now got a fall where he thought to take his rest repented his enterprise and utterly condemned his light conceit of the Kings lightnesse and so with extreame griefe and anguish of mind hee departed out of the Realme into Almaine and from thence travelled to Venice where through violence of thought and discontentment in short time he ended his dâ—yes This sentence of banishment was given against him the same day of the yeare wherein the Duke of Glocester by his wicked meanes was strangled to death at Calice The Duke of Hereford tooke his leave of the King at Elâ—ham who there stroke away foure yeares of his banishment and even offered himselfe to be fawned upon and thanked for so odious a benefit And this infortunate adventure hee neither bare out vain gloriously nor yet tooke impatiently but in the midst of his misery retained still his reputation and honour shewing no signe of sorrow or submisnesse in his countenance nor letting fall any intemperate and unseemly word The people as he departed by heaps flocked about him some to see and some to salute him lamenting his departure in such sort as though their only light and delight did then forsake them not sparing to exclaime that it was against the Law of Armes against the custome of the Realme and against all right whatsoever that he should be exiled who had done his honourable endeavour for the maintenance of his appeale This affection was the more excessive for that the Duke was driven into exile by occasion of his liberall speeches against the most hatefull persons in all the Realme and being the only noble man then alive of the popular faction the love was wholly accumulated upon him which was before divided among the rest And thus the Duke leaving England tooke shipping and passed the Seas to Calice and from thence went into France where he was honourably entertained by Charles the French King and found such favour that hee should have taken to wife the onely daughter of Iohn Duke Berrie Vncle to the King of France but King Richard fearing the sequel if the favour which was borne to the Duke of Hereford within the Realme should be strengthned with so great affinity in France cast such stops in the way that the marriage did not proceed This yeare the Lawrell trees withered almost throughout the Realme afterwards against all expectation recovered life and flourished againe The same yeare in Christmasse holydayes a deepe River which runneth betweene Snedlistorie Hareswood neare to Bedford suddenly stayed the streame so that for three miles in length the channell was left dry and no course of water did hinder passage on foot This was afterwards interpreted to presage the revolt of the people and the division which happened the yeare following to these wee may adde certaine other prodegies either forged in that fabulous age or happening commonly and of course are then onely noted when any notable accident doth ensue When K. Richard brought his first wife out of Beamâ— she had no sooner set foot within this Land but such a tempest did forthwith arise as had not beene seene many yeares before whereby divers ships within the haven were quashed to peices but especially and first of all the ship wherein the Queene was carried this was the rather observed because such stiffe stormes were likewise stirring when the King brought his second wife out of France wherein many ships perished and a great part of the Kings fardage was lost At New-castle upon Tine as two shipwrights were squaring a piece of Timber wheresoever they hewed blood issued forth in great abundance At one of the Kings palaces flyes swarmed so thicke that they obscured the ayre these fought together most fiercely so that sackfuls lay dead upon the ground and this continued so long that scarce the third part of them as it was thought remained alive many like accidents are recorded of that time but I will mainetaine neither the truth of them nor what they did pretend being a matter wherein most men are rather superstitious then not credulous and doe oftentimes repute common occurrences to be ominous when any strange event doth ensue Yet as I am loath to avouch any vaine and trifling matter so dare I not detract all truth from things anciently reported although done in an age wherein was some delight in lying many doe suppose that those things which are fatally allotted though they never be avoyded yet sometimes are foreshewen not so much that we may prevent them as that wee should prepare our selves against them In the two and twenty yeare of the raigne of K. Richard Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster dyed and was buried on the north-side of the high altar of the Cathedrall Church of S. Paul in London he was a man advised and wary in his passages of life liking better safe courses with reason then happy by chance of his owne glory hee was neither negligent nor ambitiously carefull towards the King hee carried himselfe in termes honourable enough for a moderate Prince and yet not so plausible as a vaine man would desire whereby there never happened to him any extraordinary matter either in prejudice or preferment After his death the Duchie of Lancaster did in right devolue to the Duke of Hereford his eldest sonne but the King as the nature of man is inclinable to hate those whom he hath harmed seazed all the Lands and goods which appertained to the Duke of Lancaster into his owne hands and determined to perpetuate the banishment of Duke Henry his sonne revoking the Letters Patents which were graunted to him at his departure whereby his generall Atturnies were enabled to prosecute his causes and sue Liverie of any inheritance which during his exile might fall unto him his homage being respited for a reasonable fine The King supposed his estate more safe by the weaknesse and want of the Duke whom he had now in some jealousie and doubt but these violent dealings were meanes rather to provoke his mischiefes then to prevent them for by injurious suppressing of the Dukes greatness he greatly augmented the same Edmund Duke of Yorke the Kings only Vncle which remained alive had hitherto enforced his patience to endure many things against his liking but now either in disdaine of this indignity or in distrust both of his own safety and of the common tranquillity of the Realme he retyred himselfe with the Duke of Aumerle his sonne to his house at Langley supposing privatenesse to be the best defence both from danger and blame wher neither the king had judgement to discerne nor any about him had either heart or honesty to admonish him what was done amisse where an honourable fame was held suspected and a good life more in hazard then a bad protesting that none of these practises were either devised by his counsaile or done by his consent At this time the whole frame of the state was much shaken and matters of great weight and moment did hang
of Lancaster Grandfather to the King by the mothers side when he served in the wars of King Edward the third beyond the seas together with this Prophesie that the Kings which should bee annoynted therewith should bee the Champions of the Church Duke Henry delivered this oyle in a golden violl to Prince Edward the eldest sonne of King Edward the third who locked up the same in a barred Chest within the Tower with intent to be annoynted therewith when he should be crowned King but the Prince dying before his Father it remayned there either not remembred or not regarded untill this present yeare wherein the King being upon his voyage into Ireland and making diligent search for the Iewels and Monuments of his Progenitors found this Violl and Prophesie and understanding the secret was desirous to bee annoynted againe with that oyle but the Archbishop of Canterbury perswaded him that both the fact was unlawfull and the precedent unseen that a King should be annoynted twice whereupon he brake off that purpose and took the violl with him into Ireland and when he yeelded himselfe at Flint the Archbishop of Canterbury demanded it of him againe and did receive and reserve the same untill the coronation of King Henry who was the first King of this Realme that was annoynted therewith I am not purposed to discourse either of the authority or of the certainty of these prophesies but wee may easily observe that the greatest part of them either altogether fayled or were fulfilled in another sense then as they were commonly construed and taken During the raigne of King Henry the fourth execution by fire was first put in practise within this Realme for controversies in points of religion in any other extraordinary matter hee did as much make the Church Champion as shew himselfe a Champion of the Church but afterwards his successors were intitule Defendars of the faith and how in action they verified the same I refer to remembrance and report of later times Now it had beene considered that the title which was derived to King Henry from Edmund whom they surnamed Crouchbacke would be taken but for a blind and idle jest for that it was notorious that the said Edmund was neither eldest sonne to King Henry the third as it was plainely declared by an act of Parliament nor yet a mishapen and deformed person but a goodly Gentleman and valiant Commander in the field and so favoured of the King his Father that hee gave him both the heritages and honours of Simon Mountfort Earle of Leicester of Ferrare Earle of Darby and of Iohn Baron of Monmuth who to their owne ruine and destruction had displayed seditious ensignes against the King And further to advance him to the marriage of Blanch Queene of Naverne hee created him the first Earle of Lancaster and gave unto him the County Castle and Towne of Lancaster with the Forrests of Wiresdale Lounsdale New-castle beneath Linne the Manner Castle and Forrest of Pickering the Manner of Scaleby the Towne of Gomecester of Huntendone c. with many large priviledges and high titles of honour Therefore King Henry upon the day of his Coronation caused to bee proclaymed that hee claymed the kingdome of England first by right of conquest Secondly because King Richard had resigned his estate and designed him for his successour Lastly because hee was of the blood royall and next heyre male unto King Richard Haeres malus indeed quoth Edmund Mortimer Earle of March unto his secret friends and so is the Pyrate to the Merchant when hee despoyleth him of all that he hath This Edmund was sonne to Roger Mortimer who was not long before slaine in Ireland and had beene openly declared heyre apparent to the Crowne in case King Richard should dye without issue as descended by his Mother Philip from Lionell Duke of Clarence who was elder brother to Iohn Duke of Lancaster King Henries Father and therefore the said Edmund thought himselfe and indeed was neerer heyre male to the succession of the Crowne then hee that by colour of right clayming it carried it by dint of force But such was the condition of the time that hee supposed it was vaine for him to stirre where King Richard could not stand Whereupon hee dissembled either that hee saw his wrong or that hee regarded it and chose rather to suppresse his title for a time then by untimely opposing himselfe to have it oppressed and depressed for ever to this end hee withdrew himselfe farre from London to his Lordship of Wigmore in the West parts of the Realme and there setled himselfe to a private and close life Idlenesse and vacancy from publike affaires he accounted a vertue and a deepe point of wisdome to meddle with nothing whereof no man was chargeable to yeeld a reckoning In revenues hee was meane in apparell moderate in company and traine not excessive yet in all these honourable and according to his degree so that they which esteemed men by outward appearance only could see in him no great shew either of wit and courage in his mind to be feared or of wealth and honour in his estate to bee envied And thus whilest a greater enemy was feared hee passed unregarded making himselfe safe by contempt where nothing was so dangerous as a good opinion and taking up those coales in obscurity for a time which shortly after set all the Realme on fire King Henry presently after his coronation created his eldest sonne Lord Henry being then about xiii yeares of age Prince of Wales Duke of Cornewall and Earle of Chester and soone after he created him also Duke of Aquitaine Afterwards it was enacted by consent of all the states of the Realme assembled together in the Parliament that the inheritance of the Crownes and Realmes of England and of France and of all the Dominions to them appertaining should bee united and remaine in the person of King Henry and in the heires of his body lawfully begotten and that Prince Henry his eldest sonne should be his heyre apparant and successor in the premises and if hee should dye without lawfull issue then they were entayled to his other sonnes successively in order and to the heyres of their bodies lawfully begotten The inheritance of the Kingdome being in this sort setled in King Henry and in his line it was moved in the parliament what should be done with King Richard The Bishop of Caerliel who was a man learned and wise and one that alwayes used both liberty and constancy in a good cause in his secret judgement did never give allowance to these proceedings yet dissembled his dislike untill hee might to some purpose declare it therefore now being in place to be heard of all and by order of the house to be interrupted by none hee rose up and with a bold and present spirit uttered his mind as followeth This question right honourable Lords concerneth a matter of great consequence and weight the determining whereof will assuredly procure
these Lords or by any Officers under them he should prove his complaint receive recompence It was made a question whether it was not meet that these Noble men should be put to death the importunity of the people and the perswasion of many great men drew that way but policy was against it and especially the opinion of clemency which seemed needfull to the setling of a new risen state In this Parliament also the Lord Fitzwater appealed the said Duke of Aumerle Sonne to the Duke of Yorke upon points of High treason likewise the Lord Monley appealed Iohn Montacuâ—e Earle of Salisbury and more then twenty other appealants waged battaile but the King purposing to lay the foundation of his Realme by favour and not by force gave pardon and restitution alike to all upon sureties and band for their allegeance and in a sweet and moderate oration hee admonisheth and as it were intreated the one part that old griefes and grudges should not bee renewed but buried together with the memory of former times wherein men were forced to doe many things against their minds the other part hee desired to bee more regardfull of their actions afterwards and for the time past rather to forget that ever they were in fault then to remember that they were pardoned No punishment was laid upon any save onely the Earle of Salisbury and the Lord Morley who had beene in especiall grace and favour with King Richardâ— these two were committed to prison but at the sute of their friends they were soone released the rest the King received freely to favour but most especially the Duke of Aumerle and the Duke of Excester Lord Governour of Calis The Duke of Aumerle was cousen germane to both the Kings Iohn Holland Duke of Exeter was halfe brother to King Richard and brother in law to King Henry whose Sister the Lady Elizabeth hee had taken to wife The greatest matter that was enforced against them was their loialty unto King Richard a grievous crime among rebels because they did not onely stomack and storme at his dejection but stirre also more then others and assay to raise forces on his behalfe The Dukes boldly confessed the accusation that they were indeed unfortunately faithfull to King Richard but as those who once are false doe seldome afterwards prove soundly firme so they that have shewed themselves true to one Prince may the better bee trusted by any other The King did rather admit this as a defence then remit it as a fault affirming that such examples were not to bee misliked of Princes so hee entred with them into great termes of friendship and put them in place neerest his person endeavouring by courtesie and liberalty to make them fast and faithfull unto him this fact was diversly interpreted according to mens severall dispositions some admiring the Kings moderation others disliking and disallowing his confidence and indeed although these meanes have to this purpose prevailed with some yet the common course may move us commonly to conjecture that there is little assurance in reconciled enemies whose affections for the most part are like unto Glasse which being once cracked can never bee made otherwise then crazed and unsound Furthermore to qualifie all prejudice and hard opinion which other Princes might chance to conceive King Henry dispatched Embassadours to divers Countries neere unto him to make it knowne by what title and by what favour and desire of all the people hee attained the Kingdome To the Court of Rome hee sent Iohn Trevenant Bishop of Hereford Sir Iohn Cheyney Knight and Iohn Cheyney Esquire into France hee sent Walter Sherlow Bishop of Durham and Lord Thomas Pearcy Earle of Worcester into Spaine hee sent Iohn Trevor Bishop of S. Assaphes and Sir William Parre and into Almaine hee sent the Bishop of Bangor and certaine other Most of these Princes as in a matter which little concerned either their honour or their harme seemed either not to regard what was done or easily to bee perswaded that all was done well But Charles King of France was so distempered at this dishonourable dealing with his Sonne in law King Richard that by violence of his passion hee fell into his old panges of phrensie and at the last by helpe of physick returning to the sobriety of his sences hee purposed to make sharpe warre upon that disloyall people as hee termed them for this injury against their lawfull and harmelesse Prince Many Noble men of France shewed themselves very forward to enter into the service but especially the Earle of Saint Paul who had married King Richards halfe Sister So letters of defiance were sent into England and great preparation was made for the warre Likewise the newes of these novelties much abashed the Aquitanes who were at that time under the English subjection and plunged their thoughts in great perplexities Some were grieved at the infamous blemish of the English nation who had destained their honour with the spot of such disloyall dealing others feared the spoile of their goods and oppression of their liberties by the French-men against whose violence they suspected that the Realme of England being distracted into civill factions either would not attend or should not bee able to beare them out but the Citizens of Burdeaux were chiefely anguished in respect of King Richard partly fretting at his injury and partly lamenting his infortunity because hee was borne and brought up within their City And thus in the violence some of their anger some of their griefe and some of their feare in this sort they did generally complaine O good GOD said they where is the World become Saints are turned to Serpents and Doves into Divels The English nation which hath beene accompted fierce onely against their foes and alwayes faithfull to their friends are now become both fierce and faith lesse against their lawfull and loving Prince and have most barbarously betrayed him Who would ever have thought that Christians that civill people that any men would thus have violated all Religion all Lawes and all honest and orderly demeanure And although the Heavens blush at the view and the Earth sweat at the burthen of so vile a villany and all men proclaime and exclaime upon shame and confusion against them yet they neither feele the horrour nor shrinke at the shame nor feare the revenge but stand upon tearmes some of defence for the lawfulnesse of their dealing and some of excuse for the necessity Well let them bee able to blind the world and to resist mans revenge yet shall they never be able to escape either the sight or vengeance of Almighty God which we daily expect and earnestly desire to bee powred upon them Alas good King Richard thy nature was too gentle and thy government too mild for so stiffe and stubborne a people what King will ever repose any trust in such unnaturall subjects but fetter them with Lawes as theeves are with Irons What carriage hereafter can recover their credit What time will
to death either by the commandement or connivence of King Edward the fourth And hee also escaped not free for hee dyed not without many and manifest suspicions of poyson and after his death his two sonnes were disinherited imprisoned and butchered by their cruell Vncle the Duke of Glouâ—ester who being a Tyrant and Vsurper was lawfully shine in the field and so in his person having no issue the tragedie did end Which are most rare and excellent examples both of comfort to them that are oppressed and of terrour to violent Dâ—alers that God in his secret judgement doth not alwayes so certainely provide for our safety as revenge our injuries and harmes and that all our unjust actions have a day of payment and many times by way of retaliation even in the same manner and measure wherein they were committed And thus was king Richard brought to his death by violence and force as all Writers agree although al agree not upon the manner of the violence He was a man of personage rather wel proportioned then tall of great beauty and grace and comelinesse in presence hee was of a good strength and no abject spirit but the one by ease the other by flattery were much abased Hee deserved many friends but found few because hee sought them more by liberality then vertuous dealing Hee was marvellous infortunate in all his actions which may very well be imputed to his negligence and sloath for he that is not provident can seldome prosper but by his loosenesse will lose whatsoever fortune or other mens labours doe cast upon him At the last hee was driven to such distresse that hee accounted it as a benefit to be disburdened of his royall dignity for which other men will not sticke to put their goods and lives and soules in hazard Hee lived three and thirty yeares and raigned two and twenty His dead body was embalmed and seared and covered with Lead all save his face and carried to London and in all the chiefe places by the way his face was uncovered and shewen that by view thereof no doubt should bee made concerning his death At London hee had a solemne obsequie kept in the Cathedrall Church of Saint Paul the King being present and all the chiefe men of the Citie Then hee was conveyed to Langley Abbey in Buckinghamshire about twenty miles from London and there obscurely enterred by the Bishop of Chester the Abbot of S. Albones and the Abbot of Waltham without presence of noblemen without confluence of the common people and without the charge of a dinner for celebrating the Funerals but afterwarward at the commandement of King Henry the fifth his body was taken up and removed to Westminster and honourably entombed amongst his ancestors with Queene Anna his wife in expiation as it is like of his Fathers violent and unfaithfull dealing So hee whose life was alwaies tumultuous and unquiet could not readily find rest for his bones even after death It was not amisse in regard of the Common-wealth that hee was dead yet they who caused his death had small reason to reckon it among their good deeds And thus doe these and the like accidents daily happen to such Princes as will bee absolute in power resolute in will and dissolute in life This yeare Humfrey the sonne and heyre of the Duke of Gloucester dyed of the plague as hee returned out of Ireland where King Richard had left him prisoner and shortly after the Dutchesse his Mother with violence of griefe ended her dayes this yeare also dyed Thomas Mowbray the Exiled Duke of Norfolke whose death would much have beene lamented if hee had not furthered so many lamentable deaths but he over-lived his honour and saw himselfe accounted a person infamed and of no estimation Likewise about this time Iohn Duke of Brittaine deceased who had taken to wife Mary daughter to King Edward the third and by her had no issue but by Ioan his second wife hee left behind him three sonnes Iohn Richard and Arthur this Ioan was afterwards married to King Henry as hereafter shall appeare Also this yeare Edmund Duke of Yorke departed this life his honour not slayned his fame not touched he was a man very circumspect and wary in his carriage not carelesse of a good fame nor greedy after a great of other mens wealth not desirous liberall of his owne and of the common sparing hee did not by obstinate opposing himselfe against the current of the time rashly hasten either his fame or his fall but by moderation attained safely that degree of prayse and honour which others aspiring unto by desperate courses wanne with ambitious death without any other profit at all He left behind him two noble sons expresse resemblancers of his integrity Edward who succeeded in his dignity and before was called Duke of Aumerle and Richard Earle of Cambridge Edward in the change of the state neither constantly kept his fidelity nor stoutly maintained his treason Richard tooke to wife the daughter and heyre of Roger Mortimer whose mother Phillip was sole daughter and heyre to Lionell Duke of Clarence the third sonne of King Edward the third by which title and discent his posterity claimed the Crowne and Kingdome of this Realme from the successors of King Henry as hereafter more at large shall be declared Charles King of France lost no time all this while in making preparation to invade England and to that end had now raysed an Army royall which was brought downe into Picardie and in a readinesse to have beene transported But it is very like that this haste for the deliverance of King Richard did the more hasten his death upon newes whereof the French-men perceiving their purpose for his restitution to bee to no purpose gave over the enterprise some being grieved that the occasion was lost of making spoyle of so plentifull a countrey others being well content to be discharged of that hope together with the hazard whereupon it depended Shortly after the French King sent a solemne Embassage into England to treate or rather intreate that Lady Isabel his daughter who had beene espoused to King Richard might with her dowrie bee restored to him againe King Henry most honourably received these Embassadors and gave in answer that he would speedily send his Commissioners to Calice which should fully commune and conclude with them both of this and other weighty affayres concerning both the Realmes Not long after hee sent Edward Duke of Yorke and Henry Earle of Northumberland to Calice Also the French King sent the Duke of Burbone and certaine others to Bulleine These Commissioners did often meet sometimes at one place and sometimes at another the French-men especially required that Lady Isabell should be restored shewing that King Charles her Father had given in charge that this before all matters and without this nothing should be concluded On the other side the Englishmen desired that shee might bee married to Henry Prince of Wales King Henries eldest sonne a
is quite overthrowne Yet the endeavour to curry favour is more easily disliked as bearing with it an open note of servility and therefore Alexander when hee heard Aristobulus read many things that hee had written of him farre above truth as hee was sailing the floud Hidaspis he threw the booke into the River and said that hee was almost moved to send Aristobulus after for his servile dealing but envious carping carrieth a counterfeit shew of liberty and thereby findeth the better acceptance And since I am entred into this point it may seeme not impertinent to write of the stile of a History what beginning what continuance and what meane is bee used in all matter what things are to bee suppressed what lightly touched and what to bee treated at large how credite may bee wonne and suspition avoided what is to bee observed in the order of times and description of places and other such circumstances of weight whâ—t liberty a writer may use in framing speeches and in declaring the causes counsailes and events of things done how farre hee must bend himselfe to profit and when and how hee may play upon pleasure but this were too large a field to enter into therefore least I should runne into the fault of the Mindians who made their gates wider then their towne I will heere close up onely wishing that all our English Histories were drawne out of the drosse of rude and barbarous English that by pleasure in reading them the profit in knowing them might more easily bee attained THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE AND RAIGNE OF KING HENRY the fourth THe Noble and victorious Prince King Edward the third had his fortunate gift of a long and prosperous raigne over this Realme of England much strengthened and adorned by natures supply of seven goodly Sonnes Edward his eldest Sonne Prince of Wales commonly called the Black Prince William of Hatfield Lyonel Duke of Clarence Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaâ—â—er Edmund of Langley Duke of Yorke Thomas of Woodstock Duke of Gloucester and William of Windsore These Sonnes during the life of their renowned Father were such ornaments and such stayes to his estate as it seemed no greater could bee annexed thereunto For neither armies nor strong holds are so great defences to a Prince as the multitude of children Fortes may decay and forces decrease and both decline and fall away either by variety of fortune or inconstancy of mens desires but a mans owne bloud cleaveth close unto him not so much in the blisses of prosperity which are equally imparted to others as in the Crosses of calamity which touch none so neere as those that are neerest by nature But in succeeding times they became in their off-spring the seminary of division and discord to the utter ruine of their families and great wast and weakening of the whole Realme for they that have equall dignity of birth and bloud can hardly stoope to termes of soveraignty but upon every offer of occasion will aspire to endure rather no equall then any superiour and for the most part the hatred of those that are neerest in kind is most dispitefull and deadly if it once breake forth The feare of this humour caused Romulus to imbrew the foundations oâ— the City and Empire of Rome with the bloud of his brother Remus According to which example the Tyrants of Turkie those butchers of Sathan doe commonly at this day begin their raigne with the death and slaughter of all their brethren Prince Edward the thunderbolt of Warre in his time dyed during the life of his faâ—her And although hee was cut off in the middle course and principall strength of his age yet in respect of honour and fame hee lived with the longest having in all parts fulfilled the measure of true Nobility Hee left behind him a young Sonne called Richard who after the death of King Edward was crowned King in his stead and afterward dyed childlesse William of Hatfield King Edwards second Sonne dyed also without issue leaving no other memory of his name but the mention onely Lionel Duke of Clarence the third Sonne of King Edward was a man of comely personage of speech and pace stately in other qualities of a middle temperature neither to bee admitted nor contemned as rather void of ill parts then furnished with good Hee had issue Philip his onely Daughter who was joyned in marriage to Edmund Mortimer Earle of March Who in the Parliament holden in the eight yeare of the raigne of King Richard was in the right of his Wife declared Heire apparant to the Crowne in case the King should die without Children but not many yeares after hee dyed leaving issue by the said Philip Roger Mortimer Earle of March This Roger was slaine in the rude and tumultuous Warres of Ireland and had issue Edmund Anne and Elinor Edmund and Elinor died without issue Anne was married to Richard Earle of Cambridge Sonne to Edmund of Langley Duke of Yorke the fift Sonne of King Edward Of these two came Richard Plantagenet Duke of Yorke who by the right devolved to â—im from his Mother made open â—laime to the Crowne of England â—which was then possessed by the faâ—ily of Lancaster first by Law in the â—arliament holden the thirtieth yeare â—f the Raigne of King Henry the sixt where either by right or by favour â—is cause had such furtherance that afâ—er King Henry should die the Crown â—as entailed to him and to the Heires 〈◊〉 his bloud for ever But the Duke â—â—patient to linger in hope chose raâ—â—er to endure any danger then such 〈◊〉 Whereupon hee entred into 〈◊〉 soone after against King Henry 〈◊〉 the field But being carried further 〈◊〉 courage then by force hee could 〈◊〉 through hee was slaine at the battaile of Wakefield and left his title to Edward his eldest Sonne who with invincible persistance did prosecute the enterprise and after great variety of fortune at the last atchieved it Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster the fourth Sonne of King Edward the third was a man of high and hardy Spirit but his fortune was many times not answerable either to his force or to his forecast Hee had two Sonnes Henry Earle of Derby of whom I suppose chiefly to treat and Iohn Earle of Somerset This Iohn was Father to Iohn Duke of Somerset who had issue Margaret Countesse of Richmond mother to the Noble Prince Henry the seventh Henry Plantagenâ—t Earle of Derby was likewise by his Mother Blanch extracted from the bloud of Kings being discended from Edmund the second Sonne of King Henry the third by which line the Dutchy oâ— Lancaster did accreve unto his house Hee was a man of meane stature well proportioned and formally compact of good strength and agility of body skilfull in armes and of a ready dispatch joyntly shewing himselfe both earnest and advised in all his actions Hee was quick and present in conceit forward in attempt couragious in execution and most times fortunate in event There was no
and also a note was taken of all the Subjects within the Realme to bee true and faithfull unto the King The King in taking this oath of the Lords bewrayed his inward conceit by his open countenance looking pleasantly on those hee favoured and angerly on those whom hee hated by which untimely discovery hee made them more heedefull and himselfe more hatefull which were occasions afterward both to prevent the revenge which hee much desired and to procure the mischiefes which hee little feared Lastly a subsidie was granted and so the King comming as it were to a capitulation with the Lords hee to have the name of a King and they the Authority and Majesty the contention for that time ceased All this was done in the 11. yeare of the Kings raigne hee being yet under age and in Government of others But the yeare following hee beganne to take upon him more liberty and rule and upon extreame disdaine that both his pleasure and his power were by the Lords thus restrained hee did ever after beare a hard mind against them And first hee assembled them in the Councell Chamber and there demanded of what yeares they tooke him to bee they answered that hee was somewhat above one and twenty then said hee I am of lawfull age to have the regiment in mine owne hand and therefore you doe mee wrong to hold mee still under government as though the condition of a King were harder then of a Subject This the Lords were neither willing to grant nor able to deny and therefore they either kept silence or spake little to the purpose Well said the King since I am no longer an infant I heere renounce your rule and take upon mee such free administration of the Realme as the Kings thereof my Predecessours heretofore have lawfully used Then presently hee began his Phaetons flourish and commanded the Bishop of Ely being Lord Chancellour to resigne his Seale which the King received and put up and therewith departed out of the Chamber but soone after hee returned againe and delivered the same to William Wickam Bishop of Winchester constituting him Lord Chancellour thereby Many other officers hee likewise deposed and placed new in their roome partly to manifest his authority and partly to satisfie his displeasure Also hee removed the Duke of Glocester the Earle of Warwick and many others from his Privy Councell and tooke those in their places which more regarded the humour of the King but lesse his honour Soone after it was suggested to the King that the Duke of Glocecester was gathering forces against him but upon examination there was found not onely no truth but no shew or colour of any such matter The Duke would not quietly have disgested the raising of these reports but the King whether upon a generall delight to bee tickled in the cares with such tales or upon particular desire to have some quarrell against the Duke charged him to silence In the 13. yeare of the raigne of King Richard the Citizens of Genuâ— desired his aid against the Barbarians of Afrike who with dayly incursions infested and spoiled all the Sea coasts and Ilands of Italy and France which fronted upon them The King sent a choyce company of Souldiers under the conduct of Henry Earle of Derby who behaved himselfe in this charge with great integrity and courage inciting his men the good by praise the bad by example rather then reproofe as more ready to commend the vertues of the one then to upbraid the vices of the other And first hee passed into France and there joyned himselfe to certaine French forces appointed likewise for this service then with might and minds united they sailed together into Africk At their arrivall the Barbarians were ready in armes to keepe them from landing but the Earle commanded his Archers to breake through and make passage despising the enemy whom hee knew to bee weake and unskilfull in service and not to have that advantage in place which hee had in men the Frenchmen also sharply set in and seconded the English and so whilest both companies contended the one to bee accompted a helpe and the other to seeme to need no helpe the enemies were forced to flie and leave the shoare unto the Christians In this conflict three Dukes of the Barbarians and above three hundred Souldiers were slaine and in the flight foure Dukes were taken and a great yet uncertaine number of Common people Then the Christians marched directly towards Tunis the head City of that Countrey this they besieged and in short time tooke chiefely by the prowesse of the English souldiers who first scaled the Wales and reared thereon the Earles banner When they were entred the Towne the Englishmen bent their endeavour to the housing of their enemies and beating downe of such as made resistance but the Frenchmen straight wayes turned to their lascivious pleasures so that there was presented a spectacle both pitifull and shamelesse in one place butchering of men in another rioting with women here streames of bloud and heapes of slaughtered bodies hard by dissolute and licentious wantonnesses in some all the miseries of a cruell warre and the loosenesse of a secure peace Here were slaine and taken above foure thousand Barbarians the Kings brother also was slaine but the King himselfe fled into the Castle which was strongly scited and well fortified and furnished with men The Christians laid siege to this Castle the space of five weekes during which time they lost many of their men yet not by sword but by sicknesse the Barbarians also were distressed with want of victuall having but little provision and many unprofitable mouths to consume it hereupon they sent unto the Christians to desire peace offering them a great summe of money to depart out of their Countrey this the Christians accepted upon condition that they might also freely carry with them all their pray and Prisoners and that the Barbarians should from thence forth surcease from making spoile upon any of the coasts of Italy or France Thus had this voyage a prosperous and speedy end the onely service as I suppose which the English and Frenchmen performed together without jotte of jarre And yet the Earle abused not the fortune of this successe to vaine vanting or braving in words but moderately imparted to the rest the honour of the exploit so by valiantly performing his charge and sparingly speaking thereof his glory encreased without bit of envy In the fifteenth and sixteenth yeares of the raigne of King Richard certaine causes of discontentment did grow betweene the King and the Londoners which set the favour of the one and the faith of the other at great separation and distance One was for that the King would have borrowed of them a thousand pounds which they feeling much and fearing more the Kings dayly exactions did not onely deny but evill intreated a certaine Lumbard who offered to lay out the money Another griefe was thus occasioned One of the
a peace to exclude the King thereby from his possessions but whensoever occasion should change for their advantage they would bee then as ready to start from the friendship as at that present they were to strike it that the French Kings Daughter being but a child was very unmeet for the marriage of King Richard as well for disparity of age as for that the King had no issue by his first wife and was not like to have any by this except perhaps in his old and whithered yeares When the Duke saw that with these motives hee did nothing prevaile hee subordned the Londoners to make petition to the King that seeing there was peace with France hee would release them of the Subsidy which they had granted to him in regard of those warres This suite was instantly followed and much perplexed the King untill the Duke of Lancaster declared to the people that the King had beene at the charge and dispence of three hundred thousand pounds in his voyage into France for the procuring of this peace whereupon they were pacified and desisted from their demand The yeare following Guido Earle of Saint Pauls was sent into Englan by Charles King of France to visite and salute in his name King Richard and Queene Isabel his wife the French Kings Daughter To this Earle the King did relate with what fervency the Duke of Glocester contended to make disturbance of the peace betweene England and France how because his mind was not therein followed hee moved the people to seditious attempts bending himselfe wholly to maintaine discord and disquiet rather in his owne Countrey then not at all Hee further reported what stiffe strifes in former times the Duke had stirred which howsoever they were done yet as they were declared they sounded very odious and hard When the Earle heard this hee presently answered that the Duke was to dangerous a subject to bee permitted to live that greatnesse was never safe if it grow excessive and bold that the King must not affect the vaine commendation of clemency with his owne perill and that it touched him both in honour to revenge the disgraces which hee had received and in policy to prevent the dangers which hee had cause to feare These words so sharpened the Kings displeasure that from thenceforth hee busied his braines in no one thing more then how to bring the Duke to his end Now hee beganne to pry more narrowly into his demeanour to watch his words to observe actions and alwayes to interpret them to the worst framing himselfe to many vaine and needlesse feares Oftentimes hee would complaine of him to the Duke of Lancaster and the Duke of Yorke how fierce and violent hee was in his speeches and crosse to him in all matters The Dukes would make answer that the Duke of Glocester their brother was indeed more hot and vehement then they did commend yet his fiercenesse was joyned with faithfulnesse and his crossenesse proceeded from a care least the Common-wealth should decrease either in honour or in possessions and therefore the King had neither need to feare nor cause to dislike About that time the Dukes of Lancaster and of Yorke withdrew themselves from the Court to their private Houses the Duke of Glocester also went to ly at Plashey neere Chelmsford in Essex upon advantage of which seperation the King stood distracted in mind betweene feare to defer and shame to avow the destruction of the Duke least hee might happily bee disappointed by the one or dishonoured by the other Hereupon hee entred into counsaile with Iohn Holland Earle of Huntington his halfe brother and Thomas Mowbray Earle of Nottingham how the Duke of Glocester might be suppressed or oppressed rather the cruelty which was but wavering in the King yea wanting by nature was soone confirmed by evill advise and being once inclined to bloud hee did not faile either of examples of lewd action to follow or direction of cruell Counsaile what to doe so the plot was contrived and according thereto the King and the Earle of Nottingham rode together into Essex as though it were to disport themselves in hunting when they were in the midst of the Forrest the Earle made stay and the King passed forth with a small and unsuspitious company to the Duke lying at Plashey there hee stayed dinner and then pretending occasion of present returne hee desired the Duke to accompany him to London the faire intreaty of a Prince is a most forcible command therefore the Duke supposing that onely to bee inteâ—ded indeed which was pretended in shew went to horse-back with the King taking such small attendance as upon the sudden could bee in a readinesse and appointing the rest to come after him to London So they rode together using much familiar talke by the way untill they came neere the place of await then the King put his horse forward and the Duke comming behind was suddenly intercepted and stayed crying aloud and calling to the King for his helpe the King continued his journey as though hee had not heard and the Duke was violently carried to the Thamâ—s and tâ—ere shipped in a vessell layed for the purpose and from thence conveyed over to Calis When the King came to London hee caused the Earle of Warwick also to bee arrested and sent to prison the same day that hee had invited him to dinner and shewed good countenance and promised to bee a gracious Lord unto him Vpon the like dissembled shew the Earle of Arundel and his Sonne and certaine others were arrested also and committed to prison in the I le of Wight The common people upon the apprehending of these three Noblemen whom they chiefely and almost onely favoured were in a great confusion and tumult and there wanted but a head to draw them to sedition every man sorrowed murmured and threatned and daring no further stood waiting for one to lead them the way all being ready to follow that which any one was loath to beginne The Duke of Lancaster and of Yorke gathered a strong army and came therewith to London where they were readily received by the Citizens although the King had commanded the contrary but this seemed to bee done rather for guard to themselves then regard to any others The King all this time kept at a Village called Helhame within foure miles of London having about him a great power of armed men which hee had gathered out of Cheshire and Wales and to pacifie the common people hee caused to bee proclaimed that the Lords were not apprehended upon old displeasures but for offences lately committed for which they should bee appealed by order of Law and receive open triall in the Parliament next following the like message was sent to the Duke of Lancaster and the Duke of Yorke lying at London to whom the King made faith for the safety of their persons and indemnity of their goods and that nothing should bee attempted without their privity and advice all this was as
with all the Noble Peeres of the Realme and guarded with tenne thousand men in armes for feare of any suddaine or intended tumult When hee was placed on his stage which was very curiously and richly set forth a King at armes made proclamation in the name of the King and of the high Constable and of the Marshall that no man except such as were appointed to order and marshall the field should touch any part of the listes upon paine of death This proclamation being ended another Herald cried Behold here Henry of Lancaster Duke of Hereford appellant who is entred into the listes Royall to doe his devoire against Thomas Mowbray Duke of Norfolke defendant upon paine to bee accompted false and recreant The Duke of Norfolke was hovering on horseback at the entry of the listes his horse being barbed with crimson velvet embroadered richly with lions of silver and mulbery trees and when hee had made his oath before the Constable and Marshall that his quarrell was just and true hee entred the field boldly crying aloud God aid him that hath the right then hee lighted from his horse and sat downe in a Chaire of crimson velvet curtained about with red and white Damaske and placed at the other end of the Lists The Lord Marshall viewed both their speares to see that they were of equall length the one speare hee carried himselfe to the Duke of Hereford and sent the other to the Duke of Norfolke by a Knight This done a Herrald proclaimed that the traverses and chaires of the combattants should bee removed commanding them in the Kings name to mount on horseback and addresse themselves to the encounter the Dukes were quickly horsed and closed their beavieres and cast their speares into the rests Then the trumpets sounded and the Duke of Hereford set forth towards his enemy about six or seaven paces but before the Duke of Norfolke beganne to put forward the King cast downe his Warder and the Herralds cried ho then the King caused the Dukes speares to bee taken from them and commanded them to forsake their horses and returne againe to their chaires where they remained above two long houres whilst the King deliberated with his Councell what was fittest to bee done At last the Herralds cried silence and Sir Iohn Borcy a Secretary of State with a loud voice read the sentence and determination of the King and his Councell out of a long roule wherein was contained that Henry of Lancaster Duke of Hereford appellant and Thomas Mowbray Duke of Norfolke defendant had honourably appeared that day within the Lists Royall and declared themselves valiant and hardy Champions being not only ready but forward and desirous to dare in the battell but because this was a matter of great consequence and import the King with the advice of his Councell thought it meet to take the same into his owne hands and thereupon had decreed that Henry Duke of Hereford because hee had displeased the King and for divers other considerations should within 15. dayes next following depart out of the Realme and not to returne during the Tearme of tenne yeares without the Kings especiall licence upon paine of death When this judgement was heard a confused noise was raised among the people some lamenting either the desert or the injury of the Duke of Hereford whom they exceedingly favoured others laughing at the conceit of the King first in causing and afterwards in frustrating so great an expectation wherein hee seemed to doe not much unlike Caligula who lying in France with a great army neere the Sea shoare gave the signe of battell set his men in array marched forth as if it had beene to some great piece of service and suddenly commanded them all to gather cockles Then the Herralds cried againe ô Yes and the Secretary did read on how the King had likewise ordained that Thomas Mowbray Duke of Norfolke because hee had sowen sedition by words whereof hee could make no proofe should avoid the Realme of England and never returne againe upon paine of death and that the King would take the profits and revenues of his lands untill hee had received such summes of money as the Duke had taken up for wages of the garrison of Calis which was still unpaid and that the King prohibited upon paine of his grievous displeasure that any man should make suit or intreaty to him on the behalfe of either of these two Dukes Those sentences being in this sort pronounced the King called the two exiles before him and tooke of them an oath That they should not converse together in forraine Regions nor one willingly come in place where the other was fearing as it was like least their Common discontentment should draw them first to reconcilement and afterward to revenge But this policy was over weake for this purpose for oaths are commonly spurned aside when they lye in the way either to honour or revenge and if their united forces was so much to bee regarded their seperate powers was not altogether to bee contemned Therefore the latter Princes of this Realme have with more safety wholly abolished the use of abjuration and exile and doe either by death extinguish the power or by pardon alter the will of great Offenders from entring into desperate and dangerous attempts which men in misery and disgrace have more vehemency to beginne and more obstinacy to continue When the Samnites had once so enclosed the Romane Legions within certain streights that they left them neither space to fight nor way to fly but without force enforced them to yeeld they sent to Herennius Pontius an aged Ruler of their state for his advise what were best for them to doe his answer was that the Romans should be permitted to depâ—rt without any hurt losse or scorne This pleased not such as were either covetous for spoyle or cruell for blood and therefore they sent unto him the second time who then returned answer that the Romans should be put to the sword and not one man suffered to escape The contrariety of these two counsels brought the old man into suspition of dotage but he comming in person to the Campe maintained both to be good the first whereof which he thought best would by unexpected favour provoke the Romans to a perpetuall friendship the second would deferre the warres for many yeares wherein the enemies should hardly recover strength third counsaile there was none that safely might be followed Yes said the Samnites to grant them their lives yet with such conditions of spoyle and shame as the lawes of victory doe lay upon them This is the way answered Herennius which neither winneth friends nor weakneth enemies but will much encrease the fury against us and nothing diminish the force And even so in matters of more particularity that course of punishment is out of course which doth neither reclaime the mind of men nor restraine the might from mischievous endeavours But again to our purpose The Duke of Norfolke having
by a very slender thred The King was plunged in pleasure and sloath after whose example others also as men doe commonly conforme their minds according to the Princes disposition gave over themselves to delicacy and ease whereby cowardise crept in and shipwracke was made both of manhood and glory The chiefest affaires of state had been ordered for a long time according to private respects whereby the Common-wealth lost both the fat and the favour and seemed not at seasons and by degrees but with a maine course and at once to ruinate and fall The north parts were many times canvased and by small yet often losses almost consumed by the Scots who had there taken many townes and castles and defaced all the countrey with slaughter and spoyle Likewise the south parts were oftentimes wasted by the Frenchmen and in France many strong holds were lost It was also constantly affirmed that the King made agreement to deliver unto the King of France the possession of Calice and of other townes which hee held in those parts but the performance thereof was resisted by the Lords whether this were true oâ— surmised probably as agreeable to the Kings loose government I cannot certainely affirme As for Ireland which in time of K. Edward the third was kept in order and awe by acquainting the people with religion and civâ—lity and drawing them to delight in the plenty and pleasures of well reclaimed countries whereby it yeelded to the Kings coffers thirty thousand pounds every yeare it was then suffered to runne into waste and the people by rudenesse became intractible so that the holding therof charged the King with the yearly dispence of thirty thousand markes Many succours had beene sent into these severall countries but scatteringly and dropping and never so many at once as to furâ—ish the wars fully The King made some expeditions in his owne person with great preparation and charge but being once out of credit whatsoever fell out well was attributed to others misfortunes were imputed onely to him If any thing were happily atchieved by some of the Nobility it was by the Kings base hearted Parasites to whom military vertue was altogether unpleasant so extenuated or depraved or envied that it was seldome rewarded so much as with countenance and thankes yea sometimes it procured suspicion and danger the King being informed by a cunning kind of enemies Comâ—menders that to be a discreet and valiant Commander in the field was a vertue peculiar to a Prince and that it was a perillous point to have the name of a man of private estate famous for the same in every mans mouth Hereupon few sought to rise by vertue and valour the readier way was to please the pleasant humour of the Prince Likewise matters of peace were managed by men of weakest sufficiency by whose councell either ignorant or corrupt the destruction of the best hearted Nobility was many times attempted and at the last wrought The profits and revenues of the Crowne were said to bee let to farme the King making himselfe Landlord of his Realme and challenging no great priviledge by his Raigne but only a dissolute and uncontrouled life Great summes of money were yearely rather exacted from the subjects then by them voluntarily granted wherof no good did ensue but the maintenance of the Kings private delights the advancement of his hatefull favorites To these he was somewhat above his power liberall for which cause hee was faine to borrow beg and extort in other places but hee purchased not so much love by the one as hate by the other Besides the ordinary tearmes of tenths and fifteenths which were many times paid double in one yeare divers new impositions were by him devised and put in use sometimes exacting xii d. of every person throughout the Realme sometimes of every religious man and woman vi s. viii d. and of every secular Priest as much and of every lay person married or sole xii d. Vnder the favourable tearme of benevolence he wiped away from the people such heaps of money as were little answerable to that free and friendly name He borrowed in all places of the Realme great summes of money upon his privy Seals so that no man of worth could escape his loane but he seldome and to few returned payment againe This present yeare he sent certain Bishops and other personages of honour to all the shires and Corporations within the Realme to declare unto the people the Kings heavy displeasures against them for that they had beene abetters and complices of the Duke of Gloucester and of the Earles of Arundell and Warwicke and that the King was minded to make a roade upon them as common enemies except they would acknowledge their offence and submit themselves to his mercy and grace Hereupon all the men of worth in every shire and Towne-corporate made their acknowledgement and submission in writing under their seales and afterwards were faine to graunt unto the King such importable summes of money to purchase againe his favour as the land being already greatly impoverished they were hardly able to endure Then were exacted of them strange and unaccustomed oathes vvhich vvere put likevvise in vvriting under their seale They vvere also compelled to set their hands and seales to blancke charts wherein the King might afterwards cause to be written what he would so that all the wealth of the Realme was in a manner at his devotion and pleasure These and such like violences were farre wide from the moderate government of King Henry the second who maintaining great warres and obtayning a larger dominion then pertained at any other time to this Realme of England never demanded subsidie of his subjects and yet his treasure after his death was found to be nine hundred thousand pounds besides his Iewels and his plate In this sort the King bearing a heavie hand upon his subjects and they againe a heavie heart against him and being withall a Prince weake in action and not of valour sufficient to beare out his vices by might the people at length resolved to revolt and rather to runne into the hazard of a ruinous rebellion then to endure safety joyned with slaverie so they attended occasion which shortly after was thus offered The King received Letters of advertisement out of Ireland which being priviledged from other venimous beasts hath alwayes beene pestered with traytors how the Barbarous Irish had cut in pieces his Garrison and slaine Roger Mortimer Earle of March who had beene declared heyre apparent to the Crowne exercising all the cruelty in wasting of the countrey which wrath and rage of victory could incite a barbarous people to practise This losse being great in it selfe the hard affection of the people did much augment by report whereupon the King deliberated whether it were requisite that hee should undertake the warre in person or commit it to Commanders of lower degree Some perswaded him that wholly to subdue Ireland stood neither with policie nor yet almost
parts joyne their Common strength and study together so whilest one by one did fight all of them were either subdued or slaine But these newes little rejoyced the Common people they lusted not to listen thereto their common talke was to recount their common grievances to lay them together and aggravate them by construction every man more abounding in complaints then hee did in miseries Also the Noble men the principall object of cruelty beganne to discourse both their private dangers and the deformities of the State and upon opportunity of the Kings absence some of them did conspire to cut off that authority which would not bee confined and to cast it upon some other who was most like to repaire that which King Richard had ruined or if said they our power shall come short of so good a purpose yet will wee sell him both our lives and lands with glory in the field which with certainty in peace wee cannot enjoy The onely man upon whom all men resolved was Henry Duke of Hereford whom since the death of his Father they called Duke of Lancaster not at his owne motion or desire but because hee was generally esteemed meet as being of the Royall bloud and next by descent from males to the succession of the Crowne one that had made honourable proofe of his vertues and valour the onely man of note that remained alive of those that before had stood in armes against the King for the behoofe of the Common-wealth for which cause hee was deepely touched at that time both in honour and in state This attempt pleased as possible to prove and of necessity to be followed whereupon they secretly dispatched their letters to the Duke solliciting his speedy returne into England and declaring that as well for the benefit of the Realme as for their owne particular safety they were forced to use force against King Richard that if it would please him to make the head they would furnish him the body of an able army to expell the King from his unfortunate government and to settle the possession of the Crowne in him who was more apt and able to sustaine the same that they would not provide him a base multitude onely and they themselves helpe in bare wishâ—s and advise but would also adjoyne their hands and their lives so that the perill should be common to all the glory only his if fortune favoured the enterprise These letters were conveyed by men crafty and bold yet of sure credit and inward in trust with the Duke who passing into France first associated unto them Thomas Arundel late Archbishop of Canterbury and at that time whether deservedly or without cause an exile in France then they travelled by severall wayes and in counterfeit attire to Paris where all met at the House of one Clugney where the Duke then sojourned After some courtesies of course with welcome on the one side and thanks on the other and joy of both the Archbishop of Canterbury having obtained of the Duke privacy and silence made unto him a solemne oration in these words or to this sense following Wee are sent unto you right high and Noble Prince from the chiefe Lords and States of our land not to seeke revenge against our King upon private injury and displeasure nor upon a desperate discontentment to set the State on fire nor to procure the ambitious advancement of any particular person but to open unto you the deformities and decayes of our broken estate and to desire your aid in staying the ruinous downefall of the same The remembrance of the honourable reputation that our Countrey hath borne and the Noble acts which it hath atchieved doth nothing else but make the basenesse more bitter unto us whereinto it is new fallen Our victorious armes have heretofore beene famous and memorable not onely within the bounds of our Ocean-Sea and in the Ilands adjoyning unto us but also in France in Spaine and in other parts of Europe yea in Asia and in Africk against the Infidels and Barbarians so that all Christian Princes have beene either glad to imbrace our friendship or loath to provoke us to hostility But now the rude Scots whose spirits we have so many times broken brought on their knees do scornefully insult upon us the naked and fugitive Irish have shaked oft our shackles and glutteth themselves upon us with massacres and spoiles with these wee dayly fight not for glory but to live insomuch as we are become a pitty to our friends and a very jeast to our most base and contemptible enemies Indeed the King hath both sent and led great armies into these Countries but in such sort that they have much wasted the Realme with their maintenance but neither revenged nor relieved it with their armes and no mervaile for all our diligent and discreet leaders the very sinewes of the field are either put to death or banished or else ly buried in obscurity and disgrace and the marshalling of all affaires is committed without any respect of sufficiency or desert to the counsaile and conduct of those who can best apply themselves to the Kings youthfull delights Among these ancient Nobility is accompted a vaine jeast wealth and vertue are the ready meanes to bring to destruction It grieves mee to speake but it helpeth not to hide that which every man seeth our Ancestours lived in the highest pitch and perfection of liberty but wee of servility being in the nature not of subjects but of abjects and flat slaves not to one intractable Prince onely but to many proud and disdainefull favorites not alwayes the same but ever new and no sooner have wee satisfied some but fresh hungry Masters are streight wayes set upon us who have more endammaged us by extortion and bribes then the enemy hath done by the sword What unusuall kinds of exactions are dayly put in practise without either measure or end oftentimes without need or if any be it proceedeth rather upon riotous expenses then any necessity of honourable charge and great summes of money are pulled and pilled from good subjects to bee throwne away amongst unprofitable unthrifts And if any man openeth his mouth against these extorted taxations then either by feined imputation of capitall crimes or by small matters aggravated or else by open cruelty and force his life or liberty is forth with hazarded It were too tedious too odious too frivolous to put you in mind of particular examples as though your owne estate and the lamentable losse of your Vncle and other Noble friends could bee forgotten yea I suppose that there is no man of quality within the Realme who either in his owne person or in his neerest friends doth not plainely perceive that no man enjoyeth the safegard of his goods and suerty of his body but rich men in the one and great men in the other are continually endangered This then is our case but what is our remedy we have endured and we have entreated but our patience
in his stead these are not all and yet enough to cleare this action of rarenesse in other Countries and novelty in our The difficulty indeed is somewhat because the excellency is great but they that are afraid of every bush shall never take the bird and your selfe had once some triall hereof when without battaile without bloud or blowes you had the King at such a lift as hee held his Crowne at your courtesie even at that time when his grievances were neither for greatnesse nor continuance so intollerable as now they are growne and by reason of his tender yeares not out of all compasse both of excuse for the fault and of hope for amendment And as concerning the lawfulnesse Nay said the Duke where necessity doth inforce it is superfluous to use speech either of easinesse or of lawfulnesse necessity will beate thorow brasen walles and can bee limited by no lawes I have felt very deeply my part in these calamities and I would you knew with what griefe I have beheld yours for what other reward have I received of all my travailes and services but the death of my Vncle dearest friends my owne banishment the imprisonment of my Children and losse of my inheritance and what have beene returned to you for your bloud so often shed in his unfortunate warres but continuall tributes scourges gallowes and slavery I have made sufficient proofe both of patience in my owne miseries and of pitty in yours remedy them hitherto I could not If now I can I will not refuse to sustaine that part which your importunity doth impose upon mee if wee prevaile we shall recover againe our liberty if we loose our State shall bee worse then now it is and since we must needs perish either deservingly or without cause it is more honourable to put our selves upon the adventure either to winne our lives or to dye for desert and although our lives were safe which indeed are not yet to abandon the State and sleepe still in this slavery were a point of negligence and sloath It remaineth then that wee use both secrecy and celerity laying hold upon the oportunity which the Kings absence hath now presented unto us for in all enterprises which never are commended before they bee atchieved delayes are dangerous and more safe it is to bee found in action then in counsaile for they that deliberate onely to rebell have rebelled already So the Messengers departed into England to declare the Dukes acceptance and to make preparation against his arrivall both of armour and of subjection and desire to obey Presently after their departure the Duke signified to Chaâ—les King of France that hee had a desire to goe into Britaine to visite Iohn Duke of Britaine his friend and kinsman The King suspecting no further fetch sent letters of commendation in his favour to the Duke of Britaine but if hee had surmised any dangerous drift against King Richard who not long before had taken his Daughter to wife in stead of letters of safe conduct hee would have found letts to have kept him safe from disturbing his Sonne in lawes estate As soone as the Duke was come into Britaine hee waged certaine souldiers and presently departed to Calis and so committed to Sea for England giving forth that the onely cause of his voyage was to recover the Dutchy of Lancaster and the rest of his lawfull inheritance which the King wrongfully detained from him In this company was Thomas Arundel the Archbishop of Canterbury and Thomas the Sonne and Heire of Richard late Earle of Arundel who was very young and had a little before escaped out of prison and fled into France to the Duke The residue of his attendants were very few not exceeding the number of fifteene lances so that it is hard to esteeme whether it was greater marvaile either that he durst attempt or that he did prevaile with so small a company but his chiefest confidence was in the favour and assistance of the people within the Realme So he did beare with England yet not in a streight course but sloated along the shoare making head sometimes to one coast and sometime to another to discover what forces were in a readines either to resist or receive him As he was in this sort hovering on the Seas Lord Edmund Duke of Yorke the Kings Vnâ—le to whom the King had committed the custody of the Realme during the time of his absence called unto him Edmund Stafford Bishop of Chichester Lord Chancellour and William Soroupe Earle of Wiltshire Lord Treasurour of of the Realme also Sir Iohn Bushy Sir Henry Greene Sir William Bagot Sir Iohn Russell and certaine others of the Kings Privy Councell and entred into deliberation what was best to be done At the last it was concluded deceitfully by some unskilfully by others and by all perniciously for the King to leave the Sea coasts and to leave London the very Walles and Castle of the Realme and goe to S. Albons there to gather strength sufficient to encounter with the Duke It is most certain that the Dukes side was not any wayes â—oore furthered then by this dissembling and deceiveable dealing for open hostility and armes may openly and by armes be resisted but privy practises as they are hardly espied so are they seldome avoided And thus by this meanes the Duke landed about the feast of S. Martin without let or resistance at Ravenspur in Houldernesse as most Writers affirme Presently after his arrivall there resorted to him Lord Henry Pearcy Earle of Northumberland and Lord Henry his Sonne Earle of Westmerland Lord Radulph Nevil Lord Rose Lord Willoughby and many other personages of honour whose company encreased reputation to the cause and was a great countenance and strength to the Dukes further purposes And first they tooke of him an oath that he should neither procure nor permit any bodily harme to bee done unto King Richard whereupon they bound themselves upon their honours to prosecute all extremities against his mischievous Counsailors And this was one step further then that which the Duke pretended at the first when hee tooke shipping at Calis which was onely the recovery of his inheritance but that was as yet not determined nor treated and of some perhaps not thought upon which afterwards it did ensue and so was that place easily insinuated into by degrees which with maine and direct violence would hardlier have beene obtained Then the common people desperate upon new desires and without head head-long to matters of innovation flocked very fast to these Noble men the better sort for love to the Common-wealth some upon a wanton levity and vaine desire of change others in regard of their owne distressed and decayed estate who setting their chloâ—e hopes and devices upon a generall disturbance were then most safe when the common state was most unsure So betweene the one and the other the multitude did in short time increase to the number of threescore thousand able souldiers The Duke finding
by the Lords spirituall and temporall of the Realme of England and the Commons of the said Realme representing all the States of the said Kingdome specially deputed sitting in seate of judgement and considering the manifold iniuries and cruelties and many other crimes and offences by Richard late King of the said Realm committed and done contrary to good governement in the Realmes and Dominions aforesaid during the time of his Raigne also considering the articles which were openly exhibited and read before the said States which were so publike notorious manifest and famous that they could nor can by no avoydance and shift bee concealed also considering the confession of the said King acknowledging and reputing and truly upon his certaine knowledge judging himselfe to have beene and to be altogether insufficient and unskilfull for the rule and government of the Realmes and Dominions aforesaid and of any parts of them and not unworthy to bee deposed for the notorious demerits by the said Richard first acknowledged and afterward by his will and mandate before the said States published and to them opened and declared in the English tongue Vpon these and other matters which were done concerning the same busines before the said States and us by the diligent place name and authority to us in this part committed in abundance and for a cautele wee pronounce decree and declare the said Richard to have beene and to be unprofitable and unable and altogether unsufficient and unworthy for the rule and government of the said Realmes and of the Dominions Rights and parts of them and in regard and respect of the premises worthily to bee deposed from all kingly dignity and honour if any such dignity and honour remaineth in him and for the like cautele wee doe depose him by our sentence definitive in this writing inhibiting from henceforth expresly all and singular Lords Archbishops Bishops Prelates Dukes Marquesses and Earles Barons Knights Vassalles and all other persons whatsoever of the said Realmes and Dominions and other places to the said Realmes and Dominions appertaining the subjects and liege people of the same and every of them that from henceforth none obey or intend to obey the aforesaid Richard as King or Lord of the Realmes and Dominions aforesaid Then the same Commissioners were by the consent and suffrages of both houses constituted Procurators joyntly and severally for all the States of the Realme to resigne and surrender unto King Richard for them and all other homages of the Realme all the homages and fealties which were both due and done unto him as King and Soveraigne and also to declare unto him all the premises concerning his deposition Now Henry Duke of Lancaster that hee might bee reputed or reported at the least not to attaine the Kingdome by intrusion and wrong was counsailed by his friends to pretend some lawfull challenge and claime thereunto and being in power it was no sooner advised what was to bee done but it was presently devised how to doe it So a title was drawne from Edmund sonne to King Henry the third whom they surnamed Crouch-backe affirming that hee was the eldest sonne of King Henry and that for his deformity hee was put from his right of succession in the Kingdome which was for that cause given to his younger brother King Edward the third to this Edmund the Duke was next of blood by his mother Blanche sole daughter and heyre to Henry the first Duke of Lancaster and sonne to the said Edmund This cunning conceit was perceived of all men but seeming not to perceive it was a point of friendship in some and of obedience in the rest therefore the Kingdome of England being then thought vacant both by the resignation and also by the deposition of King Richard Duke Henry arose from his seat and standing in the view of the Lords crossed himselfe on the fore-head and on the brest and spake as followeth In the name of God Amen I Henry of Lancaster claime the realme of England and the Crown with all the appurtenances as I that am descended by right line of the blood royall comming from that good Lord K. Henry the third through the right that God of his grace hath sent me with the helpe of my kindred and of my friends to recover the same Which kingdome was in point to be undone for default of good government and due justice After these words it was demanded in both houses of the Nobility and of the Commons which were assembled whether they did consent that the Duke should raign who all with one voyce acknowledged and accepted him for their King then the Archbishop of Canterbury tooke him by the hand and placed him in the Throne of estate the Archbishop of Yorke assisting him and all the assembly testifying their owne joy and wishing his Then the Archbishop made an Oration and tooke for his theame this place of Scripture See this is the man whom I spake to thee of this same shall raigne over my people 1 Reg. 9.17 After all this hee was proclaymed King of England and of France and Lord of Ireland and the common people which is void of cares not searching into sequels but without difference of right or wrong inclinable to follow those that are mighty with shoutes and clamours gave their applause not all upon judgement or faithfull meaning but mostionly upon a received custome to flatter the Prince whatsoever he be Yet least the heat of this humour should allay by delay it was forthwith proclaimed in the great Hall that upon the 13. day of September next ensuing the Coronation of the King should be celebrated at Westminster These matters being thus dispatched the K. proclaimed arose from his seat and went to White-Hall where hee spent the rest of day in royall feasting and all other complements of joy notwithstanding there appeared in him no token of statelinesse or pride nor any change in so great a change Vpon Wednesday next following the Procurators before mentioned went to the presence of King Richard being within the Tower and declared unto him the admission of his resignation and also the order and forme of his deposition and in the name of all the States of the realm did surrender the homage and fealty which had bin due unto him so that no man from thenceforth would bear to him faith and obedience as to their King The King answered that he nothing regarded these titular circumstances but contented himselfe with hope that his cousen would be a gracious Lord and good friend unto him So upon the 13. day of October which was the day of the translation of Edward the Confessor the Duke was with all accustomed solemnities by the Archbishop of Canterbury sacred annoynted and crowned King at Westminster by the name of King Henry the fourth upon the very same day wherein the yeare before he had bin banished the Realme Hee was annoynted with an oyle which a certain religious man gave unto Henry the first Duke
man answerable to her in equall degree both of blood and of yeares but the French King denyed that hee would any more joyne affinity with the English nation whose aliance had once so unfortunately succeeded then they entred into speech of a perpetuall peace but hereto the Frenchmen would not agree In the end it was concluded that Lady Isabell should be delivered to King Charles her Father but without Dower because the marriage betweene King Richard and her was never consummate by reason whereof shee was not donable by the very treaty of the marriage Also the surcease of armes which foure yeares before had beene made with King Richard for the terme of thirty yeares was continued and confirmed for the time then unexpired Some Authors affirme that a new truce was taken but these also are at difference for some report that it was during the life of both the Kings others that it was but for a short time which hath the more apparance of truth by reason of the open hostility which the yeare following did breake forth betweene the two Realmes Shortly after King Henry sent the Lady Isabel under the conduct of Lord Thomas Piercy Earle of Worcester in Royall estate to Calis she was accompanied with a great troupe of honourable personages both men and women and carried with her all the Iewels and Plate which shee brought into England with a great surplusage of rich gifts bestowed upon her by the King at Calis shee was received by the Earle of S. Paul Lieutenant for the French King in Picardy and by him was conducted to King Charles her Father who afterwards gave her in marriage to Charles Sonne to Leâ—es Duke of Orleances and so was either rest or respite of warres procured in France whilest neerer stirres might bee brought to some stay For within the Realme the fire and fury of the late sedition was scarcely quenched and quiet but that the Common-wealth should not cease to bee torne by multiplying of divisions one streight succeeding another the Welshmen upon advantage of the doubtfull and unsetled estate of King Henry resolved to break and make a defection before either the King could ground his authority or the people frame themselves to a new obedience and having learned that common causes must bee maintained by concord they sought by assemblies to establish an association and to set up their owne principality againe To this purpose they created for their Prince Owen Glendor an Esquire of Wales a factious Person and apt to set up division and strife and although hee was of no great state in birth yet was hee great and stately in stomack of an aspiring Spirit and in wit somewhat above the ordinary of that untrained people bould crafty active and as he listed to bend his mind mischievous or industrious in equall degree in desires immoderate and rashly adventurous in his young yeares he was brought up to the study of the Common law of the Realme at Loâ—don and when hee came to mans estate besides a naturall fiercenesse and hatred to the English name he was particularly incensed by a private suite for certaine lands in controversie betweene the Lord Gray of Ruthen and him wherein his title was overthrowne and being a man by nature not of the mildest by this provocation he was made savadge and rough determining either to repaire or to revenge his losse by setting the whole state on fire Also his expence and liberality had beene too excessive for a great man to endure which brought him to barenesse too base for a meane man to beare and therefore he must of necessity doe and dare somewhat and more danger there was in soft and quiet dealing then in hazarding rashly Herewith oportunity was then likewise presented for trouble sometimes are most fit for great attempts and some likelihood there was whilest the King and the Lords were hard at variance that harme might easily bee wrought to them both Vpon these causes his desire was founded and upon these troubles his hope But that his aspiring and ambitious humour might beare some shew of honest meaning hee pretended to his Countreymen the recovery of their free estate the desire whereof was so naturally sweet that even wilde birds will rather live hardly at large in the aire then bee daintily dieted by others in a Cage and oportunity was at that time fitly offered or else never to bee expected to rid them of their thraldome falsely and colourably intituled a peace whilest the one Kings power was waining and the other not yet fully wexen and either of them grew weake by wasting the other neither was their any difference which of them should prevaile sith the warre touched both alike insomuch as the overthrow would ruine the one and the victory the other So he exhorted them to take courage and armes and first to kill all the English within their territories for liberty and Lords could not endure together then to resume their ancient customes and lawes whereby more then armes Common-wealths are established and enlarged so should they be a people uncorrupt without admixion of forraigne manners of bloud and so should they forget servitude and either live at liberty or else perhaps be Lords over other Hereupon many flocked unto him the best for love of liberty the basest for desire of booty and spoile insomuch as in short time hee became Commander of competent forces to stand openly in the field And being desirous to make some proofe of his prowesse hee sharply set upon his old adversary Reignold Lord Grey of Ruthen whose possessions hee wasted and spoiled slew many of his men and tooke himselfe prisoner yet gave him faire and friendly entertainment and promised him releasement if he would take his Daughter to wife This he desired not so much for need of his ability or aid as supposing that the name and countenance of a Lord would give reputation to the house that was then â—ut in rising but the Lord Grey at the first did not so much refuse as scorne the offer affirming that hee was no ward to have his marriage obtruded upon him Well said Owen Glendore although you bee not my ward yet are you in my ward and the suing your livery will cost double the marriage money that elsewhere you shall procure The Lord Grey being not very rich to discharge his ransome and seeing no other meanes of his deliverance at the last accepted the condition and tooke the Damosell to wife notwithstanding his deceitfull Father in law trifled out the time of his enlargement untill hee died The Welshmen being confident upon this successe beganne to breake into the borders of Hereford-shire and to make spoile and prey of the Countrey against whom Lord Edmund Mortimer Earle of March who for feare of King Henry had withdrawne himselfe as hath beene declared to Wigmore Castle assembled all the Gentlemen of the Countrey and meeting with the Welchmen they joyned together a sharpe and cruell conflict not in forme
of a loose skirmish but standing still and maintaining their place they endeavoured with maine might to breake and beare downe one another The courage and resolution of both sides was alike but the Welshmen were superiour both for number and direction for they were conducted by one knowne Leader who with his presence every where assisted at need enflaming his souldiers some with shame and reproofe others with praise and encouragement all with hope and large promises but the English-men had no certaine generall but many confused Commanders yea every man was a Commander to himselfe pressing forward or drawing back as his owne courage or feare did move him Insomuch as no doubt they had taken a great blow that day by their ill governed boldnesse had not Owen Glendor presently upon the breaking up of the field ceased to pursue the execution and shewed himselfe more able to get a victory then skilfull to use it But even to his side the victory had cost bloud and many of those which remained were either wounded or weary the night was neere also and they were in their enemies Countrey by which meanes our men had liberty to retire rather then runne away no man being hot to follow the chase They lost of their company about a thousand men who sold their lives at such a price that when manhood had done the hardest against them certaine mannish or rather devilish women whose malice is immortall exercised a vaine revenge upon their dead bodies in cutting off their privy parts and their noses whereof the one they stuffed in their mouths and pressed the other betweene their buttocks and would not suffer their mangled carcasses to bee committed to the earth untill they were redeemed with a great summe of money By which cruell covetousnesse the faction lost reputation and credite with the moderate sort of their own people suspecting that it was not liberty but licentiousnesse which was desired and that subjection to such unhumane minds would bee more insupportable then any bondage In this conflict the Earle of March was taken prisoner and fettered with chaines and cast into a deepe and vile dungeon The King was solicited by many Noble men to use some meanes for his deliverance but he would not heare on that eare hee could rather have wished him and his two sisters in Heaven for then the onely blemish to his title had beene out of the way and no man can tell whether this mischance did not preserve him from a greater mischiefe Owen Glendore by the prosperous successe of his actions was growne now more hard to be dealt with and hautely minded and stood even upon termes of equality with the King whereupon he proceeded further to invade the Marches of Wales on the West side of Severne where he burnt many Villages and Townes slew much people and returned with great prey and praises of his adherents Thus he ceased not this yeare to infest the borderers on every side amongst whom he found so weake resistance that he seemed to exercise rather a spoile then a warre For King Henry was then detained with his chiefest forces in another more dangerous service which besides these former vexations and hazards this first yeare of his raigne happened unto him For the Scots knowing that changes were times most apt for attempt and upon advantage of the absence of all the chiefe English borderers partly by occasion of the Parliament and partly by reason of the plague which was very grievous that yeare in the North parts of the Realme they made a road into the Countrey of Northumberland and there committed great havock and harme Also on a certaine night they sodainly set upon the Castle of Werke the Captaine whereof Sir Thomas Gray was then one of the Knights of the Parliament and having slaine the watch partly a sleepe partly amazed with feare they brake in and surprised the place which they held a while and at the last spoiled and ruinated and then departed Whilest further harmes were feared this passed with light regard But when great perils were past as if no worse misfortune could have befallen then was it much sorrowed and lamented And in revenge thereof the Englishmen invaded and spoiled certaine Ilands of Orkney and so the losse was in some sort repaired yet as in the reprisals of warre it commonly falleth out neither against those particular persons which committed the harme nor for those which suffered it but one for another were both recompenced and revenged Againe the Scots set forth a fleet under the conduct of Sir Robert Logon with direction to attempt as occasion should bee offered his first purpose was against our Fishermen but before he came to any action hee was incountred by certaine English ships and the greatest part of his fleet taken Thus peace still continuing between both the Realmes a kind of theevish hostility was dayly practised which afterwards brake out into open warre upon this occasion George of Dunbarre Earle of the Marches of Scotland had betrothed Elizabeth his Daughter to David the Sonne and Heire apparent of Robert King of Scots and in regard of that marriage to be shortly celebrated and finished hee delivered into the Kings hands a great summe of money for his Daughters dowry But Archibald Earle Dowglasse disdaining that the Earle of Marches bloud should bee preferred before his so wrought with King Robert that Prince David his Son refused the Earle of Marches Daughter and tooke to wife Mariell Daughter to the Earle Dowglasse Earle George not used to offers of disgrace could hardly enforce his patience to endure this scorne and first hee demanded restitution of his money not so much for care to obtaine as for desire to pick an occasion of breaking his allegeance The King would make to him neither payment nor promise but trifled him off with many delusory and vaine delayes Whereupon hee fled with all his family into England to Henry Earle of Northumberland intending with open disloyalty both to revenge his indignity and recover his losse The Englishmen with open armes entertained the oportunity with whose helpe and assistance the Earle made divers incursions into Scotland where hee burnt many Townes and slew much people and dayly purchased with his sword great aboundance of booty and spoile Hereupon King Robert deprived the Earle of his honour sâ—ized all his goods and possessions and wrote unto King Henry as hee would have the truce betweene them any longer to continue either to deliver unto him the Earle of March and other Traytours to his person and state or else to banish them the Realme of England King Henry perceiving such jarres to jogger betweene the two Realmes that the peace was already as it were out of joynt determined not to lose the benefit of the discontented Subjects of his enemy whereupon hee returned an answer to the Herauld of Scotland that hee was neither weary of Peace nor fearefull of Warres and ready as occasion should change either to hold the one
or hazard the other but the word of a Prince was of great weight and therefore sith hee had granted a safe conduct to the â—arle of March and his company it were an impeachment to his honour without just cause to violate the same Vpon this answer the King of Scots did presently proclaime open warre against the King of England with bloud fire and sword King Henry thought it policy rather to beginne the warre in his enemies Countrey then to expect it in their owne because the Land which is the seat of the warre doth commonly furnish both sides with necessary supply the friend by contribution and the enemy by spoile Therefore sending certaine Troopes of horsemen before him both to espy and to induce an uncertaine terrour upon the enemy hee entred into Scotland with a puissant army wherewith hee burnt many Villages and Townes cast downe diverse Castles and ruined a great part of the Townes of Edenborough and Lith sparing nothing but Churches religious houses so that in all places as hee passed the spectacle was ougly and grisly which he left behind him bodies torne in pieces mangled and putrified limmes the aire infected with stinck the ground imbrued with corruption and bloud the Countrey wasted the Grasse and Corne troden downe and spoiled insomuch as a man would have said that warre is an exercise not of manhood but of inhumanity They that fled before the army filled all places with feare and terrour extolling above truth the English forces to diminish thereby their shame in running from shame In the end of September the King besieged the Castle of Maydens in Edenborough wherein were David Duke of Rothsay Prince of the Realme and Archibald Earle Dowglasse the inconstancy of the one and ambition of the other were principall causes of all this warre During this siege Robert Duke of Albony who was appointed Governour of the Realme because the King was sick and unable to rule sent an Herauld unto Henry assuring him upon his honour that if hee would abide but six dayes at the most hee would give him battaile and either remove the siege or looâ—e his life The King was well pleased with these tidings and rewarded the Herauld with a gowne of silke and a chaine of gould and promised him in the word of a Prince to abide there and expect the Governour during the time by him prefixed The six dayes passed almost six times over and no more newes was heard of the Governour either by presence or by messenger Winter came on and victuaile failed the Countrey was cold and fruitlesse and it rained every day in great aboundance so that partly by hunger partly by distemperature of the weather the Souldiers beâ—anne to dye of the Flixe it is very like that these accidents stayed the Governour from performing his promise for policy was against it to hazard his men in the field when Winter and want two forceable foes had given the charge upon his enemies certaine it is that they moved the King to remove his siege and to depart out of Scotland without any battaile or skirmish offered Both the Wardens of the Marches were all this time in Scotland with the King upon which advantage the Scots did breake into Northumberland and burnt certaine Townes in Bamborough Shire The English-men were speedily up in armes but the Scots more speedily made their returne or else no doubt they had beene mette with and encountered Againe when King Henry had discharged his army the Scots being desirous not so much of life as of revenge made a sudaine road into England under the conduct of Sir Thomas Halibarton of Dirleton and Sir Patrick Hebburne of Hales but all the harme which they wrought did rather waken then weaken the English-men and they themselves were somewhat encouraged but nothing enriched by that which they got Not long after Sir Patrick Hebburne being lifted up in desire and hope resolved to undertake a greater enterprize the people which are easily led by prosperous successe in great Companies resorted to him but hee was loath to have more fellowes in the spoile then hee thought should need in the danger therefore with a competent army of the men of Loughdeane hee invaded Northumberland where hee made great spoile and loaded his Souldiers with prisoners and prey There was no question made what perill might bee in the returne Therefore they marched loosely and licentiously as in a place of great security not keeping themselves to their ensignes and order but the Earle of Northumberlands Vice-warden and other Gentlemen of the borders in good array set upon them at a Towne in Northumberland called Nesbit The Scots rallied as well as the suddainnesse did serve and valiantly received the charge so that the battaile was sharp and cruell and continued a good time with great mortality In the end the enemies rankes grew thinne as being rather confusedly shuffled together then orderly and firmely compacted and when the Vice-warden felt them weake in the shock and yeelding under his hand with a company which hee purposely retained about him for suddaine dispatches and chances of warre hee fiercely charged and disordered them Sir Patrick Hebburne being cleane destitute both of Counsaile and courage ranne up and downe from one place to another commanding many things and presently forbidding them againe and the lesse of force his directions were the oftner did hee change them anon as it happeneth in lost and desperate cases every man became a Commander and none a putter in execution so the rankes loosed and brake and could not bee reunited the victour hotly pursuing the advantage Then might you have seene a grievous spectacle pursuing killing wounding and taking and killing those that were taken when better were offered every where weapons and dead bodies and mangled limmes lay scattered and sometimes in those that were slaine appeared at their death both anger and valour Sir Patrick Hebburne thought of nothing lesse then either fleeing or yeelding but thrusting among the thickest of his enemies honourably ended his life Many other of his lineage and the flower of all Loughdeane were likewise slaine There were also taken Sir Iohn and William Cockburne Sir Wilâ—iam Basse Iohn and Thomas Habâ—incton Esquires and a great multitude of common souldiers On the English side no great number was slaine and those of no great service and degree And with these troubles the life and raigne of King Henry the fourth ended FINIS Hist. Minor Maâ— Paris Matth. Paris Hist. Major Hist. S. Albani Chron. de Dunest â—oan de Wallingford Chron. dâ— Litchfield Guaâ— de Coven Mat. Paris Hist. Minor Chron. â—â—â—tri Pectaâ—vien Mat. Paris Cicero in Cattal sive Orat. prima Lib. Bermonsey vitâ— Ahhatis Albani Regis Roffen Annalis de â—ly Claus. anno 37. H. 3. M. 26. Chron. Hall Chron. Litchf Mat. Paris Roger Wendâ—ver Chron. Ioan. Sulgrave Chron. Reâ—ding H. Knighton Moh Leycest Wil. de Risharger Lib. Monastery Ramsâ—y Claus. anno 42. Hen. 3. Chro. London Wil. de Risharger Mat. Paris Wil. de Risharger Barth Coron Chron. Norwic. Chron. Worc. M. Paris Wendover Wallingford Paris Wil de Risharger Chron. S. Albani Gual de Covenary Wil de Risharger Chron. Litchf Hist. Minor Wil. de Risharger Epist. Robert Lincolne Matth. Paris Regis Roffen Iohan. de Wallingford Chron. de Litchf Claus anno 46. 47. Hen. 3. Claus anno 37. Hen. 3. Wil. de Rishanger Claus. anno 9. â—ib 3. Parl. Oxâ—on Matth. Paris Chron. Worc. Chron. Litâ—hf Claus. aâ—â—no 49. Hen. 3. Chron. S. Albani Regis Roffen Rot. in Scrio Wil. de Rishanger Scacar Rot. â—egiâ— in Scâ—â—a 56. H. 3. Wallingford Wil. de Rishaâ—ger Chron. de Dunst. Ordâ—â—at inter Rec. Lond. Chron. Origin sub â—â—gillo Chron. Luchf Wil. dâ— Rishaâ—geâ— Chr. Britanniae Chron. Dunst. Wil. de Risharger Rot. part 53. H. 3. M. 51. Rishanger Io. Tuxeter Mon. Bury Rot. Cart. 51.52 Hen. 3. Claus. 52. H. 3. M. 29. Chron. Dunst. Ordinat author Reg. aulae Glaus 53. Hen. 3. Rishanger Pat. 53. 54. Hen. 3. Comment de Trail bâ—ston Barth Coâ—on Chron. Norwic. Crostino Purificationis 1388. 1389. 1390. 1392. 1393. 1397. 1398. Tranquil in Caligula Tacitus in Proaemio Ier. 25 9. Ezech. 29 18. Ier. 29 7. Bacuch 1.11 * * So did Domitian put to death Epaphroditus Neroes libertine because he helped Nero although in love to kill himselfe So did Severus kill all the killers of Pertinax his Predecessour and likewise Vitellius did put to death all the murtherers of Galba Theophilus Emperour of Grecia caused all those to bee slaine who had made his Father Emperour by killing Leo Arâ—â—nius And Alexander the great put to cruell execution those that had slaine Darius his mighty and mortall enemy Deut. 17.12 Psal. 105. Exod. 22.28 Act. 23.5 Rom. 13.1.13 Tit. 3.1 1 Pet. 2.13 14 17. 2 Tim 2.2 Rom. 13.2 Iohn 19.11 Cap. 45.1 2 Chron. 36.22 2 Chron. 19.6 Psal. 28. Sap. 6. Quintil. in declam Cic. offic lib. 1. Nehem 9.37 Alphons a casâ— in lâ—b de baerâ—s in verb. Tiran Dom Sot lib. 5. de just jur q. 1 artic 3.
THE HISTORIES OF THE LIVES AND RAIGNES OF HENRY THE THIRD AND HENRY THE FOURTH Kings of England Written by Knights Sr. ROBERT COTTON And Sr. IOHN HAYVVARD London printed for William Sheares and are to be sold at his Shop in Bedford-Street in Coveâ—-garden neere the new Exchange at the signe of the Bible An 1642. A SHORT VIEW OF THE LONG RAIGN OF KING HENRY the third WEaried with the lingring calamities of Civill Armes and affrighted at the sudden faâ—l of a licentious Soveraigne all men stood at gaze expecting the event of their long desires Peace and issue of their new hopes Benefit For in every shift of Princes there are few either so meane or modest that please not themselves with some probable object of preferment To satisfie all a child ascendeth the throne mild and gracious but easie of nature whose Innocency and naturall goodnesse led him safe along the various dangers of his Fathers Raigne Happy was hee in his Vnkle the Earle of Pembrooke the guide of his infancy and no lesse then for thirty yeares after whil'st De Burgo that fast servant of his Fathers against the French both in Normandy and England with By god Earle of Norfolke and others of like gravity and experience did mannage the affaires Few and no other were the distempers then in State but such as are incident to all the Commons greedy of liberty and the Nobiliâ—y of Rule and but one violent storme raised by some old and constant followers of his Father Fulco de Brent de Fortibus and others men that could onely thrive by the Warres misliking those dayes of sloath for so they termed that calme of King Henries Government and the rather because the Iustice of quiet times urged from them to the lawfull owners such Lands and Castles as the fury of Warre had unjustly given them for finding in the uprightnesse of the King that power of protection should not bee made a wrong doer they fell out into that rebellion that with it ended their lives and competitours professing that those their swords that had set the Crowne upon their Soveraignes head when neither Majesty nor Law could should now secure those small pittances to their Maisters when Majesty or Law would not Dangerous are too great benefits of Subjects to their Princes when it maketh the mind onely capable of merit nothing of duty No other disquiet did the State after this feele but such as is incident in all the malice to Authority Good and great men may secure themselves from guilt but not from envy for the greatest in trust of publike affaires are still shot at by the aspiring of those that deeme themselves lesse in imployment then they are in merit These vapours did ever and easily vanish so long as the helme was guided by temperate Spirits and the King tied his Actions to the rule of good Councell and not to young passionate or single advise Thirty yeares now passed and all the old guides of his youth now dead but De Burgo a man in whom nothing of worth was wanting but moderation whose length of dayes giving him the advantage of sole power his owne Ambition and age gave him desire and Art to keepe out others which wrought him into the fatall envy of most and that encreased in the Title of Earle and great Offices the King then gave him Time by this had wrought as in it selfe so in the hearts of the people a Revolution the afflictions of their Fathers forgotten and the surfeit of long peace perchance having let in some abuses from hence the Commons to whom dayes present seeme ever worst commend the foregone ages they never remembred and condemne the present though they knew neither the disease thereof nor the remedy To these idle and usuall humours fell in some of the yong and noble Spirits warme and over-weaning who being as truly ignorant as the rest first by sullying the wisedome of the present and greatest Rulers making each casuall mishap their errours seeme to decipher every blemish in Government and then by holding certaine imaginary and fantastick formes of Common-wealths flatter their owne beleefe and ability that they can mold any State to these generall rules which in particular application will prove idle and grosse absurdities Next confirmed in their owne worth by Sommery and Spencer they take it a fit time to worke themselves into action and imploymâ—nt a thing they had long desired and now though unwilling to seeme so doe sue for and doubtlesse the furthest of their aime was yet to become quiet instruments in serving the State if they had beene then held fit and worthy But the King taught by the new Earle That Consilia senum hastas juvenum esse and that such wits for so they would bee stiled were Nâ—vandis quà m gerendis rebus aptiores fitter in being factious to disorder then to settle affaires either denied or delayed their desires for wise Princes will ever choose their Instruments Par negotiis and not supra Creatures out of meere election that are onely theirs otherwise without friends or power Amongst this unequall medly there were of the Nobility Richard Earle of Pembrooke Glocester and Hartford darlings of the multitude some for the merit of their Fathers whose memories they held sacred as Pillars of publike liberty and opposers of encroaching Monarchy at Runâ—meed the Armies met And of the Gentry Pitz-Geffeory Bardolph Grisley Maunsell and Fitz-Iohn Spirits of as much Acrimony and Arrogant spleene as the places from whence they were elected Campe Court or Countrey could afford any These by force would effect what the other did affect by cunning but all impatient to see their ends thus frustrate and that so long as the King followed the direction of the Earle of Kent they had small hope of their desires they made often meetings and as one saith of them Clam nocturnis colloquis aut flexum in vesperum die In the end Sommery and Spencer two that were farre in opinion with the rest Gentlemen by Forraine education and imployment more qualified then usually men of these times and that set upon their owne deserts the best places when the Streame should turne which one of them Spencer did unworthily obtaine for he died in actuall Rebellion Iustâ—ciarius Angliae against his master advised that the best meanes to remove that great and good obstacle the Earle of Kent out of the way of their advancement was by sifting into his actions and siding with his opposite Peter Bishop of Winchester an ill man but gracious with the King making still their ends that the worthiest being driven out by the worst they shall either bee able to mate him with his owne vice which will bee ever more visible as hee is more potent and so remove him at pleasure or else give over the King to such Ministers to their bad desires as loosing him the hearts of his people might smooth them away to
great place of imployment and charge which hee would not rather affect for glory then refuse either for perill or for paines and in service hee often proved himselfe not onely a skilfull Commander by giving directions but also a good Souldier in using his weapon adventuring further in person sometimes then policy would permit his expences were liberall and honourable yet not exceeding the measure of his receipts hee was very courteous and familiar respectively towards all men whereby hee procured great reputation and regard especially with those of the meaner sort for high humilities take such deepe roote in the mindes of the multitude that they are more strongly drawne by unprofitable curtesies then by churlish benefits In all the changes of his estate hee was almost one and the same man in adversity never daunted in prosperity never secure retaining still his Majesty in the one and his mildnesse in the other neither did the continuance of his raigne bring him to a proud poâ—t and stately esteeming of himselfe but in his latter yeares hee remained so gentle and faire in carriage that thereby chiefely hee did weare out the hatred that was borne him for the death of King Richard Hee could not lightly bee drawne into any cause and was stiffe and constant in a good Yet more easie to bee either corrupted or abused by flattering speeches then to bee terrified by threats To some men hee seemed too greedy of glory making small difference of the meanes whereby hee attained it and indeed this honour in noble minds is most hardly over-ruled and oftentimes it draweth even the wisest awry But before I proceed any further in describing either the qualities or acts of this Earle I must write something of the Raigne of King Richard the second his Cosin Germaine so farre forth as the follies of the one were either causes or furtherances of the fortunes of the other Richard Sonne to Edward Prince of Wales a little before deceased was after the death of King Edward the third crowned King over this Realme of England in the eleventh yeare of his age at which yeares the mind of man is like to the potters earth apt to bee wrought into any fashion and which way soever it hardneth by custome it will sooner breake then bend from the same Now the governance of the King at the first was committed to certaine Bishops Earles Barons and Iustices But either upon nicenes to discontent the King or negligence to discharge their duty every one was more ready with pleasant conceits to delight him then with profitable counsaile to doe him good for smooth and pleasing speeches need small endeavour and alwayes findeth favour whereas to advise that which is meet is a point of some paines and many times a thanklesse office Hereupon two dangerous evils did ensue flattery brake in and private respects did passe under publike pretences In the third yeare of his Raigne it was thought meete that this charge should bee committed to one man to avoid thereby the unnecessary wast of the Treasure of the Realme by allowing yearely stipend unto many So by the whole consent of the Nobility and Commons assembled together in Parliament this office was deputed to Lord Thomas Beauchampe Earle of Warwick and a competent pension was assigned him out of the Kings Exchequer for his paines But the King being now plunged in pleasure did immoderately bend himselfe to the favouring and advancing of certaine persons which were both reproveable in life and generally abhorred in all the Realme and this was the cause of two great inconveniences for many young Noble-men and brave Courtiers having a nimble eye to the secret favours and dislikes of the King gave over themselves to a dissolute and dishonest life which findeth some followers when it findeth no furtherancers much more when it doth flourish and thrive the King also by favouring these was himselfe little favoured and loved of many for it is oftentimes as dangerous to a Prince to have evill and odious adherents as to bee evill and odious himselfe The names of these men were Alexander Nevill Archbishop of Yorke Robert Veere Earle of Oxford Michael Delapoole afterwards Earle of Suffolke Robert Trisilian Lord chiefe Iustice Nicholas Brambre Alderman of London and certaine others of no eminency either by birth or desert but obsequious and pliable to the Kings youthfull humour These were highly in credit with the King these were alwayes next unto him both in company and counsell by these hee ordered his private actions by these hee managed his affaires of state hee spared neither the dignity nor death of any man whose authority and life withstood their preferment In so much as in the fifth yeare of his raigne hee removed Sir Richard Scroope from being Lord Chancellour of England to which office hee was by authority of Parliament appointed because hee refused to set the great Seale to the grant of certaine Lands which had wantonly passed from the King alleaging for his deniall the great debts of the King and small demerites of the parties upon whom the King might cast away and consume but spend in good order hee could not advertising him also to have respect that riote did not deceive him under the terme and shew of liberality and that gifts well ordered procure not so much love as placed without discretion they stirre envy This Chancelour was a man of notable integrity and diligence in his office not scornefully turning away from the ragged coate of a poore suppliant or pale face of a sickly and feeble limmed â—uâ—er holding up their simple soiled bils of complaint nor yet smothering his conscience with partiall maintaining of such as were mighty but being alike to all hee was soone disliked of those that were bad In the eight yeare of this Kings raigne the destruction of the Duke of Lancaster was intended likewise upon the like dislike the plot was laied by Iustice Trisilian offences were devised Appellours appointed and Peeres named hee should have beene put under arrest suddenly and forthwith arraigned condemned and executed But the Duke upon privy intelligences of these contrivances fled to his Castle at Pomfret and there made preparation for his defence against the King So this matter beganne to grow to a head of division which the Common people at that time very busily desired and fought but the Kings Mother travelling incessantly betweene the King and the Duke notwithstanding shee was both corpulent and in yeares laboured them both to a reconcilement the King with regard of the dangerous and discontented times the Duke with respect of his duty and faith and so partly by her entreaty and advise partly by their inclination bending to the safest course all apparancy of displeasure on the one part and distrust on the other was for that time layed aside The same yeare Michael Delapoole was made Chancellour of England and created Earle of Suffolke and Robert Veere Earle of Oxford was created Marquesse of Dublin being the first
rashly believed as it was craftily given out whereupon the Dukes dissembled their feares and dissolved their forces and remained in expectancy what would ensue A little before the feast of Saint Michael the Parliament beganne at London wherein Sir Iohn Bushie Sir William Bagot and Sir Henry Greene were principall agents for the Kings purpose These were then in all the credites and authority with the King and his chiefest Schoole-masters both of cruelty and deceit they were proud arrogant and ambitious and upon confidence of the Kings favour professed enemies to men of ancient Nobility to the end that being lately start up they might become more famous by maintaining contention with great persons And first by their importuned travaile all the Charters of pardon granted by the King were in this Parliament annulled and revoked Then the Prelates did constitute Sir Henry Percie their Procuratour and departed the house because they might not bee present in judgement of bloud Lastly the Earle of Arundel and the Earle of Warwick were arraigned and for the same offences for which they had beene pardoned namely for encroaching to themselves Royall power in judging to death Simon Burly Iohn Berneis and others without the Kings consent were condemned to bee hanged drawne and quartered but the King so moderated the severity of this sentence that the Earle of Arundel was onely beheaded and the Earle of Warwick committed to perpetuall imprisonment in the I le of Man The Duke of Glocester was so greatly favoured that it was thought a point both of policy and peace not to bring him to his open answer but to put him to death secretly so hee was strangled under a feather bed at Calis by the Earle of Nottingham being then Earle Marshall which death howsoever he deserved yet dying as hee did not called nor heard he died as guiltlesse In this same Parliament Thomas Arundel Archbishop of Canterbury was also accused for executing the commission against Michael De-la-poole Earle of Suffolke for which cause his temporalties were seazed his lands and goods forfeited as well in use as in possessionâ— and hee himselfe was adjudged to exile and charged to depart the Realme within six weekes then next ensuing So hee went into France where afterwards hee became a principall meane of the revolt which followed Also the Lord Cobham was exiled into the I le of Gernsey and Sir Reinold Cobham was condemned to death not for entring into any attempt against the King but because he was appointed by the Lords to bee one of his Governours and of his Counsaile in the 11. yeare of his raigne Now the King falsely supposing that hee was free from all dangers and that the humour against him was cleane purged and spent conceived more secret contentment then hee would openly bewray as more able to dissemble his joy then conceale his feare being so blinded and bewitched with continuall custome of flatteries that hee perceived not that the state of a Prince is never stablished by cruelty and craft On the other side the Common people were much dismayed having now lost those whom they accompted their onely helpes and their onely hopes both for their private affaires and for supporting the state and because these mishaps happened unto them for maintaining a cause of common dislike the peoples stomack was stirred thereby to much hate and heart-burning against the King And to make their deaths the more odious the Earle of Arundel was reputed a Martyr and Pilgrimages were dayly made to the place of his buriall the rumour also was current but without either authour or ground that his head was miraculously fastened againe to his body this whilest all men affirmed and no man knew the King caused the corps to bee taken up and viewed tenne dayes after it was interred and finding the same to bee fabulous hee caused the ground to bee paved where the Earle was laid and all mention of his buriall to bee taken away forbidding publikely any such speeches of him afterwards to bee used But this restraint raised the more and they who if it had bin lawfull would have said nothing being once forbidden could not forbeare to talke It was also constantly reported that the King was much disquieted in his dreames with the Earle who did often seeme to appeare unto him in so terrible and truculent manner that breaking his fearefull sleepe hee would curse the time that ever hee knew him In the one and twenty yeare of the raigne of King Richard Henry Earle of Darby was created Duke of Hereford at which time the King created foure other Dukes to wit Duke of Aumerle who was before Earle of Rutland Duke of Southrey who was before Earle of Kent Duke of Excester who was before Earle of Huntington and Duke of Norfolke who was before Earle of Nottingham This degree of honour long time after the conquest of the Normans whose chiefest Rulers had no higher title was accompted too great for a subject to beare the fourme of the Common-wealth being framed by the Victours farre from equality of all and yet the King excepted without eminency of any At the length King Edward the third created his eldest Sonne Edward Duke of Cornâ—wall and made this honour hereditary conferring it unto many since which time divers Princes of his land have beene either put or kept or hazarded from their estate by men of that quality and degree The King likewise created the Countesse of Norfolke Dutchesse of Norfolke the Earle of Sommerset Marquesse of Sommerset the Lord Spencer Earle of Glocester the Lord Nevill Earle of Westmerland the Lord Scroupe Earle of Wiltshire and the Lord Thomas Darcy his Steward Earle of Worcester Among these hee made division of a great part of the lands of the Duke of Glocester and of the Earles of Arundel and Warwick supposing by this double liberality of honour and possessions to have purchased to himselfe most firme friendships but bought friends for the most part are seldome either satisfied or sure and like certaine Ravens in Arabia so long as they are full doe yeeld a pleasant voice but being empty doe make a horrible cry Now the Duke of Hereford raised his desires together with his dignities and either upon disdaine at the undeserved favour and advancement of some persons about the King or upon dislike that the King was so dishonourably both abused and abased by them or else perhaps upon desire to manifest his owne sufficiencie in matters of controulement and direction being in familiar discourse with Thomas Mowbray Duke of Norfolke hee brake into complaint how the King regarded not the Noble Princes of his bloud and Peeres of the Realme and by extremities used to some discouraged the rest from intermedling in any publique affaires how instead of these hee was wholly governed by certaine new-found and new-fangled favorites vulgar in birth corrupt in qualities â—aving no sufficiency either of councell for peace or of courage for warre who being of all men the most unhonest
with possibility for if it were fully quietly possessed some governor might hap to grow to that greatnesse as to make himselfe absolute Lord thereof and therefore it was better to hold it certaine by weake enemies then suspected by mighty friends and yet by what meanes should those bogges and those woods be overcome which are more impregnable then the walled Townes of other countries then if the purpose were only to represse the savage people the warre was of no such weight as should draw the King to stand in the field and therfore he might stay in the West parts in England and from thence make shew of the Princely puissance and state neither venturing his person without cause and already at hand if need should require Others were of opinion that to subdue and replenish Ireland was a matter neither of difficulty nor danger but both profitable and honourable to the King and to God very acceptable For if credit might be given to ancient Histories this Realme of England was once as insuperable with bogs and woods as Ireland was then but the Roman Conquerors kept not their presidiarie Souldiers in idle garrison whereby many times the mind grew mutinous and the body diseased and both unable for the labour and hardnesse of the field but they held as well them as the subdued Britains continually exercised either in building of townes in places of best advantage or in making of high wayes or else in drayning and paving of bogs by which meanes the countrey was made fruitfull and habitable and the people learned the good manners not rudely to repulse the flattering assaults of pleasure preferring subjection with plenty before beggerly and miserable liberty That the same Romans also kept many larger Countries in quiet obedience so long as they were quiet among themselves without either feare or danger of any Governours first by dividing them into small Provinces Secondly by constituting in every province divers officers as Lieutenants and Procurators whereof one was able to restraine the other the first having power over the bodies of the subjects the second over their goods thirdly by changing these officers every yeare which was too short a time to establish a soveraignty Lastly by retaining at Rome their wives and children and whole private estate as pledges for their true demeanour That the danger was rather to bee feared least a weake enemy whilest he was contemned should gather strength and be able to stand upon termes of withstanding example here of happened when the Romans overcame this Iland for many Britaines who upon no conditions would abide bondage withdrew themselves into the North parts of the land and by maintaining their ancient custome of painting their bodies were called of the Romans Picti these were neglected along time and held in scorne as neither of force nor of number to be thought worthy the name of enemies but afterwards they confederated themselves with other people and so sharpely assaulted the subdued Britaines that being unable to resist and the Romans shrinking from them they were constrained to desire helpe of the Saxons and so betweene their enemies and their aids being set as it were betwixt the beeâ—le and the blocke they lost the possession of the best part of their land That it was a pittifull policy for assurance of peace to lay all waste as a wildernesse and to have dominion over trees and beasts and not over men That hereby the King did loose the revenue of a fruitfull countrey and the benefit of wealthy subjects which are the surest treasure that a prince can have That hereby also the majesty of his estate was much impaired for as Salomon saith The honour of a king consisteth in the multitude of subjects That the country being unfurnished of people was open to all opportunity of forrain enemies That if none of these respects would move yet the King was bound in duty to reduce those savages to the true worship of God who did then either prophanely contemne him or superstitiously serve him These reasons so weighed with the King that hee gathered a mighty Army determining to goe in person into Ireland and to pacifie the countrey before his returne but all his provision was at the charge of the subjects and whereas in time of sedition a wise Prince will least grieve his people as seeming to stand in some sort at their courtesie and having to imploy their bodies beside the King in peace no storer for war was forced to offend when he should have beene most carefull to winne favour So about Whitsontide hee set forth on his voyage with many men and few souldiers being a dissolute and untrained company and out of all compasse of obedience hee carried with him his whole treasure and all the goods and ancient Iewels appertaining to the Crowne In his company went the Duke of Aumerle and the Duke of Exeter and divers other noble men and many Bishops and the Abbot of Westminster Hee also tooke with him the sonnes of the Duke of Gloucester and of the Duke of Hereford whose favourers he chiefely feared When he came to Bristow he was put into suspicion whether upon some likelihood or meere malice that Henry Piercy Earle of Northumberland and certaine others entended some disloyall enterprise against him and for that cause did not follow him into Ireland but had fastned friendship with the King of Scots upon purpose to retire themselves into his countrey if their attempts should faile Hereupon the King sent message that the Earle should forthwith come unto him with all the power that he could conveniently make The Earle returned answer that it was unnecessary in respect of that service to draw men from such distant places for the Irish rebels were neither so many nor so mighty but the King had strength at hand sufficient to suppresse them that it was also dangerous to disfurnish the North-parts of their forces and to offer opportunity to the Scottish Borderers who were alwayes uncertaine friends in their extremities and assured enemies upon advantage The King seeing his commandement in these termes both contemned and controuled would not stand to reason the matter with the Earle neither had he the reason to defer revenge untill hee had full power to worke it but presently in the violence of his fury caused the Earle and his confederates to be proclaimed traytors and all their Lands and goods to be seized to his use The Earle tooke grievously this disgrace and determined to cure and close up this harme with the disturbance of the common state And thus the King having feathered these arrowes against his owne brest passed forth in his Iourney into Ireland This expedition at the first proceeded and succeeded exceedingly well and the King obtained many victories even without battell as leading his men to a slaughter rather then to a fight for the savage Irish were not under one government but were divided into many partiâ—lities and factions and seldome did two or three
have drawne more heavy burthens and our complaints procured more bitter blowes by the one our livings and our lives by the other are dayly devoured And therefore we are now compelled to shake off our shoulders this importable yoke and submit our selves to the soveraignty of some more moderate and worthy person not so much for the griefe of our miseries which are past nor for the paine of our present distresses as for feare of such dangers as are most like to ensue for the King hath cut away the chiefe of the Nobility and the Commons he hath pared to the quick and still he harrieth us as a conquered Country whereby we are laid bare to the havock of all our enemies and utterly disabled not only to recover that which is lost but also to retain even that which is left But to whom should we complaine what succour whose aid should we desire you are the onely man who in right should and in wisedome can and in goodnesse will we hope relieve us For you are neerest to the King in bloud and therefore ought to have the rule of that which his weaknesse cannot wield Your yeares are well stayed from the light conceits of youth and so spent that all your actions have made proofe of ability in government of greatest charge nothing past needeth excuse and feare is vain for any thing to come The pains and perils which heretofore you have undertaken for the benefit of your Countrey putteth us also in good hope that in these extremities you will not forsake us wee are all as in a ship that is ready to sinke as in a house that is ready to fall and doe most humbly crave and call for your helpe now or else never shew your selfe in favour of your Countrymen to free us to free your selfe to free the whole State from these dangers and decayes by taking into your hands the scepter and diademe of the Realme and reducing againe the government thereof to a Princely freedome in combining the Soveraignty of one with the liberty of all Omit not this occasion to set forth to the view of the World as in a large field and at free scope your vertue and courage by relieving miserable wretches from their Oppressours which action hath bin so highly honoured that many Heathen men for the same have beene accompted as Gods This we are constrained to offer and intreat this is both honourable for you to accept and easie to bee performed and so much the more in that no Prince by any people have beene desired with greater affection nor shall bee with more duty obeyed The Duke entertained this speech with great moderation of mind shewing himselfe neither disturbed thereat nor excessive in joy His answer concerning the King was respective and well tempered rather lamenting his weakenesse then blaming his malice Concerning himselfe hee spake so modestly that hee seemed rather worthy of a Kingdome then desirous The life quoth hee which hitherto I have led hath alwayes beene free from ambitious attempts and the stayednesse of my yeares hath now setled my mind from aspiring thoughts experience of former dangers hath bred in mee a wary regard in such weighty proceedings for to cast a King out of state is an enterprise not hastily to be resolved upon nor easily affected but suppose that matter not impossible and perhaps not hard yet the ratenesse of that like precedents will make the action seeme injurious to most men and hee that shall attaine a Kingdome upon opinion of desert doth charge himselfe with great expectation and how honourably soever hee carry himselfe shall never want his deadly Enviers besides this in civill dissentions the faith of the whole people is fleeting and danger is to bee doubted from every particular person so that it is possible that all may fall away and impossible to beware of every one Therefore I could rather wish to spend the course of my yeares which yet remaine in this obscure yet safe and certaine state then to thrust my selfe upon the pikes of those perils which being once entred into are dangerous to follow and deadly to forsake for in private attempts a man may step and stop when hee please but hee that aimeth at a Kingdome hath no middle course betweene the life of a Prince and the death of a Traytour The Archbishop hearing this did as vainely persist in importuning the Duke as hee vainely seemed unwilling and strange The state said hee wherein now you stand is not so safe and certaine as you doe conceive Indeed by rejecting our request you shall avoid certaine dignity and therewith uncertaine and contingent dangers but you shall procure most certaine destruction both to your selfe and us For this secret cannot bee kept long secret from the King and even good Princes are nice in points of soveraignty and beare a nimble care to the touch of that string and it more hurteth a subject to be esteemed worthy of the Kingdome then it will profit him to have refused the offer What then will he doe who putteth the chiefest surety of his raigne in the basenesse barenesse of his subjects whose head being possessed with eternall jealousy maketh every presumption a proofe and every light surmise a strong suspition against them Surely since the generall favour and love which the people beareth you hath bereaved you of your liberty this their generall desire will not leave your life untouched As for us if wee either faint in our intent or faile in the interprise actum est we shall be as lambs among lions and no conquest can be so cruell as the Kings raigne will bee over us Certainely we have gone too far for to goe back and the time is past when you for ambition and wee for envy might seeme to attempt against the King the attainment of the Kingdome must now bee a Sanctuary and refuge for us both The like examples are not rare as you affirme nor long since put in practise nor farre hence to be fetched The Kings of Denmarke and of Swedland are oftentimes banished by their Subjects oftentimes imprisoned and put to their fine the Princes of Germany about an â—undred yeares past deposed Adulphus their Emperour and are now in hand to depose their Emperour Wenceslaus The Earle of Flanders was a while since driven out of his Dominion by his owne people for usurping greater power then appertained to his estate The ancient Britaines chased away their owne King Carecious for the lewdnesse of his life and cruelty of his rule In the time of the Saxon Heptarchy Bernredus King of Mercia for his pride and stoutnes towards his people was by them deposed Likewise Aldredus and Ethelbertus Kings of Northumberland were for their disorders expelled by their subjects Since the victory of the Normains the Lords endeavoured to expell King Henry the third but they were not able yet were they able to depose King Edward the second and to constitute his young Sonne Edward King
this favour not onely to exceed his expectation but even above his wish hee thought it best to follow the current whilst the streame was most strong knowing right well that if fortune be followed as the first doe fall out the rest will commonly succeed Therefore cutting off unnecessary delayes with all possible celerity hee hastned towards London to the end that possessing himselfe thereof as the chiefe place within the Realme both for strength and store hee might there make the seat of the warre In this journey no signe nor shew of hostility appeared but all the way as hee passed the men of chiefest quality and power adjoyned themselves unto him some upon heat of affection some for feare others upon hope of reward after victory every one upon causes dislike with like ardent desire contending least any should seeme more forward then they In every place also where hee made stay rich gifts and pleasant devises were presented unto him with large supply both of force and provision farre above his need and the Common people which for their greatnesse take no care of publique affaires and are in least danger by reason of their basenesse with shouts and acclamations gave their applause extolling the Duke as the onely man of courage and saluting him King but spending many contumelious termes upon King Richard and depraving him as a simple and sluggish man a dastard a mâ—ycock and one altogether unworthy to beare rule shewing themselves as much without reason in railing upon the one as they were in flattering the other Againe the Duke for his part was not negligent to uncover the head to bow the body to stretch forth the hand to every meane person and to use all other complements of popular behaviour wherewith the minds of the common multitude are much delighted and drawen taking that to be courtesie which the severer sort account abasement When he came to the Citie hee was there likewise very richly and royally entertained with processions and pageants and vers other triumphant devises and shewes the standing in all the streets where hee passed were taken up to behold him and the unable multitude who otherwise could not yet by their good words wishes and wils did testifie unto him their loving affections neither did there appeare in any man at that time any memory of faith and allegiance towards King Richard but as in seditions it alwayes hapneth as the most swayed all did goe On the contrary side the Duke of Yorke with the rest of his counsaile fell to mustering of men at S. Albones for the King but as the people out of divers quarters were called thither many of them protested that they would doe nothing to the harme and prejudice of the Duke of Lancaster who they said was unjustly expelled first from his countrey and afterwards from his inheritance Then W. Scroupe Earle of Wiltshire Lord Treasurer S. I. Bush Sir W. Bagot and Sir Henry Greene perceiving the stiffe resolution of the people forsooke the Duke of Yorke and the Lord Chancellor and fled towards Bristow intending to passe the seas into Ireland to the King These foure were they upon whom the common fame went that they had taken of the King his Realme to farme who were so odious unto the people that their presence turned away the hearts of many subjects yea it was thought that more for displeasure against them then against the King the revolt was made For being the only men of credit and authority with the King under false colour of obedience they wholly governed both the Realme and him to many mischiefes corrupting his mind and in many abusing his name either against his will or without his knowledge insomuch as hee was innocent of much harme which passed under his commandement but the patience of the people could not endure that two or three should rule all not by reason they were sufficient but because they were in favour and the King in that he permitted them whom hee might have bridled or was ignorant of that which he should have knowne by tollerating and wincking at their faults made them his owne and opened thereby the way to his destruction So often times it falleth out to be as dangerous to a Prince to have hurtfull and hatefull officers in place and services of weight as to be hurtfull and hatefull himselfe The Duke of Yorke either amazed at this sudden change or fearing his adventure if hee should proceed in resistance gave over the cause and preferred present security before duty with danger giving most men occasion to misdeeme by his dealing that hee secretly favoured the Dukes Enterprise likewise all the other Counsellors of that side either openly declared for the Duke or secretly wished him well and abandoning all private direction advise adjoyned themselves to the common course presuming thereby of greater safety Duke Henry in the meane time being at London entred into deliberation with his friends what way were best to be followed At the last having considered the forwardnesse of the people the greatnesse of the perill whereinto they had already plunged and the Kings irreconcilable nature whereof hee made proofe against the Duke of Glocester and the Earles of Arundell and Warwicke they finally resolved to expell him from his dignity and to constitute Duke Henry King in his stead and to that end open warre was denounced against the King against all his partakers as enemies to the quiet prosperity of the Realme and pardon also promised to all those that would submit themselves to follow the present course otherwise to looke for no favour but all extremities None of the Nobility durst openly oppose himselfe to these designes some unwilling to play all their state at a cast kept themselves at liberty to be directed by successe of further event others consented coldly and in tearms of doubtfull construction with intent to interpret them afterwards as occasion should change but the most part did directly and resolutely enter into the cause and made their fortunes common with the Duke in danger of the attempt but not in honour among whom the Duke standing up used speech to this purpose I am returned here as you see at your procurement by your agreement have entred into armes for the common liberty wee have hitherto prosperously proceeded but in what tearmes wee now stand I am altogether uncertaine A private man I am loath to be accounted being designed to be King by you and a Prince I cannot be esteemed whilst another is in possession of the Kingdome Also your name is in suspence whether to be termed rebels or subjects untill you have made manifest that your alleageance was bound rather to the state of the Realme then the person of the Prince Now you are the men who have both caused this doubtfulnesse and must cleare the same your parts still remaineth to be performed your vertue and valour must adde strength to the goodnesse of this action Wee have already attempted so
farre that all hope of pardon is extinct so that if we should shrinke back and break off the enterprise no mercy is to bee expected but butchery and gibbets and all extremities if we drive off and delay the accomplishment therof wee shall loose the opportunity which now is offered and open to our enemies occasion of advantage For the peoples blood is up now on our side and nothing is wanting but our owne diligence and care let us not therefore trifle out the time of doing in talking and deliberating it is best striking whilst the iron is hot let us set forth roundly and possesse our selves with speed of all the parts of the Realme and so we shall be able either to keepe out our concurrent or else to entertaine him little to his liking So troops of men were sent into every quarter of the Realme to secure them for making strength on the part of King Richard but the people in all places as men broken with many burthens did easily entertaine the first Commer and were not curious to side with the stronger The Duke pursued those of the Kings Privie Councell which fled away from the Duke of Yorke bearing himselfe with great cheare and courage as confident in the cause and secure of the event When he came at Bristow hee found the Castle fortified against him but in short time hee forced it and tooke therein Sir Iohn Bushy Sir Henry Greene and W. Scroupe L. Treasurer a joyfull prey to the common people who fearing that if execution should be deferred Petitions for pardon might happen to prevaile and so their cruelties and injuries should be answered with the vaine title and commendation of clemency did violently require them unto death no respite could be obtained no defence admitted no answer heard yea their humble and submisse intreaty was interpreted to argue a weake and broken courage upon a guilty conscience which more incensed the rage of the people crying out that they were traytors blood-suckers theeves and what other hainous tearmes insulting fury did put into their mouthes at which clamorous and importunant instance the day following they were beheaded Sir VVilliam Bagot came not with them to Bristow but turned to Chester and the pursuit being made after the most hee alone escaped into Ireland This execution partly because it pleased the people and partly because it excluded all hope of the Kings pardon caused them to cleave more closely to the Duke which greatly increased both his glory and his hope having offers of so large aid need of so little In the meane time this newes of the Dukes arrivall and of other occurrences part true part false part enlarged by circumstance as fame groweth in the going was blowne over to the King being then entangled with other broyles in Ireland at the receipt whereof he caused the sonnes of the Duke of Glocester of the Duke of Lancaster to be imprisoned in the strong Castle of Trim which is in Ireland and for dispatch to returne into England leâ—t many matters unfinished most of his provision behind hasting and shuffling up as present necessity did enforce So being both unskilfull and unfortunate himselfe and devoid of good direction with more haste then good hap hee tooke shipping with the Duke of Aumerle Exceter and Surry the Bishops of London Lincolne and Caerliele and many other men of quality and crossing the seas landed at Milford-Haven in Wales in which countrimen he alwayes reposed his chiefest surety and trust but then he saw contrary to his expectation that as well there as in all other places the people by plumps flocked to the Duke fled from him yea they that came with him began for to waver no man encouraging them to be constant but many to revolt This suddaine change not looked for not thought upon disturbed all the Kings devises made him irresolute what he should doe on the one side hee saw his cause and quarrell to be right and his conscience he said cleare from any bad demerite on the other side he saw the great strength of his enemies and the whole power of the Realme bent against him and being more abashed by the one then emboldned by the other hee stood perplexed in uncertaine termes either where to stay or whither to stir having neither skill nor resolution himselfe in cases of difficulty and obnoxious to hurtfull and unfaithfull counsaile Some advised him to martch forward and pierce deeper into the land before his own forces fell from him affirming that valour is seconded by fortune that this courage of his would confirme the constancy of his souldiers and his presence put the people in remembrance of their saith that in all places he should find some who for favour or for hire or else for duty would adhere unto him whereby hee should soone gather strength sufficient to joyne issue with his enemy in the field Others perswaded him to retire againe into Ireland and then if succour failed him in England to wage souldiers out of other countries But the King being no man of action in military affaires rejected both the counsailes as neither venturous enough with the one nor warie enough with the other and taking a middle course which in cases of extremity of all is the worst hee determined to make stay in Wales and there to attend to what head this humour would rise The Duke upon advertisement that the King was landed in VVales removed with a strong Army from Bristow towards Chester using the first opportunity against him and which indeed was the fittest When Lord Thomas Pearcy Earle of Worcester and Steward of the Kings Houshold heard of the Dukes approach he brake forth into shew of that displeasure which before he had conceived aâ—ainst the King for proclaiming his brother the Earle of Northumberland traytor and thereupon openly in the Hall in the presence of the Kings servants he brake his white rod the ensigne of his office and forthwith departed to the Duke willing every man to shift for himselfe in time by which act hee lost reputation both with the Haters and Favourers of King Richard being accounted of the one a Corrupter of the other a Forsaker and betrayer of the King After this example almost all the rest more fearefull then faithfull scattered themselves every one his way and they who in the Kings flourishing time would have contended to be formost now in his declining estate equally draw backe and like swallowes forsooke that house in the winter of fortunes boysterous blasts where they did nothing but feed and foyle in the summer of her sweet sun-shine And thus betweene faint souldiers and false friends the King was abandoned and forsaken and left almost unto himselfe looke on he might but let it hee could not as not of force to punish that which hee never forced to prevent his only remedy was patience a cold comfort his onely revenge was complaint a weake weapon betweene which two his bitternesse
did in this manner breake from him And doe these also said he forsake me doth their faith and my fortune end together well if I had forsaken them in time I had not been forsaken of others who once loved me better and now are able to harme me more But now I see the blindnesse of my judgement I plainely see that there is no friendship in flattery nor treachery in plaine truth and I would I had as much time to reforme this error as I am like to have to repent it but they would not suffer mee to bee wise when I might and now they have made me wretched they runne from me they could be the causes but they will not be companions of my miseries such attendants are Crowes to a carcasse which flocke together not to defend but to devoure it and no sooner have they laid the bones bare but straight-wayes they are gone Thus the King having lost both the feare and love of his subjects disturbed and distracted in thoughts without comfort councell or courage remained still in Wales as a stranger at home as an exile in his owne Kingdome not daring to goe to London nor any man desirous to come to him shifting still from place to place and as it fals out to men distressed and amazed fearing all things but most disliking the present The Duke continually pursued him with a mighty Army but the Kings company was too small to do any thing by force and yet too great to remaine in secret neither were they in any sort assured unto him but such as shame and reverence retained a while bands of small countenance with men fearefull of danger and carelesse of credit At the length he came to the Castle of Conweye and there being utterly destitute both of helpe and hope he stood divided in mind what way to bend his course all his followers were more ready to impugne the opinions of other then to give direction themselves as seeing better what to shun then what to follow and as it alwayes chanceth in desperate causes that way was commonly preferred whereof the opportunity was already past Some advised him that it was then time to think rather of saving his life then recovering his estate You see said they how greatly and how wholly your subjects are set against you it is but in vaine to look for a suddain change or without a change to hope that your purposes may prevail give place for a time to the current of this fury let it have the full sway and when it is at the highest pitch it will turne againe and then you shall have the tide as strong on your side as it is now against you This motion or rather commotion of the people is violent and against nature and therefore as a stone forced upward is most strong at the beginning and the further it passeth the more it weakneth untill at last it returne to the naturall course againe Therefore give a little space for the bad to draw back for the good to put forward treasons prevaile on the suddaine but good counsailes gather forces by leasure You have example in your noble Progenitor King Henry the third against whom the Lords set up Lewis the French Kings son conditions were concluded and faith was made that he should be their King but this purpose lasted not the pulling on for before they had possessed him of the kingdome they joyned together in armes against him and were as fierce to drive him out of the Realme as they had beene found to draw him in The like alteration may you likewise not only hope but assuredly expect for the minds of men are constant in nothing but inconstancy persevere only in change in dislike of things present they desire new wherwith they rest not long contented but are many times glutted even with the first sight And indeed how can they long endure the Raigne of him who attayning the Kingdome onely by their favour and might shall hold the same in a manner at their courtesie and will for every unpleasant command shall be deemed ingratitude every suit rejected shall charge him with unkindnesse Yea if honour be not offered they will be discontented and upon any occasion of displeasure thinke themselves as able to displace him as they were to set him up therefore you may for a time returne againe into Ireland or else passe the seas to your Father in law the King of France you may assure your selfe of his assistance to set upon your side and recover your losses Times have their turnes and fortune her course too and fro like the sea and magnanimity is shewne by enduring and not relinquishing when she doth crosse only loose no point of courage and keepe your person at large reserving your selfe to that good hope which never dyeth whilst life endure Others who were enemies to all counsaile whereof themselves were not Authors perswaded the King that the Nobility and Commons of the Realm had attempted so far that they would rather dye then desist not so much for hatred to you as for feare to themselves having so deadly incensed your displeasure against them For it is a hard matter to forgive and impossible to forget those injuries and indignities which they have offered And to omit what some Princes have done what all will promise to doe they will soone find fresh and bleeding examples what you are like to doe The Duke of Gloucester and the Earle of Arundell and of Warwicke did rise in armes against you not to remove you from your Crowne but to remove certaine persons from your company an action more displeasing then prejudiciall unto you at the last a friendship was made and charters of free pardon granted unto them but what followed was ever the breach perfectly made up did displeasure dye or was it only dissembled ah it grieveth us to thinke how the present want of their lives hath fully revenged their deaths for if they had lived their countenance and authority would easily have stayed these stirs and the manner of their deaths doth strike an obstinate persistance into all your enemies As for refuge to forraine Princes you shall surely receive of them entertainment and allowance and yet may grow burdensome and at last perhaps faile but it is very hard to draw any Prince into so dangerous a quarrell and more hard by that meanes to prevaile or if you should it is to be feared that the victorers will hold to themselves the benefit of their conquest and not yeeld it over unto you Few countries but have beene under pretence of ayde by forrainers subdued and this was the onely cause which first drew the Saxons into this land who so assisted the Britaine 's against their enemies that themselves could not be resisted from possessing their kingdome Yet we do not altogether condemne the helpe of strangers in cases of extremitie but doe account it a remedy least to be trusted and last of all to be tryed What
deserved this dejection if it be just or if it be wrongfull that I could notavoid it Indeed I do confes that many times I have shewed my selfe both lesse provident lesse painful for the benefit of the Common-wealth then I should or might or intended to doe hereafter and have in many actions more respected the satisfying of my owne particular humour then either justice to some private persons or the common good of all yet I did not at any time either omit duty or commit grievance upon naturall dulnes or set malice but partly by abuse of corrupt Counsellors partly by errour of my youthfull judgement And now the remembrance of these oversights is so unpleasant to no man as to my selfe and the rather because I have no meanes left either to recompence the injuries which I have done or to testifie to the World my reformed affections which experience and stayednesse of yeares had already corrected and would dayly have framed to more perfection But whether all the imputations wherewith I am charged be true either in substance or in such quality as they are laid or whether being true they be so heinous as to inforce these extremities or whether any other Prince especially in the heate of youth and in the space of two and twenty yeares the time of my unfortunate raigne doth not sometimes either for advantage or upon displeasure in as deepe manner grieve some particular subject I will not now examine it helpeth not to use defence neither booteth it to make complaint there is left no place for the one nor pitty for the other and therefore I referre it to the judgement of God and your lesse distempered considerations I accuse no man I blame no fortune I complaine of nothing I have no pleasure in such vaine and needlesse comforts and if I listed to have stood upon termes I know I have great favourers abroad and some friends I hope at home who would have beene ready yea forward on my behalfe to set up a bloudy and doubtfull warre but I esteeme not my dignity at so high a prize at the hazard of so great value the spilling of so much English bloud and the spoile wast of so flourishing a Realme as thereby might have beene occasioned Therefore that the Common-wealth may rather rise by my fall then I stand by the ruine thereof I willingly yeeld to your desires and am heere come to dispossesse my selfe to all publike authority and title and to make it free and lawfull for you to create for your King Henry Duke of Lancaster my Cousin Germaine whom I know to be as worthy to take that place as I see you willing to give it to him Then he read openly and distinctly the forme of his cession wherein he did declare that he had discharged his subjects from their oaths of fealty and homage all other oaths whatsoever and of his owne will and free motion did abdicate the title dignity and authority of a King and rendred up the possession of the Realm with the use and title thereof and all the rights thereunto appertaining To this the King subscribed and was sworne and then he delivered with his owne hands the Crowne the Scepter and the Robe to the Duke of Lancaster wishing unto him more happinesse therewith then had ever happened unto himselfe Then he did constitute the Archbishop of Yorke and the Bishop of Hereford his Procuratours to intimate and declare this his resignation to all the States of the Realme which should be assembled together in Parliament Lastly hee gave all his riches and goods to the summe of three hundred thousand pounds in coine besides his Iewels and plate for satisfaction of the injuries that hee had done desiring the Duke and all the rest that were present severally by their names not altogether to forget that he had beene their King nor yet too much to thinke upon the same but to retaine of him a moderate remembrance and in recompence of the case that he had done them by his voluntary yeelding to permit him to live safely in a private and obscure life with the swetnesse whereof he was so possessed that from thenceforth he would preferre it before any preferment in the World All this was delivered and done by the King with voyce and countenance so agreeable to his present heavinesse that there was no man too unmindefull of humane instability which was not in some measure moved thereat in so much as a few secret teares melted from the eyes of many that were present in whose minds a confused and obscure alteration gan to begin So prone and inclinable are men to pitty misery although they have procured it and to envy prospery even that which they have raised Vpon Munday next following the Parliament beganne at Wâ—stminster and the Archbishop of Yorke and the Bishop of Hereford the Kings Atturneies for this purpose declared openly to the States there assembled the Kings voluntary resignation and demanded whether they would assent and agree thereunto the Barons of the Realme by severall and particular consent the Commons with one generall voice did expresly accept and admit the same Then it was thought meet that certaine defects and misdemeanures concerning matters of government should bee objected against the King for which he should be adjudged as unworthy as hee seemed unwilling to retaine the Kingdome To this purpose certaine articles were engrossed and openly read in which was contained how unprofitable the King had beene to the Realme how unjust and grievous to the Subjects contrary both to his honour and to his oath The chiefest of which Articles are these that follow 1 FIrst that King Richard did wastfully spend the Tresure of the Realme and had given the possession of the Crowne to men unworthy by reason whereof new charges were dayly laid on the necks of the poore Comminalty 2 Item Where divers Lords as well Spirituall as Temporall were appointed by the High Court of Parliament to commune and treat of matters concerning the State of the Realme and the Common-wealth of the same they being busied about the same commission he with with others of his affinity went about to impeach them of treason 3 Item that by force and menace hee compelled the Justices of the Realme at Shrewsbury to condiscend to his opinion for the destruction of the said Lords Insomuch as he beganne to raise warre against Iohn Duke of Lancaster Thomas Earle of Arundel Richard Earle of Warwick and other Lords contrary to his honour and promise 4 Item that he caused his Vncle the Duke of Glocester to be arrested without law and sent him to Calis and there without judgement murthered him and although the Earle of Arundel upon his arraignement pleaded his charter of pardon he could not bee heard but was in most vile and shamefull manner sodainly put to death 5 Item he assembled certaine Lancashire and Cheshire men to the intent to make warre on the aforesaid Lords and suffered them
to robbe and spoile without correction and reproofe 6 Item that although the King flatteringly and with great dissimulation made proclamation throughout the Realme that the Lords aforenamed were not attached for any crime of treason but onely for extortions and oppressions done within the Realme yet hee laid to them in the Parliament rebellion with manifest treason 7 Item hee hath compelled divers of the said Lords servants by menace to make great fines and extreme payments to their utter undoing and notwithstanding his pardon to them granted he made them fine a new 8 Item where divers were appointed to commune of the estate of the Realme and the Common-wealth of the same the King caused all the roules and records to bee kept from them contrary to his promise made in Parliament to his open dishonour 9 Item hee uncharitably commanded that no man upon paine of losse of life and goods should once intreat him for the returne of Henry now Duke of Lancaster 10 Item where the Realme is houlden of God and not of the Pope or any other Prince the said King Richard after hee had obtained divers acts of Parliament for his owne peculiar profit and pleasure then hee procured Bulles and extreame censures from Rome to compell all men streightly to keepe the same contrary to the honour and ancient priviledges of this Realme 11 Item although the Duke of Lancaster had done his devoire against Thomas Duke of Norfolke in proofe of his quarrell yet the said King without reason or ground banished him the Realme for tenne yeares contrary to all equity 12 Item before the Dukes departure hee under his broad Seale licensed him to make Atturneyes to prosecute and defend his causes the said King after his departure would suffer none Atturney to appeare for him but did with his at his pleasure 13 Item the said King put out divers Sheriffes lawfully elected and put in their roomes divers others of his owne minions subverting the law contrary to his oath and honour 14 Item hee borrowed great summes of money and bound himselfe under his Letters patents for the repayment of the same and yet not one penny paid 15 Item he taxed men at the will of him and his unhappy Counsaile and the same Treasure spent in folly not paying poore men for their vittaile and viand 16 Item he said that the lawes of the Realme were in his head and sometimes in his breast by reason of which phantasticall opinion hee destroyed Noble men and impoverished the poore Commons 17 Item the Parliament setting and enacting divers notable Statutes for the profit and advancement of the Common wealth he by his privy friends and solicitours caused to bee enacted that no act then enacted should bee more prejudiciall to him then it was to his Predecessours thorow which proviso he did often as hee list and not as the law meant 18 Item for to serve his purpose he would suffer the Sheriffes of the Shires to remaine above one yeare or two in their office 19 Item at the summons of Parliament when the Knights and Burgesses should bee elected and the election had fully proceeded hee put out divers persons elected and put in others in their places to serve his will and appetite 20 Item hee had privy espials in every Shire to heare who had of him any communication and if hee communed of his lascivious living and outragious doing hee straightwayes was apprehended and made a grievous fine 21 Item the Spiritualty alledged against him that hee at his going into Ireland exacted many notable summes of money beside Plate and Iewels without law or custome contrary to his oath taken at his coronation 22 Item when divers Lords and Iustices were sworne to say the truth of divers things to them committed in charge both for the honour of the Realme and profit of the King the said King so menaced them with sore threatnings that no man would or durst say the right 23 Item that without the assent of the Nobility he carried the Iewels and Plate and Treasure over the Sea into Ireland to the great impoâ—verishing of the Realme and all the good Records of the Common-wealth against his extortions hee caused privily to bee embeasoled and carried away 24 Item in all leagues and letters to bee concluded and sent to the Sea of Rome and other Regions his writing was so subtill and darke that no other Prince durst once believe him not yet his owne Subjects 25 Item hee most tyrannously and unprincely said that the lives and goods of all his Subjects were in the Princes hands and at his disposition 26 Item that hee contrary to the great Charter of England caused divers lusty men to appeale divers old men upon matters determinable at the Common law in the Court Marciall because that in that Court is no triall but onely by battaile whereby the said aged persons fearing the sequell of the matter submitted themselves to his mercy whom hee fined and ransomed unreasonably at his pleasure 27 Item he craftily devised cercaine privy oathes contrary to Law and caused divers of his subjects first to be sworne to observe the same and after bound them in bands for surer keeping the same to the great undoing of many honest men 28 Item where the Chancellor according to law would in no wise grant a prohibition to a certaine person the King granted it unto the same person under his privie Seale with great threatnings if it should be disobeyed 29 Item he banished the Bishop of Canterbury without cause or judgement and kept him in the Parliament Chamber with men of armes 30 Item the Bishops goods hee granted to his successor upon condition that hee should maintaine all his statutes made at Shrewsbury Anno 21. and the statutes made Anno. 22. at Coventree 31 Item upon the accusation of the Archbishop the King craftily perswaded the said Bishop to make no answer for he would be his warrant and advised him not to come to the Parliament and so without answer hee was condemned and exiled and his goods seazed Foure other Articles were laid which particularly did concerne the said Archbishop by whose doing chiefly the King was utterly undone Then was demanded of the Nobility and Commons of the Realme what they judged both of the truth and desert of these Articles who all agreed that the crimes were notorious and that King Richard was worthy for the same to be deposed from his princely dignity The noble men gave their voyces part corrupted by favour part awed by feare and the Commons are commonly like a flocke of Cranes as one doth fly all will follow Hereupon Commissioners were appointed by both the Houses who pronounced sentence of deposition against King Richard in manner and forme as followeth In the name of God Amen Wee Iohn Bishop of S. Asses I. Abbot of Glastenbury Thomas Earle of Gloucester Thomas Lord Bekley Thomas Erpinghaime Thomas Gray Knights William Therning Iustice Commissioners for the matters hereafter specified
either safe quiet or dangerous disturbance both to our particular consciences and also to the common state Therefore before you resolve upon it I pray you call to your considerations these two things Frist whether King Richard be sufficiently deposed or no Secondly whether King Henry bee with good judgement or justice chosen in his place For the first point we are first to examine whether a King being lawfully and fully instituted by any just title may upon impution either of negligence or of tyrannie be deposed by his subjects Secondly what King Richard hath omitted in the one or committed in the other for which hee should deserve so heavy judgement I will not speake what may be done in a popular state or in a Consular in which although one beareth the name and honour of a Prince yet hee hath not supreme power of Majestie but in the one the people have the highest Empire in the other the Nobility and chiefe men of estate in neither the Prince Of the first sort was the common-wealth of the Lacedaemoans who after the form of government which Licurgus framed oftentimes fined oftentimes fettered their kings and sometimes condemned them to death such were also in Caesars time the petty Kings of every Citie in France who were many times arraigned upon life and death and as Ambiorix Prince of the Leodienses confessed had no greater power over the people then the people had over them Of the second condition were the Roman Emperours at the first of whom some namely Nero and Maximinus were openly condemned others were suddenly surprized by judgement and authority of the Senate and such are now the Emperors of Germany whom the other Princes by their Aristocraticall power doe not only restraine but sometimes also remove from their Imperiall state such are also the Kings of Denmarke and Sweveland who are many times by the Nobility dejected either into prison or into exile such likewise are the Dukes of Venice and of some other free states in Italy and the chiefest cause for which Lewes Earle of Flaunders was lately expelled from his place was for drawing to himselfe cognisance in matters of life and death which high power never pertained to his dignity In these and such like governments the Prince hath not regall rights but is himselfe subject to that power which is greater then his whether it bee in the Nobility or in the common people But if the Soveraigne Majesty be in the Prince as it was in the three first Empires and in the Kingdome of Iudea and Israel and is now in the kingdomes of England France Spaine Scotland Muscovia Turky Tartaria Persia Ethiopia and almost all the kingdomes of Asia and Africke although for his vices he be unprofitable to the subjects yea hurtfull yea intollerable yet can they lawfully neither harme his person nor hazard his power whether by judgement or else by force for neither one nor all Magistrates have any authority over the Prince from whom all authority is derived and whose only presence doth silence and suspend all inferiour jurisdiction and power As for force what subject can attempt or assist or counsaile or conceale violence against his Prince and not incurre the high and hainous crime of treason It is a common saying thought is free free indeed from punishment of secular lawes except by word or deed it breake forth into action Yet the secret thoughts against the sacred Majesty of a Prince without attempt without endeavour have beene adjudged worthy of death and some who in auriculer confession have discovered their treacherous devises against the person of their Prince have afterwards been executed for the same All Lawes doe exempt a mad man from punishment because their actions are not governed by their will and purpose and the will of man being set aside all his doings are indifferent neither can the body offend without a corrupt or erronious mind yet if a mad man draw his sword upon his King it hath beene adjudged to deserve death And lest any man should surmise that Princes for the maintenance of their owne safety and soveraignety are the onely Authors of these judgements let us a little consider the Patternes and Preceprs of Holy Scripture Nebuchadnezzar King of Assyria wasted all Palestine with fire and sword oppugned Hierusalem a long time and at the last expugned it slâ—e the King burnt the Temple tooke away the Holy Vessels and Treasure the rest hee permitted to the cruelty and spoyle of his unmercifull souldiers who defiled all places with rape and slaughter and ruinated to the ground that flourishing Citie after the glut of this bloody butchery the people which remayned he led captive into Chaldaea and there erected his golden Image and commanded that they which refused to worship it should bee cast into a fiery Furnace What cruelty what injustice what impiety is comparable to this and yet God calleth Nebuchadnezzar his servant and promiseth hyre and wages for his service and the Prophets Ieremiah and Baruch did write unto the Iewes to pray for the life of him and of Baltazar his sonne that their dayes might bee upon earth as the dayes of Heaven and Ezechiel with bitter termes abhorteth the disloyalty of Zedechia because he revolted from Nebuchadnezzar whose homager and tributary he was What shall we say of Saul did hee not put all the Priests to execution because one of them did relieve holy and harmelesse David did hee not violently persecute that his most faithfull servant and dutifull sonne in law during which pursuit he fell twice into the power of David who did not only spare but also protect the King and reproved the Pretorian souldiers for their negligent watch and was touched in heart for cutting away the lap of his garment and afterwards caused the Messenger to bee slaine who upon request and for pitty had lent his hand as hee said to help forward the voluntary death of that sacred King As for the contrary examples as that of Iehu who slew Iehoram and Ahazia Kings of Israel and Iuda they were done by expresse oracle and revelation from God and are no more set downe for our imitation then the robbing of the Aegyptians or any other particular and priviledged Commandement but in the generall Precept which all men must ordinarily follow not onely our actions but our speeches also and our very thoughts are strictly charged with duty and obedience unto Princes whether they bee good or evill the law of God ordaineth That hee which doth presumptuously against the Ruler of the people shall dye and the Prophet David forbiddeth to touch the Lords annointed Thou shalt not saith the Lord raile upon the Iudges neither speake evill against the Ruler of the people And the Apostles doe demand further that even our thoughts and soules be obedient to higher powers And least any should imagine that they meant of good Princes onely they speake generally of all and further to take away
all doubt they make expresse mention of the evill For the power and authority of wicked Princes is the ordinance of God and therefore CHRIST told Pilate that the power which hee had was given him from above and the Prophet Esay calleth Cyrus being a Prophane and Heathen Prince the Lords annointed For God stirred up the Spirit even of wicked Princes to doe his will and as Iehosaphat said to his Rulers they execute not the judgement of man but of the Lord in regard whereof David calleth them Gods because they have their rule and authority immediately from God which if they abuse they are not to bee adjudged by their Subjects for no power within their Dominion is superiour to theirs but God reserveth them to the forest triall Horribly and sodainly saith the Wisemâ—n will the Lord appearâ— unto them and a hard judgement shall they have The law of God commandeth that the Childe should bee put to death for any conâ—umely done unto the Parents but what if the Father be a robber if a murtherer if for all excesse of villanies odious and execrable both to God and man surely hee deserveth the highest degree of punishment and yet must not the Sonne lift up his hand against him for no offence is so great as to bee punished by parricide but our Countrey is deerer unto us then our Parents and the Prince is Pater patriae the Father of our Countrey and therefore more sacred and deere unto us then our Parents by nature and must not bee violated how imperious how impious so ever hee bee doth hee command or demand our persons or our purses wee must not shunne for the one nor shrinke for the other for as Nehemiah saith Kings have Dominion over the bodies and over the cattle of their Subjects at their pleasure Doth hee enjoyne those actions which are contrary to the lawes of God wee must neither wholy obey nor violently resist but with a constant courage submit our selves to all manner of punishment and shew our subjection by enduring and not performing yea the Church hath declared it to bee an Heresie to hold that a Prince may be slaine or deposed by his Subjects for any disorder or default either in life or else in government there will bee faults so long as there are men and as we endure with patience a barren yeare if it happen and unseasonable weather and such other defects of nature so must wee tollerate the imperfections of Rulers and quietly expect either reformation or else a change But alas good King Richard what such cruelty what such impiety hath he ever committed examine rightly those imputations which are laid against him without any false circumstance of aggravation and you shall find nothing objected either of any truth or of great moment It may bee that many errours and oversights have escaped him yet none so grievous to bee termed tyranny as proceeding rather from unexperienced ignorance or corrupt counsaile then from any naturall and wilfull malice Oh how shall the World bee pestered with Tyrants if Subjects may rebell upon every pretence of tyranny how many good Princes shall dayly bee suppressed by those by whom they ought to bee supported if they leavy a subsidy or any other taxation it shall bee claimed oppression if they put any to death for trayterous attempts against their Persons it shall bee exclaimed cruelty if they doe any thing against the lust and liking of the people it shall bee proclaimed tyranny But let it bee that without authority in us or desert in him King Richard must bee deposed yet what right had the Duke of Lancaster to the Crowne or what reason have wee without his right to give it to him if hee make title as Heire unto King Richard then must hee yet stay untill King Richards death for no man can succeed as Heire to one that liveth But it is well knowne to all men who are not either wilfully blind or grossely ignorant that there are some now alive Lineally descended from Lâ—onel Duke of Clarence whose off-spring was by judgement of the High Court of Parliament holden the eight yeare of the raigne of King Richard declared next Successour to the Crowne in case King Richard should dye without issue Concerning the title from Edmund Crouchback I will passe it over seeing the authours thereof are become ashamed of so absurd abuse both of their owne knowledge and our credulity and therefore all the claime is now made by right of conquest by the cession and grant of King Richard and by the generall consent of all the people It is a bad wooll that can take no colour but what conquest can a Subject pretend against his Soveraigne where the warre is insurrection and the victory high and heinous treason as for the resignation which King Richard made being a pent Prisoner for the same cause it is an act exacted by force and therefore of no force and validity to bind him and seeing that by the lawes of this Land the King alone cannot alienate the ancient Jewels and ornaments partaining to the Crowne surely hee cannot give away the Crowne it selfe and therewithall the Kingdome Neither have wee any custome that the people at pleasure should elect their King but they are alwayes bound unto him who by right of bloud is right successour much lesse can they confirme and make good that title which is before by violence usurped for nothing can then be freely done when liberty is once restrained by feare So did Scilla by terrour of his Legions obtaine the law of Velleia to be made whereby hee was created Dictatour for fourescore yeares and by like impression of feare Caesar caused the law Servia to bee promulged by which hee was made perpetuall Dictatour but both these lawes were afterwards adjudged void As for the deposing of King Edward the second it is no more to bee urged then the poisoning of King Iohn or the murdering of any other good and lawfull Prince we must live according to lawes and not to examples and yet the Kingdome was not then taken from the lawfull successour But if we looke back to times lately past we shall find that these titles were more strong in King Stephen then they are in the Duke of Lancaster For King Henry the first being at large liberty neither restrained in body nor constrained in mind had appointed him to succeed as it was upon good credit certainely affirmed The people assented to this designement and thereupon without feare and without force he was annointed King and obtained full possession of the Realme Yet Henry Sonne of the Earle of Anjowe having a neerer right by his Mother to the Crowne notwithstanding his Father was a stranger and himselfe borne beyond the Seas raised such rough warres upon King Stephen that there was no end of spoiling the goods and spilling the bloud of the unhappy people besides the ruines and deformities of many Cities and
Holds untill his lawfull inheritance was to him assured It terrifieth mee to remember how many flourishing Empires and Kingdomes have beene by meanes of such contentions either torne in pieces with detestive division or subdued to forreigne Princes under pretence of assistance and aid and I need not repeate how sore this Realme hath heretofore beene shaken with these severall mischieves and yet neither the eâ—amples of other Countries nor the miseries of our owne are sufficient to make us to beware O English men worse bewitched then the foolish Galathians our unstayed minds and restlesse resolutions doe nothing else but hunt after our owne harmes no people have more hatred abroad and none lesse quiet at home in other Countries the sword of invasion hath beene shaken against us in our owne land the fire of insurrection hath beene kindled among us and what are these innovasions but whetstones to sharpen the one and bellowes to blow up the other Certainely I feare that the same will happen unto us which Aesop fableth to have beene fallen unto the Frogges who being desirous to have a King a beame was given unto them the first fall whereof did put them in some feare but when they saw it lye still in the streame they insulted thereon with great contempt and desired a King of quicker courageâ— then was sent unto them a Storke which stalking among them with stately steps continually devoured them The mildnesse of King Richard hath bred in us this scorne interpreting it to bee cowardise and dulnesse of nature the next Heire is likewise rejected I will not say that with greater courage we shall find greater cruelty but if either of these shall hereafter bee able to set up their side and bring the matter to triall by armes I doe assuredly say that which part soever shall carry the fortune of the field the people both wayes must goe to wrack And thus have I declared my mind concerning this question in more words then your wisedom yet fewer then the weight of the cause doth require and doe boldly conclude that we have neither power nor policy either to depose King Richard or to elect Duke Henry in his place that King Richard remaineth still our Soveraigne Prince and therefore it is not lawfull for us to give judgement upon him that the Duke whom you call King hath more offended against the King and the Realme then the King hath done either against him or us for being banished the Realme for tenne yeares by the King and his Counsaile amongst whom his owne Father was chiefe and sworne not to returne againe without speciall license hee hath not onely violated his oath but with impious armes disturbed the quiet of the Land and dispossessed the King from his Royall estate and now demandeth judgement against his person without offence proved or defence heard If this injury and this perjury doth nothing move us yet let both our private and common dangers somewhat withdraw us from these violent proceedings This speech was diversly taken as men were diversly affected betweene feare hope and shame yet the most part did make shew for King Henry and thereupon the Bishop was presently attached by the Earle Marshall and committed to prison in the Abbey of Saint Albones whose counsaile and conjecture then contemned was afterwards better thought upon partly in the life time of King Henry during whose raigne almost no yeare passed without great slaughters and executions but more especially in the times succeeding when within the space of 36. yeares twelve set battailes upon this quarrell were fought within the Realme by English men onely and more then fourescore Princes of the Royall bloud slaine one by another Then it was concluded that King Richard should bee kept in a large prison with all manner of Princely maintenance and if any persons should conspire to reare warre for his deliverance that hee should bee the first man who should suffer death for that attempt Then the Acts of the Parliament holden at Westminster in the 11. yeare of King Richard were revived and the Parliament holden the 21. yeare of King Richard was wholly repealed and they who were attainted by that Parliament were restored againe to their fame and honour and to their Lands without suing livery and to such goods whereof the King was not answered except the rents and issues which had beene received out of their lands in the meane time Hereupon Richard Earle of Warwick was delivered out of prison and the Earle of Arundels Sonne recovered his inheritance many others also that were banished or imprisoned by King Richard were then fully restored againe to their Countrey Liberty and Estate It was further provided that none of those which came in aid of King Henry against King Richard should for that cause bee impeached or troubled Also the King gave to the Earle of Westmerland the County of Richmond and to the Earle of Northumberland hee gave the I le of Man to bee houlden of him by the service of bearing the sword wherewith hee entred into England Divers other of his followers he advanceth to offices of highest place and charge some upon judgement and for desert but most part to winne favour and perhaps projecting a plot for friends if times should change for in many actions men take more care to prevent revenge then to lead an innocent and harmelesse life It was further agreed that the Procurers of the death and Murther of Thomas late Duke of Gloucester should bee searched out and severely punished And judgement was given against the appellants of the Earle of Warwick and the Earle of Arundel that the Dukes of Aumerle Sussex and Exceter the Marquesse of Dorset and the Earle of Gloucester who were present should loose their degree of honour for them and their Heires that they should likewise loose all the Castles Mannours Lordships c. then in their hands which sometimes appertained to those whom they did appeale and that all the letters patents and charters which they had concerning the same should bee surrendred into the Chancery and there bee cancelled that for all other their Castles Mannours Lordships Possessions and Liberties they should bee at the grace and mercy of the King that they should give no liveries nor keepe any retinue of men but onely such Officers as were meerely necessary for their degree that if any of them should adhere to Richard the deposed King in giving him aid or encouragement against the judgement of his deposition then hee should incurre the paines and forfeitures of high treason And because it was a clamorous complaint among the Common people that many Officers had committed grievous extortions and wrongs either by the open maintenance or secret connivence of these Lords First those Officers were removed and that corruption taken away with integrity which bribery had wrought in placing for money men of bad quality in high degrees of office and service then Proclamations were made that if any man had beene oppressed by
bee sufficient to blot out this blemish What other action could they have done more joyfull to their enemies more wofull to their friends and more shamefull to themselves Oh corruption of times Oh conditions of men The French-men were nothing discontented at this discontenement of the Aquitanes supposing that opportunity was then offered to get into their possession the Dutchie of Guian if either power or policie were thereto applyed Hereupon Lâ—wes Duke of Burbon came downe to Angiers who from thence sent many messengers to the chiefe cities of Guian and by faire speeches and large promises solicited the people to change alleageance on the contrary side Sir Robert Knowles Lieutenant of Guian endeavoured with al diligence to represse the mutinous to stay the doubtfull to confirme the good and to retaine all in order and obedience but hee profited very little whether by the weaknesse of his owne arme or stiffe neck of the people it is not certainely assured Neither did the Duke of Burbone much prevaile when it was considered how ponderous the yonke of France was above the English subjection for all men were well acquainted with what tributes and taxations the French men were charged having in every countrey Lievtenants and Treasurers assigned the one to draw the blood the other the substance of the slavish subjects whose câ—uelty and covetousnesse laid hold without exception upon all the one tormenting by force and the other undoing by Law Thus stood the Aquitanes upon tickle tearmes betweene obedience and revolt as a ship which the wind driveth one way the tide another desirous they were to displease the English but loath to endanger and undoe themselves Vpon advertisement whereof King Henry sent into Guian the Lord Thomas Perce Earle of Worcester whom hee knew to bee faithfull unto him and expert in matters of charge having in his company a strong and serviceable band of souldieâ—s who not by unseasonable exprobating their fault but by reason convincing it partly with his wisdome and credit so perswaded and partly with his authority and forces so terrified the wavering people that hee wanne them to his opinion and confirmed them in their alleageance the graver sort with respect of duty and faith the rest with regard and feare of danger Then hee received oaths of obedience unto King Henry and planted certaine strong garrisons in places of chiefe import without molestation if they remayned quiet and yet of force to represse them if they should rebell This done he turned againe into England where he shewed an excellent example of moderation in seeming rather to have found then to have made the Aquitanes dutifull subjects No sooner could this stirre be stinted but another more dangerous and desperate did forthwith arise for divers noble men who either had dissembled or did repent the furtherance that they used to the advancement of King Henry did conspire together to compasse his destruction the Histories of that time doe vary concerning the causes of this conspiracy whether it were for favour to King Richard as the nature of man is inclinable to behold suddaine misfortune with a pittifull eye or for envy to King Henry as commonly wee can endure excessive fortune no where so little as in those that have beene in equall degree with our selves or whether upon dishonours received in the late Parliament or upon disdaine to see others goe before them in the Princes favour many sought to revenge their unjust anger with lewd disloyalty likewise it is not assuredly known by what meanes the workers thereof were drawne together and the secret devises of some imparted to the rest whether one of them did perswade another to enter into the action or whether all were induced by the same unconstant disposition and light account of faith which being once falsed to K. Richard was afterwards upon every light discontentment little respected to any but concerning these matters the most currâ—nt report is this There was at that time an Abbot of Westminster one that applyed his studies not as the most part to cloake idlenesse and sloath under the glorious title of religion but to enable himselfe for counsaile and direction in publike affaires who for the generall opinion of his wisdome and integrity was in good favour and credit with King Richard and did accompany him in his last voyage into Ireland This Abbot called to his remembrance a speech which hee heard once fall from King Henry when hee was but Earle of Derby and not yet come to any great stayednesse either in yeares or judgement that Princes had too little and religious men too much At that time the riches of the Church were growne so great that many began to looke upon them with an envious eye but lest covetousnesse should shew it selfe with open face policie was pretended and the excesse thought dangerous both to the King and also to the Clergy as very like to cause want to the one and wantonnesse in the other Hereupon many bils had been put up in the Parliaments holden in the raigne of King Richard that provision might bee made to represse the increase of riligious possessions namely that inquisition and redresse might be had against such religious persons as under the licence to purchase ten pounds yearly did purchase fourescore or a hundred pounds and also against such religious persons as caused their villaines to take to their wives free-women inheritable whereby the Lands came to those religious mens hands yea it was moved in open Parliament that the King should seaze into his hands all the temporall Livings of religious houses as being rather a burthen then a benefit unto religion Vpon these and the like Petitions the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Archbishop of Yorke for themselves and the Clergy of their Provinces were oftentimes compelled to make their solemne protestations in open Parliament that if any thing were attempted in restraint of the liberty of the Church they would in no wise assent but utterly withstand the same the which their protestations they required to be enrouled So partly upon love to King Richard and partly upon feare least K. Henry would be as ready to invade as he was to inveigh against the richnesse of religious houses this Abbot was the first man that blew the coales and put fewell to the fire of this confederacy And first hee observed a farre off then hee searched more neerly and narrowly and yet warely too how the minds of certaine Noble-men were affected or rather infected against King Henry tempering his speeches in such sort that if matters sorted to his mind hee might take them upon him if his courses were crossed hee might clearely disclaime them at last hee invited to his house upon a day in Michaelmas tearme those whom he had sounded to bee most sound for his purpose the chiefe of whom were such as in the Parliament before had in some sort beene touched in reputation although by pardon aâ—d reconcilement the harme did seeme to bee closed up
their names were Iohn Holland Duke of Exeter of whom mention hath beene made before Thomas Holland his brothers Sonne Duke of Surrey Edward Duke of Aumerle Iohn Montacute Earle of Salisbury Hugh Spencer Earle of Glocester Iohn Bishop of Caerliele Sir Thomas Blunt and Magdalen one of King Richards Chappell who in all points both of feature and favour so neerly resembled King Richard that the Lords dissembled afterwards that hee was King Richard indeed These and some others were highly feasted by the Abbot and after dinner they withdrew themselves into a secret Chamber to counsaile here the Duke of Exceter who was most hotly bent either to restore or to revenge the cause of his deposed brother declared unto the rest the allegeance that they had sworne unto King Richard the honours and preferments whereunto they were by him advanced that therefore they were bound both in conscience by the one and in kindnesse by the other to take his part against all men that King Henry contrary to both had dispoyled him of his royall dignity and unjustly possessed himselfe thereof whilest they stood looking on and shewed neither the obedience of subjects nor love of friends as though they were men who knew to doe any thing better then to defend and if need were to dye for their lawfull Prince and loving Patron that King Henry by violent invading or fraudulent insinuating himselfe into the kingdom of his naturall liege Prince was but a tyrant usurper such aone as it was lawful for any man by any means to throw down without respect whether hee were a good man or evill for it is lawfull for no man upon pretence shew of goodnes to draw soveraignty unto himself that the laws examples of best governed common-wealths did not only permit this action but highly honored it with statues garlands title of Nobility also rewarded it with al the wealth of the suppressed tyrant that this enterprize would be very profitable almost necessary to the Common-wealth by extinguishing those wars which the Scots menaced the French-men prepared the Welshmen had already begun upon this occasion and quarrell that he did not distrust but it might be accomplished by open armes but he thought it more sure for them and for the Common-wealth more safe to put first in proofe some secret policy and to that purpose hee devisâ— that a solemne Iusts should bee challenged to be keept at Oxford in Christmasse holy-dayes betweene him and twenty on his part and the Earle of Salisbury and twenty on his part to which King Henry should be invited and when hee was most intentive in regarding their military disport hee should suddenly be surprised by men which without suspition might at that time bee assembled both for number and preparation sufficient for the exployt and thereby King Richard presently be restored both to his liberty and to his estate This devise was no sooner uttered then allowed and applauded of the rest of the confederates and so resolving upon the Enterprize they tooke an oath upon the Evangelists the one to bee true and secret to the other even to the houre and point of death the Lords also made an Indenture sextipartiâ—e wherein they bound themselves to doe their best assay for the death of the one King and deliverance of the other this they sealed and subscribed and delivered to every Lord a counter-pane of the same and further they concluded what forces should be gathered by whom how they should bee ordered placed and to whose trust the execution should be committed When all things were thus contrived and their hungry ambitious minds were well filled with the vain winds of hope and desire the Duke of Exeter came to the King at Windsore desired him for the love that he bare to the noble feats of Chevalry that hee would vouchsafe to honour with his presence the martiall exercise that was appointed betweene him and the Earle of Salisbury and to be the Iudge of their performances if any controversie should arise The King supposing that to be intended indeed which was pretended in show easily yeelded to his request The Duke supposing his purpose now halfe performed departed to his house and so did the other consederates where they busily bestirred themselves in raysing men and preparing horse and armour for the accomplishment of this act When the Dutchesse of Exceter K. Henries sister perceived the drift of the devise and saw that the Duke was upon his journey alas good Lady how was shee distracted in mind with a sharpe conflict of her conceipts one way she was moved wiâ—h nature towards her brother another way she was more strongly stirred with love towards her Lord and husband and both wayes she was divided in duty And what â—aid shee is this love then against nature or above it shall I bee undutifull to my Prince or is no duty comparable to the duty of a wife heigh ho in what perplexities wretched woman am I plunged to see my two dearest friends in this case of extremity that it is doubtfull which but certainely one must bee ruined by the other Herewith such a shower of teares streamed downe her cheekes that it drowned her speech and stopped the passage of further complaint which when the Duke espyed hee stepped unto her and seazing softly upon her hand used these words What Besse is it kindnesse to me or kindred to your brother that thus hath set your eyes on sloate Content your selfe woman for whatsoever the event shall bee it cannot bee evill to you nor worse to mee then now it is For if my purpose prevaile and my brother be restored againe to his Crowne both of us shall bee sure never to decline if it be prevented and your brother continue still in his estate no harme shall bee done unto you and I shall bee sure then of that destruction which I doe now continually dread the feare whereof in expecting is a greater torment then the paine in suffering When he had thus said hee kissed her and so leaving her to the torture of a thousand thorny thoughts hee tooke his journey towards Oxford with a great company both of Archers and Horsemen There hee found all the reâ—â— of his complices well armed and banded except only the Duke of Aumerle The King also hearing that both the Challengers and Defendants were in a readinesse determined the day following to ride to Oxford according to his promise and appointment Now the confederates much marvelled at the stay of the Duke of Aumerle some onely blamed his slacknesse others began to suspect it every man conjectured as he was diversly affected betweene confidence and feare and in this confusion of opinions they sent unto him in poste to know the certaine truth Before the Messenger came to the Duke he was departed from Westminster towards Oxford not the direct way but went first to see his Father the Duke of Yorke and carried with him the counterpane
of the Indenture of confederacy As they sate at dinner the Father espied it in his bosome and demanded what it was the son humbly craved pardon and said that it nothing touched him by Saint George quoth the Father but I will see it and so whether upon precedent jealousie or some present cause of suspition he tooke it away from him by force When hee perceived the contents he suddenly arose from the table and with great fiercenesse both of countenance and speech uttered to his Sonne these words I see traytor that idlenesse hath made thee so wanton and mutinous that thou playest with thy saith as children doe with slicks thou hast beene once already faithlesse to King Richard and now againe art false to K. Henry so that like the fish Sopia thou troublest all the waters wherein thou livest Thou knowest that in open Parliament I became surety and pledge for thy allegeance both in body and goods and can neither thy duty nor my desert restraine thee from seeking my destruction in faith but I will rather helpe forward thine With that hee commanded his Horses to be made ready and presently tooke his journey towards Windsore where the King then lay The Duke of Aumerle had no time either to consult with his friends or to consider with himselfe what was best to be done but taking advise upon the sodaine hee mounted likewise on horse-backe and posted towards Windsore another way It was no need to force him forward his youthfull blood and his sodaine danger were in steed of two wings to keepe his horse in Pegasus pace so that hee came to Windsore and was alighted at the Castle before his stiffe aged Father could come neere Then he entred the gates and caused them to be surely locked and tooke the keyes into his owne hands pretending some secret cause for which hee would deliver them unto the King When hee came in presence hee kneeled down and humbly craved of the King mercy and forgivenesse The King demanded for what offence Then with a confused voice and sad countenance casting downe his eyes as altogether abashed partly with feare of his danger and partly with shame of his discredit hee declared unto the King all the manner of the conspiracie The King seemed neither rashly to beleeve nor negligently to distrust the Dukes report neither stood it with pollicie to entertaine the discovery with any hard and violent usage therefore with gracious speeches hee comforted the Duke and if this bee true said hee wee pardon you if it bee feined at your extreame perill bee it By this time the Duke of Yorke was rapping at the Câ—stle gates and being admitted to the Kings presence hee delivered to him the Indenture of confederacie which he had taken from his sonne When the King had read it and was thereby perswaded of the truth of the matter hee was not a little disquieted in mind complayning of the unconstant disposition of those men whom neither cruelty hee said could make firme to King Richard nor clemency to him but upon dislike of every present government they were desirous of any change So being possessed with deeper thoughts then to gaze upon games hee layd his journey aside and determined to attend at Windsor what course his enemies would take and which way they would set forward knowing right well that in civill tumults an advised patience and opportunity well taken are the onely weapons of advantage and that it is a speciall point of wisdome to make benefit of the enemies folly In the meane time he directed his Letters to the Earle of Northumberland his high Constable and to the Earle of Cumberland his high Marshall and to others his most assured friends concerning these sodain and unexpected accidents The confederates all this time hearing nothing of the Duke of Aumerle and seeing no preparation for the Kings comming were out of doubt that their treason was betrayed And now considering that once before they had beene pardoned the guilt of this their rebellion excluded them from all hope of further mercie whereupon they became desperate and so resolved to prosecute that by open armes wherein their privie practises had fayled And first they apparelled Magdalen a man very like to King Richard both in stature and countenance and of yeares not disagreeable in princely attire and gave foorth that he was King Richard and that either by favour or negligence of his Keepers hee was escaped out of prison and desired the faith and ayde of his loving subjects Then they determined to dispatch messengers to Charles King of France to desire his helpe and assistance on the behalfe of his sonne in law if need should require The common people which commonly are soone changeable and on the sodaine as prone to pitty as they were before excessively cruell most earnestly wished the enlargement of King Richard and earnestly wishing did easily beleeve it in which imaginary conceit being otherwise men of no deepe search the presence of Magdalene most strongly confirmed them and so either upon ignorance of truth or delight in trouble they joyned themselves in great troops to the Lords desiring nothing more then to bee the meanes whereby King Richard should be restored as in a manner resuming their first affections and humours towards him Then the Lords of this association with great force but with greater fame as the manner is of matters unknowne advanced forward in battell array towards Windsore against King Henry as against an enemy of the common state having in their company above forty thousand armed men The King upon intelligence of their approach secretly with a few horse the next sunday night after New-yeares day departed from Windsore to the Tower of London and the same night before it was day the confederates came to the Castle of Windsore where missing their expected prey they stood doubtfull and divided in opinions which way to bend their course Some advised them with all speed to follow the King to London and not to leave him any leave and liberty to unite an Army against them that Winter was no let but in idle and peaceable times that in civill dissentions nothing is more safe then speed and greater advantage alwayes groweth by dispatching then deferring that whilest some were in feare some in doubt and some ignorant the Citie yea the Realme might easily be possessed and that many Armies whose fury at the first rush could not be resisted by delayes did weare out and waste to nothing Others who would seeme to be considerate and wise but in very deed were no better then dastards perswaded rather to set King Richard first at liberty for if their counterfeiting should be discovered before they possessed themselves of his person the people undoubtedly would fall from them to the certaine confusion of them all Hereupon they gave over the pursuit and retyred to Colebrooke and there delayed out the time of doing in deliberating being neither coutagiously quicke nor considerately stayed but faintly and
fearefully shrinking backe and when they once began to relent they decreased every day more and more both in power and in hope King Henry the next morning after he was come to the Tower sent to the Major of the Citie to put Souldiers in armes for his assistance who presently presented unto him three thousand Archers and three thousand bill-men besides those that were appointed for defence of the Citie The King spent upon him many good speeches and liberally loaded him with promises and thankes and soone after hee issued out of London with twenty thousand tall men and came to Hounslow Heath abiding there and as it were daring his enemies to joyne issue in the field contemning their disorderly multitude as a vaine terrour of names without forces But the confederates either for feare of the Kings power or for distrust of their owne or else lingring perhaps after some succour out of France refused the encounter and doubtfull it is whether they shewed greater courage in setting up the danger or cowardise in declining it when it was presented unto them So they departed from Colebrooke to Sunnings a place neere Redding where Queene Isabell King Richards wife did then abide to whom upon the plain truth before declared fame had falsly descanted that K. Richard was escaped out of prison and did lye at Pomfret with a hundred thousand armed men and that King Henry for feare of him was fled with his children and friends to the Tower of London All which was as lightly beleeved as it was vainely told whereupon she defaced King Henries armes and plucked away his cognisance from those his servants that attended upon her and having in some sort satisfied her womannish anger with this harmelesse spight shee and the Lords departed together first to Wallingford and from thence to Abington stirring the people by the way to take armour and to rise in ayde of King Richard who was said they and is and should be their Prince At the last they came to Chichester and there the Lords tooke their lodgings the Duke of Surrey and the Earle of Salisbury in one Inne the Duke of Exeter and the Earle of Gloucester in another and all the hoast encamped in the fields But the Bayliffe of the Towne suspecting all this countenance to bee but the vaine flash of a false fire did in the night with about fourescore Archers beset and set upon the house where the Duke of Surrey and the Earle of Salisbury lay who were men but of weake resistance by nature but being put upon necessity shewed great man-hood and resistance in defending themselves against the Townsmen The Duke of Exeter and the Earle of Gloucester being in another Inne were not able by force to rescue their associates whereupon a certaine Priest of their company set divers houses in the Towne on fire supposing thereby to divert the townsmen from their assault to the saving of their houses and of their goods but this fire greatly inflamed their fury and made them more obstinate in their attempt crying out that they would never labour to rescue their losses but to revenge them and that with the blood of the Lords vvhose flames should be quenched Then there arose confused clamours and noyses all the towne being in an uproare and in armes shooting fiercely and running upon the Lords with a rash and desperate rage not caring to loose many whereof they had many to spare When the Earle of Exeter and they that were with him perceived the force of the assaylants dangerously to encrease and that it was impossible for a few to sustaine the fury of so many so obstinately bent they fled out of the back-side towards the Camp intending to bring the whole Armie to the rescue but the souldiers having heard a tumult and seeing fire within the towne supposed that the King was entred with all his puissance whereupon being strooke with a sodain and false feare and wanting a Commander of courage to confirme them they ran away and dispearsed themselves without measure and so whilst every man endeavoured to save himselfe all were brought to their confusion Thus the Duke of Surrey and the Earle of Salisbury and the Lords and Gentlemen which were in their company were left to defend themselves against the townesmen as they could who manfully maintained the fight with great bloodshed of their enemies from midnight untill three of the clocke the next day in the afternoone at the last being inferiour both in number and fortune the Duke and the Earle were wonded to death and taken and the same Evening their heads were striken off and sent to London there were also taken Sir Bennet Shelley Sir Barnard Brokas Sir Thomas Blunt and twenty eight other Lords Knights and Gentlemen who were sent to Oxford where the King then lay and there were put to execution The Duke of Exeter when he found the Army dispersed and fled fled likewise with Sir Iohn Shelley into Essex lamenting the certaine destruction which his rashnesse had procured to himselfe and to his friends but most especially to King Richard if not as a party yet as a cause of this unhappy tumult many times hee did attempt to have escaped by Sea into France but hee was alwayes driven backe by distresse of weather and so wandring and lurking in secret places hee was at the last attached as hee saâ—e at supper in a certain friendâ— house and led to Plashy and there shortly after beheaded so that a man might probably conjecture that the death of the Duke of Gloucester was then brought in reckoning who by his counsell and contryvance chiefly in the same place had beene apprehended An excellent example for all those which measure their Actions either by their pleasure or by their power that revenge of injurious dealing although it be prolonged yet doth never fayle but commeth surely although perhaps slowly This Duke was a man of high parentage of a franke mind and wealth answerable thereunto openly praise worthy but his secret actions were hardly spoken of hee was of consent to all his brothers vices and of counsaile to many yet somewhat the more close and vigilant man and not so much partaker of his prosperity as violently carried with the current of his misery The Earle of Gloucester fled towards Wales but was forelayed and taken and beheaded at Bristow Magdalen the counterfeit of King Richard flying into Scotland was apprehended and brought to the Tower and afterward hanged and quartered with W. Ferby another of King Richards Chaplaines Divers other Lords and Knights and Gentlemen and a great number of meane and base persons were in other places put to death insomuch as the King though otherwise of a very temperate and intreatable nature seemed to shew too hard and haughty dealing in revenging his owne injury or rather maintaining the injury that hee had done the heads of the chiefe conspirators were pitched upon poles and set over London Bridge in all other parts of the Realme
a spectacle both lamentable and ugly was presented to the view and terrour of others bodies hewen in peices heads and quarters of unfortunate dismembred wretches putrifying above ground not all for desert but many to satisfie either the malice or want of King Henries friends insomuch as many grave men openly gave forth that in short time there would be cause to wish King Richard againe as being more tollerable to endure the cruelty of one then of many and to live where nothing then where any thing might bee permitted The Abbot of Westminster in whose house and in whose head the confederacy began hearing of these adventures as hee was going betwene his Monastery and his Mansion fell sodainely into a palsie and shortly after without speech ended his life and although in this enterprise fortune gave policie the check and by a strange accident which wisdome could not foresee overturned the devise yet is it certainely affirmed that this Abbot first stirred the stone which rowling along was like to have turned King Henry out of his seate The Bishop of Caerliel was condemned upon this treason but the extremity of his feare and griefe closed up his dayes and prevented the violence and shame of publike execution And now King Richard after he had abdicated his dignity did but short time enjoy that sweet security which hee did vainely expect and first all his goods which he did give in satisfaction of the injuries that he had done were brought to division share amongst his enemies shortly after he was removed froÌ„ the tower to the castle of leeds in Kent and from thence to Pomfret to the end that by often changing he might either more secretly be dispatched or more uncertainely found here being kept in streight prison both innocent and ignorant of this offence hee was notwithstanding made a party in the punishment For King Henry perceiving that the Lords so farre prevailed with their late stratagem that if their stomack had beene answerable to their strength and their bold beginning had not ended in faintnesse and sloath they might have driven him to a hard hazard caused King Richard to bee put to death intending to make sure that no man should cloak open rebellion under the colour of following sides nor countenance his conspiracy either with the persoÌ„ or name of K. Richard whether he did expresly command his death or no it is a question out of question he shewed some liking and desire to the action and gave allowance thereto when it was done The most current report at that time went that he was princely served every day at the Table with abundance of costly meats according to the order prescribed by Parliament but was not suffered to taste or touch any one of them and so perished of famine being tormented with the presence of that whereof hee dyed for want but such horrible and unnaturall cruelty both against a King and a kins-man should not proceed from King Henry mee thinke a man of a moderate and mild disposition nor yet from any other mind which is not altogether both savage in humanity and in religion prophane One writer who would seeme to have the perfect intellgence of these affayres maketh report that King Henry sitting at his Table sad and pensive with a deepe sigh brake forth into these words Have I no faithfull friend that will deliver mee of him whose life will breed destruction to mee and disturbance to the Realme and whose death will bee a safety and quiet to both for how can I be free from feare so long as the cause of my danger doth continue and what security what hope shall we have of peace unlesse the seed of sedition bee utterly rooted out Vpon this speech a certain Knight called Sir Pierce of Extone presently parted from the Court accompanied with eight tall men and came to Pomfret and there commanded that the Esquire who was accustomed to sewe and take the assay before King Richard should no more use that manner of service and let him quoth hee now eat well for he shall not eat long King Richard sate downe to dinner and was served without courtesie or assay wherat hee marvelled and demanded of the Esquire why he did not his duty the Esquire answered that hee was otherwise commanded by Sir Pierce of Extone who was lately come from King Henry The King being somewhat moved at his act and answer tooke the carving knife in his hand struck the Esquire therwith lightly on the head saying the devil take Henry of Lancaster thee together with that Sir Pierce entred the Chamber with eight men in harneys every one having a bill in his hand Whereupon King Richard perceiving their drift and his owne danger put the table from him and stâ—pping stoutly to the formost man wrested the bill â—ut of his hand wherewith although unarmed and alone hee manfully defended himselfe a good space and slew foure of his asâ—aylants Sir Pierce lept to the Chaire where King Richard was wont to sit whilest the rest chased him about the Chamber At the last being forced towards the place where Sir Pierce was hee with a stroake of his Pollax felled him to the ground and forthwith hee was miserably rid out of his miserable life It is sâ—id that at the point of his death he gathered sâ—me spirit and with a faint and feeble voice groaned forth these words My great Grandfather King Edward the second was in this manner deposed imprisoned and murthered by which meanes my Grandfather King Edward the third obtained possession of the Crowne and now is the punishment of that injury powred upon his next successor Well this is right for me to suffer but not for you to doe your King for a time may joy at my death and enjoy his desire but let him qualifie his pleasures with expectation of the like justice for God who measureth all our actions by the malice of our minds will not suffer this violence unrevenged Whether these words proceeded from a distempered desire or from the judgement of his fore sightâ— they were not altogether idle and vaine For Sir Pierce expecting great favour and rewards for his ungracious service was frustrated of both and not onely missed that countenance for which hee hoped but lost that which before he had so odious are vices even where they are profitable Hereupon he grew at the first discontented and afterwards mightily turmoyled and tormented in conscience and raging against himselfe would often exclayme that to pleasure one unthankefull person hee had made both him selfe and his posterity hatefull and infamous to all the world King Henry with great discontentment and disquiet held the Kingdome during his life and so did his sonne King Henry the fifth in whose time by continuall warres against the French-men the malice of the humour was otherwise exercised and spent But his second successour King Henry the sixth was dispossessed thereof and together with his young sonne Henry imprisoned and put
Bishop of Salisburies servants named Romane meeting in Fleet-street with a Bakers man bearing horse-broad tooke a loafe out of his basket and by rude demand of the one and rough deniall of the other chollar so kindled betwixt them that Romane brake the Bakers head Hereupon the Neighbours came forth and would have arrested the Bishops lusty yeoman but hee escaped and fled to this Bishops house The Constable followed peaceably and demanded a quiet delivery of the Offendour but the Bishops men shut the gates against him that no man could come neere Then much people flocked together threatning to breake open the gates and fire the house unlesse Romane were brought forth unto them What said they are the Bishops men priviledged or is his house a Sanctuary or will hee protect those whom hee ought to punish if wee may bee shuffled off in this sort not onely our streets but our stops and our houses shall never bee free from violence and wrong This wee will not endure wee cannot it standeth not us in hand Herewith they approached the gates and beganne to use violence but the Major and Sheriffes of the City upon advertisement of this tumult came amongst them crying out that it was not courage but out-rage which they shewed whereby they would procure both danger to themselves and displeasure against the whole City that although wrong had beene received yet they were not in the men nor this the meanes to redresse the same So partly by their perswasions partly by their presence and authority they repressed the riot and sent every man away with streight charge to keepe the peace Here was yet no great harme done and the quarrell might have beene quieted without more adoe had not the Bishops stirred therein and kindled the coales of unkindnesse a fresh For the Londoners at that time were not onely suspected secretly but openly noted to bee favourers and followers of Wickliffes opinions for which cause they were much maliced of the Bishops and many of their actions interpreted to proceed from another mind and tend to a worse end then was outwardly borne in countenance and shew and some matters of chance were taken as done of purpose Therefore the Bishop of Salisbury called Iohn Waltham who was also Treasourer of England made a grievous complaint of this attempt to Thomas Arundel Archbishop of Yorke and Lord Chancellour affirming that if upon every light pretence the Citizens might bee suffered in this sort to insult upon the Bishops without punishment without reproofe and blame they would bring into a hazard not onely the dignity and state but the liberty also of the whole Church did they not lately take upon them the punishment of adulteries and other crimes appertaining to Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction maliciously alleaging that the Bishops and their Officers either being infamous for those vices themselves did winck at the same in others or else by covetous commutation did rather set them to sale then carefully represse them Did they not rudely and unreverently breake open the doores upon the Archbishop of Canterbury and interrupt his proceedings against Iohn Astone an open follower of Wickliffe and doe wee thinke that this is the last indignity that they will offer no surely nor yet the least and if this boldnesse bee not beaten downe our authority will fall into open contempt and scorne and bee made a common foote ball for every base Citizen to spurne at Hereupon they went together to the King and so incensed his displeasure against the Londoners being prepared thereto by former provocations that hee was in the mind to make spoile of the City and utterly to destroy it But being perswaded to some more moderation in revenge first hee caused the Major and Sheriffes and many of the chiefe Citizens to bee apprehended and committed to divers severall Prisons then hee ceazed all the liberties of the City into his hands and ordained that no Major should any more bee elected but that the King should at his pleasure appoint a Warden and Governour over the City This office was first committed to Sir Edward Darlington who for his gentlenesse towards the Citizens was shortly after removed and Sir Bauldwike Radington placed in his roome Also the King was induced or rather seduced by the Archbishop of Yorke Lord Chancellour to remove the Tearmes and Courts to wit the Chancery the Exchequer the Kings bench the hamper and the Common pleas from London to bee kept at Yorke where the same continued from Mid-sommer in the yeare 1393. untill Christmasse next following to the great hinderance and decay of the City of London At the last the King upon earnest intreaty of the Duke of Lancaster and the Duke of Glocester called the Londoners before him at Windsore where having first terrified them with the presence and shew of a great number of armed men hee caused all the priviledges of the City both old and new to bee brought forth whereof hee restored some and restrained the rest yet the Londoners were not fully restored to favour neither recovered they at that time either the person or dignity of their Major Shortly after the King went to London at whose comming the Citizens changed all their griefe into gladnesse as the common sort is without measure in both entertaining him with such joyfull triumphes and rich presents as if it had beene the day of his coronation They supposed with these great curtesies and costs to have satisfied his displeasure but they found themselves farre deceived for they were not fully restored to their liberties againe untill they had made fine to pay unto the King tenne thousand pounds Thus did the Londoners manifest in themselves a strange diversity of disposition both licentiously to commit offence and patiently to endure punishment having rashnesse and rage so tempered with obedience that they were easily punished who could not possibly be ruled Yet for this cause so soone as first occasion did serve against the King they shewed themselves either his earnest enemies or faint friends King Richard in the nineteenth yeare of his raigne passed the Seas to Calis the French King also came downe to Ard betweene which two Townes a place was appointed and tents erected for both the Kings to meet After large expences on both sides and great honour done by the one King to the other a surcease of armes was concluded betweene them for thirty years and King Richard tooke to wife Lady Isabel the French Kings Daughter being not above seven or eight yeares old The Duke of Glocester was so offended both with this friendship and affinity that hee lost all manner of patience exclaiming that it was more meet to bee in armes then in amity with the Frenchmen who being inferiour to the English in courage did alwayes over-reach them in craft and being too weake for Warre did many times prevaile by peace that now they had got into their hands many Townes and Holds appertaining to the Crowne of England they were willing to conclude