment and for our sinnes the poore town of Rochell must needs be violently plucked and seperated from France as the daughter from the mothers dug to submit it selfe unto the sad servitude of a stranger yet that evill should be farre more tollerable to serve and yeeld to the yoke of any other nation than to that which so long time hath been a bloudie enemie of Fraunce and hath shed so much of our bloud Wherefore most humbly we beseech you Sir said they with teares that you will not deliver us into the hands of the English your enemies and ours If in any thing we have offended your Majestie for which you will now leave and abandon us we crie you mercie with joined hands and pray you in the name of God and of our Lord Iesus Christ that it would please you to have mercie and compassion upon us and to retaine us alwaies under your obedience as we and our auncestors have alwayes been We are not ignorant Sir that your Majestie having been prisoner in England hath been constrained to accord with them to their great advantage and that we are comprehended in the number of the Townes and Countries that must be delivered but yet we have some hope that we may be taken from that number by silver and for that purpose your poore town of Rochell offereth contribution to yoâ—r Majestie all that it hath in her power and besides we offer to pay with a good heart hereafter for our Subsidies and taillies halfe the revenue and gaines of all our goods Have pitie then Sir upon your poore Towne which comes to retire her selfe under your protection in most humble and affection at obedience as a poore desolate and lost creature to his Father his King and his naturall Lord and Soveraigne We obtest and beseech you most deare Sir in the name of God and of all his Saints that you will not abandon and forsake us but that it would please your clemencie and kindnesse to retaine for your subjects most humble them which cannot live but in al vexation languishment and bitternesse of heart unlesse we be your subjects The king having heard the piteous supplication of these poor Rochellois mourned and pitied them greatly but he made them answere That there was no remedie that which he had accorded must needs be executed This answere being reported at Rochell it is impossible to speake what lamentations there were through all the Towne this newes was so hard that they which were born nourished French should be no more French but become English Finally they being pressed constrained by the kings Commissaries to open the Towne-gates to the English Well said the most notable townsmen seeing we are forced to bow under the yoke and that it pleaseth the king our soveraigne lord that we should obey the English we will with our lips but our hearts shall remaine alwaies French After that the English had been peaceable possessors of Rochell and all the other countries abovenamed king Edward invested his eldest sonne the prince of Wales in that government a valiant and very humble Prince towards greater than himselfe but haughtie and proud towards his inferiors who came and held his traine and court at Bourdeaux where having dwelt certaine yeares he would needs have imposed upon the countrey a yearely tribute of money upon every fire But to withstand this new impost and tribute the Lords Barons and Counties of those countries but especiall the Countie d' Armignac de Perigourd de Albret de Commenges and many others all which went to Paris to offer in their appeales against the Prince of Wales Arriving there they dealt with king Charles le Sage for king Iohn was then dead about their appeale who answered them That by the peace of Britaine which he himselfe had sworne the dead king his father for him and his successors to the Crowne had acquited and renounced all the soveraignetie of the said countries and that he could not with a good conscience breake the peace with the English and that it greeved him much that with good reason he could not accord their appeale The said Counties and Barons contrarily shewed him by lively reasons That it is not in the kings power to release acquite the soveraigne power and authoritie of his subjects and countries without the consent of the Prelats Barons Cities and good Townes of those Countries and that was never seene nor practised in France and that if they had been called to the treatie of Britaine they would never have consented unto that acquittance of soveraigntie And therefore humbly praied his Majestie to receive their appellation and to send an huisher to adjorne in case of appeale the Prince of Wales to appeare at Paris at the Court of Fraunce to the end to quash and revoke the said new ordinance for the said tribute Finally the king Charles was nothing offended to heare them so speake of a kings power much unlike our Machiavelistes at this day which call them culpable of treason which speake of Estates neither replied unto them that the power of a soveraigne Prince ought not to be limited neither that they spoke evill to revoke into doubt that which his dead father had done but contrary rejoycing at that limitation referred the cause to the debating and resolution of the wise men of his Counsell And after he was resolved that it was true which they said he accorded unto these Counties and Barons their demaund and sent to adjorne in case of appeale to the Court of Paris the Prince of Wales which done the said Counties and Barons easily revolted from the English obedience so did Rochell get all Englishmen out of their towne and castle This done the duke of Berry the kings brother would have entred there but for that time with good words they refused him the entrie thereinto saying they would send unto the king certain Delegates to obtaine some priviledges and therefore desired of the duke a safe-conduct which he willingly granted and having the same they sent twelve chosen for that purpose amongst their Burgesses which finding the king
of flatterers were banished and driven out of Fraunce in the time of Philip Augustus Annal. upon the year 1104. as persons serving for nothing but to vanities and corruptions of manners unto which Princes and great Lords gave gifts which might better have been employed upon Gods poore And therfore that good king made a vow that he would from thenceforth give to the poore all that which before he and his ancestours had given unto janglers And to the end that other Lords of the court should follow his example and that they might have no more occasion to give any thing to the said janglers he banished them all as is said from the court Such flatterers in truth are very pernicious for seeking too much to exalt and lift up Princes by praises they are causes to mount them into pride and unmeasurable fiercenesse which after brings their destruction So came it to Iulius Caesar For Dion Plutar in Caesar Sueto in Caes cap. 78 79. Lucius Cotta Coruelius Balbus and such like janglers being nigh about him ever persuaded him first to name the moneth which then was called Quintilis with and by his name Iulius which he did and ever since was it called Iuly After that they would needs make him a Temple to make him be worshipped as a god and they called him Iupiter in his presence they also persuaded him to take the name and crowne of a king which he was determined to doe if he had not been prevented by death When the Senators came to speake with him in his house he would not arise to meet them but those flatterers hindered him neither would they permit him to rise out of his chaire to salute them saying he was Caesar the soveraign Prince of the Common-wealth and that all others ought to honor him and not he them These things which Caesar did against his will by the persuasions constraint of janglers gathered unto him hatred and evill will of all the Senate insomuch that some Senators conspired against him and slew him even in the Senat house Caius Caligula a certaine time was a good Prince but the janglers he had about Suet. in Calig cap. 22. 51. Ioseph Antiq. lib. 18. cap. 15. him by their unmeasurable praises made him become as saith Suetonius a monster they caused him to take titles of Pitions The Sonne of Campes or Hoasts Most good and Most great Caesar and in the meane while they made him become the most cruell the most coward and the most wicked tyrant in the world He tooke a desire after all those goodly names and titles yea to take the name of a King and to weare a crowne but his flatterers shewed him that the name of an Emperour was much more than a King therefore from thence forward he attributed to himselfe a divine honour So gave he commandement that men in temples should set up images of him through all the world which were subject to the Romane Empire Insomuch that the Governour of Iudea called Petronius would have placed an image of Caligula in the great temple of Ierusalem but the Iewes would not suffer him which extreamely detested images whereby there had like to have beene a great sedition but in all other provinces of the Empire it was executed without contradiction Yet not contented that his images should bee in all places adored this detestable monster would many times goe and place himselfe in person betwixt the two images of Castor and Pollux in the Temple which was consecrated to them at Rome and there made himselfe to be worshipped in the middest of the said two gods which hee called his brethren Moreover he caused a Temple to be builded and consecrated where he made his image to be erected which was of gold and caused it every day to have on such like apparrell as he wore himselfe and founded in that Temple Priests for his service and to offer up unto him rare and precious Sacrifices as Pheasants Peacockes and other like birds and beasts farre fetched every day Sometimes went hee into the Capitoll Iupiters Temple and there would come unto the image of Iupiter and make a countenance to talke with him and speake in his eare and then would lay his owne eare to Iupiters mouth as it were to heare his answere sometimes would hee lift up his voice and taunt and rebuke Iupiter and after hee was departed from thence then said he that he had spoken with Iupiter and had obtained that hee asked I pray you what will you here say Is it possible in the world to dreame or imagine a more extreame folly or a pride and arrogancie more abhominable and enraged Behold to what point janglers brought him But this was not all for seeing himselfe thus adored he fell persuaded that no man durst ever enterprise any thing against him and so committed he a thousand cruelties and strange and horrible wickednesses such as easily a soveraigne prince might doe which spends his time and power in all excesses wantonnesse and riotousnesse wherein he never ceaâ—ed to wallow and tumble himselfe till he was suddainly massacred and slain which was a just and merited recompence vnto him because he so lightly beleeved flatterers and praisers You must thinke that whilest these janglers handled thus their maister leading him to such follies that they themselves were merry and joyfull to see him so governed after their fancie yet was there not laughter for them all and to speak of them which did not laugh is so much the better fit to make others laugh First then was Dion in Caio Caligu one Macro who seeking to come in favour and good grace with Caligula not onely he employed himselfe to praise and exalt the Emperour but also he set on his wife called Ennea to make her fit and handsome to gaine the good grace of that young Prince commaunding her to refuse him nothing For such people to come to the end they purpose care not therein to employ their honour and that of their wives even so far as themselves to be very bauds She then obeying Macro her husband did so much by her journeies that she entred into Caligula his amitie and her selfe discovered unto him how well her husband loved him and what commaundement hee gave her Insomuch that Macro as well by the meanes of his wife as by his owne jangling was a good time in credit But one day he had done something that pleased not Caligula as to breake a glasse or some other like fault and this foolish Emperour caused him to be called When he came he said Come hither Gallant did not you commaund such a thing to your wife doe you not know well that it is a thing punishable by our lawes to be a baud to his owne wife You must die and so constrained him to slea himselfe without hearing any excuse or defence There are yet two others which received no lesse and I will tell you how The Emperour
Caligula being one day sicke in his bed these janglers came to visit him The first was one Afracanus Potitus who being nie the Emperours bed seemed to be verie sad and sorrowfull for the Emperours disease and amongst other adulatorie talke he said unto him I would Sir it would please the gods that I might die for the recoverment of your health for I make a vow to the gods that I would die with as good an heart as ever I did anie thing The other called Afracanus Secundus said likewise to the Emperor O would it pleased the gods that I might to utterance go skirmish with the Sword plaiers to be slaine of them for your majesties health For I sweare by the gods that I would willingly employ my selfe for your recoverie Caligula answered them nothing at that time but when he was whole he sent for them both and being come he said unto them Maisters my good friends I am made to know that you are verie devout to the gods For since the other day that you came to visit me and that you vowed your lives to the gods for my health I have soone recovered it as you vowed unto me But fearing a relaps and againe to fall into my disease if you accomplish not your vow I have sent for you to make you die praying you not to take it in evill part And withall without attending their answere he commanded the Captaine of his Guard to dispatch them This foolish Emperour after those janglers had made him become such a beast and madde man did never good thing but this But in regard of the execution of these three flatterers they encountred the best of the world for they which had made him become a foole merited well to receive part of his folly But certaine it is that this sort of flatterers which are so prodigall of praises will not spare all honourable titles towards the Princes unto whom they addict themselves whilest they are in their presence but behind their backs they mocke them Dion in Neron and speake a thousand evils upon them Teridates brother of Vologaesus king of the Parthians in the time of the Emperour Nero came to Rome with a great retinue As soone as he was arrived he fell on his knees before Nero his hands together tending towards heaven said in this manner Sir I which am the Nephew of the great king Arsaces and brother of the king Vologaesus and Pacorus am thy humble servant and slave and am come hither to worship thee as my god for I can be nothing but what it pleaseth thee Thou hast done well answered the Emperor Nero to come unto me to enioy and have fruition of my sight and of my presence For that which thy predecessors did not leave thee I give it thee and make thee at this present king of Armenia that thou maist know that it is in me to give kingdomes and to take them away After this word he put a crowne on his head and invested him with the kingdome of Armenia After for a pastime and sport for this new king plaies were appointed wherein Nero would needs make it appeare how well he could play upon the citharon and indeed plaied amongst the common plaiers Also he thrust himselfe amongst carters cloathed in greene as they were to shew that in Lists he could also tell how to handle chariot horses After this Teredates the new king of Amenia being retired into his lodging mocked Nero and spoke infinit evils of him calling him Carter Citternier and further said he mervailed how they could suffer at Rome such a master and Lord. When he was before Nero he held and respected him as a god but when he was out of his presence he detested him as a monster I aske of you if such a flatterer deserved at Nero his hand such a present as a kingdome Prusias king of Bithynia was a flatterer like Teridates For one day comming to Titus Livius lib. 5. Dec. 5. Florus lib. 50. Rome a little after that Paulus Aemilius had vanquished king Perseus of Macedon he made certaine Senators understand that he had a desire to enter into the Senat to know his masters and superiors whose enfranchised slave he said he was and to congratulate with them their victorie To enter the Senat was granted him When hee approached the palace where the Senat assembled hee fell on his knees at the doore and kissed the doore lintell after rose up and entred into the hall where the Senators did sit being there he made great reverences calling the Senators his gods and his saviours and desired leave to go into the temples of the gods in Rome to make offrings and sacrifices to their gods for the victorie which the Romans have gotten of the king Perseus This also was graunted him But hee was mocked and despised of all the companie for this so great and exorbitant humilitie and flattering which hee made unto vertuous people which tooke no pleasure in flatterie This was a king of no worth a coward and man full of vices as commonly all such people are which cover their adulations with so extreame humilitie and in the end was slaine by Nichomedes his sonne who made himselfe king Lucius Vitellius father of the monstrous Emperour Vitellius was such a flatterer Sueto in Vite lio cap. 2. as Prusias for knowing that the Emperour Claudius suffered himselfe to be much governed by Messaline his wife to come to his good grace and favour he came unto this Madame his wife and praied her for the honour of the gods that it would please her to grant him a gift whereby he should for ever feele himselfe bound to doe her most humble service as her humble slave The Empresse demanded what gift he desired It is Madame said he that it would please you to put out your feet that I may pull off your shoes It may bee supplied in the hystorie that this was at some houre when Messaline meant to put off her shoes either to goe lie downe in her bed or to wash her feet as the Elders used much to do Messaline could not refuse him this so honorable and excellent a demaund proceeding from so generous and heroicall an heart and indeed suffered him to plucke off her shoes But what did my man After he had drawne off her shoes he tooke one of them smiling and kissed it three or four times in the presence of this Madame and caried it away with him He ordinarily bore the shoo or startup in his bosome and wheresoever hee came he shewed it to the people kissing it saying That the Empresse had done him that honor favour to give it him in pure free gift and that he bore it in his bosome and kissed it every day for her honour What should a man say unto this filthie drudgerie and slaverie I will yet set downe one other example of janglers from a gowned man or Senator and then we passe on
Anno 140â— Monstre lib. 1 cap. 22. and Reporters a great enmitie arose betwixt Lewis duke of Orleans the kings brother and Iohn duke of Burgoigne conte of Flanders of Artois and lord of many other lands and territories Our hystories name not these Marmosets but simply say that their houshold servants incited them to band one against another the duke of Orleans his servants and favourits said and said truly That he was the chiefe prince of the blood the kings only brother also more aged and of riper and more staied wit than the duke of Burgoigne and that therefore he should not set his foot before him in the handling of the kings affairs For at this time the king having not perfect sences his affairs were handled with the princes of the blood and the privie Counsell but contrarie the duke of Burgoigne his Marmosets said That he was the chiefe peere of France and as they cal it le Doy en des Pairs that he was more mightie and more rich than the duke of Orleans and although he was not so neere of the blood Roiall as he yet was he more neere by alliance for the Dauphin who was yet very young had espoused his daughter and therefore he ought in nothing to give place unto the duke of Orleans but that hee ought to maintaine and hold the same ranke that Philip duke of Burgoigne his deceassed father did who whilest his father liued governed the king and the kingdome at his wil. Briefly these tatlers and reporters caused this duke of Burgoigne so to mount into ambition and covetousnesse to raigne that he enterprised to cause the duke of Orleans to bee slaine who hindered his deseignes and purposes and indeed he caused him to be most villanously massacred and slaine at Paris nie the gate Barbette by a sort of murthering theeves which he had hired as the duke of Orleans went to see the queene who had lately bene brought to rest of a child Great domage there was for that good prince for he was valiant and wise as possible one might be Of him descended king Henry the second now raigning both by father and mother For king Francis his father was sonne of Charles duke of Angolesme who was son also of Iohn duke of Angolesme who was sonne of the duke of that Orleance and Madame Claude queene of Fraunce mother of the said king Henry was daughter of king Lewis the twelfth who was son of Charles duke of Orleance who was the sonne of this duke Lewis whereof wee speake I would to God princes his descendants would well marke the example of this massacre most horrible which was committed upon the person of that good duke their great grandfather and the great evill haps and calamities which came thereof to shun the like miseries which ordinarily happen when such murders goe unpunished For because the duke Iohn of Burgoine was not punished for this fault but found people which sustained and maintained it to have been well done as we shall say more at the full in another place and that followed his part stirring up civile warres which endured two generations and caused the death of infinit persons in France and that the English got a great part of the kingdome and that the poore people of Fraunce fell into extreame miserie povertie and desolation there were many causes and meanes of so many evils for injustice ambition covetousnesse desire of vengeance and other like things might goe in the ranke of causes of so many mischeefes But the Marmosets of duke Iohn of Burgoigne were they which stroke the yron against the flint out of which came that sparke of fire a device fatally taken by the duke of Burgoigne which brought into combustion and into a burning fire all the kingdome for so long time and at last ruinated the house of Burgoigne Francis duke of Bretaigne a prince that was a good Frenchman and affectionate Monstre lib. 3. cap. 4 33. to the king of France his soveraigne had a brother called Gills who gave himselfe to the English in the time that they made warre in France and accepted of the king of England the order of the Garter and the office of high Constable of England The duke and his brother much greeved hereat found meanes to take him prisoner and put him in a strong castle whereunto he would never goe to heare or see him he so much disdained him But yet he sent men unto him which hee trusted which indeed proved very Marmosets and false reporters for after Giles of Bretaigne had remained within the castle a certaine time and that he had considered well his doings that he was borne the kings vassale of France and that he ought never to have disunited himselfe from his brother he then praied his brothers people that came to see him to tell him from him that he greatly repented what hee had done and that if it pleased him to pardon him that from thence forward he would follow with a good heart the part of the king of France and his and that if it pleased them hee would streight send to the king of England his Order and Constables sword What do his Marmosets then They report to the duke that Giles his brother was still obstinate and so perfect English that no reasons they could make could turne him unto that side The duke sent still many times the same men unto him but alwaies they made the like or worse report of him insomuch that this good duke fearing that his brother was invincible in his obstination fearing also that if hee should let him loose he would cause the English to come into Bretaigne to avenge himselfe commanded the same reporters to strangle him in prison which they did Afterward as God when he seeth his time brings the most hid things to light these murdering reporters could not hold but discover the truth of the matter and that Giles of Bretaigne would have done any thing that the duke his brother would have had him to doe which comming to the dukes eares he was nigh out of his wits for his brothers death and caused the reporters to be hanged and to die with great and rigorous paines and executions Behold the end of Giles of Bretaign and the reward which such Marmosets received which were cause of his death Hereof Princes may note a rule Not to beleeve too easily reports made of men without hearing them but especially when it toucheth life One day before the emperour Adrian there was one Alexander which accused I. 3. 9. idem Diu. D. de Testi 6. of certaine crimes one Aper and for proofe of those crimes he produced certaine informations in writing against Aper which he had caused to be taken in Macedon Adrian mocked at it and said to Alexander the accuser that these informations were but paper and inke and it might be made at pleasure but in criminall causes we must not beleeve witnesses in writing but witnesses themselves
mens spirits as well as their bodies are journals and have their viscicitudes and changes for from the wisest sometimes doe escape absurd and strange opinions An example hereof may well be Charles duke of Burgoigne then earle of Charolois hee having made a peace with the towne Com. lib. 1. cap. 27 20. of Liege went soone after to besiege Dinant a towne nigh the other They of Liege going against the treatie of peace made readie an armie to go succour Dinant but they there arrived after the towne was taken The duke fierce of his victorie would needs have rushed upon theÌ„ of Liege as peace breakers but an agreement was made That they should observe the said forme of peace that for effect that they should give three hundred men for hostages which were named the next morning at eight of the clocke The next morning came and eight of the clocke yea noone but no hostages were delivered so that the duke would gladly have run upon the towne of Liege yet he demanded counsell of the knights of his Counsell The marshall of Burgundie and the lord de Countay were of advice to fall upon them that there was just occasion because they had not held their word to send hostages at the houre they promised and a man might now have them in good case because they were all devided and dispersed But the earle of S. Paule was of a contrary mind saying That a multitude could not bee so soone accorded and that men must not so measure affaires of importance by houres and minutes but that it were yet good to summon them by an harrold This opinion of the earle of S. Paule was followed of the most of the Counsell so that a Trumpet was sent to summon them who met the hostages by the way comming to the duke Here note if the duke had had of his Counsell none but the said Marshall and de Countay what effusion of humane blood had followed of these poor Liegiois which would well have kept their words but they could not so soone effect it What yet came to passe Yet certaine time after the said men of Liege broke againe the said covenants of peace so that the said duke would have caused to die the said three hundred hostages which could not do withall nor were the cause of the peace breaking but they were onely pledges and answeres of the publicke saith The duke asked his Counsels advice The said de Countay was of advice they should be slaine but M. de Imbercourt a wise knight was of the contrary mind saying It were best to take God on our side and not to sley so many innocents for the fault of their concitizens and for their yeelding themselves hostages was in part to obey their common-wealth and partly to employ themselves for the good of their countries but that for that cause they merited not to die This opinion was followed and that de Countay rejected as cruell A little while after died the said de Countay as if it were by a judgement of God although that no man had ever seene him before either cruell in deed or in opinion He was also reputed a very wise knight but there is not so good an horse which stumbleth king feaver into an hote ague as the French proverbe is For the same reason the emperour Otho Galba his successour was evill beloved of all the people which Dion in Othon were in an exceeding feare to see about him them which had beene the ministers and Counsellors to Nero. For although Otho after hee was created Emperour made a reasonable good entrie and shewed himselfe very kind and courteous and moderate in all things seeking by liberalitie and such other meanes to obtain every mans good will yet men could not trust him in any manner nor hope from him any good as long as he was served with Nero his servants So that being so evill beloved he endured not long but being overcome of Vitellius he slew himselfe Contrarily king Lewis the twelfth comming to the crowne of France governed himselfe evil by leaving and forsaking the old and ancient Counsellors and servants of king Charles the seventh his father such as the Countie de Dunois the Marshall de Loheac the Countie de Dampmartin M. Charles de Ambois the Lords de Chaumont du Bueil and other like For he ought to have considered that he succeeded a king which was wise and who had very well managed and ruled his realme and by consequent who had good Counsellors and servants which the rather he should have reserved and retained in his service as indeed hee did a good time after he was made king when he knew by experience the fault he had made For amongst other good parts which were in the said Lewis the twelfth he was not proud but humble and could well acknowledge his faults and amend them insomuch that the fault that he made in disappointing the good servants of his father ought no more to be imputed unto him for an error since he corrected and amended it As sayth the Poet Sophocles To faile and fall a common thing it is To all mankind but he that hath the skill Salve to provide to heale that is amisse Astray goes not as he that stands in ill Which never happeneth to a proud man who alwaies persevers in his evils and if a man will shew him any thing for his good he takes it in evill part and in place to â—mend he addeth more unto them and commits fault upon fault whereby followes his ruine The emperour Galba was of that nature For when a man required anything of him or that any shewed him any faults in the government of the Common-wealth he would provide no remedie for it fearing to be seen to obtemperate and obey his subjects But as for that I have said concerning the change which sometimes ought by a CouÌ„sellors of a Prince dislâ—ked of great men and oâ— the people ought to be put off prince to be made of the Counsellors and servants of his predecessors this hath often happened in France That the king hath ben forced to change new Counsellors to appease the Nobilitie and the male-content people This happened to king Chilperic the first of that name the sonne of valiant king Merovee for he governed himselfe by evill Counsellors which the Frenchmen drove from him whereof hee was so afraid that he fled But a certaine time after he was called againe and governed well by good and wise Counsell and proved a good and a valiant king The same also came to passe in king Charles the wise being Dolphin to king Charles the sixt his sonne to king Charles the seventh and Lewis the eleventh and to many others Annal. upon An. 1458. which is not needfull here to insert But I must needs say That sometimes such changes have been procured rather upon envie than upon just complaint they have made against them which governed and such envies
do often proceed when kings governe themselves by men of base hand as they call them for then are princes and great lords jealous And therefore to shun such jealousies and just complaints that great men may have to see themselves despised a prince ought so to advance meane men that hee recoile not great men and meane men ought alwaies to acknowledge the place from whence they came respecting great men according to their degrees without staggering in their dutie to their prince common-wealth And when they see that by some accident they are evill beloved of great men or of the common people and that for the good of peace it is requisit to extinguish the envie and jealousie conceived against them they ought voluntarily to forsake their estate For willingly to retaine it to the detriment and confusion of the common-wealth therein doe they evidently shew that they are not good servants of their prince King Charles the seventh had Counsellors both wise and loiall as M. Tanguy du Chastell M. Iohn Lowet president de Provence the Bishop of Cleremont Annal. upon An. 1426. and certaine others of meane qualitie which had done him great services in great affaires he had had as well when he was Dolphin as after he was king At that time this king had civile warre against the duke of Burgoigne whome secretly the duke of Bretaigne favoured which warre the king would gladly have had extinguished Therefore hee himselfe openly spoke to the said lords and dukes which made him answere That they were content to come to some good accord provided that hee would put from him such Counsellors as he had and take others These beforenamed Counsellors knowing this said to the king Since Sir it holds but thereon to quench civile warre which there is against the house of Burgoigne let them all goe home againe it shall not come of us that so good a thing shall bee hindered and they themselves desired and counselled the king to accord to that condition These were good and loyall Counsellors but they are dead and there are no more such to bee found But such there are now adaies which had rather see the commonwealth in combustion and ruine than they would suffer themselves to be removed from their places one pace Yet these good Counsellors abovesaid withdrew to their houses willingly and without constraint and soone after peace was accorded and finished betwixt the king and the duke of Burgoigne These good persons alledged not That men sought to take away the kings faithfull Counsellors to seduce and deceive him and that their dutie commaunded them then more than ever to keepe nigh his Majestie seeing the great troubles and affairs of the kingdome and that otherwise they might be accounted traitors and disloiall No no they alledged no such thing they looked right upon the white to keepe peace in the kingdome For they knew well that if they had used these reasons to the duke of Burgoigne that he could soone have answered replied that they were too presumptuous and proud to thinke that in all the kingdome of Fraunce there could not be found people as wise and faithfull to their prince as they For in all times the kingdome of Fraunce more than any other hath ever beene well furnished with wise and vertuous people of the Nobilitie Iustice Cleargie yea Marchants and of the third Estate To come againe to our purpose certaine it is That a prince which committeth the government of his affaires to one alone brings himselfe in great daunger and hardly can such governement bee without great mischeefes and disorders For this commonly men hold That being lifted up unto great honor and dignitie they cannot hold a moderation and mediocritie which is that which giveth taste and grace to all our actions The emperour Severus so high advaunced Plautianus that being great master of his houshold the people thought seeing his dealings in his office that hee was the emperour himselfe and that Severus was but his great master Hee Dion Spartian Severo slew robbed banished confiscated the goods of all such as hee would in the sight and knowledge of Severus who contradicted him in nothing So farre mounted this great and immoderate license that Plautianus durst well attempt to cause Severus to be slaine and his two sonnes But his wickednesse was disclosed by a captaine unto whom he had discovered it insomuch that Severus caused him to come before him and although by nature he were a cruell Prince yet was he so firmely affected to Plautianus that he never spoke sharpe or rigorous word unto him but onely uttered this remonstrance I am abashed Plautianus how it came in thine heart to enterprise this against me who have so much loved and exalted thee and against my children whereof Bassianus my eldest sonne hath married your daughter and so is your sonne in law Truly the condition of men is very miserable that cannot maintaine themselves in such honour and dignitie as I have placed you in I pray you tell me your reasons defences to purge you of this act The abovesaid Bassianus seeing that the emperour his father would receive Plautianus to his justification fearing he should have escaped caused one of his men to slay him in the presence of his father adding to the saying of Severus Certaine it is that great honors attributed to one man alone as to governe the affaires of a kingdome not only makes him go out of the bonds of reason but also subjects him unto great envies wherby great mischeefes happen unto him In the time of Philip le Bell king of Fraunce M. Enguerrant de Marigni Countie Annal. upon An. 1314 1326. de Longuevile a valiant and wise knight governed almost all the affaires of the king and his kingdome and especially of his common treasure which was distributed by his ordinance Amongst other things he caused to build that great Pallace at Paris where the court of parliament is held After the death of king Philip Charles Counte de Valois his brother begun criminally to pursue M. Enguerrant before certaine commissionaries of the said court delegated for that purpose And so farre did the said Countie de Valois being a great lord prince of the bloud and in great credit with king Lewis le Hutin his nephew and sonne of the said Philip pursue the cause against M. Enguerrant who was then out of credit after the death of king Philip his master that he was condemned to bee hanged and strangled on a gibbet at Paris as he was indeed This happened onely unto him by the envie he had procured by his great place and too great credit For true it is that he was accused of many things but he was not condemned of any punishable thing But our hystories say That he was not received unto his justifications and defences he was so fiercely pursued by the said Countie de Valois who after he had caused him to bee hanged and that
above shewed that our predecessors were sometimes miscontented with the Englishmen that would needs have all estates and offices in Aquitaine as much may happen in this time for nothing hath beene in times past which may not againe be in this time The Salicke law which is observed in Fraunce and through all Almaigne was not onely made to fore-close and barre women from the succession of the crowne and from soveraigne domination by reason of the imbecilitie and incapacitie well to commaund which is in the feminine sex for in the masculine sexe happen often such incapacities But especially the Salicke law was made to the end That by marriages strangers should not come to the said succession of the Crowne For it should be as an intollerable thing to a Frenchman to obey a strange king as to obey a queene of the French nation so odious is a strange domination in Fraunce As also for that the consequence thereof with us should be ever evill For a strange king would alwayes to estates and offices of the kingdome advaunce straungers of his nation a thing which would alwayes cause in the end disorders and confusions as is seene by the examples which we have before discovered There is also an auncient example of Queene Brunehant or Brunechile who advanced Annal. upō Anno 607. to the estate of Maire du Palais de France which was as much as governor of all the kingdome a Lumbard called Proclaide who was much in her good grace and amitie This stranger seeing himselfe lifted up so high became so fierce and so proud that he made no estimate of the princes of the kingdome but put them to many troubles and vexations Hee became also very rapinous and covetous as sayth the hystorie is the nature of the Lumbards insomuch that hee did eat up and ruinated the subjects of Fraunce Breefely his behaviours and dealings were such that hee got the evill wils of all men from the nobleman to the carter At that time was there warre amongst the children of the queene Brunehant Theodoric king of Orleans and Theodebert king of Metz. The barons and great lords their vassales desirous to make a peace betwixt the two kings brothers but this great Maire Proclaide hindered it withall his power which the said lords seeing resolved amongst them That it were better that strangers died than that so many gentlemen and subjects of the two kings should sley one another and so indeed they did slay him as an enemie to peace and concord The example of this Lombard should be well marked in this time by the Lombards which governe in Fraunce Lewis le Debonance sonne of Charlemaigne king of Fraunce and emperour Annal. An. 829. Maire du Palais a stranger cause of civile warre of the West altogether gave the Estate of Maire du Palais de France to a Spaniard called Berard who incontinent mounted into great pride The king had three sonnes Lotharie Lewis and Pepin who could not support the arrogancie and fiercenesse of this stranger who as it were would parragon them This was the cause of an evill enterprise of these three young princes against their owne father For they seized upon his person and brought him into the towne of Soissons and there caused him to forsake his crowne of Fraunce and the Estate of the empire and to take the habit of a monke in the Abbey of S. Marke in the said Soissons within which they caused him to be kept straitly for a time But in the end the great barons and lords of Fraunce and Almaigne medled therein and dismonked him and restored him to his Estate and agreed the father with the children This had not happened if that good king and emperour had had that wisedome not to have lifted up a stranger so high a thing which could not be but displeasant to his naturall subjects great and little For a conclusion of this matter I will here place the witnesse of M. Martin du Bellay knight of the kings order a man of qualitie of vertue and of great experience who sayth That hee hath seene in his time more evill happen unto the affaires of king Francis the first of that name by the meanes of straungers which revolted from his service than by any other meanes Amongst which strangers Strangers enclined to commit treasons hee placeth the Bishop de Liege the Prince of Orange the Marquesse of Mantua the Lord Andrew Doria M. Ierome Moron of Millaine who caused Millaine to revolt and certaine others But because these things are not of very auncient memorie but happened in our world I will make no longer discourse thereof Seeing also the examples and reasons which wee have above rehearsed are sufficient to shew against the opinion of Machiavell his disciples That a Prince cannot doe better than to serve himselfe in offices and publicke charges of the countrey of his domination with his owne subjects of the same countries as beeing more fit and agreeing to the nature of the people of that countrey than are strangers And there is not a more odious thing to the people as M. Comines sayth than when they see great offices benefices and dignities conferred upon strangers And as for offices it hath not beene seene aunciently and commonly that they have beene bestowed upon straungers but that within this little space of time they have found meanes to obtaine the greatest and best For of old there was committed unto them but offices of Captaineships to the end that under that title they might the better draw people of their owne countrey to serve the king But as for benefices of a long time it hath been that the Italians have held and possessed the best in Fraunce which the Pope bestowed upon them and our kings durst not well contradict Yet notwithstanding it gave occasion unto king Charles the sixt to make an edict in the yeare 1356 whereby hee forbad That any benefices of the kingdome of France should be conferred upon strangers which both before and since by many royall Edicts hath often beene renued and reiterated Which Edicts merite well to be brought into use but it shall not bee yet since that they onely are they which yet doe governe all But I pray here all them which are good Frenchmen that they will consider a little neerer the wrong they do themselves to suffer themselves to be reputed for strangers in their owne countrie and by that meanes recuiled and kept from the Charges and Estates of the same For Italians or such as are Italianized which have in their hands the governance of France hold for true the Maxime of Machiavell That men should not trust in strangers as it is true and this is because they would not advance any other but men onely of their owne nation and certaine bastardlie and degenerous Frenchmen which are fashioned both to their humour and their fashions and which may serve them as slaves and most vile ministers of their trecheries cruelties rapines
also he handleth with his hands the very bodie of our Lord and that he breaketh it and that the faithfull break and bruse it betwixt their teeth Behold the goodly doctrine of this Cannon which the Sophists would make the Catholikes beleeve but of five hundred you shall not find one that will beleeve it And verily this Cannon makes me remember what Achaemenides sayth in Virgil of the great Polyphemus who did eat the companions of Vlysses Poore humane creatures he did eat the bodie blood and all Aeâ—â—i â—i 3. My selfe did see him claspe and gripe in his so deepe a den Two men of ours in his huge hands their heads on dore Lintall He knocked so that blood gusht out and in my sight those men He tore and brused betwixt his teeth yet dead they were not cleane And how should Catholikes beleeve this Canon seeing the priests themselves beleeve it not I prove it For if they beleeved it they would never say masse upon fridaies nor in Lent or other sasting dayes and the Charterhouse Celestines nor Ensumine Friers and Monks would say no masses for feare to eat slesh O but will one say This is a strange reason I confesse it but the aforesaid Cannon is as strange and how strange soever yet can it not be overthrowne without giving some spirituall interpretation unto the manducation of the Sacrament But straight as soone as a man comes there behold we are at an agreement You see then how the Catholikes yea the priests themselves beleeve not in that Canon which notwithstanding is the only foundation of the masse Yea but you will say The Catholikes go to masse and find it good I confesse it but it is upon custome they go thither not because they understand or beleeve any other thing touching the Sacrament than that we have already said And therefore seeing they do agree with us in the principall there shall be no great danger nor losse for them to send away and banish into the Cyclopian Islands or into Poliphaemus den their masse yea though but for a time to see and prove whether they might well and commodiously spare it or no. As wee read Pope Clement the sixt did who excoÌ„municated all the people of the country of Flanders for a certaine rebellion that they had made against the king of France their soveraigne who also interdicted all the priests of the countrey upon paine of eternall damnation to say no masses nor to administer any Sacraments to the Flemmings til they had obtained absolution of his fatherhood The poore Flemmings seeing themselves without masses for in no sort their priests would say any they writ to the king of England making unto him great coÌ„plaints The king of England sent them word not to be dismayed nor troubled for want of masses for he would send them priests out of his country to say them masses ynough But the priests of England went not fearing to be comprehended in that fulmination of the Pope In the meane while the Flemmings attending whilest the king of England sent the priests accustomed so much themselves to be without masses being merry and making good cheare that they were well and no more it troubled them Many other countries also at this day which have no masses passe the time well ynough to their content as England Scotland and Denmarke the most part of Almaign I beleeve also if men did assay it in France to obtaine peace and union they would not find it so evill as they thinke For already we agree upon the Sacrament as is abovesaid we hold also the Epistles Gospels the lessons which are taken out of the Psalmes of David and the Prophets for we shall alwayes find that in our Bible yea farre more faithfully enregistred than in the Missall all the remainder is not worth the holding For as for their massing garments men of good iudgemeÌ„t know wel That apparell addes no holinesse to the masse seeing also that Frenchmen naturally staie not long in one fashion of apparrell but easily chaunge from one to another I confesse in regard of the common people which only stay upoÌ„ that they see that they will take no great lust in a masse without the masse garments as if the Curate said it in his doublet and hose without more or in his ierkin it is certaine that commonly the parishioners would greatly scandilize it and would not find it good And yet a true thing it is that apparell makes not the masse better neither have they any sanctitie in them to deserve to be retained For if it were true that such garments made the masse better and added any holinesse unto it then would it follow that the better the garments and habites are so much the better should the masses be then would there be found great inequalitie in the bountie and goodnesse of masses and so would it follow that the masses of rich men should be better than poore mens a thing very absurd and odious that were also to make village masses of no account because their masse garments are often tattered and rent So that theÌ„ we must come to this resolution to shun these absurdities That garmeÌ„ts bring no holinesse to the masse and that in retaining the holy Sacrament the Gospell the Epistles and the lessons of the Psalmes and Prophets which are in the masse there would be found no danger to let go all the rest Now then if we lay by through all France the superfluous things of the masse are not all the rest of the exercises of religion alike The Catholikes go to the church to pray unto God so doe we also They goe to heare sermons of the word of God so do we also They go thither to praise God in singing of the Psalms of David and we also They go thither to keepe their Easter and we also For it is all one to celebrate the Easter and the Supper Breefly all our exercises of Religion are alike I know well you will say there is a difference because the Catholikes pray and sing psalms in Latin and we in French But I answere you that that is nothing so that men understand what they say For God understandeth well all languages You will say unto me also that the preachers of the one and of the other preach not the same doctrine Yet I answere that though it be so yet do we agree in all the principall points of Religion which are necessary to be knowne for the salvation of our soules If in any other points our preachers cannot agree we must let theÌ„ agree amongst theÌ„selves and content our selves to know the articles which are necessary for our salvation For it cannot be said that if we cannot be as subtil and sharpe as S. Thomas of Aquin Bonaventure Scot Bricot or other like doctors of Theologie that therefore we must needs be damned It were a very straunge thing to beleeve that God would have his holy Religion so obscure that none
which is so odious to the world brought him to prison where they caused him to finish his daies I will then conclude this recitall That if all Christian princes would practise the Magistrall determination of our masters of Sorbonne and of the Vniversitie of Paris the same would fall unto S. Peter which fell unto Frier Iohn his bird Yet is it not onely by the change of lead into gold that his Holinesse dooth Froisart lib. 2. chap. 132 133. 135. 140. much evill to provinces farre from Rome but also by his interdicts and excommunications In the time of the aforesaid schisme of Popes hee of Rome who was called Vrban sent Buls unto king Richard of England who tooke his part and was an Vrbanist by which hee commaunded him to make warre upon the king of France who was a Clementine and gave him power to levie silver upon the Warre for the Pope of Rome English Cleargie Moreover hee gave so great quantitie of pardons to all them which with a good heart did furnish silver for that warre that it seemed hee meant cleane to have emptied both hell and purgatorie of Englishmen for every man or woman might draw out his father grandfather great grandfather uncles aunts children nephewes and others ascendants descendants and collaterals by paying so much for every poll He further promised their soules to be guided right into paradice which died in this warre or which died that yeare after they had paied the money for that said warre nor that there should be any necessitie for the said soules to stray out of their way by purgatorie and the Limbo but to goe right to paradice The said buls being thus preached and published through England there was every where a great prease that yeare to die and to give silver so that in a small time there was heaped up the summe of 2500000 franks One part of this silver was given to the bishop of London who was chosen generall to make warre upon the Clementines in Spaine and the other part was delivered to the bishop of Norwitch who was elected generall of another armie to make warre upon France which also was Clementine And indeed these two armies did much harme as well in Spaine as in France yet the bishop of Norwitch being a young man and inconsiderat entring upon Flaunders an Vrbanist the king of Fraunce meeting him therewith 100000 men constrained him to retire homeward with shame and great losse In the yeare 1513 happened great damage and hurt unto the kings of Fraunce Annales upon the said yeare Du Bellay lib. 1. of his Memories and of Navarre by the meanes of an interdict and excommunication which Pope Iulius the second of that name cast against all the princes which had sent their embassadors to the counsell of Pise whose lands and seignories he exposed and gave as a prey to all men that would take and invade them For under colour of those wicked and detestable buls the emperour Maximilian and the Switzers constrained king Lewis the twelfth to abandon and forsake Millaine and almost all that hee held in Italie And on the other side the king of England fell upon Fraunce which by the Pope was exposed as a prey with an armie of 3000 English assaying to conquer part thereof But God suffered it not for in the meane time this wicked Pope died and the interdict was revoked and peace made with the English On the other side also king Ferdinand of Arragon feigning he would come to prey upon France entred into the kingdome of Navarre and got and usurped it upon king Iohn d' Albert The Pope cause of the losse of the kingdome of Navarre from the right heirs who was disseased thereof without being defied yea before he knew the king of Arragon his purpose whose successours have alwayes since detained and usurped the said kingdome of Navarre upon the said king Iohn d' Albret and upon his lawfull successors as they doe yet by this title onely of usurpation prey and bootie yet notwithstanding the said unjust usurpers call themselves most Catholike I could here accumulate many other examples of many great domages losses committed by Popes in strange countries and even in Almaigne where they have commonly sowen warres betwixt the emperour and the princes of Almaigne but I will content my selfe with the abovesaid examples for I will not at length handle such an ample and almost infinit matter but it sufficeth mee to have shewed That the contrarie of that which Machiavell saith is true and that the Pope and his holy seat doe much good in the place where they are and many evils and mischeefes in farre countries And as for that which Machiavell saith That Italie is the province of Christendome where there is least Religion he saith very true but what would hee now say if he were alive hee should then find that if in his time they had so well profited in his schoole as to be very great Atheists and contemners of God and of all Religion that now his schollers know farre more than his master And there is no doubt but alreadie long agoe all Religion is contemned in Italie yea and even the Romane Catholicke Will you have a better example than that which M. Comines rehearseth He saith That in the time of king Lewis the twelfth there were two houses at Florence which were principall that is to say of Medicis and of Pacis which were in quarell and enmitie together They of the house de Pacis favoured the Pope and the king of Naples and by their counsell and advice did they enterprise to slay Lawrence de Medicis who was cheefe of his house and all his race and to surprise him the better unprovided and without heed taking they resolved to sley and massacre him with all his race and sequele upon a solemne feast day at the houre that the great Masse was sung and that when the priest begun to sing Sanctus Sanctus it should be the watch word to rush upon them And indeed they executed their enterprise except that they slew not Lawrence de Medicis who saved himselfe in the revestrie but Iulian his brother and certaine others of his race were slaine I demand of you if they which enterprised and gave counsell to attempt such an act beleeved in the Masse we need not doubt but they were very Atheists But if in that time some hundred yeares agoe Italie were so furnished with Atheists and contemners of Religion what thinke you it is now In conclusion Italie Rome the Pope and his seat are truly the spring and fountaine of all despight of Religion and the schoole of all impietie and as they alreadie were in Machiavels time as he confesseth so are they farre more in this time For although the papall Church of Rome both heretofore made and yet dooth certaine demonstrations to sustaine a Religion yet in effect it maintaineth it no otherwise but by subtilties and words for it commaundeth
instigation of flatterers and envious people An example hereof is memorable of king Lewis the twelfth who was called the Father of the people For in his time certaine Cardinals and Prelates persuaded him to exterminate and utterly to root out all the people of Cabriers and Merindol in Provence which were the reliques of the Christians called Albi then sore persecuted for Christ telling him That they were sorcerers incestuous Molinaeus de la Monarchia deâ— Francois Anno. 155. persons and heretickes They of Merindol and Cabriers having some sente of the aforesaid accusation sent certaine of their wisest men to remonstrate to the king their justice and innocencie As soone as these men were arrived at the Court the said Cardinals and Prelates did what they could to hinder that they should not be heard and indeed told the king that he ought not to heare them because the Cannon law holds That men ought not to give audience to heretickes nor communicate with them The king replied That if he had to make warre upon the Turke yea against the divell himselfe he would heare them This was an answere worthie of a king For seeing kings hold in their hands the scepter of justice this is not to use but to abuse To condemne any not to heare them The said king Lewis then hearing the said messengers of Cabriers and Merindol they shewed him in all humilitie that their people received the Gospell the Bible the Apostles Creed the commaundements of God and the Sacraments but they beleeved not in the Pope nor in his doctrine and that if it pleased his Majestie to send to enquire of the truth of their speeches they were contented all to die if their words were not found true This good king would needs know if it were so and indeed deputed M. Adam Fumee his master of Requests and one M. Parvi a Iacobin his Confessor to go to Cabriers and Merindol to enquire of the life and religion of the inhabitants in those places which they did and after they had seene and knowne all they made their report unto the king That in those places their children were baptized they taught them the articles of the Faith and the commandements of God that they well observed their Sabboths alwayes preaching thereon the word of God and as for sorceries and whoredomes there were none amongst them moreover they found no images in their temples nor ornaments of the Masse The king having received this report what judgement gave he of it did hee condemne them straight because they had no images nor ornaments of the Masse No he presently swearing by his oth pronounced That they were better men than he or all his people Here may princes learne how to use themselves in supporting against slanderers such in whom there is no appearance of error But leaving this question and againe taking our purpose certaine it is That a prince ought not lightly to attempt warre as Machiavell persuadeth and upon A prince ought to seeke all meanes to put out war by a peace some necessitie having warre in hand he ought to search out and accept all honest conditions to get out of it For sometimes the prince which refuseth honest and reasonable conditions upon hope that his forces are great falleth oftentimes into great distresse and it hath been many times seene that pettie captaines have made head against great and strong powers of mightie princes In the time of the battaile of Poictiers where king Iohn was taken the prince of Wales before the battaile offered the king to yeeld him all that both hee and his Froisar lib. 1 cap 161. Annales upon Anno 1356 Annales upon Anno 1433. people had conquered since his departure from Bourdeaux also to yeeld him all the pillage but the king would not accept this offer but withall asked that the prince and foure of the greatest lords of the armie should yeeld themselves at his will The prince who was generous chose rather to fight it out than to accept so shamefull and dishonorable an accord so hee and his army fought valiantly insomuch that a very little numbar of English overcame great forces of the French and the king was taken and many other great princes and lords for which to redeeme the kingdome was so emptied of silver that they were compelled to make money of leather which in the middest had onely a note of siluer and from this battaile proceeded infinite evils miseries and calamities which had not happened if the king had beene so well advised as to have forgone that war by soft and assured meanes rather than by the hazard of the battaile But contrary to king Iohn king Charles the seaventh reconquering Guienne and Normandie upon the English never refused any proffer or composition sought alwaies to recover that which his predecessors had justly lost without effusion of bloud The Romane hystories are ful of such like examples For that which overthrew the Carthaginians the king Perseus the king Mithridates that which abated the pride of Philip king of Macedon of that great king Antiochus and of many others was they could never accept the good and reasonable conditions of peace which was offered unto them by the Romanes but would rather experiment what force founded upon a good right could doe I say founded upon good right because a small force which hath right with it oftentimes abateth a great force which is not founded on a good right the reason is evident because hee that knoweth hee hath just cause to make warre and which seeth that his adversary trusting much in his forces will not come to any reasonable composition redoubleth his courage his heat and fighteth more valiantlie than hee which is driven thereunto rather upon pride than of any generositie of heart but the principall reason thereof is that God who giveth victories inclineth most often to the rights side and although sometimes it seemes that the wrong carrieth away the victorie yet alwaies God shewes by the end issue according to which we must judge that hee is fot the right Above all the prince ought to appease the warres in his owne countrey whether A prince ought to appease war in his owne countrey they be raised by strangers or by his owne subjects for as for such warres as he may have in a strange land against strangers it may happen they will not prove so evill but hee may provide good souldiers in his neede and especiallie this point is considerable when a princes subjects are naturallie enclined to warre as is the French nation for then necessarily they must bee emploied in that wherein is their naturall disposition or els they will move war against themselves as Salust saith in these words If saith hee the vertue and generositie of princes captaines and men of warre might so well be emploied and shew it selfe of such estimate in peace as in warre humane things would carry themselves more constantly and men
of the commons which committed those barbarous inhumanities was called Cappeluche the executioner or hangman of Paris Those comparteners of the house of Burgoigne not contented to suscitate such popular commotions stirs in France but brought also the English men into Fraunce which were like to have beene masters therof yet not herewith content they caused king Charles the sixt to war against his owne son who after was called Charles the seventh and one moietie of the kingdome against another And not to leave behind any kind of crueltie no not towards the dead they caused to bee spread and published all over Fraunce certaine Popes buls wherby they indicted and excommunicated all the house of Orleance and his partakers both quicke and dead insomuch as when there died any in the hands of the parteners of Bourgoigne either by ward prison or disease they buried them not in the earth but caused their bodies to be carried to dunghils like carrion to be devoured of wolves and savage beasts What could they have done more to the execution of all barbarousnesse and crueltie Behold what fruits civile warres doe bring wee see it even at this day with our eyes for there is no kind of crueltie barbarousnesse impietie and wickednesse which civile warres have not brought into use The prince then that is wise will leave nothing behind to appease civile warres under his owne governement but will spend all his care power and dilligence to hinder it after the example of that good and wise king Charles the seventh king Lewis the eleventh his sonne Charles the seventh being yet Daulphin the duke Iohn Monstr lib. 2. ca. 175. 180 181 182 183 186 187. of Bourgoigne a man very ambitious and vindicative after by secret practise hee had caused to be slaine Lewis duke of Orleance the onely brother of king Charles the sixt and after hee had filled the kingdome with warres both civile and strange contented not himselfe herewith but laid hold of the king who by a sickenesse was alienated of his wits and of the queene to make warre upon the Daulphin These occasions seemed sufficient to such as then governed the Daulphin and at last to the Daulphin himselfe being yet very yong to enterprise an hazardous blow He then sent to the said duke that hee would make a peace with him and prayed him they might appoint a place and day together to meet for that purpose The day was appointed the place assigned at Montean-fant-Yonne whither the said duke came under the trust of the word of the Daulphin his faith and assurance As soone as hee arrived making his reverence unto Monsieur le Daulphin he was compassed in and straight slaine and withall also certaine gentlemen of his traine Philip sonne and successor of this duke Iohn tooke greatly to heart this most villanous death of his father and sought all the meanes he could to be revenged which still continued the civile warres This meane while the English did what they could in France and conquered Normandie Paris the most part of Picardie and marched even unto Orleance which they besieged The abovesaid king Charles the sixt died so that Monsieur le Daulphin his son who was called Charles the seventh comming to the crown and finding himselfe despoiled of the most part of his kingdome insomuch as in mockerie he was generally called the king of Bourges This wise king well considered That if civile warres endured he was in the way to loose all one peece after another hee therefore laid all his care power and diligence to obtaine a peace and an accord with the duke of Bourgoigne Therefore he sent in embassage unto him his Constable Chancellor and others his cheefe Counsellors to say that he desired to have peace with him and that he well acknowledged that by wicked counsell he had caused his father duke Iohn to be slaine at Monterean and that if he had been then as advised and resolute as hee was at that present hee would never have committed such an act nor have permitted it to have beene done but hee was young and evill counselled and therefore in that regard hee offered to make him such amends and reparation thereof as he should be contented therewith yea that he would demand pardon althogh not in person yet by his embassadors which should have expresse charge thereof and prayed him to forgive that fault in the name of our Lord Iesus Christ that betwixt them two there might be a good peace and love for hee confessed to have done evill being then a young man of little wit and lesse discretion by bad counsell so to sley his father And besides this he offred to give him many great lands seigniories as the Countie de Masconnois S. Iangon the Counrie de Auxerre Barsur Seima la Counte de Boloigne Surmer and divers other lands that during his life he would acquite him and his subjects of personall service which he ought him as vassale of Fraunce yet made many other faire offers unto him This duke Philip seeing his soveraign prince thus humiliate himself to him bowed his courage justly exasperated for his fathers death harkened unto peace which was made at Arras where there was held an assembly of the embassadors of all Christian princes of the counsell of Basil of the Pope insomuch as there were there above 4000 horses All or the most part of those embassadors came thither for the good of the king and his kingdome but there was not one there which found not the kings offers good and reasonable as also did all the great princes lords of the kingdome all the kings counsel so that his majesties embassadors which were the duke of Bourbon the countie of Richemont constable of France the archbishop of Rhemes chancellor the lord de Fayette marshall many other great lords in a full assembly in the king their masters name demanded pardon of the duke of Burgoigne for his fathers death confessing as abovesaid that the king their master had done evil as one yong and of litle wit following naughtie counsell therfore they praied the duke to let passe away all his evill wil so to be in a good peace love with the king their master And the duke of Burgoign declared that he pardoned the king for the honor reverence of the death passion of our Lord Iesus Christ for compassion of the poor people of the kingdome of France to obey the Counsels reasons the Pope other Christian princes which praied him Moreover besides the aforesaid things it was accorded to the said duke that justice punishment should be done upon all such asâ—ed slain his father of such as had given the Daulphin counsell to cause his slaughter that the king himself should make diligent search through all his realme to apprehend them Here may you see how king Charles 6 appeased the civile wars of his kingdome by humilitie and
acknowledgement of his faults and from thence forward he prospered so well that after he had ended his civile wars he also overcame his forrain wars against the English And this came of God who ordinarily exalteth the humble overthroweth the insolent proud For assuredly it doth not evill become a great prince to temperat his majestie by a gracious humility softnes affabilitie but saith Plutarch it is a very harmonious consonant temperation yea so excellent as there cannot be a more perfect than this But if the said king had then had such Counselors as many kings now adaies have what counsell would they hereupon have given him they would have said That thus to humiliate himselfe to his vassall as to ask him forgivenes to confesse his fault to acquitehim and his subjects of personall service these were things unworthy of a king and that a king ought never to make peace unlesse it be to his honor but such articles were to his dishonor and disadvantage and that he ought to have endured all extremities before he had made any peace whereby he should not remain altogether master to dispose of persons goods at his pleasure For how would not they say thus seeing they say at this day That it is no honorable peace for the king to accord his subjects any assurances with the exercises of their religion a reformation of justice yet you see that all K. Charles 7 his Counsell all the princes of his blood all the great lords of his kingdome all strange princes embassadors compelled the K. to passe more hard uneasie articles to digest for the good of peace Should we say that in so great a number of great personages ther was not any so wise and cleare sighted as the counsellors at this day as these Mesiers Machiavelists nay contrary they were al wise men of great experience in wordly affairs they were also of great knowlege as the delegates of the counsel of the universitie of Paris of the parliaments wheras at this day men know litle more than their Machiavell Likewise king Lewis the eleventh as soone as hee came to the crowne removed De Com. lib. 1. cap. 3. 5. others from charges and offices many great lords and good servants of the dead king Charles the seventh his father which had vertuously emploied themselves in chasing the English out of the kingdome of France and in lieu of such persons he placed and advanced men of meane and base condition Heereupon straight arose civile discention against the king which was called the warres of the common weale and these men complained that the kingdome was not politikelie governed because the king had put from him good men and of high calling to advance such as were of small estimation and of no vertue It was not long before the king acknowledged his great fault and confessed it not onely in generall but also in particular to every of them which he had recoyled and disapointed and to repaire this fault he got againe to him all the said lords and ancient servants of the dead king his father delivering them againe their estates or much greater and in somme he granted to these common wealth people all that they demanded as well for the generall as for the particular good of all people and all to obtaine peace with extinguishment of civile wars If he had had of his Counsell the Machiavellists of these daies they would not have counselled him thus to doe but rather would have told him That it became not a king to capitulate with his subjects nor so to unable himselfe unto them and that a prince ought never to trust to such as once were his enemies but much lesse ought hee to advance them to estates and that hee should diligentlie take heede of a reconciled enemie yet notwithstanding hee did all this and it fell out well with him for he was very well served of the pretended reconciled enemies and to this purpose Messier de Commines his chamberlaine saith That his humilitie and the acknowledgment of his faults saved his kingdome which was in great danger to bee lost if hee had stayed upon such impertinent and foolish reasons as those Machiavelists alledge for all things may not bee judged by the finall cause What dishonour then can it bee to a prince to use pettie and base meanes if so bee thereby hee make his countrey peaceable his estate assured and his subjects contented and obedient what makes it matter for him that is to ascend into an high place whether he mount by degrees and staires of wood or of stone so that hee ascend But this is not all to say That a prince ought to bee vigilant and carefull to make peace in his countrey for hee must after it is made well observe it otherwise it is to Peace ought to be well observed no purpose made unles men will say that one ought to make peace for after in breaking it to trap and ensnare them which trust therein But they which hold this opinion are people which make no account of the observation of faith as are the Machiavelists of whom wee will speake upon this point in another Maxime But indeede that a peace may bee well observed it must bee profitable and commodious to them with whom it is made to the ende by that meanes it may bee agreeable unto them and that they may observe it with a good will and without constraint for if it be domageable and disadvantageous making the condition of them to whom it is given worse than of other subjects and neighbours certaine it is it cannot long endure for people that have either heart or spirit in them cannot long endure to be handled like slaves Heereunto serveth the advice of that noble and sage companie of the ancient Senators of Rome There was a neighbour unto the Romanes which were called the Titus Livi. lib. 8. Dec. 1. Privernates upon which the Romanes made warre and many times vanquished them They seeing it was impossible any more to make head against the Romane forces sent embassadors to Rome for peace they were caused to enter into the place where the Senate did sit and because they had not well observed the precedent treatie of peace some Senators seemed hard to draw to give their cause any hearing thinking it a vaine thing to accord a peace unto such as would not keepe any notwithstanding some demanded of those embassadors what punishment they judged themselves to haue merited which had so often broken the precedent peace One of them speaking for all and remembring rather the condition of their birth than of their present estate answered That the Privernates merited the punishment that they deserve which esteeme themselves worthie of a free condition and which have a slavish condition This answere seemed to some Senators too hautie and unbeseeming vanquished people yet the president of the assembly who was a wise man benignly demanded
that if Sertorius had not been slaine of his own people he had sooner overcome Pompeius than he him Yet Sertorius was but a simple souldier who had neither silver nor treasure he had no authoritie to command neither did any obey him against their wils Spartacus also was but a poore slave which escaping from his master gathered together a great number of people and made strong warre upon the Romanes whom hee many times vanquished And but that Pompeius and Crassus with great armies were greatly busied to hinder his desseignes he had made himselfe master of Italie And was not Cleon another poore slave yet gathered under his conduction an armie of 70 thousand other slaves wherewith he had like to have gotten all Sicilie And Viriatus was but a shepheard on the mountaines of Spaine and gathering together a great number of shepheards and theeves he made infinit worke for the Romanes yet in the end certaine Romane captains sent against him not being able otherwise to overcome him caused him traiterously to be slaine This the Senat found not good but greatly blamed those captains which overcame by so villanous a meane After Viriatus was slaine his people disbanded not but still made warre upon the Romanes insomuch as the Romanes were constrained to give unto them to appease them the towne and territorie of Valence in Spaine to inhabite and so they were satisfied and gave over their armes Of late memorie Philibert de Chaton Prince of Orange Antonie de Leva Andrew Doria the Marquis of Mantua and many others whereof we have spoken in other places which revolted against king Francis the first and did him more hutt than all the forces of the emperour Charles the fift yet were they no great lords in comparison of the king Therefore he which is a wise prince will estimate no enemie to be pettie and little but will guard himselfe from justly offending any man fearing least by that meanes hee procure enemies For enmities will come too fast on a man before hee lookes for them As for that hee saith That the Romanes had colonies in countries which they Titus Livi. lib. 10. Dec. 1. lib 7. Dec. 3. lib. 8. Dec. 4. conquered they did it not to serve their turnes as fortresses in that countrey as Machiavell saith but to disburden the citie of Rome of their too great a multitude of people which were still stirring up rebellions and seditions in their towne as in the time of the consulship of Marcus Valerius and Quintus Apuleius The towne saith Titus Livius was brought to a great quiet and tranquilitie by discharging it of a great part of the common people by deduction of colonies which when they were sent into any countrey that the Romanes had conquered the publick and common fields were divided amongst them yet the old inhabitants were not chased away neither were their goods taken from them but only mingled with the Romans goods which dwelt with them in their townes in houses they themselves builded or els which were publicke and conquered to the Roman commonweale The Romans also set up colonies as a multiplication of their race but not to serve them for fortresses in conquered countries and that it was so appears because they erected not colonies in all the countries they conquered no not in the most strongest places but rather in the amplest fattest and fertilest places These said colonies also were no more faithfull unto them than the other subjects but often rebelled as well as others as was seene after the battaile that the Romanes lost at Cannas against Anniball for then twelve Roman colonies revolted from them and entred league with Anniball And it is commonly seene that citizens transported into other countreyes doe incontinent degenerate taking the manners and conditions of the countrie as came to passe in the townes of Alexandria in Aegipt Seleucia in Siria Babilon in Parthia which were colonies of the Macedonians and to the towne of Tarentum a colonie of the Lacedaemonians for all these foresaid townes were straight despoiled of the manners natures and the originall generositie of their nation and became soft effeminate and cowardly as they were into whose countries they were removed A great and memorable calamitie fell to Philip king of Macedonie by removing Titus Livi. lib. 10. Dec. 4. to other places the naturall inhabitants of the maritime and sea townes of his countrey This king fearing to enter into warre with the Romanes because many of his neighbours went to complaine of him to the Senat of Rome thought it good to stand upon his guard and something distrusting the inhabitants of such townes as were nigh the sea hee tooke away from thence the naturall inhabitants and gave them grounds in Emathia to dwell in and in their places planted the inhabitants of Thracia in whom he trusted This caused in all Macedonie a great discontentment for every one saw to their great griefe their ancient poore dislodged carrying their children on their shoulders weeping and lamenting their calamities and making exercations and imprecations against the king that it might so happen to the king and his race to bee driven from his kingdome and countrey The king being advertised of this universall murmuration began to enter into a distrust of every man and especially of the children of certaine gentlemen which hee had caused to die and hee feared that the saide children making use of the peoples discontentment should attempt some enterprise against him and therefore determined to have seased certaine young children of the slaine gentlemen for his better assurance Theoxena the widdow of a great lord which was slaine by the king called Herodicus resolved rather to make die the children of her and her dead husband than that they should come into the hands and power of the king So she resolved to save her-selfe and them at Athens and yet if the worst fell she provided good swords poisons after shee was embarked with her children to obtaine the towne of Athens shee was followed by another boate of the kings people which when shee saw that they rowed with great dilligence to the barke wherein shee was Loe said she my childen you have now no other meanes to shun the tyrannie of king Philip but death which you may see shewing the swords and the poison chuse which you had rather die on either on sharpe whetted swords or to swallow this poison on my children let the eldest shew themselves most hardy and couragious This exhortation persuaded so much that they slew themselves some with swords some with poyson then she caused them all to fall into the water even when they yet had breath and cast her-selfe after them Straight the kings people ioyned to the barke but they found it emptie of the persons they looked for The crueltie of this fact added a new flame of envie and evill will towards the king so that it seemed to every one they heard the infernall furies preparing themselves to bring
upon the king and his race the imprecations which all the world made against him and indeede it came to passe by the just judgement of God that as this poore gentlewoman had caused her owne children to or die so Philip made to dye by poison his lawfull sonne Demetrius a prince of exceeding great towardnesse by the false accusation of Perseus his bastard-sonne After certaine time this king having discovered that by a false accufation he had murdered his owne sonne hee would needes disinherite the bastard Perseus and beeing continually tormented with the shaddow and resemblance of his sonne Demetruis which his conscience alwaies brought before his eies he dyed desperately detesting execrating that wicked Perseus This Perseus then his only sonne which remained to succeede him in his kingdome after a few yeeres raigne was taken prisoner by the Romanes and led in a triumph to Rome where hee miserably dyed in a prison So the imprecations and curses which the poore people chased from their countrey and goods by the king had poured out against him and his race fell upon him and his Is not this an example to make the haires to stand upright on princes heads when men persuades them to dispossesse naturall inhabitants of their countrie and goods yet at this day are there too many Machiavelists which say It is good to chase away the naturall inhabitants of France or at the least from certaine places and corners to people them with some race that is good faithfull and loyall as Italians Lombards yea what wants thereof an Italian colonie in the towne of Lyons for besides that a great part of the inhabitants are Italians and that other people of the countrey conforme themselves by little little to their actions behaviours manner of life and language that scant shall you finde any so vile or paltrie an artisan but hee will studie to speake Italian for these magnificall Machiavelists will give no countenanee nor willingly heare any but such as use their owne language by that meanes seeking to bring credit both to themselves and their tongue The townes also of Paris Marseille Grenoble and many others of France are they not full of Italians 4. Maxime A Prince in a country newly conquered must subvert and destroy all such as suffer great losse in that conquest and altogether root out the blood and the race of such as before governed there MEn saith Machiavell doe vvillingly change their lords thinking Cap. 3. of a Prince to amend themselves and this opinion commonly makes them revolt but most commonly they find themselves deceived seeing by experience themselves in vvorse case than before Wherfore to such such kinds of revoltings a prince ought to take out of the vvay all such as he thinks are displeased vvith the change by any enormious or great losse that hee hath suffered For I am persuaded saith he that all men of good iudgement hold this without doubt that the estate of a prince or commonweale cannot long endure in a countrey unlesse all such be taken away which for some great harme they have sustained by the change are contrarie unto him And herein Lewis the twelfth king of Fraunce dealt not vvisely therefore in as little time lost he the dutchie of Millane as before hee had conquered it For the Milanois found themselves deceived in opinion and frustrated of the advantages and commodities which they looked for at his hands and also could not suffer the proud handling of that new prince here vvas then his fault that he tooke not away all male-contents vvhich suffered losse in the change and especially because hee utterly rooted not out the race of the Sforces But Caesar Borgia did not thus for having occupied Romania of all the lords that he had dispossessed hee left not one alive that he could catch and very few escaped Therefore it is better to follow the example of Borgia than of king Lewis For sometimes it succeeds not vvell to imitate the best men For it vvas domageable to Pertinax and Alexander Severus to imitate the mildnesse and bountie of Marcus Antonius and to Caracalla Commodus and Maximine that they desired to resemble Severus MAchiavell meaning to shew that his purpose tendeth and aimeth onely to instruct a prince in all sorts of tyrannie giveth Dionisius Halic lib. 4. him heere a precept which in old time Thrasibulus the Milesian gave to Periander a tyrant of Corinth by Tarquine the proud king of Rome to Sextus his sonne For Periander having tyrannouslie obtained the domination of the crowne of Corinth where he had no right fearing some conspiration against him sent a messenger to Thrasibulus his great friend to desire his counsell and advice how to bee assured master and lord of Corinth Thrasibulus made him no answere by mouth but commanding the messenger to follow him he went into a field full of ripe corne and taking of the highest eares there the most eminent hee brused them betwixt his hands and wished the messenger to returne to Periander his master saying no more unto him As soone as Periander heard speake of brusing of the most ancient eares of corne hee presently conceiued the meaning thereof to wit to overthrow and take out of the way all the great men of Corinth which suffered any losse and were grieved at the change of the Estate as indeed he did As much did Sextus Tarquinius the sonne of Tarquinius the proud for hee making a countenance of some great discontentment with his father for his great crueltie towards him purposely caused a fame secretly to runne to the Gabinians then his fathers enemies that for his safegard hee would flye unto them if it pleased them to receive him and would bring with him a good troupe of his servants and friends These poore Gabinians not suspecting the intelligence betwixt the father and the sonne sent him word hee should bee very welcome Hee failed not with a good troupe by stealth to goe thither where ariving they welcommed him and because hee gave them to understand that hee would make warre upon his father to revenge the injurie done by his father to him them they elected him their captaine As soone as hee saw his foote in hee secretly sent a messenger to his father to let him understand what command hee had in the towne and to send him word what hee should doe The abovesaid Tarquin led the messenger into a garden where amongst many other hearbs then growne up to seede there were great store of poppie whose highest heads he struck of a pace with a little staffe he had in his hand and made no other answere to the messenger who returning to Gabium told Sextus his fathers actions so as hee well understood what he should doe Then made hee the people understand That Antistius Petra the chiefe lord and magistrate of the Gabinians with certaine of his complices had conspired to deliver him to Tarquin his father either dead or
ordinarily vvhen corrupted nations frequent amongst others for they infect them vvith evill manners And therefore it is that the Almaigne nation remaines so entire and constant in his manners because the Almaignes vvere never curious to trafficke vvith their neighbours nor to dwell in other countries nor to receive strangers into their countrey but alwayes have contented themselves vvith their owne goods nouriture manners and fashion of apparrell insomuch as shunning the frequentation of Spaniards French and Italians vvhich are the three nations of the vvorld most vicious they have not yet learned their customes and corruptions I Have not here set downe this Maxime to say it is not very true For besides the examples we reade in hystories we know it by experience and sight of eye seeing wee see at this day all Fraunce fashioned after the manners conditions and vices of strangers that governe it and have the principall charges and Estates and not onely many Frenchmen are such beasts to conforme themselves to strangers complections but also to gaggle their language and doe disdaine the French tongue as a thing too common and vulgar But if wee well consider this manner of vengeance taught by Machiavell in this Maxime we shall find it is a most detestable doctrine as well for them which practise it as for them against whom it is practised The example even of Capua which Machiavell alledgeth prooveth it For the Capuans in receiving into their towne Annibals armie corrupted Tit. Livius lib. 3. Dec. 3. rupted and infected the souldiers of Anniball with all excesse and effeminate wantonnesse also by the same meanes they procured their owne ruine and entire destruction which soone after happened unto them The Persian lords which with their manners corrupted king Alexander the Great did nothing to their owne advauntage Plu. in Alex. For Alexander becomming vicious they got the evill will of the Macedonians which tooke displeasure to see their king corrupted and finally after the death of Alexander which came unto him by his dissolutenesse learned of the Persians these lords had part of the evill lucke whereof they were cause And generally we may see that the corrupters of princes and people take part alwayes in the evill whereof they are cause as in other places we have shewed by many examples of flatterers which have corrupted their princes We Frenchmen may yeeld good witnesse of what account the Italian and Neapolitane nation is by the frequentation wee had with them in the voyage which was made to Naples in the time of king Charles the eight for from thence brought they this disease which at this day is now called the French poxe and that we have ever since kept but yet so as the Italians and Neopolitanes are not exempt therefrom but both the one and the other have part of that corruption Breefely we ought to detest and hate this wicked doctrine of Machiavell and reject all vengeance and follow S. Paules lesson who commands us to converse with good people and of good manners because the conversation of the wicked not onely corrupteth good manners but also soweth those that are wicked And as for that which Machiavell saith of the Almaignes wee know and see the frequentation of the Almaignes in France and yet till this present we have not seene that they have yet gathered corruption of manners And whereas he sets downe the French nation amongst such as are most corrupted we cannot denie it but we may well say That the doctrine of Machiavell the frequentation of them of his nation are cause of the greatest and most detestable corruption which is at this day in Fraunce For of whome have the Frenchmen learned and knowne atheisme sodomie trecherie crueltie usurie and such other like vices but of Machiavell and of them of his nation So that they may brag that they are well revenged of the warres which our auncestors have made in Italie 6. Maxime It is folly to thinke that with princes and great lords new pleasures will cause them to forget old offences CAEsar Borgia saith Machiavel during the life of Pope Alexander Cap. 7. Of Princes Discourse lib. 3. cap. 4. the sixt his father usurped the domination of Romania which is a land belonging to the Church and vvas called duke de Valentinois In making those usurpations in favour of the Pope his father he offended many Cardinals and amongst others the Cardinall of Saint Peter ad vincula yet after he consented that hee should bee elected Pope after the death of Alexander his father vvhereof hee soone repented For this new Pope called Iulius the eleventh straight be took himselfe to armes to recover that vvhich Borgia had usurped although he had favoured him in his election vvhich hee should never have done nor suffered any election of a Pope vvhich vvas his enemie For saith he new pleasures never makes men forget old iniuries and offences and therefore Borgia which in all other things had governed vvell committed a foule fault in the creation of Iulius and himselfe delivered the mean of his finall destruction The same fault cōmitted Servius Tullius king of the Romanes in giving his two daughters in marriage to two Tarquins vvhich quarrelled for the crowne and vvhich thought that Tullius vvould usurpe it upon them For not only this alliance extinguished the envie and rancour vvhich they had to Servius but that which is more it caused one of the daughters to enterprise to sley her owne father IF seemeth that this which Machiavell telleth of Borgia boweth something from the truth of the hystorie For Sabellicus writeth That during the election of Pope Iulius the eleventh Borgia was shut up in the Popes tower to be safe and guarded by his enemies So there was no likelyhood that a man brought into such an extremitie as to hide himselfe and be shut up in prison for the great multitude of enemies which hee had procured should have such great credit in the Popes election But suppose it was true that Borgia helped Pope Iulius to the Popedome and that Pope Iulius was unthankfull for that benefit for the remembrance that he had of the old and ancient injuries that Borgia had sometimes done him what followes hereof That all great lords will alwayes doe the like will some Machiavelist answer and that therefore they ought not to bee trusted Is not here a goodly doctrine for a prince Breefely it is Machiavels mind to teach a prince to trust in no lord which hee hath once offended and againe that none which hath made a fault or offended him shall any more trust him whatsoever reconciliation peace concord amitie pleasure and good offices may happen since the offence Here behold a most wicked and detestable doctrine to say That an offence ought to take so deepe root in the heart of the offended that by no pleasures services or other meanes it can be rased out But Machiavell seemeth something excusable to maintaine this Maxime for according to
the honour of his nation vengeances and enmities are perpetuall and irreconcilable and indeed there is nothing wherein they take greater delectation pleasure and contentment than to execute a vengeance insomuch as whensoever they can have their enemie at their pleasure to be revenged upon him they murder him after some strange barbarous fashion and in murdering him they put him in remembrance of the offence done unto them with many reprochfull words and injuries to torment the soule and the body together and sometimes wash their hands and their mouthes with his blood and force him with hope of his life to give himselfe to the divell and so they seeke in slaying the bodie to damne the soule if they could God by his grace keepe all countries but especially England which alreadie is so spotted with other vices and with the doctrine that Machiavell teacheth and which they of his nation practise that they be not soiled and infected with that immortall and irreconcilable vengeance For how should it be possible that any man should be without infinit quarels and continual and ordinarie batteries and murders yea with parents and friends and with al other persons with whom he hath any frequentation if offences may never be blotted out but by vengeance Every one may well know by experience that they which are amongst themselves great friends and familiars yet commit offences one to another and sometimes have great stirres despights and contentions amongst them But must men as soone as they receive any offence at the hand of a parent friend or of any other forget and blot out all amitie Christian and brotherly charitie towards his neighbour and to pardon no faults but seeke the ruin of him that offendeth us Surely this is not onely farre from all Christian pietie but also from all humanitie and common sence yea brute beasts which have no reason are not so unreasonable Irreconcilable vengeance contrary to natural right for a dog which we have offended will be appeased with a piece of bread yea will fawne upon him which beat him and as much will an horse do and an oxe which hath ben pricked and beaten when hey is given them and as for such as say that vengeance is lawfull by right of nature are greatly deceived as the beasts named before doe shew True it is that nature teacheth man and all living creatures to put backe violence with violence when a man is upon the act and instant it selfe when as violence is inferred but it teacheth not that after the act of violence outrage is committed a man ought to seeke vengeance to put backe that violence outrage for this is not to repell and repulse injurie which already being received cannot be repulsed but rather to inferre a new injurie violence withall that naturall right To repulse violence with violence it must be understood with reason equal moderation that is to say That such right hath place when by no other mean in any other sort we can shun the violence which is offered unto us And indeed the brute beasts themselves shew us we must so use it for you shall not see a wolfe nor a swine seeke to put backe the violence offered him whilest they have place enough to flie and that they be not brought to a strait and therfore it is a beastly ignorance to colour that detestable vice of vengeance by the right of nature for it is cleane contrarie and especially to the irreconcilable vengeance whereof Machiavell speaketh which he saith cannot be defaced nor forgotten by new pleasures But I doe well know that some Machiavelist will replie upon this doctrine that Machiavell speaketh onely of princes and great lords unto whom he saith That new pleasures cannot extinguish old injuries and that hereunto accordeth that which Homer saith A mightie king that angry is against one lesse than he Hom. Iliad lib. 1. Can hide full deepe in spightfull heart that hard it is to see His fierce and angry wrathfull mood till he espies his time Revenge to take according to the greatnesse of the crime But let the case be so that the wrath and irritations of great princes and lords dwell longer in their hearts than in other persons of lesse qualitie as the meaning of Homer seemes to be hereof it followeth not that a prince is implacable and that he cannot be appeased by any pleasures or services It seemes that Homer noted no other thing in the particular natures of kings and great lords but that they knowe how for a time to dissemble despights and offences perpetrated against them and can attend opportunitie to revenge them a thing very true and that wee see often practised But it is farre from Homer to say that kings and princes cannot be appeased by pleasures and good services that may bee done unto them after the offence yea in humiliating and reconciling themselves to them Homer speakes here of cholericke kings which are not masters of themselves not being able to command their passions and affections which raigne in them and which doe darken their reason and judgement such as was king Agamemnon of whom he especially spoke in the place above alledged For many good and wise kings and princes are seene which Good princes encline to pardon can so well make their passions and affections obey reason that not onely their wise judgement never suffereth that a desire after perpetuall vengeance shall take root in their hearts but rather will not leave in their memorie the offences that are done them but will forget and pardon them of their owne motion before any pardon be demanded for their wisedome judgeth that those passions of vengeance besides that they doe but torment and make leane the heart of a prince are altogether contrarie to the principall vertue which ought to shine in a prince as clemencie gentlenesse and goodnesse a vertue making a princes estate pleasing and assured which ought principally to shine in privat offences as justice ought especially to shine in publicke offences as shall be spoken more at large in another place although even in publicke offences it is sometimes requisit for the publicke good and utilitie that the prince use clemencie and forgetfulnesse To this purpose is very regardable the opinion that in the Senat that great and Titus Livi. lib. 4. Dec. 3. wise person Quintus Fabius Maximus held When the Romanes begun to get up and reprosper after their ruine at Cannas many of their allies which had revolted to Anniball profered to come to them againe Amongst others there was one Classius Altinius Arpinus who came to Rome and made the Senat understand That he had meanes to bring the towne of Arpos where he inhabited into their hands The matter comming to deliberation in the Senate some argued That it was not good to trust in this Altinius nor in any other Arpinois seeing they had violated their faith by revolting unto Anniball and that it were
such people I know men had neede take heede for although for a time they dissemble their choller and their appetite to vengeance yet will they not faile to discover it as soone as they see a commodious time to bee revenged with advantage But all Princes resemble little the Tarquines or Pope Iulius whereof Machiavell speaketh For Tarquin who enterprised to sley king Servius Tullius his father in law to obtaine the kingdome of Rome shewed well by that act and many other that hee was a very tyrant His end was also such as commonly tyrants have for he was driven from his kingdome which hee had unduly and unjustly usurped and was compelled to passe the rest of his daies in great povertie as a private person banished from Rome with all his children And as for Pope Iulius hee was knowne for a true and disloyall tyrant who greatlie abused the bountie of king Lewis the twelfth For that good king tooke from the Bentivolians Boloigne and many other townes from such pettie lords as occupied them and delivered them into the popes hands because they were lands belonging to the Romane church Yet in recompence this good Pope by published bulls exposed the whole kingdome of Fraunce for a prey to whomsoever would take it together with all the countries and lands of the allies of Fraunce and so Iohn de Albert king of Navarre lost his kingdome and king Lewis lost Millaine and almost all that hee held beyond the mountaines as wee have said in another place And this was the recompence the king received for all his benefits of this disloyall and wicked Pope of whom in his time was made a Pasquil at Rome and registred in our annales which in this sort speakes to his holinesse Of Gennua thy father was from Greece thy mother came A child then borne upon the sea what good in thee can bee Genuais deceivers are Greekes huge lyers are by fame No faith in sea thou hold'st these points most fully all in thee 7. Maxime A Prince ought to propound unto himselfe to imitate Caesar Borgia the sonne of Pope Alexander the sixt IT is not possible for me saith M. Nicholas to give better Cap. 14. Of the Prince precepts to a new prince than to lay before his eyes for an example the acts of Caesar Borgia duke de Valentinois sonne of Pope Alexander the sixt And although his affaires little prospered yet it vvas not vvholly his fault but rather the malignitie of an extraordinarie Fortune First then by the meanes of the Pope his father he troubled all the Estates of Italie that he might the more assuredly seize upon part of them A thing he easily effected For at the instigation of the Pope his father and of the Venetians the king of Fraunce Lewis the twelfth passed into Italie and so soone as he arrived at Millaine hee gave succours to the Pope to subiugate Romania vvhich straight vvas reduced under the hands of Borgia for the reputation of the French puissance Secondly because at Rome there were two mightie factions the Colonoise and the Vrsine against whose enterprises he feared they would oppose themselves hee got on his side the Vrsine faction by faire vvords and promises by the meanes wherof hee beat downe the French forces and overthrew the Colonois This being done he gained the gentlemen as vvell of the one faction as of the other honestly according them retaining them in his house giving them governments of townes and other honorable charges after their merites and qualities insomuch as in a little time the Vrsine and Colonois faction remained vvithout cheefetaines After this by faire and sweet vvords accompanied vvith good presents he caused the Vrsines to come to him unto Synagyllia vvhich being once together in his hands he slew them all Having thus suppressed those two factions and seeing himselfe peaceable and all Romania and in the dutchie of Vrbin to make himselfe feared to represse the insolencies of the pettie lords of that countrey hee sent thither for governour Messiere Remiro Dorco a severe and cruell man unto vvhom he gave full power Who exercising his crueltie committed many executions by meanes vvhereof he vvith feare made all the countrey tremble and so as peaceable and obedient as might be What then did Borgia To make the vvorld beleeve that such cruell executions vvere not done by his command nor by his consent suddainly he caused publickely the head of Messier Romiro to be cut off after this being afraid of the Frenchmen he refused any more to be served with the French forces so he put them away and to assure himselfe against them he sought alliance vvith the Spaniards vvhich then made vvarre in the kingdome of Naples and so were farther off to hurt him than the French which abode at Millaine Besides all this he put to death all the lords which hee had wronged and all their generation and very few escaped least a new Pope after his father should take occasion to warre upon him to reestablish those lords or their posteritie in their heritage as for the Lords which hee had not offended hee drew them almost all on his side to help him to bridle a new Pope that hee might not enterprise any thing against him his purpose was to make himselfe lord of all Tuscane and after lord of all Italie And already hee had under his protection Pise and Sienna and Luca inclined unto him But Pope Alexander his father dyed and failed him at his neede so that his domination beeing yet as a thing hanging in the ayre which was nothing solide Pope Julius the eleventh easily dispoyled him Borgia seeing that fortune which before had shewed him so good a countenance turned her backe and prooved so maligne and contrary unto him fell sicke and dyed and upon his death bed hee said He had prevented and thought upon all inconveniences that might happen unto him but death which hee never supposed would so soone have come IS not heere a gallant life and a goodly hystorie to propose for princes to imitate or rather a marke of Gods just judgement Caesar Borgia an example of Gods judgement which wee see hee ordinarily exerciseth against such detestable tyrants which by all manner of cruelties and disloyalties seeke to dominier For God in the end brings all their desseignes and goodly enterprises into smoke and makes them die in languishment and confusion and in displeasure that they have ever lived to see themselves falne into a mockerie and reproch with all the world by their wicked enterprises Yet this is not all for dying full of all vices not grieved for the evils they have done but rather for that they had no meanes nor leisure to doe more mischiefe they depart from this languishing life to goe suffer eternall paines by the just judgement of God who yeeldeth to the wicked persevering in their vices the reward of their merit Is not this wicked Borgia a faire example to us who at his
say they he cannot have bastards which are not alwaies bastards illegitimate and he cannot justly legitimate them because hee cannot exercise an act of jurisdiction in his owne cause or action These are the reasons of such as hold the negative part of our question True it is that they accord well that by plenitude of power the Pope may legitimate his owne bastards when hee expresly declareth that he will have it so of his full and absolute power and herein all the Cannonists agree For when they speake of the fulnesse of the Popes power they speake as of a deepe pit which is bottomelesse from whence none can come out when they are once in no more than if a man were sunke into some unmeasurable infinit deepe gulfe of the sea For they hold that it is an infinite thing which hath neither end nor beginning neither up nor downe neither banke nor bottome neither middest nor extremitie yet without wading too farre in it we will speake a little thereof something merrily for the matter is pleasant ynough as it hath been handled of the doctors of the facultie of Theologie which doe not well accord in this point with the Cannonists and Decretists Of the power of the pope and of their counsels We must then presuppose and understand that there is an old and ancient question which is not yet decided for want of a judge that is Which is the great master the Counsell or the Pope This question hath been many times disputed upon but it could never find a competent judge to dissolve it For who durst take upon him to judge the Pope seeing kings and emperours are his subjects and vassales as hee saith and doe owe him obedience and are bound to hold his bridle and stirrops when he mounteth on horsebacke The subject and inferior cannot be a judge over his lord and superiour this is certaine And indeed there was never found king nor superiour which durst enterprise to end that strife betwixt the Pope and the Counsell so that untill this day it remaineth undecided yet during this said strife contention the Cannonists have alwayes firmely held their opinion which is that the Pope is the greatest master but the doctors of the facultie of Theologie have held and practised the contrarie that the Councell is cheefe master The Cannonist doctors doe found upon many reasons which seeme not to bee weake nor evill to such as will not examine things too subtillie For say they the Pope and the Counsell represent God and the Church and even as God is above the Church so the Pope ought to be above the Counsell Moreover a certaine thing it is that every Counsell is compounded of men in kind I doe discreetly say in kind to cut off an objection namely that the Counsell might be composed of beasts in wit and knowledge But the Pope is more than a man and by consequent is greater than the Counsell As for this point that the Pope is more than a man there need no doubt be made therof for there are expresse texts ynough in the Cannon law which hold C. quanto sim ex de traÌ„slat episâ—o resolve it in proper tearmes These Cannonist doctors also hold upon this point That the Pope is neither God nor man not that therefore they meane that hee is a beast but that there is a certaine thing betwixt them which is more than a man and lesse than God The third argument of the Cannonists is that they say That the Pope representeth the great and cheefe shepheard and the Counsell the pettie and underling shepheards and that therfore the Pope must needs be above the Counsell as the head shepheard is above inferiour shepheards The fourth argument is because the keyes of Paradice were given to S. Peter who after left them unto the Popes his successors not to the Counsell So that say they if the Pope would rigorously deale with them of the Counsell hee would not suffer them to enter into Paradice for to enter into it we must only speake unto him seeing he only carieth the keyes thereof yet he will not doe his worst unto them although they give him great occasions calling themselves greater masters than he The doctors of the facultie of Theologie to sustaine the contrarie and to make appear that the Counsell is greater than the Pope use many subtile and speculative arguments into which every man cannot enter for their great subtiltie for when they speak of this matter they seeme to beat into as smal dust as Epicures Atomes the subtilties of S. Thomas de Aquin and Scotus For they destinguish the Pope from the papalitie and say that there is a spirituall papalitie and a potestative papalitie and that both of them are not alwayes concurrent in one papall subject For the spirituall papalitie may bee deficient in the subject by a defectuositie of science and the potestative by a defectuositie in the election After this they give many limitations to the said double papalitie according to which they say the Popes power and actions ought to be governed But without entring into these so subtile arguments out of which I cannot dispatch my selfe with credit I will only touch such as may best be comprehended of men of meane understanding They first say that the Counsell may create and depose the Pope as hath been many times seene therfore the Counsell is greater than the Pope for hee that hath power over another to make and unmake must needs be the greater master Secondly they say the Counsell representeth the universall Church which cannot erre in faith and the Popes have often erred in faith and amongst them have beene found many heretickes which for such have been condemned in Counsels and therfore men ought rather to preferre the Counsell which cannot erre before the Pope which is subject unto error They also say that even after the Cannons themselves the Pope alone cannot decide the articles and differences of faith but that it appertaineth to the Counsell and therefore that the Counsell which hath a more excellent power than the Pope must needs be reputed greater than hee Fourthly the Pope although he be president of the Counsell yet he neither hath nor ought to have but one voice no more than a simple bishop and therfore all the body of the Counsell must needs be more than hee as the body of a court of parliament is more than one of the presidents thereof Fiftly they say that when our Lord promised to give the keyes of paradice hee said thus I will give you the keyes of the kingdome of heaven Here you must note that he speaketh in the plurall number addressing his speech to many namely to all his Apostles not to S. Peter alone and he speaketh also of many keyes which can be in no lesse number than two seeing there is a plurall number but these two keyes are the keyes of knowledge and the key of power wherof the
great care to see himselfe in reputation to be cruell so that thereby he maintaine his people in a faithfull union and obedience For the cruell and rigorous executions of a prince doe but privately hurt certaine particulars which ought not to be feared and the two great lenitie of a pitifull prince is the cause of infinit evils which grow up and engender in their kingdomes as murderes thefts and other like Insomuch as a man may well say that a pitifull prince is cause of more evills than a cruell prince The example of the emperour Severus may serve vs for proofe heereof for hee was very cruell and by his crueltie overcame Albinus Niger the most part of their friends so wrought himselfe a peaceable empire which hee long time held beeing well obeyed and reverenced of all the world I Have heeretofore shewed how Caesar Borgia by his crueltie obtained for enemies almost all the potentates of Italie and thereby so well assured his estate that incontinent as his father was dead he was invironed with enemies destitute of friends despoiled of the lands he had usurped and constrained to hide himselfe to save his life This tragicall issue accordeth not very well with that which Machiavell heere maintaineth saying Bâ—rgia was erected by the credit of his father not by his crueltie That the crueltie of Borgia was the cause that hee got the peaceable domination of Romania For to say truth it was not his crueltie which easilie might have beene resisted Borgia of himselfe beeing without power but it was the favour and feare of the pope his father who commanded the French powers and made himselfe feared of all christian princes For at that time men feared more the popes simple buls than at this day they feare either the keies of S. Peter or the sword of S. Paul which hee said hee had or all his fulminations excommunications agravations reagravations interdicts anathematizations or all the forces and meanes hee can make And who would make account of all those at this day seeing even the Romanes themselves make but a mocke of them But in the time of Alexander Borgia yea in the time of Pope Iulius the eleaventh his successor all that the Pope would and ordained was held of christian princes for an ordinance as from the mouth of God yea even when the Pope ordained things manifestly wicked as when Iulius delivered as a prey the whole kingdome of France and the lands of the kings allies For the king of England of Arragon and the emperour Maximilian beleeved all that it was a sufficient cause to set upon the king and his allies and that it was even as an expresse commandement of God The world then and even princes being then overtaken with that beastly superstition and follie wee neede not bee abashed that Caesar Borgia had the meanes to possesse Romania under the shadow and favour of the Pope his father that with the aide of the king of France and it was plainly seene that that good hap to subjugate Romania proceeded from favour and not from crueltie as Machiavell saith because as soone as that favour ceased all his case was overthrowne and it was straight seene that his utter ruine arived as is said I doe then maintaine cleane contrary from the Maxime of Machiavell and say That crueltie is a vice which ordinarily bringeth â—o princes the ruine of them their estates and that clemencie and gentlenes is the true meanes to maintaine and establish a prince firme and assured in his estate For proofe heereof reasons are cleare and manifest for wee call crueltie all executions which are committed upon men their lands and goods without any forme of justice or against all right and equitie heereupon it followeth that as violence is directly contrarie to right and equitie so also is crueltie and that crueltie is no other thing but manifest violence But according to the Maximes even of philosophers No violent thing can endure So it followeth that an estate founded upon cruelty cannot long endure Moreover crueltie is alwaies hated of every one for although it bee not practised upon all particulars but upon some onely yet they upon whom it is not exercised cease not to feare when they see it executed upon their parents friends allies and neighbours But the feare of paine and punishment engendreth hatred for one can never love that whereof hee feares to receive evill especiallie when there is a feare of life losse of goods and honours which are the things wee hold most precious and of that which wee hate wee by the same meanes desire the losse and entier ruine and search out procure and advance it with all our power But it is impossible when all a people shooteth at one same marke that a tyrant or cruell prince for all is one can long endure or that hee can doe so much as there shall not arive unto him some disastre or evill fortune And if sometimes it please God to suffer him to live long it is to cause him to take the higher leap that in the end hee may have the sorer fall As wee see it well painted in poets tragoedies where many tyrants are seene which enduring long time have done no other thing during the space of their life but knit cordes fasten gallowes in some imminent places whet swords and daggers temper poisons for afterward to drinke the poison to stab the dagger in their bosomes or hang themselves on the gibet in the sight of all the world which laughing and mocking them say it is well employed we must not say that such tragoe dies are but poeticall fictions for hystories are full of such tragicall ends of tyrants which have delighted to shed their subjects bloud and to handle them cruellie Cruell people are commonly cowards This vice of crueltie proceeding from the weaknesse of such as can not command their choller and passions of vengeance and suffer themselves to bee governed by them never happened in a generous and valiant heart but rather alwaies in cowardly and fearefull hearts Therfore when one day one advertised the emperour Mauricius that the captaine Phocas entended and wrought evill against him and another maintained that he was but a coward and too fearefull to bring any thing to passe the emperour Mauricius answered So much the more ought I to take heed for those cowardly and fearefull people when they enterprise a crueltie and that they have advantage they can never hold any measure therein And this vice of crueltie saith Marcellinus may be called the ulcer of the soule proceeding of Amian Mar. lib. 27. feeblenesse of the mind and cowardise of the heart And therefore sicke and diseased people are more chollericke than they that are in health and miserable and desperate men more than they which are at their ease and contented And hereupon saith Marcellinus that the cause why Valentinian was a cruell man came because of the choller which
his sonne For how durst he punish that vice that hee had learned him therefore this example of Severus serveth little or nothing to maintaine the doctrine of Machiavell neither is one example so considerable against a million of others contrary for men must make a law of that which happeneth most often and in many examples not of that which seldome happeneth When Anniball began to execute evill his businesses in Italie and that the Romanes having taken courage began to follow him neere and to hould him short he tooke a cruell counsell which much advanced his ruine For the townes and fortresses which hee could not guard hee ruinated and destroyed that his enemies after him might not draw any commoditie from them nor make any use of them This was a cause that their courages which tooke part with him were alienated from him for saith Titus Livius Example toucheth men more than doth callamitie and losse It was a great crueltie in the duke Iohn of Bourgoigne when hee durst so much enterprise as to cause to bee slaine the duke of Orleance the kings onely brother Monst lib. 1 cap. 38. 39. 112. which crueltie cost many heads and was cause of infinit evils in the kingdome of France and finallie was the cause that the duke himselfe was massacred on the same manner that hee had caused to massacre the duke of Orleans But yet it is a thing more strange that this duke durst maintaine that he had great neede to commit that massacre Yea he found a doctor in Theologie called master Iohn Petit who durst affirme in tearmes of Theologie that that act was goodly praiseable and worthie of remuneration True it is that in the time wherein wee are there are found many such doctors of the bottle patrons defenders of sinnes and vices such as this Iohn Petit but as in the end hee was knowne to bee a lyer and a slanderer and his propositions condemned hereticall so God will cause his imitators of this time in the end to bee found like him but that the asse may appeare by his eares I have briefely set downe his oration The duke of Bourgoigne having made himselfe the stronger in armes within Paris hee tooke order that there should be held a Counsell and an assembly therein to propose his justifications In which Counsell assisted Monssier le Daulphin the king of Sicile the cardinall of Bar the dukes of Berry of Bretaigne of Lorraine and many contes barons and many other great lordes and the rector of the Vniversitie of Paris accompanied with many doctors clearkes and bourgesses There was brought in by an usher master Iohn Petit a doctor in Theologie before all those nobles to justifie the act of the duke of Bourgoigne After then they had given him audience with both his hands hee tooke off his great square doctorall bonnet from off his head and began to speake in this manner My most redoubted lordes Monseignior the duke of Bourgiogne contie of Flanders and Arthois twise peere of France An oration of a doctor in Divinity and deane of Peares is come before the most noble most high Majestie royall as to his soveraigne lord to doe him reverence in all obedience as he is bound by foure obligations which commonly are set downe by doctors in Theologie and of the cannon civile law Of which bonds the first is of neighbour to his neighbour the second of parent towards his parent the third of vassaile towards his lord and the fourth will bee that the subject not onely offend not his lord but also revenge such offences as are done against him There are yet other obligations that is That the king hath done much good honour to my lord of Bourgoigne For it pleased him that Monseignior le Daulphin should espouse his daughter that the son of my said lord of Bourgoigne should marry madame Michelle daughter to his royall majesty and as S. Gregorie saith Cum crescunt dona crescunt rationes donorum that is when gifts encrease so doe their obligations also All these obligations are cause that my lord of Bourgoigne hath caused to slay the duke of Orleance lately dead which act was perpetrated for the very great good of the kings person of his children and of all the realme as I shall so sufficiently shew as every man shall bee satisfied For the said Monseignior of Bourgoigne hath charged me by expresse commandement to propose his justification which thing I durst not denie for two causes The first because I am bound to serve him by an oth taken of mee three yeeres agoe The second because hee hath given mee a good and great portion every yeere to keepe mee at schole because hee considered I was smally benificed which pension did mee great good towards my expences and yet will so doe mee long if it please God and my said lord of Bourgoigne But when I consider the great matter I have taken in hand to handle before this noble companie great feare troubleth my heart for I know I am of small sense feeble of spirit and of a poore memorie so that my tongue and memory flieth away and that small sence I was wont to have hath now altogether left mee so that I see no other remedie but to commend mee to my God and creator and to his glorious mother to Monseigneur S. Iohn the Evangelist prince of Theologians And therefore I humbly beseech you my most redoubted lords all this companie if I say any thing which is not well said to attribute it to my simplenesse and ignorance that I may say with the Apostle Ignorans feci ideoque miserecordiam consecutus sum that is I did it of ignorance and therefore am I pardoned But some may here make a question saying It appertaineth not to a Theologian to make the said justification but rather to a jurist I answer That then it belongeth nothing to me which am neither the one nor the other but a poore ignorant man as I have sayd whose sence and memorie faileth yet a man may say and maintaine it That it well belongeth to a doctor in Theologie to defend his master and to say and preach the truth Men need not then be abashed if I lend my pore tongue to my lord and maister who hath nourished me For it is now in his great need that I lend him my tongue they that love me the lesse for it I thinke they commit a great sinne and hereof every man of reason will excuse me Then to begin this Iustification I take my theame upon that which S. Paul saith Radix omnium malorū cupidit as quam quidam appetentes erraverunt à fide These words are in the first to Timothie the sixt chapter and are thus englished Ladie Covetousnesse of all evils is the root which makes men disloyall Some may object to me that pride is the first of all sinnes because Lucifer by his pride fell from Paradice into hell and also
because it is said in Ecclesiasticus chap. 10. Initium omnis peccati superbia that is Pride is the beginning and root of all sinne All men may then argue from this place Then is not dame covetousnesse But the answere hereunto is that there are three manner of covetousnesse that is of Honor of Riches and of Carnall delectation but the first kind comprehendeth pride ergo c. This covetousnesse also of honor comprehendeth vain-glorie wrath hatred envie insomuch as hee that is spotted with this kind of covetousnesse is enflamed with vaine-glorie and angrie against his lord whose place and domination he would gladly occupie and moreover hateth and envieth him And al these crimes together which proceed from covetousnesse when they are committed against his prince are called Treason which is the greatest crime that can bee Thus much for the first point of my theme That dame Covetousnesse is the root of all evils The second point is That she maketh them become disloyall for with a desire to dominier they enterprise against their lord whereas they should be loiall unto him as I shall shew hereafter by many goodly places But as is fit to shew my lord of Bourgoignes justification I will take that place of dame Covetousnesse which I have alleadged for my Major and after I will come to my Minor and so to the Conclusion For proofe then of my Maior I wil note and propose eight principall Verities by manner of a foundation out of which I will inferre eight Conclusions as it were correlatives the better to ground the justification of Monsieur de Bourgoigne The first Veritie is That every subject and vassale which upon covetousnesse enterpriseth against the corporall health of his king and soveraigne lord to take away his most noble seignorie committeth the horrible crime of treason and is worthie of double death that is of the first and of the second I prove it because every disloyall subject and vassale against his soveraigne sinneth mortally Ergo c. Also I prove it by S. Gregorie who sayth thus Tyrannus est proprie qui non Dominus reputatur non iuste principatur aut non principatu decoratur That hee is a tyrant which is not the true Lord or which ruleth not justly or which is not honoured by his principalitie Also I prove it by S. Iohn the Evangelist who saith Qui vivit non morietur nec laedetur à morte secunda that is to say That he that shall have victorie upon lady Covetousnesse and her three daughters Ire Hatred and Envie shall not need to feare the second death namely eternall damnation The second Veritie is that in the aforesaid case wherein the subject or vassale is worthie of double death yet the vassale is more to be punished than the simple subject and a baron more than a simple vassale and a countie more than a baron and a duke more than a countie and a kings allie more than a stranger I prove it because the obligation of a duke or the kings kinsman towards the king is by many degrees greater than of a countie baron or of a vassale Ergo then the punishment must be in an higher degree And that my consequence is good I prove it because the degrees of obligations and prerogatives doe correspond and fully answer to the degrees of the punishment and so as they are greater so ought the punishment to be greater as I have before alledged out of S. Gregorie Cum crescunt dona crescunt rationes donorum As gifts encrease so ought the reasons of gifts that is obligations to doe I prove also my said Veritie by another argument It is a greater scandale that a duke or the kings allie should goe about to take away the kings seignorie than if it were a poore subject Ergo then the punishment ought to bee greater seeing the scandale is greater Thirdly I prove my said Veritie because there is a greater perill of a great man than of a little therefore the remedie of punishment ought to be greater to withdraw great men from yeelding and obeying the enemie of mankind and dame Covetousnesse The third Veritie is That in the case aforesaid when the vassale committeth treason meriting double death then is it lawfull for every subject according to the lawes morall naturall and divine to kill without any command that traitour and disloyall tyrant and it is not onely lawfull but also honourable and meritorious I prove this veritie by twelve reasons in the honour of holy Theologie The first of a doctor which upon the second booke of the master of Sentences sayth Qui ad liberatioonem patriae tyrannum occidit praemium accipit facit opus laudabile meritorium That is He which sleyeth a tyrant to deliver his countrey receiveth a reward and doth a laudable and a meritorious worke The second authoritie is taken out of that excellent doctor Salceber in his book of Policraton who saith Amico adulari non licet sedaurem Tyranni mulcere licitum est quia ei licet adulari quem licet occidere that is It is not lawfull for any to flatter his friend but with faire words he may wel bring a tyrant asleepe for it is lawfull to kill him The third authoritie is of many doctors in Theologie all which I set downe but for one that I may not exceede the number of three namely of Richard de Mivile Alexander de Halles and Astensis which hold the foresaid conclusion And for a greater confirmation I adde hereunto the authoritie of S. Peter who sayth Subditi estote Regi quasi praecellenti that is Let each man obey his king as the most excellent and soveraign My three second reasons of the twelve are founded upon the authoritie of three morrall philosophers The first Licitum laudabile est cuilibet subditorum occidere tyrannum that is It is lawfull praiseworthie for every man to sley a tyrant The second authoritie is from the noble morallist Tully who sayth in his Offices That they which killed Iulius Caesar were worthie of praise because he had usurped the seignorie of Rome by tyrannie The third authoritie is out of Boccace who sayth That men may well conspire and employ armes against a tyrant and that it is a thing most holy and necessarie that a tyrant ought not to be called king nor prince and that there cannot be a more pleasanter sacrifice than the bloud of a tyrant After these authorities alledged out of Theologians and Moralists I come now to the authoritie of Legists And because I am not a Lawyer it sufficieth me to speake the sentence of the lawes without alledging them for in all my life I never studied the cannon and civile law but two years and that was twentie yeares agoe so that I could learne but a little and might easily forget that little by the length of time since I learned it The first authoritie out of the civile law is That it is lawfull to kill
forsakers of knighthood but who can more forsake knighthood than he which forsakes his king who is the chiefe of all knighthood The second authoritie is That it is lawfull to kill theeves and robbers by high wayes It is lawfull then to kill a tyrant which continually watcheth and intendeth the death of his soveraigne lord I come now to three authorities of the holy Scripture The first is that of Moses who without authoritie slew the Aegyptian who tyrannized over the people of Irael For at that time Moses had not the authoritie of a judge over the people of Israel which was delivered unto him nigh fortie yeares after that he had slaine the Aegyptian The second authoritie is the example of Phineas who without any commandement slew the duke Zambry because he allied him selfe by carnall love with a Sarracene woman whereupon Phineas was commended and reverenced in three things in love honour and riches The third authoritie is that of S. Michael the archangell who without the commandement of God or any other fought against the tyrant Lucifer so disloyall to God his soveraigne who went about to usurpe the seignorie of God The said S. Michael was favourably rewarded in three things that is in honour love and riches in love because God loved him more than any other Angell in honour because God made him a perpetuall prince of the heavenly hoast in riches because God gave him riches as much as he desired or could carrie away so it appeareth that my third Veritie is well proved by twelve reasons in the name of the twelve Apostles of which reasons three are taken from the holy Theologians three from Moralists and three from Legists and the three last from the holy Scripture and they goe alwaies from three to three My fourth Veritie is this It is more meritorious and honourable that a tyrant be slaine by the kings parents than by a stranger and by a duke than by a countie and by a barron than by a simple vassale because therein shineth more the love obedience of the sleyer and is more honourable to the king to be revenged of a great man than a base and meane man My fift Veritie is That alliances promises othes or confederations ought not to be kept if for keeping them there come any prejudice to the prince or to the commonweale but to keep them is to do against the morall naturall and divine lawes I proove this Veritie by thus arguing Whensoever two contrarie obligations are concurrent a man must keepe and observe the greatest and breake the least But in this case the bond unto the prince and commonwealth is greater than any other promise or consideration Ergo then wee must observe the obligation towards the prince and commonwealth and breake all other obligations othes and confederations Also in arguing thus Whensoever a man doth a thing better than that which he sweares to do he is not perjured in doing that better thing omitting that thing which he swore to doe as expressely the master saith of Sentences in the last of the third but in this propounded case it is better to kill a tyrant although a man have sworne not to kill him than to let him live as hath been above shewed Ergo then it is no perjurie nor evill done to sley a tyrant against his sworne promise alliance or confederation that he hath with him Also Isiodorus in his booke of soveraigne good sayth That wee must not observe an oth whereby a man shall bee forced rashly to commit an evill but in our case a man shall bee forced to an evill by such a promise and oth Ergo he must then not observe it The sixt Veritie is That if so it happen that the alliances othes or confederations turne to the prejudice of one of the promisers hee is in nothing bound to keep them This veritie is prooved in thus arguing The end of every commaundement is charitie as the Apostle saith but the cheefe charitie beginneth at our selves Ergo the commandement to observe the faith and promise ought not to bee observed if it be contrarie to the charitie which we ought to have towards our selves according to that which is said of the Cannonists Frangenti fidem fides frangatur eidem Hee that breakes faith faith ought to be broken to him againe Also in all promises that are made every man must include If it please God But certaine it is it pleaseth not God that we should do any thing against the law and order of charitie Ergo c. The seventh Veritie is That to every subject it is lawfull honourable and meritorious to kill a tyrant by deceits speculations and dissimulations I proove it first by the authoritie of the morall philosopher Boccace above alledged Also by the example of king Iehu who dissembled to approve the service of Baal to trap the sacrificers for which he was praised Also by the example of Ioiada who by treason caused Athalia to be slaine for which he was praised Also of Iudith who slew Holofernes by dissimulation whereupon she is praised And this is the fittest death for tyrants to die on that is to be slaine villanously by watchings and espiements The eight Truth is That every subject which enterpriseth and worketh against his soveraigne lord by Necromancie and invocation of devils for covetousnesse to have the crowne is a violator of the Catholicke faith and worthie of double death the first and the second For S. Bonaventure in his second book Distinction the sixt saith That the divell never pleaseth the will of such men but first idolatrie and infidelitie are mingled together For as faith serveth much to the operation of the miracles of God so infidelitie is as requisit in the operation of divellish things The divell also will doe nothing for such men unlesse they agree to yeeld him the domination over them whereof he is very desirous Also that great doctor in the ninth article in Secunda Secundae saith and affirmeth That invocations of devils never come to effect without a fore-going of a corruption of faith idolatrie and an expresse compact with divels And this opinion doe the venerable doctors Alexander de Hales Richard de Mivile and Astensis hold and commonly all the other doctours which have writ of this matter Here you see my eight Verities well proved I come now to eight Correlatives The first is If it come to passe that in the case aforesaid these invocators of devils and traitoâ—â—â—o the king be imprisoned and some of their partakers deliver or cause to deliver them hee ought to bee punished with the same punishment as they are themselves namely with the first and second death Secondly every subject that maketh a bargaine with any man to empoyson his soveraigne lord although the enterprise come not to effect is also well worthie of death Thirdly every subject that by dissimulation of pastime causeth apparrell to be made to put on his soveraigne lord and to put
fire therein thinking to burne him is also worthie of double death Fourthly every subject making alliance with the mortall enemies of the king the kingdome is also worthie of death Fiftly every subject which fraudulently setteth dissention betwixt the king and the queene making the queene understand that the king hateth her and counselling her to goe out of the realme she and her children offering safely to conduct her out is worthie of the like death as above Sixtly every subject that giveth the Pope to understand false things as to make him understand that his king and lord is not worthie to hold the crowne nor his children after him is worthy of like death Seventhly the tyrant that hindereth the union of the church and the deliberations of the Cleargie for the utilitie of the holy mother Church ought to be punished as an hereticke and schismaticke and meriteth that the earth should open and swallowe him as Dathan Core and Abiron Eightly the subject which by empoysonments and viands seekes to cause the king or his children to die is worthie of the aforesaid death The last is that every subject which with souldiers causeth the people and countrey of his soveraigne to bee eaten up and exiled and which taketh and distributeth his money at his pleasure and makes it serve his turne to procure alliances with his lords enemies ought to be punished as a very tyrant with the first and second death And here I make an end of my Maior of the justification of Monsieur the duke of Bourgoigne But I come now to declare my Minor wherin I have shewed That Lewis late duke of Orleance was so much embraced with ladie Covetousnesse of the honours and riches of this world that hee would have taken away the seignorie and crowne of Fraunce from the king his brother and his children by temptation of the enemie of hell using the aforesaid meanes for he found an Apostata monke expert in the divellish art unto whom he gave a ring and a sword to consecrate them to the divell This monke went into a solitarie place behind a bush where he put off all his garments to his shirt and fell on his knees so invocating devils Straight there appeared two devils apparelled in darke greene whereof the one was called Hernias and the other Estramain Then this monke did unto them as great reverence honour as he could doe to God our Saviour and one of the devils tooke the ring and the other the sword and after vanished away the monke went away also Hee returned into that place againe and there found the ring having a red colour and the sword wherewith he thought to have slaine the king but by the helpe of God and of the most excellent ladies of Berry and Bourgoigne the king escaped Also the said duke of Orleance made an alliance and confederation with the duke of Lancaster who in like manner warred against king Richard of England his lord as is abovesaid Item He went about to have carried away the queene and her children which hee meant to have carried into the countie of Luxembrough to take his will of her which the queene would not agree to Item Hee practised to make Monseignior le Daulphin eat an impoysoned apple which was given to a child who was charged to give it to none but to the said Daulphin but it so happened that the child gave it to one of the sonnes of the said duke of Orleance who diâ—d thereof Item The said duke hath alwayes favoured the Pope in the extraction of money out of the kingdome to obtaine of him a declaration against the king and his generation of inhabilitie to hold the kingdome and to give it unto him Item He hath held armed men in the fields by the space of 14 or 15 yeares which did nothing but pill exile rob ransack and sley the poore people and force women and maids Item He laid tallages upon the kings subjects and emploied the silver in making alliances with our enemies to come to the crowne and besides hee hath committed many great crimes which my said Monseignior le Bourgoigne reserveth to declare in time and place It followeth then by good consequence that my said lord of Bourgoigne Conclusion ought not to be blamed for sleying the said duke of Orleance and that the king should like that deed well and to authorize the same as much as were needfull And besides he ought to be rewarded in three especiall things that is in Love Honour and Riches as were S. Michaell the archangell and the most valiant Phineas that is to say as I thinke in my grosse and rude understanding That the king our lord ought more than before to beare amitie loyaltie and good reputation to my said lord of Bourgoigne and to cause to be published letters patents through all the realme God graunt it may bee so who bee blessed world without end Amen Here is in substance the Oration of that venerable doctor in Theologie unto which I have not added one word onely I have shortened certaine long and reiterated allegations whereby might be seene the beastlinesse of this our master a man hired to justifie one of the most execrable murders that ever was committed Very notable is the rhethoricke and art of this venerable doctors Oration which in the Exordium or beginning to obtaine benevolence confesseth that he is an ignorant man without sence or memorie And to make a reason why hee hath enterprised to be in these causes advocate he saith it is for a pension which the duke of Burgoigne gave him towards his living After for proofe of his Maior he alleadgeth places of Scripture so evill applied as children at this day will discover his follie And for notable authors he alledgeth a sort of sottish scholasticall sophisters of Theologie as Alexander de Hales Salceber Mivile and other like His Correlatives and his Minor are the false imputations wherewith the duke of Bourgoigne charged the duke of Orleance Moreover this Oration was reviewed by the masters of the facultie of Sorbonne with the bishop of Paris and the Inquisitor of faith and there were condemned for heresies these propositions following Every tyrant may be slaine by his vassale and subject without commandement of justice Secondly S. Michael slew Lucifer without Gods commandement Thirdly Phineas killed Zambry without the commandement of God Fourthly Moses slew the Egyptian without the commandement of God Fifthly Iudith sinned not in flattering Holofernes nor Iohn in lying that he would honour Baal Sixtly it is not alwaies perjurie when a man dooth that which he hath sworne not to doe Which articles having been declared hereticall they were condemned to be burnt publickely as also M. Iohn Petits bones who had maintained them for he was at this judgement dead and buried at Hesdin and the said articles were executed and put into the fire but not the doctors bones for they could not be gotten because the duke of Bourgoigne then
cut in pieces all them which entred which caused Anniball thus to be taken in his own net Thus was he knowne and discovered for a Fox so as often they turned his owne nets upon him as they do upon Foxes when Counsell of subtiltie perillous they catch them by bending their nets backward And truly it is most often seene that such subtilties as tast of trecherie and disloyaltie succeed not well For as captaine Quintius said to the Aetolians Subtile and audacious counsels are at the first very agreeable and pleasant but to guide they are difficill and hard and full of sorrow in the end Concerning this subtiltie and perfidious deceit a notable advice is given by the Tit. Livius lib. 2. Dec. 5. Senate of the auncient Romans The Romans being upon the point to move warre against Perseus king of Macedonie they first sent embassadors unto him amongst them Martius Phillippus to know the deseignes of that king and to trie if he would repaire the faults and injuries which he had committed against the Romanes The said embassadors found that king but slenderly prepared for warre and altogether Tit. Livius lib. 2. Dec. 5. evill disposed to acknowledge or repaire his faults Therefore making him understand that he need to looke for nothing at the Romanes hands but amitie and that at their hands he might easily look for a good peace or truce with this hope leaving him they returned to Rome Soone after they were arrived they declared in full to the Senate all that they had done in Macedonie and especially how they deceived king Perseus in making him beleeve that hee might at his pleasure have peace or Treaties of craftinesse rejected of the Romans truce wherein they thought to have wrought well But the abovesaid old Senatours begun to answere them That they liked not neither would countenance such treaties as be not beseeming the Romanes that their auncestors used not to vanquish their enemies by deceits and subtilties nor by nocturne battails nor by simuled and fained flight and so suddenly to returne nor by other deceits but by true and perfect vertue For their custome was ever to denounce warre before they begun it yea sometimes they assigned the place of battaile Our auncestors mooved with this sinceritie and loyaltie would not employ the physician of king Pyrrhus their enemie who offered to poyson his master for a certaine summe of silver but they discovered to the king the disloyaltie of the Physician that also by this said sinceritie they would not take the children of the Falisques which were delivered them by their owne schoolemaster but sent the schoolemaster bound and all his schollers backe againe to the Falisques And that such doings become Romanes well and not to use the subtile deceits of the Punickes or the craftinesse of the Grecians which esteemed it more honorable to deceive their enemie than to vanquish him And that although for the present time subtiltie hath profited yet the enemie vanquished by deceits never holds himselfe for vanquished but hee onely which acknowledgeth himselfe surmounted by true vertue without any subtiltie or deceit Behold what was the opinion of these old and wise Senators which rejected and despised the Fox-like subtilties whereof Machiavell makes such great account In the yeare 1383 the duke of Anjou brother of king Charles le Sage went into Italie with a puissant armie to conquer Naples and Sicilie Amongst other lords which accompanied him in this voyage was the earle of Savoy who led with him a good companie of knights as they were in Poville and Calabria seeing none to resist them they begun straight to devise of a place where they might assuredly have resistance and it was made knowne to the duke of Anjou that the strongest place of all that countrey was the Egge-castle of Naples which is builded in the sea within which Charles de la Paix a competitor of the said kingdome of Naples remained The duke of Anjou enquired by what meanes he might come to have it There came then straight an Enchanter unto him who said that he would helpe him unto it in like manner as he helped Charles de la Paix who now held it And how is that answered the duke Sir answered the Enchanter I will cause a grosse and thick cloud to arise out of the sea which shall have the forme of a bridge whereof your enemies shall be so afraid that they shall yeeld themselves to you Yea but replied the duke can men passe upon that bridge Sir said the Enchanter I will not assure that for as soone as any do make the signe of the crosse as they passe or do any way crosse their legs or their armes or otherwise all will fall to the ground and goe to nothing The duke of Anjou began to laugh and after sent for the countie of Savoy to have his counsell upon this matter whereof hee made a recitall The countie entreated the duke as soone as the Enchanter came againe to him to send him to his chamber for I would talke with him a little The duke the next morning sent him unto him When this Enchanter was come into the earle of Savoyes lodging Well sir said the earle you say you will make us enjoy the Egge castle Yea Sir for Charles which now possesseth it obtained it by my meanes and I know he feareth me more than all the forces that can come against it Well replied the Earle I will deliver him from that feare and I will not have him say that so many brave knights as wee are could not vanquish so weake an enemie as Charles de la Paix is but by the meanes of an Enchanter So saith he call hither the hangman who being come he commanded that in the court the Enchanters head should be cut off which was done For this wise earle had no mind to vanquish by deceits and enchantment but by true and naturall vertue And surely generous hearts doe alwaies disdaine crafts subtilties and deceits which also cannot long last for after a prince or captaine hath a name that he useth it and then especially when a thing is to bee done seriously and plainely men doe alwayes thinke they intend some subtiltie or deceit And if it succeeded well to Severus his using of deceit so it doth not to all men nor to the most part and Severus was greatly diffamed for such frauds but his other vertues made him prosper But should we call this beastlinesse or mallice which Machiavell saith of Chiron or hath he read that Chiron was both a man and a beast Who hath told him that he was delivered to the prince Achilles to teach him that goodly knowledge to be both a man and a beast Xenophon saith that Chiron was Iupiters brother so great a Xenoph. de Venâ—t man he makes him full of great knowledge and of all vertue generositie pietie and justice nay he saith further that Aesculapius Nestor Amphiaraus Peleus Telamon
After that the emperour Nerva was chosen emperour hee entred into the Senate Dion in Nerva when it was assembled and after hee made them understand how kindlie and temperatelie hee meant to behave himselfe in the government of the empire hee added for a conclusion an oath and promise That never by his ordinance and command hee would put to death any Senator A thing which greatlie pleased all the companie and especiallie because that cruell emperour Domitian his predecessor whom hee succeeded had caused a great number to die yea for frivolous and trifling causes What followed It happened that certaine Senators conspired against that good emperour and that the conspiration was discovered but that good prince seeing that the conspirators were Senators and that hee had given to them all his Faith and oath that hee would cause none of them to dye loved better to observe his Faith and oath than to punish with death those Senators which had well merited it What will our Machiavellists say heere which most cruelly put to death massacre against publik Faith even such as no way have deserved any punishment But it is time to leave those ancient Romane examples for wee should never Beliay lib 1. Of his memories have done to rehearse them all now let us come to domesticall examples In the yeere 1508 king Lewis the twelfth who then held the dutchie of Millan made a league at Cambray with the emperour Maximilian and pope Iulius the eleventh to expulse at their common charge and expences the Venetians out of the firme land as usurpers of that they held upon the empire upon the Church and upon the dutchie of Millan And it was accorded that in the yeere following at a convenient and good time every one of the said three princes shoule appeare upon the place with his army and every man should have that yeelded unto him that was his owne after they had conquered the said countries which the Venetians held The king according to this accord came himselfe in person with his army and many great princes and French lords but the emperour and the pope failed Yet the king feeling himselfe strong enough alone gave battaile to the Venetians and got the victorie insomuch as their chiefetaines were taken and 2000 slaine and almost all the townes which the Venetians had on firme land yeelded to him What then did this good king although the other two held not their Faiths unto him and that having then the dutchie of Millan hee alone might easily have kept all that he had conquered yet notwithstanding hee voluntarilie yeelded to the emperour Verone Vicence Padua and otherplaces belonging to the empire and to the Pope Rimini Faence Cervia Ravenna and other church townes Heereby this good king shewing in what great recommendation hee had the observation of his Faith and to maintaine whole and perfect his promise For if with excuses hee would have dealt deceitfully to have broken his Faith as Machiavell saith hee ought to have done had hee not a faire pretext to say that others had not held promise with him might hee not have the said that hee was nor bound to reconquer theirs at his owne charges by the traict of their league Might hee not well have beaten the Pope with his owne Cannons alledging as before Frangenti fidem fides frangatur eidem But he was a plaine man without guile and sincere hee sought no evasions or refuges but an upright observer of his Faith and promise yet Machiavell reprehends him because hee used not deceits and tromperyes as the popes Alexander Iulius did The memorie is yet fresh of the great warres which the emperour Charles the fifth and Francis the first king of France had together as also how they objected Bellay lib. 8. Of his memories one to another the observation of Faith in their publike escripts and writings yet whatsoever imputations were laid by one to another experience manifested the truth in the yeere 5539 when the emperour under the word of the king passed through France to goe from Spaine into Flanders where the people of Gant were risen up against him for in that passage the emperour shewed well that hee beleeved the king was a prince who would keep his Faith unviolated when he trusted his owne person under it notwithstanding all the warres enmities hostilities and other differences which had so often happened betwixt them two and were not yet extinguished And certaine it is that if the emperour who was a wise prince had had the least doubt in the world of the kings Faith and loyaltie hee would never have put himselfe in his hands and especially for so small an occasion as in hast to goe build a citadell in the towne of Gant insomuch as his fact contradicteth his mouth and word For before hee had many times given an intimation to the king not to hold and observe sincerely his Faith but as by his own fact he shewed that he beleeved the contrary of that hee had said so found hee by experience that the king was the part hee plaied with the king of Armenia succeeded not alike unto him which king he sent for to come unto him being then nigh his country making him to understand that hee would agree him with his children with which then the king had some dissention For as soone as hee came to him hee caused him to be taken prisoner and to bee bound and to bee cast into a straight prison as hee had done with Augarus But the Armenians having discovered this perfidie and disloyaltie rose up in armes and would not submit themselves under the obedience of that perfidious Caracalla Hee also played another part of treacherie under the pretext and shew of marriage with the king of the Parthians Artabanus For hee writ letters unto him whereby hee signified unto him that the empire of the Romanes and that of the Parthians were the two greatest empires of the world and that hee beeing the sonne of a Romane emperour could not find a partie more sociable unto him for a wife than the daughter of Artabanus king of the Parthians he therefore praied him to give her to him in marriage to the end to allie and joyne together the greatest empires of the earth as thereby also to impose an end to their warres This king at the first denyed him his daughter saying that such a marriage was very unfit because of the diversitie of their tongues manners and habits as also for that the Romanes never heeretofore allied or married with the Parthians But upon this refuse Caracalla insisted and pressed him more strongly than before and sent to Artabanus great gifts so that in the end hee gave to him his daughter Whereupon Caracalla assuring himselfe that hee should finde noe hostilitie in the Parthian countrie entred bouldly farre into the countrie with his armie making men understand wheresoever hee passed that hee went but for to see and make love to the kings daughter
Lacedaemonians insomuch as the Corcyrians feeling themselves weake practised to enter into league and societie with the Athenians shewing them that they might receive them into their societie The Corinthians on the contrary demonstrated to the Athenians That if they received the Corcyrians into their societie to aid them in this warre against them it were to doe against the said article the which was to bee understood in the wholesomest and best sence and not to the detriment and ruine of the confederates and that such as would so interprete it That it were lawfull for the Athenians to receive the Corcyrians into their societie for them to warre upon the Lacedaemonians Corinthians and other confederates comprehended in the said treatie should be an interpretation to an evill sence too easily making an overture to breake the said treatie of peace after the appetite of a third which was no confederate And that therefore the said article must of necessitie bee understood in such manner as the reception of new associates might bee without the domage and prejudice of such as were comprehended in that confederation The Corcyrians replied That although in the said article be not expressed that it should be lawfull to receive associates to make warre against confederates or others yet must it be so understood especially when new associates make warre for a good right and just quarrell as ours is said they against the Corinthians and that the treatie could not be violated neither is the interpretation contrary to equitie whensoever men will maintaine right and reason The Athenians made no account of the interpretation of the said treatie which the Corinthians set before them although it was conformable and agreeing to the sence and equitie of that confederation but rather held it better to sticke unto the Corcyrians On the other side the Lacedaemonians banded themselves for the Corinthians their associates as reason required and by that meanes those two great commonweales were brought to the skirmish of warre one against another by meanes of the Corcyrians and Corinthians which set them together by the eares After the Athenians and Lacedaemonians entred warres together they drew after them all the rest of Greece or the most part into the same skirmish some of the one part some of the other but this Peloponnesiack warre was great cruell long and such as had almost utterly overthrowne the estate of Greece upside downe and all this came upon the captious interpretation contrarie to all equitie and reason which the Corcyrians made of the foresaid article of the treatie of confederation In like manner was the subtill disputation of such as caused Pompeius that famous Plutarch in Pomp. captaine to die After Pompeius had lost the battaile of Pharsalia against Caesar he embarked on the sea with his wife certain of his friends hoovering about Aegypt hoping there to be welcome and entertained by the young king Ptolomaeus in consideration of the pleasures which hee had sometimes done to his father At his approching the land of Aegypt he sent a messenger in a boat to that young king who was in the towne of Pelusium to know if he would receive him in assurance But indeed the kings affaires were then managed by three base persons which understood nothing lesse than well to governe affaires of State whereof the first was a meane chamberlaine of his and the other two Theodotus the Rhetorician his schoolemaster and Achillas his domesticall servant These three venerable persons fel to counsell to deliberate what answere the king their master should make to Pompeius At the beginning they differed in opinion one saying that it were good to receive him and the other not But in the end al three accorded in the worst opinion they could have taken which was to receive Pompey and to slay him Which opinion this goodly Rhetorician Theodotus persuaded to the other two by his subtile reasons If we receive Pompeius saith he certaine it is wee shall have Caesar for an enemie and Pompeius for a master If we receive him not they will be both our enemies Pompey for rejecting him and Caesar because we have not stayed him But if we receive him and put him to death Caesar will thanke us and Pompeius cannot revenge himselfe upon us nor endammage us for a dead man is no warrior Vpon these goodly reasons of that subtile rhetorician the conclusion was taken by these three bad people to put to death this great person Pompeius who had had so many triumphs and victories in his life who had seene to wait on him sometimes five or six great kings at once to entreat him as an arbitror of their contentions and differencies If these bad Counsellors had considered the greatnesse of Pompeius who had so many parents and friends vertuous and great lords as also the magnanimitie of Caesar which would vanquish by true force and not by perfidies and treasons they would never have staied upon the cold and foolish subtilties of this gentle Rhetorician and they would not have concluded the death of so great a man But yet they concluded it and executed their conclusion causing Pompey to die as soone as he had taken port in Aegypt But it was not long ere they received the reward of their perfidie founded upon that subtiltie for Caesar soone after arrived in Aegypt unto whom Pothinus and Achillas presented the head of Pompeius thinking greatly to pleasure him Caesar turned his face backward because he would not see him and begun to weepe and withall commanded to put Pothinus and Achillas to death which had profered him that present which was presently done And that subtile reason of Theodotus who persuaded them that Caesar would thanke them for their murder was not found true Theodotus seeing this execution and finding himselfe very culpable fled and yet lived certaine yeares miserably wandring and begging here and there fearing being known to be massacred of the world which every where had him in execration But in the end after the death of Caesar Brutus by chaunce light upon him and caused him to die miserably after he had made him endure infinit torments Behold the end of those three Counsellors of that young king Ptolomaeus who also by their evill conduction made but a poore end for he was slaine in a battell nigh Nile and none could ever find his bodie Would to God such as resemble at this day these three Counsellors might receive semblable guerdon and reward as they did to learne them to conclude the committing of massacres and the use of perfidies and treasons which will not faile them in the end for God is just But the skoffe which Theodotus alledged in the fore-mentioned counsell That a dead man makes no warre is at this day ordinarily in the mouthes of our Italianized courtiers thereupon they ground their counsels to sley and massacre all such as they hate We must say they sley this and that man it is good to dispatch them for a
was no great warriour But the cause why the Romanes delivered so great and honourable a charge unto him was because the great Scipio the Affrican his brother had declared that if Lucius his brother were chosen generall captaine to goe against Antiochus he should be there as his lieutenant As then they both were in Greece with the Romane armie making warre upon that king it so happened that the only sonne of Scipio the Affrican was taken prisoner by Antiochus souldiers Antiochus having this young lord in his hands entertained and used him very honourably knowing that that great Scipio was of such Clemencie that he would never forget that the pleasure and that the amitie of so great a personage might stand him in good stead in some great necessities as losse of a battaile or of a captivitie or such like Not long after Scipio fell sicke whereof Antiochus hearing he sent him his sonne without ransome fearing Scipio would die with greefe and melancholie by whose death he doubted to leese a good refuge For that king saith Titus Livius trusted more in the Clemencie and authoritie of Scipio alone for the uncertaine and doubtfull haps of warre than in his armie of 60000 footmen and 12000 horsemen Is not here thinke you an admirable effect of Clemencie that an enemie dooth better assure his estate upon his enemies Clemencie than upon his owne forces But what need we any more to amplifie by examples or authorities this point doth not ordinarie experience shew and ever hath done that all good and clement princes have alwaies been very assured in their estates as Augustus Vespasian Traian Adrian the Antonines and many other Romane emperours and the most part of our kings of Fraunce which were clement and debonaire doe fully proove this which I say for they raigned very peaceably died of naturall deaths and after their deaths were greatly lamented of the people Here I may not forget a notable sentence of the emperour Antonius Pius which hee received from Scipio the Affrican Capit. in Pio. Sueâ— in August cap. 35. which was this That hee loved better to preserve one of his subjects than to sley a thousand of his enemies Assuredly a sentence of a good and clement prince who delighted not in shedding of blood as our Machiavelists doe at this day which are so covetous of such blood as they account their enemies that whensoever any of marke fals into their hands they will not give him for an hundred pounds They may well say contrary to Scipio and the emperor Pius that they had rather slay an enemie than save an hundred friends Are not these people worthie to commaund Neither make they any account more of their princes subjects than of slaves which men may beat scourge or sley at their pleasure as beasts as indeed there hath been lately a burne-paper-fellow a writer for wages one of these Machiavelists who durst publish by writing That the authority of a prince over his subjects is like that which a lord hath over his villaine and slave having power over death and life to sley and massacre them at their pleasure without forme of justice and so to despoile them of their goods And how comes this Thinkes this sot that the office of a king is like to the office of a gally captaine to hold his subjects in chaines and every day to whip them with scourges Surely they which hold that opinion doe merit to be so handled yea that some good gally captaine would twice or thrice a day practise that goodly doctrine upon their shoulders but how much more notable and humane is the doctrine wee learne of the life of Augustus Caesar who so much feared that men had such an opinion of him that he would not take away but onely diminish the libertie of the people that he could never abide and suffer to be called Dominus that is to say Lord but abhorred it as an injurious name full of opprobry because it hath some relation to Servus which is to say servant or slave he being farre from the affectation of such great and magnificall names as many great men have since well liked of without shewing the effect of them The third point now remaineth which is to shew That the Clemencie of a prince A prince by Clemencie encreaseth his domination Dionis Halic lib. 2. Plutarke in Caesar Alexand is cause of the encreasement of his domination Hereupon we reade a memorable hystorie of Romulus who was so clement soft and gentle towards his people which he vanquished and subjugated that not only many particulars but the whole multitude of people submitted themselves voluntarily and unconstrainedly under his obedience The same vertue was also cause that Iulius Caesar vanquished the Gaulois for he was so soft and gracious unto them and so easie to pardon and used them every way so well farre from all oppression that many of that nation voluntarily joyned themselves unto him and by them he vanquished the others When Alexander the Great made great conquests in Asia most commonly the citizens of all great cities met him to present unto him the keyes of the townes for he dealt with them in such Clemencie and kindnesse without in any thing altering their estates that they liked better to be his than their owne Anniball having taken the towne of Saguntum in Spaine was so feared and redoubted Titus Livius lib. 2. Dec. 3. that the most part of Spaine submitted themselves under his obedience and abandoned the Romane societie because they had not aided Saguntum against Anniball The Romanes to repaire their fault whereat they tooke much greefe sent great forces into Spaine under the conduction of Publius Scipio father of the African and of Cneius his uncle Anniball to containe in obedience the Spaniards tooke in hostage their children their brethren or parents of all the nobilitie of the countrey and the notablest citizens of the good townes and set them under guard at Saguntum under the charge of some small number of souldiers God would that those hostages should find meanes to escape from their prison yet it was their haps to fall into the hands of the Scipioes The Scipioes having possession of them in place to revenge themselves upon them as they feared for the fault they and their parents had made by their revoltment from the Romanes they welcommed and dealt with them very graciously and sent them all to their parents and houses This Clemencie and kindnesse of the Scipioes was cause that soone after all Spaine forsook the obedience of Anniball and the Carthaginians and fell under the government of the Romans which they would never have done if these hostages had been dealt with after the counsels and precepts of Machiavell Yet the example of Clemencie in Scipio the Affrican is more notable than this Titus Livius lib. 3. Dec. 3. of his father and uncle After the deaths of his said father and uncle this young lord full of all
but warres come too soone and under the pretext of more occasions than we would therefore we need no baits to draw it upon us It is not then best for a prince to bee reputed a man full of treasures and silver as Machiavell thinketh for money of it selfe cannot but serve us for a bait to attract and draw upon us them which are hungry and desirous of it And although commonly money is thought to be the sinewes of war yet are they not so necessarily required that without money warre cannot bee made I will not here alledge the poore Hugonet souldiors which most commonly warred without wages but I will onely alledge the militarie estate which was in the Roman empire in the emperour Valentinians time and since For in that time the militarie art was so policied that every souldior tooke for a moneth so much bread so much wine so much larde and so much of other necessarie things His habites also were new from tearmeto tearme and all other things necessarie so that he touched either none or very little money yet had he all that he wanted And indeede money serves but for commutation for men cannot eat it nor apparrell themselves with it nor if he be sicke can it heale him Wherefore then serves it For a prompt quicke and easie commutation For if you have money you straight have whatsoever you neede If then by other meanes and policie order be taken that a souldior have all he needs as was done in Valentinians time and others it will be found that money makes not a prince puissant Moreover I doe confesse that it is certaine that in the militarie policie which we have at this day which is that a souldior shall receive in money all he needeth that money is very necessarie and that without it a man can doe no great thing and that they are as sinewes or as the maintenance of the sinewes of warre but yet by good husbandrie a prince may have sufficient of it and without Covetousnesse As for that which Machiavell makes no account of that a prince bee reputed to be a Mechanique I leave it to them to thinke which have I will not say the heart of a prince but onely of a simple gentleman that hath honour but in a little recommendation if they would not bee greeved to bee reputed a mechanique person I know well that the nobilitie of Italie which more commonly trade and deale with marchandize than with armes care not for that name of a mechanique so they may get money But the gentlemen of Fraunce of Almaigne of England and of other countries of Christendome are not of the humor of that mechanique nobilitie neither would they for any thing in the world be so reputed as Machiavel would persuade them And as for the examples which Machiavell alledgeth of Pope Iulius and of Ferdinand king of Spaine which he said were covetous yet effected great matters I answere him in one word That it prooveth nothing of that hee saith for Pope Iulius made no great prowesses not conquests as every man knoweth and king Ferdinand in the exploits and enterprises of warres was not covetous for any thing we reade in hystories And if that were true which Machiavell saith of those two I will oppose alwayes against those two obscure examples them above alledged which are farre more illustrious and notable and by the which I have shewed that Covetousnesse hath alwayes been pernicious to princes and Liberalitie without profusion profitable and honourable For a resolution then of this matter I say That the vice of Ingratitude accompanieth ordinarily covetousnesse and that none can bee covetous and illiberall unlesse he will proove ingrate to his friends and good servants which is one of the greatest vices wherewith a prince can bee noted For it is impossible that his affaires can bee well governed without good and loyall ministers and servants such as hee can never have being ingrate Therefore a prince ought well to ingrave perpetually in his memorie the sentence of king Bochus who said It was lesse dishonourable for a prince to bee vanquished by armes than by munificence And therefore that good emperour Salust in bello Iugurth Titus whensoever he passed any day without exercising some liberalitie and beneficence said to his friends O my friends I have lost this day meaning that that was the chiefe marke at which a prince should shoot to wit Beneficence and that otherwise hee emploies his time evill 27. Maxime A prince which will make a straight professiion of a good man cannot long endure in this world in the companie of so many other that are so bad MAny saith Machiavell have vvritten bookes to instruct a prince and to bring him to a perfection in all vertues as Xenophon Cap. 15. Of a prince did in the institution of Cyrus There are also many philosophers and others which by their vvritings have formed Ideaes and figures of monarchies and common vveales whereof there were never seene the like in the world because there is a great difference betwixt the manner that the world liveth in and that it ought to live He then that will amuse and stick upon the formes of philosophers monarchs and common weales by dispising that which is done and praising that vvhich ought to bee done hee shall sooner learne his owne ruine than his conservation Leaving then behinde all that can bee imagined of a princes perfection and staying our selves upon that which is true and subiect to bee practised By experience I say saith Master Nicholas that the prince vvhich vvill maintaine himselfe ought to learne hovv hee may sometimes not bee good and so ought to practise it according to the exigence of his affaires For if alwaies he will hould a straight profession of a good man hee cannot long endure in the companie of so many others which are of no valew THis Maxime meriteth no other confutation than that which resulteth from the points before handled for wee have at large demonstrated that the truth is cleane contrary to that which Machiaveell saith heere and that princes which have beene good men have alwaies raigned long and peceably and have beene firme and assured in their estates and the wicked contrary have not raigned long but have violently beene deposed from their estates And as for ideaes and formes of perfect monarchs and commonweales whereof some philosophers have Patterns to imitate must be perfect written they handled not that subject saying there were any such but to propose a patterne of imitation for monarchs and government of commonweales For when a man will propose a patterne to imitate hee must forme it the most perfect and make it the best hee can and after every man which giveth himselfe to imitate it must come as nigh it as he can some more nigh others lesse But a prince which proposeth to himselfe Machiavells patternes such as Caesar Borgia Oliver de Ferme Agathocles how can hee doe any good thing
came there was much beloved of the souldiors as well because he resembled his father Amilcar as for his militarie vertues Not many yeares after he was chosen captaine generall of the Carthaginian armie But as soone as he was setled in that estate he accomplished the prophesie of Hanno for hee lighted the great fire of the Punicke warres against the Romanes whereby in the end the Carthaginians were utterly ruined All this proceeded but from the Partialitie which was at Carthage for as soone as the Hannonians reasoned one way the Barchinians must needs reason to the contrarie and they studied for nothing but that by the pluralitie of their voices their opinion might obtaine the upper hand without any care or consideration what opinion was the best And thus ordinarily happeneth it where there is any Partialitie For then men give themselves more to contradiction than to judge after an wholesome sentence and without passion of that which is profitable and expedient The Partialities of the houses of Orleance and Burgoigne in our grandfathers memorie were they not cause of infinit miseries and calamities wherewith France was afflicted by the space of more than threescore yeares and of the entier ruine of the Bourgonianne house Lewis duke of Orleance the alone brother of king Charles the sixt tooke for his devise Mitto Duke Iohn de Bourgoigne tooke for his Accipio challenging as it were thereby an egalitie with the only brother of the king under colour that he was richer than hee This commencement of contrarie devices which they caused to paint in their banners of their launces and on their servants liverie coats erected a great Partialitie insomuch as the duke of Bourgoigne enterprised to cause the duke of Orleance to bee slaine as hee did The children of the duke of Orleance because justice was not executed on their fathers massacre levied armes Duke Iohn also by armes resisted them insomuch as all the realme was partialized about the quarrell of these two great houses After duke Iohn was slaine at Monterean-fante-Yonne in a strange manner whereupon his sonne Philip willing to revenge himselfe sent for the Englishmen which he caused to passe through Fraunce and occupied at least the third part of the kingdome of France This duke Philip made peace with the king but he had a son Charles his successour who would never put trust in the king of Fraunce fearing himselfe because of the warres which his father and grandfather had raised in the kingdome but would needs graple with king Lewis the eleventh This king who was too good for him raised him up so many enemies on all sides that the house of that duke came to ruine Behold the fruits of partialities which Machiavell recommendeth so much to a prince And hereupon should well be noted the saying of master Philip de Comines That Divisions and partialities are very easie to sowe and are a sure token of ruine and destruction in a countrey when they take root therein as hath happened to many monarchies and commonweales De Comines to prove his alledged saying setteth down other examples The Partialitie of the houses of Lancaster and Yorke in England whereby the house of Lancaster was altogether ruined and brought downe and the one house delivered to the other seven or eight battailes betwixt three and fourscore princes of the royall blood of England and an infinit number of people This here is no small thing but it is rather an example which should make us abhorre all Partialities Hee further saith That by the meanes of the said Partialitie betwixt these two houses many great princes and lords were banished and chased from England and amongst others that he saw a duke of the house of Lancaster the cheefe of the league of that house and brother in law of king Edward the fourth who saved himselfe in Bourgoigne yet in so poore estate that hee went bare foot and without hose after the traine of duke Charles of Bourgoigne demaunding his almes from house to house Hee after reciteth the tragicall acts of the duke of Warwicke of the kings Edward and Henry of the prince of Wales of the dukes of Glocester and Somerset which are strange hystories that cannot be heard or read without great horror and cannot but make men detest all Partialities and divisions In the time that Anniball made warre upon the Romanes there were created Titus Livius lib. 1. 7. Dec. 3. lib 4. 5. Dec. 1 Consuls together at Rome Marcus Livius and Claudius Nero which bore great enmitie one towards another and of long time The Senate fearing that these enmities betwixt those two Consuls should cause some Partialities in the administration of their estate which might turne to the domage of the publicke good admonished them both to be reconciled together Marcus Livius made answere That it was not needfull and that their enmities and Partialities should cause them with envie to seeke one to doe better than another but the Senate was not of that advice For they remembred that in the time of the Proconsulship of Quintius Paenus Caius Furius Marcus Posthumius and Cornelius Cossus the Romane armie had been vanquished and chased by the Veians because of the Partialities of the cheefetaines which could not accord in their counsels and deseignes but tended alwayes to contrarie ends The like also happened in the Proconsulship of Publius Virginius and Marcus Sergius But the most memorable and latest example which the Senate had before their eyes was the losse of the battaile at Cannes where the Romans lost fiftie thousand men which losse happened by the discord Partialitie of two cheefetaines Paulus Aemylius and Terentius Varro These examples mooved the Senate to exhort these two Consuls Livius and Nero to a reconciliation not beleeving that their Partialitie could serve them for any thing but evill to conduct the affaires of the commonweale insomuch as being constrained by the Senates authoritie they accorded and reconciled themselves together and very well acquited themselves in their charge and overthrew together a succour of fiftie thousand men which Asdruball conducted and brought over into Italie to Anniball his brother In this defeat also Asdruball himselfe was slaine and his head secretly carried and cast into Annibals campe who yet knew no newes of that journey When Anniball saw the head of his brother he then deplored his fortune and despaired of his affaires knowing that the Roman vertue would never bow nor stoope for either misfortune or calamitie The reconciliation then and concord of Marcus Livius and Claudius Nero were the cause of a great good and utilitie to the commonwealth and remounted the affaires Concord very profitable to the common-wealth thereof into a great hope and abated the pride that Anniball had taken of the battaile at Cannes as also by the contrarie the Partialitie of Paulus Aemylius who was a wise captaine and of Terentius Varro who was very rash and headie was the cause that the Romane
elected for their cheefetaine the said Giles governour of a great part of Gaule which the Romane emperor then held This Giles called Guiemand to be about him as one of his Counsell because he was reputed a wise man Guiemand dissembled the best he could by the space of nine yeares all which time he was about this Giles yet never forgetting the amitie and fidelitie which hee bore to his king But amongst other things which hee counselled this governour this was one that hee gave him to understand that the Frenchmens natures is to be rudely handled in great subjection and to take great heed they doe not enrich themselves for they are farre better poore than rich and when they are rich and at their ease then doe they incontinent rebell against their prince Breefely by this goodly counsell whereof he desired such issue as after happened hee put in that Romane governours head to lay great imposts and exactions upon the French people and withall to practise cruelties This was the cause that the Frenchmen by the advice and secret handling of Guiemand himselfe called againe their king Chilperick unto whom Guiemand sent the halfering which he had The king returning the French gentlemen met him even at Bar where they dealt with him most honorably The king also forgave them all new tributes and imposts and from thence forward governed himselfe wisely and of a Sardanapalus which he had been before his flight he became after his returne a noble and valiant prince and chased the Romanes from a good part of Gaule which they held and greatly enlarged the limits of the realme of Fraunce Therefore is it evidently seene that the Maxime of Machiavell or the counsell which Guiemand gave to Giles which is one same doctrine is not very good and that the issue thereof cannot be but evill And to argue this point by reason I thinke every man will confesse unto me that The force of a prince coÌ„sisteth in the riches of his countrey it is more expedient for a prince to bee king and lord of a rich and plentifull countrey than of a barren and poore countrey for a withered and poore country cannot nourish any great people Moreover a poore and barren countrey cannot produce and bring forth things necessarie to the tuition thereof as abundance of corn wine fodder money and other things Finally to make a kingdome strong and puissant as well to maintaine it as to augment it there is a necessitie that it bee copious and rich of all things And although Machiavell in a certaine place where he speaketh of warre maintaineth that the common saying is false That money are the sinewes of warre this hindereth not but that which we say may be true For suppose it bee true as Machiavell by his foolish subtiltie maintaines that it is the good soldiors which are the sinewes of the warre and not money yet these sinewes cannot stirre nor bee brought to any great actions without clapping upon the cataplasme of money So that if money be not the sinewes of warre after the foolish subtiltie of Machiavell because they have not of themselves either motion or operation yet at the least are they the meanes which causeth the sinewes to moove and without which souldiors can doe nothing or at least without paiment in equipolent kinds to mony as victuals apparrell and armour And if it be objected unto me that there are some poore nations which notwithstanding are puissant and warlicke as were the Macedonians in the time of Alexander the Great and these were poore in regard of the Greeks Persians and Medes and as at this day are the Tartarians and Scythians and as the Suisses were within this hundred yeares Hereunto I doe many wayes answer That first I will not denie that the nations or poore countries cannot bee but naturally good warriors as commonly all Northernly nations are of which number are the Macedonians Scythians and Tartarians yea the Suisses also the Almaignes hold now of the North But this their martiall vertue proceeds not from their povertie For in Affricke America and in many other places of Asia and in many Islands there are many poore nations yet nothing warlicke But if poore nations which are naturally warlicke become rich in their countrey they will not therefore leese their warlicke vertue As the Suisses at this day are very opulent and rich yet are they nothing lesse valiant in warre than they were in the time of the battaile of Morat about a hundred yeares since which they got against the duke of Bourgoigne in which time they were so poore that many of them could not discerne vessels of silver from peuter as M. de Comines saith The Macedonians also became very rich after that under the conduct of Alexander they had conquered Asia yet remained they alwayes generous and valiant The Romanes also in time of the foundation of Rome were very poore but within a small time they became very rich yet therefore lost not their valour and generositie It is not then the povertie of the country which makes a warlicke people but rather the nature and inclination of the heaven which likewise is much aided when the countrey may become rich If there be opposed unto me also That we see many princes and private persons Riches is more requisit for a generall than particulars which doe evill abuse their riches as Caligula did 67 millions of gold which Tiberius left him and as Caesar did the great treasures which hee heaped up in Gaule and as many others did Hereunto I doe two wayes answere First I say it followeth not that râ—ches and treasures are evill because some abuse them no more than wine is to be condemned because many are drunke therewith And although there bee some princes and other persons which have abused their riches there are also many which use them well I moreover say that the consequence is not good in this case from the particular to the generall For I confesse well that it should be better and more profitable for the commonwealth that in a countrey there were many houses meanly rich than some little number excessively rich because oftenest that excesse proves very pernitious to him that enjoyeth it who is thereby sometimes incited to stray out of the limits of lawes and temperance But suppose it true that great riches is most commonly domageable to particulars it therefore followeth not that they are not nor may bee in a countrey in generall but the more rich a countrey is so much more is it strong and puissant if so be that it be so well governed as the particulars abuse not their richesse which they will not doe especially being under the yoke of good laws and good magistrates if every man have not too great abundance therof but in a mediocritie according to their qualities and degrees for such a meane seemes very requisit and profitable because they are meanes and aids to come unto vertue and to bee
Lewis The good justice of Lewis which gave oedinarie audience to the complaints of their subjects and to doe them justice But it shall suffice to close up all this matter with the example of that good king S. Lewis who amongst other vertues wherewith he was endowed he was a very good and upright administer of justice This good king having a great zeale to establish a good Iustice in his kingdome first hee would and ordained That the good and auncient lawes and customes of the kingdome should be well and straitly observed upon the paine he would take of his Bayliffes Seneshals and other magistrates if they caused them not to bee well observed And to the end the said magistrates might carry themselves well in their offices he chose other officers the best that hee could find of which he secretly enquired of their vertues and vices And to the end they might administer good and breefe justice to the poore as to the rich without exception of persons he forbad them to take presents unlesse some present of victuall which may not exceed tenne shillings by the weeke nor any other benefites for them or their children neither of them which were in contention nor of any other person of their bailiwike and territorie and commaunded they should take nothing within their perfecture or jurisdiction For this good king considered that presents benefits and desire to gain are the means wherby magistrates may be corrupted and therfore to shun all corruption he must cut off the meanes therunto Moreover he very rigorously punished such officers of Iustice as abused their estates spared not even great lords themselves but punished them after their merits as happened to the lord de Coucy who caused to strangle two yong Flamins when he found them hunting in his woods For the king caused to be called before him the said lord who fearing to be handled as he had delt with the Flamins wold have taken the hearing of the cause from the king saying he was to be sent for before the peeres of France But the king forced him to abide his judgments indeed had made him die if great lords parents friends of the said lord de Coucy had not importuned so much the king for his pardon unto which the king accorded that he shold have his life but yet he condemned him to the warre against the Turks and Infidels in the holy land by the space of three yeares which was a kind of banishment and besides condemned him in a fine paiment of 10000 Paris pounds which were bestowed on the building of an Hostle Dieu at Ponthoise This king gave not easily any pardon nor without great deliberation And for a devise he had often in his mouth that verse of the Psalme of David Happie are they which doe iudgement and Iustice at all times He said also That this was no mercie but crueltie not to punish malefactors Moreover he was a king full of truth chast charitable and fearing God which are vertues exceeding woorthy for a good prince and which commonly accompanie good justice But the godly precepts hee The tenne commandemēts which the king S. Lewis at his disease gave to his eldest sonne gave being in extremitie of his life to king Philip the Hardie his sonne and successor doe well merit to be written in letters of gold upon the lintels of doores and the houses of all kings and Christian princes to have them alwaies before their eies My deare sonne saith he since it pleaseth God our Father and Creator to withdraw me now from this miserable world to carrie mee to a better life than this I would not depart from thee my sonne without giving you for my last blessing the doctrines and precepts which a good father ought to give to his sonne hoping you wil engrave in your heart these your fathers last words I command you then my deare sonne That above all things you have alwaies before your eies the feare of God our good Father for the feare of God is the beginning yea the accomplishment of all true wisedome if you feare him he will blesse you Secondly I exhort you to take all adversities patiently acknowledging that it is God which visiteth you for your sins not to wax proud in prosperitie accounting that it comes to you by Gods grace not by your merits Thirdly I recommend unto you charitie towards the poor for the good you doe unto them shall be yeelded unto you an hundred fold and Iesus Christ our Saviour shall account it done unto him After I recommend to you very straitly my deare sonne that you cause to keep well the good laws customes of the kingdome and to administer good justice to your subjects for happy are they which administer good justice at all times and to doe this I enjoine you that you be carefull to have good magistrates and command you them that they favor not your Procurators against equitie and that you rigorously punish such as abuse their Offices for when they make faults they are more punishable than others because they ought to govern other subjects and to serve them for an example Suffer not that in judgement there be acception of persons and so favour the poore onely as the truth of his fact doth appeare without favoring him as to the judgement of his cause Moreover I command you that you bee carefull to have a good Counsell about you of persons which be of staied good age which be secret peaceable not covetous for if you doe this you shall bee loved and honoured because the light of the servants makes their masters shine Also more I forbid you to take tallages or tributes upon your subjects but for urgent necessitie evident utilitie and just cause for otherwise you shall not bee held for a king but for a tyrant Further I command you that you be carefull to maintaine your subjects in good peace and tranquilitie and observe their franchises and priveledges which before they have enjoyed and take heede you moove no warre against any Christian without exceeding great occasion and reason Item I exhort you to give the benefices of your kingdome to men of good life and good conscience not to luxurious and covetous wretches My deere sonne if you observe these my commands you shall bee a good example to your subjects and you shall bee the cause that they will adict themselves to doe well because the people will alwaies give themselves to the imitation of their prince and God by his bountie maintaine you firme and assured in your estate and kingdome Thus finished this good king his last words full of holy zeale and correspondent to his life passed and yeelded his soule to his creator which had given it him His sonne king Philip third of that name called the Hardie because of his valiancie which he shewed against the infidels and against other enemies as well during the life as after the death of