Knaves Fooles Tyrants or Monopolizers or unjust wretched persons that must of necessity have their Prerogative to rule over all their wickednesses Secondly Observe from hence from what a pure Fountain our inslaving Lawes Judges and Practises in Westminster Hall had their originall namely from the will of a Conqueror and Tyrant for I find no mention in History of such Iudges Westminster Hall Courts and such French uâ—godly proceedings as these untill his dayes the burthen of which in many particulars to this day lies upon us But in the 21. of this Tyrants reigne After that the captivated Natives had made many struglings for their liberties and he having alwayes suppressed them and made himself absolute He began saith Daniel fol. 43. to govern all by the customes of Normandy whereupon the agrieved Lords and sad People of England tender their humble Petition beseeching him in regard of his Oath made at his Coronation and by the soule of St. Edward from whom he had the Crown and Kingdome under whose Lawes they were born and bred that he would not adde that misery to deliver them up to be judged by a strange Law whâ—â—h they understâ—â—d noâ— Aâ—d saith he so earnestly they wâ—ought that he was pleased to confirme that by his Charter which he had twice â—ore-promâ—â—d by â—is Oath And gave commandment unto his Iâ—stitiaries to see those Lawes of St. Edward to be inviâ—lably observed thâ—ough uâ— the Kingdome And yet notwithstanding this coâ—firmatio◠〈◊〉 the Câ—â—râ—ers afterward granted by Henry the seconâ— â—nd King Iohn to the same effect There followed a great Innovation bâ—th in Lawes and Government in England so that this seemes rather to hâ—ve bâ—en done to acquit the people with a shew of the confiâ—mation of their antient Customes and liberties then that they enjoyed them inessect For whereas before those Lawes they had were written in their tongue iâ—telligible unto all Now they are traâ—slated into Latine and French And whereas the Causes of the Kingdome were before determined in every Shire And by a Law of King Edward sâ—nior all matters in question should upon speciall penalty wâ—tkâ—ut â—urther deferment be finally decided in their Gemote or Conventions held monethly in every Hundred A MOST GALLANâ— LAW But he â—et up his â—udges four times a yeare where he thought good to heâ—â— their Causes Again before his Conquest the inheritances descended not alone but after the Germane manner equally divided to all the children which he also altered And after this King alias Tyrant had a cruell and troublesome raign his own Son Robert rebelling against him yea saith Speed fol. 430. all things degenerated so in his cruell dayes that tâ—me and domestickâ— fowles as Hens Geese Peacocks and the like fled into the Forrests and Woods and became very wild in imitation of men But when he was dead his Favourites would not spend their pains to bury him and scarce could there be a grave procured to lay him in See Speed fol. 434. and Daniel fol. 50. and Martin fol. 8. WILLIAM THE SECOND to cheat and cosen his eldest brother Robert of the Crown granted relaxation of tribute with other releevements of their dolencies and restored them to the former freedome of hunting in all his Woods and Forrests Daniel fol. 53. And this was all worth the mentioning which they got in his dayes And then comes his brother Henry the first to the Crown and he also stepping in before Robert the eldest brother and the first actions of his government tended all to bate the people and suger their subjection as his Predecessour upon the like imposition had done but with more moderation and advisednesse for he not only pleaseth them in their releevement but in their passion by punishing the chiefe Ministers of their exactions and expelling from his Courtall dissolute persons and eased the people of their Impositions and restored them to their lights in in the night c. but having got his ends effected just tyrant-like he stands upon his Prerogative that is his will and lust but being full of turmoiles as all such men are his Son the young Prince the only hope of all the Norman race was at Sea with many more great ones drowned after which he is said never to have been seen to laugh and having besides this great losse many troubles abroad and being desirous to settle the Kingdome upon his daughter Maud the Empresse then the wife of Coffery Plantaginet in the 15. year of his reign he begins to call a Parliament being the first after the Conquest for that saith Dan. fol. 66. he would not wrest any thing by an imperiall power from the Kingdome which might breed Ulcers of dangerous nature he took a course to obtain their free consents to observe his occasion in their generall Assemblies of the three Estates of the Land which he convocated at Salisbury and yet notwithstanding by his prerogative resumed the liberty of hunting in his Forrests which took up much faire ground in England and he laid great penalties upon those that should kill his Deere But in this Henry the first ended the Norman race till Henry the second For although Henry the first had in Parliament caused the Lords of this Land to swear to his Daughter Maud and her Heires to acknowledge them as the right Inheritors of the Crown Yet the State elected and invested in the Crown of England within 30. dayes aftter the death of Henry Stephen Earle of Bolloign and Montague Son of Stephen Earl of Blois having no title at all to the Crown but by meer election was advanced to it The Choosers being induced to make choice of him having an opinion that by preferring one whose title was least it would make his obligation the more to them and so they might stand better secured of their liberties then under such a one as might presume of a hereditary succession And being crowned and in possession of his Kingdome hee assembleth a Parliament at Oxford wherein hee restored to the Clergie all their former liberties and freed the Laity from their tributes exactions or whatsoever grievances oppressed them confirming the same by his Charter which faithfully to observe hee took a publike Oath before all the Assembly where likewise the BBs swore fealty to him but with this condition saith Daniel folio 69. SO LONG AS HE OBSERVED THE TENOVR OF THIS CHARTER And Speed in his Chronicle fol. 468. saith that the Lay-Barons made use also of this policiâ— which I say is justice and honesty as appeareth by Robert Earl of Glocester who swore to be true Liege-man to the King AS LONG AS THE KING WOVLD PRESERVE TO HIM HIS DIGNITIES AND KEEPE ALL COVENANTS But little quiet the Kingdome had for rebellions and troubles dayly arose by the friends of Maud the Empresse who came into England and his Associates pitching a field with him where he fought most stoutly but being there taken hee was sent prisoner to Bristell And after this Victory thus
obtained saith Martin fol. 29. The Empresse with many honourable tryumphs and solemnities was received into the Cities of Circester Oxford Winchester and London but the Londoners desiring the restitution of King Edwards Lawes which she refused which proved her ruine and the restitution of King Stephen out of prison and to the Crown again and after some fresh bouts betwixt King Stephen and Duke Henry Mauds eldest Son a Peace was concluded betwixt them in a Parliament at Westminster and that Duke Henry should enjoy the Crown after King Stephen At the receiving of which he took the usuall oath and being like to have much work in France c. being held in thereby from all exorbitant courses he was therefore Wary to observe at first all meanes to get and retain the love and good opinion of this Kingdom by a regular and easie government and at Waldingford in Parliament saith Daniel fol. 80. made an act that both served his own turn and much eased the stomackes of his people which was the expulsion of strangers wherewith the Land was much pestered but afterwards was more with Becket the traytorly Arch-bishop of Canterbury And after him succeeds his Son Richard the first At the beginning of this mans Reigne a miserable massacre was of the Jewes in this Kingdom who went to the holy wars and was taken prisone by the Emperour as he came home of whom Daniel saith fol. 126. that he reigned 9 years and 9 moneths Wherein he exacted and consumed more of this Kingdome then all his Predecessours from the Norman had done before him and yet lesse deserved then any His brother Duke John being then beyond Seas with his Army was by the then Archbishop of Canterburies meanes endeavoured to be made King Who undertooke for him that he should restore unto them their Rights and govern the Kingdome as he ought with moderation and was thereupon after taking three oathes which were to love holy Church and preserve it from all Oppressours The Kings Oath to govern the State in justice and abolish bad Lawes not to assume this Royall honour but with full purpose to rerform that he had sworn Speed 534. crowned King And because the title was doubtfull in regard of Arthur the Posthumus Son of Geffery Duke of Brittain King Iohns eldest brother Speed fol. 532 he receives the Crown and Kingdome by way of election Daniel fol. 127. the Archbishop that crowned him in his Oration professing before the whole Assembly of the State That by all reason Divine and Humane none ought to succeed in the Kingdome but who should bee for the worthinesse of his vertues universally chosen by the State as was this man And yet notwithstanding all this he assumed power by his will and prerogative to impose three shillings upon every plough-land and also exacted great Fines of Offenders in his Forrests And afterwards summons the Farles and Barons of England to be presently ready with Horse and Arms to passe the Seas with him But they holding a conference together at Lecester by a generall consent send him word That unlesse he would render them their rights and liberties they would not attend him out of the Kingdome Which put him into a mighty rage but yet he went into France and there took his Nephew Arthur prisoner and put him to death by reason of which the Nobility of Britaigne Anjou and Poictou took Armes against him and summon him to answer at the Court of Justice of the King of France to whom they appeale Which he refusing is condemnâ—d to lose the Dutchy of Normandy which his Ancestors had held 300. yeares and all other his Provinces in France which he was accordingly the next yeare deposed of And in this disastrous estate â—aith Daniel fol. 130. he returnes into England â—nd charges the Earles and Barons with the reproaches of his lâ—sses in France and fines them by his Prerogative to pay the seventh part of all their goods for refusing his aid And after this going over into France to wrasâ—le another fall was forced to a peace for two years and returnes into England for more supplies where by his will iust and prerogative he layes an imposition of the thirteenth part of all moveables and other goods both of the Clergie and Laitie who now saith Daniel seeing their substances consume and likely ever to be made liablâ— to the Kings desperate courses began to cast about for the recovery of their ancient immunities which upon their former sufferance had been usurped by their late Kings And hence grew the beginning of a miserable breach between the King his people Which saith he folio 131. cost more adoe and more Noble blood then all the warres for raigne had done since the Conquest For this contention ceased not though it often had fair intermissions till the GREAT CHARTER made to keep the Beame right betwixt SOVERAIGNTY and SVBJECTION first obtained of this King JOHN in his 15. and 16. yeares of his yeares of his reigne and after of his sonne Henry the 3. in the 3. 8. 21. 36. 42. yeares of his reigne though observed truly of neither was in the maturity of a judiciall Prince Edward the first freely ratified Anno regni 27. 28. But I am confident that whosoever seriously and impartially readeth over the lives of King John and his sonne Henry the third will judge them Monsters rather then men Roaring Lions Ravening Wolves and salvadge Boares studying how to destroy and ruine the people rather then Magistrates to govern the people with justice and equity For as for King John he made nothing to take his Oath and immediatly to break it the common practice of Kings to grant Charters and Freedomes and when his turn was Consider compare and conclude served to annihilate them again and thereby and by his tyrannicall oppressions to embroyle the Kingdoâ—e in Warres Blood and all kind of miseries In selling and basely delivering up the Kingdome that was none of his own but the peoples as was decreed in the next Parliament Speed fol. 565. by laying down his CROWN Scepter Mantle Sword and Ring the Ensignes of his Royalty at the feet of Randulphus the Popes Agent delivering up therewithall the Kingdome of England to the Pope And hearing of the death of Geffery Fitz Peter one of the Patrons of the people rejoyced much and swore by the Feet of God That now at length he was King and Lord of England having a freâ—r power to untie himselfe of those knots which his Oath had made to this great man against his will and to break all the Bonds of the late concluded peace with the people unto which he repented to have ever condescended And as Daniel folio 140. saith to shew the desperate malice this King and Tyrant who rather then not to have an absolute domination over his people to doe what he listed would be any thing himselfâ— under any other that would but support him in his violences There is recorded an
Ambassage the most and impious that â—ver was sent by any Christian Prince unto Maramumalim the Moâ—â—â— intituled The great King of Africa c. Wherein he offered to render uâ—to him his Kingdome and to hold the same by tribuâ—â— from him as his Soveraign Lord to forgoe the Christian faith which he held vaâ—â— and receive that of Mahomet But leaving him and his people together by the cares striving with him for their â—â—â—râ—es and freedomes aâ— justly they might which at last brought in the French amongst them to the almost utter ruine and destruction of the whole Kingdome and at last he was poysoned by a Monk It was this King or Tyrant that enabled the Citizens of London to make their Annuall choyce of a Mayor and two Seriffes Martaine 59. The Kingdome being all in broyles by the French who were called in to the aid of the Barons against him and having got footing plot and endevour utterly to extinguish the English Nation The States at Glâ—cester in a great Assembly caused Henry the third his sonne to be Crowned who walked in his Fathers steps in subverting the peoples Liberties and Freedomes who had so freely chosen him and expelled the French yet was hee so led and swayed by evill Councellors putting out the Natives out of all the chief places of the Kingdome and preferred strangers only in their places Which doings made many of the Nobility saith Daniel folio 154. combine themselves for the defence of the publick according to the law of Nature and Reason and boldly doe shew the King his error and ill-advised course in suffering strangers about him to the disgrace and oppression of his naturall liege people contrary to their Lawes and Liberties and that unlesse he would reforme this excesse whereby his Crown and Kingdome was in imminent danger they would withdraw themselves from his Councell Hereupon the King suddenly sends over for whole Legions of Poictonions and withall summons a Parliament at Oxford whither the Lords refuse to come And after this the Lords were summonedto a Parliament at Westminster whither likewise they refused to come unlesse the King would remove the Bishop of Winchester and the Poictonians from the Court otherwise by the common Counsell of the Kingdom they send him expresse word They would expell him and his evill Councellors out of the land and deale for the creation of a new King Fifty and six yeares this King reigned in a manner in his Fathers steps for many a bloody battell was fought betwixt him and his people for their Liberties and Freedomes and his sonne Prince Edward travelled to the warres in Africa The State after his Fathers death in his absence assembles at the New Temple and Proclaim him King And having been six yeares absent in the the third yeare of his reigne comes home and being full of action in warres occasioned many and gâ—eat Levies of money from his people yet the most of them was given by common consent in Parliament and having been three years out absent of the Kingdom he comes home in the 16. year of his reign And generall complaints being made unto him of ill administration of justice in his absence And that his Judges like so many Jewes had eaten his people to the bones ruinated them with delays in their suits and enriched themselves with wicked corruption too comon a practice amongst that generation he put all those from their Offices who were found guilty and those were almost all and punished them otherwise in a grievous manner being first in open Parliament convicted See Speed folio 635. And saith Daniel folio 189. The fines which these wicked corrupt Judges brought into the Kings Coffers were above one hundred thousand marks which at the rate as money goes now amounts to above three hundred thousand Markes by meanes of which he filled his empty coffers which was no small cause that made him fall upon them In the mean time these were true branches of so corrupt a root as they flowed from namely the Norman Tyrant And in the 25. yeare of his reigne he calles a Parliament without admission of any Church-man he requires certain of the great Lords to goe into the warres of Gascoyne but they all making their excuses every man for himselfe The King in great anger threatned that they should either goe or he would give their Lands to those that should Whereupon Humphry Bohun Earle of Hereford High Constable and Roger Bigod Earle of Norfolk Marshall of England made their Declaration That if the King went in person they would attend him otherwise not Which answer more offends And being urged again the Earle Marshall protested He would willingly go thither with the King and march before him in the Vantguard as by his right of inheritance he ought to doe But the King told him plainly he should goe with any other although himself went not in person I am not so bound said the Earle neither will I take that journey without you The King swore by God Sir Earle you shall goe or hang. And I sweare by the same oath I will neither goe nor hang said the Earle And so without leave departed Shortly after the two Earles assembled many Noblemen and others their friends to the number of thirty Baronets so that they were fifteen hundred men at Arms well appointed and stood upon their own guard The King having at that time many Irons in the fire of very great consequence judged it not fit to meddle with them but prepares to go beyond the Seas and oppose the King of France and being ready to take ship the Archbishops Bishops Earles and Barons and the Commons send him in a Roll of the generall grievances of his Subjects concerning his Taxes Subsidies and other Impositions with his seeking to force their services by unlawfull courses c. The King sends answer that he could not alter any thing without the advice of his Councell which were not now with them and therefore required them seeing they would not attend him in this journey which they absolutely refused to doe though he went in person unlesse he had gone into Fraâ—câ— or Scotland that they would yet do nothing in his absence prejudiciâ—â—l to the peace of the Kingdom And that upon his return he would set all things in good order as should be fit And although he sayled away with 500. sayle of ships and 18000. men at Armes yet he was crossed in his undertakings which forced him as Daniel saith to send over forâ—more supply of treasure and gave order for a Parliament to be held at York by the Prince and such as had the managing of the State in his absence wherein for that he would not be disappointed he condescends to all such Articles as were demanded concerning the Great Charter promising from thence-forth never to charge his Subjects otherwise then by their consents in Parliament c. which at large you may reade in the Book of Statutes for which the Commons of
the rest of his Suffragans solemnly pronounced the Sentence of Excommunication whiâ—h then was a feâ— full thunder-bolt against all such who should contradict those Articles which were there publikely read before the Barons and Commons of the Realme in the presence of the King Amongst which the observation and execution of Magnae Charta is required with all other ordinances necessary for the Church and Kingdome and that as the said King had done all stâ—angers should be banished the Court and Kingdome and all ill Councellors removed That the businesse of the State should be treated on by the Councell of the Clergy and the Nobles That the King should not begin any war or go any way out os the Kingdom without the common Councell of the same Daniel fol. 205. Speed fol. 652. But this King for his evill government breaking his Oaths and Contracts with his People was therefore by common consent in full Parliament deposed Which we shall have occasion bâ— and by more fully to speak of and the Bishop of Hereford as the mouth of those Messengers that were sent by the Parliament the Body of the State told him that the Common-wealth had in Parliament elected his eldest Son the Lord Edward for King and that he must resigne his Diadem to him or after the refusall suffer them to elect such a person as themselves should judge to be most fit and able to defend the Kingdome This Prince being crowned raigned above 50. years and hath the best commendation for Manhood and Justice of any Prince that went before him or that followed after him who yet notwithstanding though he came in by election and took the Oath at his Coronation which his Father took before him yet he fayled often in the performance of it Of which the BBp. of Canterbury in an Epistle written to him when hee was in France tells him home of it in these words That it was the safety of Kings and their Kingdoms to use grave and wise Councellors alleadging many examples out of holy Writ of the slourishing happinesse of such as took that course and their infelicity who followed the contrary Then wills him to remember how his Father led by evill Councell vexed the Kingdome putting to death contrary to the Law of the Land divers of the Nobility and wished him to consider what hapned thereby unto him 〈◊〉 to call to mind how himself at first through evill Councell about 〈◊〉 almost lost the hearts of his people But afterwards by the great 〈◊〉 and care of his Prelates and Nobles his affaires were 〈…〉 into so good order as he recovered them and is reputed the noblest Prince in Christendome But now again at present through the 〈◊〉 Councell of such as effect their own prosit more then his honour oâ— the welfâ—re of his People he had caused Clergy-men and others to be arâ—ested and held in prison by undue proceeding without being indicted or convilled contrary to the Laws of England which he saith he was â—â—â—nd by his Oath at his Coronation to observe and against Magna Charta which whosoever shall presume to infringe are to be by the Prelates excommunicate so that hereby he incurred no small detriment to his Soule and to the State and his Honour which he doubted if he proceeded in it would loose both the hearts of the people and their ayd and helpe Daniel Foli 229. 230. For which the King sharply according to his prerogative power reproveth him But shortly after the King found much to doâ— in the Parliament held at London being earnestly petitioned by the whole Assembly that the great Charter of Liberties and the Charter of Forrests might be duly observed and that whosoever of the Kings Officers inâ—ringed the same should loose their place That the high Officers of the Kingdome should as in former times * Read Daniel fol. 149. be elected by Parliament But the King stood stiff upon his prerogative but yet yeelded that these Officers should receive an Oath in Parliament to do justice unto all men in their Officâ—s and thereupon a Statute was made and confirmed with the Kings Seal both for that and many other Grants of his to the Subjâ—cts which notwithstanding were for the most part presently after revoked Daniel fol. 231. But forasmuch as About this time in the Statute-Bookes at large fol. 144. l find was an excellent Oath made in the 18. of Edw. 3. Anno 1344. intituled The Oath of the Justices I conceive it may be worth the reading and therefore it is not unnecessary here to insâ—rt it which thus followeth YE shall swear that well and lawfully ye shall serve our Lord the King and his People in the Office of Iustice and that lawfully ye shall counsell the King in his businesse And that ye shall not counsell nor assent to any thing which may turn him in dammage or disherison by any manner way or colour And that ye shall not know the dammage or disherison of him whereof ye shall not cause him to be warned by your self or by others and that ye shall do equall Law and execution of right to all his Subjects rich and poore without having regard to any person And that you take not by your self or by other privatly nor apertly guift nor regard of gold nor silver nor of any other thing which may turn to your profit unlesse it be meat or drinke and that of small value of any man that shall have any plea or processe hanging before you as long as the same processe shall be so hanging nor after for the same cause And that ye take no Fee as long as ye shall be Justice nor Robes of any man great or small but of the King himself And that ye give none advice nor counsell to no man great nor small in no case where the King is party And in case that any of what estate or condition they be come before you in your Sessions with force and arms or otherwise against the peace or against the form of the Statute thereof made Stat 2. E. 3. 3. to disturb execution of the Common-Law or to â—â—â—ace the people that they may not pursue the Law that ye shall cause their bopies to be arrested and put in prison And in case they be such that ye cannot arrest them that ye certifie the King of their names and of their misprision hastily so that he may thereof ordain a conveniable remedy And that ye by your selfe nor by others privily nor apertly maintain any plea or quarrell hanging in the Kings Court or else-where in the Country And that ye deny to no man common right by the Kings Lettâ—rs nor none other mans nor for none other cause in case any Letters come to you contrary to the Law that ye do nothing by such Letters but certifie the King thereof and proceed to execute the Law notwithstanding the same Letters And that ye shall do and procure the profit of the King and his Crown with
all things where you may reasonably do the samâ— And in case ye be from henceforth found in default in any of the points aforesaid ye shall be at the Kings will of Body Lands and Goods thereof to be done as shall please him As God you helpâ— and all Saints But now in regard we shall for brevities sake but only touch at Richard the sâ—câ—nd who for his evill government was Articâ—ed against in Parliament Martine fol. 156 157 158 159 160. Speed fol. 742. The substance of which in Speeds words were First in the front was placed his abuse of the publike treasure and unworthy waste of the Crown-Land whereby he grew intollerable grievous to the Subjects The particular causes of the Dukes of Gloucester and Lancaster the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury the Earle of Arundel filled sundry Articles They charged â—im in the rest with dissimuâ—ation faâ—shood â—osse of honour abroad in the world extortioâ—s rapine deniall of Justice rasuâ—es and eâ—bâ—zelling of records dishonourable shifts wicked Axiâ—mes of Sâ—atâ— cruelty covetousnesse subordinations lasciviousnessâ— reason to the rights of the Crown perjuries and briâ—fly wiâ—h all sorts of unkingly vices and with absolute tyranniâ— Upon which it was concluded That he had broken his Contâ—act made with the Kingdome or the Oath of Empire taken at his Coronation and adjudged by all the States in Parliament That it was sufficient cause to depose him and then the diffinitive sentence was passed upon him And wee shall wholly passe over Henry the 4. 5. and 6. Edward 4. and 5. Richard 3. Hen. 7. and 8. and shall come down to King Charles and not mention the particular miseries blood-sheds cruelties treason tyrannies and all manner of miseries that the free-born people of this Kingdome underwent in all or most of their wicked raigns especially in the Barons warres In which time the Inhabitants of England had neither life liberty nor estates that they could call their own there having been ten Batteâ—s of note fought in the Bowels of this Kingdome in two of their Râ—igns only viz. Hen. 6. and Edw. thâ— 4. In one of which 〈◊〉 there was 37. thousand English slâ—iâ— Martine fol 393 394 â—95 I say wâ— wiâ—l pâ—ssâ— by all these aâ—d give you the Copy of the Oath that King Edward 2. and Kâ—â—g Edward hâ— 3. by authority of Parliamenâ— took and which all thâ— Kings and Queens of England since to this day at thâ—iâ— Coronation â—ither took or ought to have taken never having bâ— auâ—â—oriâ—y of Parliament bâ—en altered since that I could hear of by which it will cleerly appeare that the Kings of England receive their Kingdoms coâ—diâ—ioâ—allâ— The true Copy of whicâ— as I find it in this Parliaments Declaration made in reply to the Kings Declaration or answer â—o their Remonstrance dated 26. May 1642. and set down in the Booke of Declarations page 713. SIR Will you grant and keep and by your Oath confirme unto the People of England the Lawes and Customes granted to them by antient Kings of England rightfull men and devout to God and namely the Lawes and Customes and Franchâ—ses granted to the Clergie and to the People by the glorious King Edward to your power Sir Yee keepe to God and to Holy Church to the Clergie and to the People Peace and accord wholly after your power Sir Yee do to be kept in all your Domes and Iudgments true and even Righteousnesse with Mercie and Truth The King shall answer I shall doe it Sir Will you grant defend fulfill all rightfull Laws and Customes the which the COMMONS of Your Realme shall choose and shall strengthen and maintain them to the Worship of GOD after Your power The King shall answer I grant and behight And then the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury at the time of the Coronation goes or should goe to the four sides of the Scaffold where the King is crowned and declares and relates to all the People how that Our Lord the King had taken the said Oath enquiring of the same people If they would consent to have him their King and Liege Lord to obey him as their King and Liege Lord who with one accord consenâ—ed thereunto Now let all the world be judge whether the Kings of England receive their Kingdomâ—s by contract yea or no. And if they do receive them by contract as is already undeniably proved before Then what becomes of that wicked and tyrannicall Maxime avowed by King Charles immediatly after his Answer to the Petition of Right Book Statutes fol. 1434. viz. That he did owe an account of his actions to none but GOD alone And of that erroneous Maxime mentioned in Book Declaration pag. 266. viz. That Kingdomes are Kings own and that they may do with them what they will as if Kingdomes were for them and not they for their Kingdomes But if any man shall object and say that King Henry the 8. with his own hands altered this Oath and therefore it is not the same Oath which King Charles hath taken To which I aâ—swâ—r and say The Parliament in their Declaration gâ—aâ—â—s that King Hen. the 8. c. aâ—tered it but they also say pag. 712. They do conceive that neither he nor any other had power to alter it without an Act of Parliament And in pag. 708. 709. They say They well know what Kings have dâ—ne in this point But we know also say â—â—ey that what they have done is no good rule alwayes to interpret what they â—â—ght to have done for that they are bound to the observation of Lawes by their Oath is out of question and yet the contrary practised by them will appear in all ages as often But to put this out of doubt whosoever reades the Oath taken by this King which he himself sets down in his Declaration Book Declar. pag. 290 291. will find no materiall difference betwixt that which hee took and that which he ought to have taken saving in that clause of passing New Lawes But there is enough in that he tooke to prove my assertion viz. That he received his Crown by a Contract which further to prove I alledge the Petition of Right which whosoever seriously readeth with his Answer to it shall finde it to be a large and absolute Declaration of a contracted duty betwixt him and his people viz. That it was his duty to govern them by Law and not by his Prerogative Will And when his first answer to their Petition did not please the Parliament they pressed him again out of Right to give a satisfactory one Which he out of Duty doth saying Let right bâ— done as is desired So that this is a clear demonstration and enough to prove that there is not only a bare Contract betwixt the King and the People but also that he is bound by duty to grant such Lawes as they shall rationally choose although there were no such Statute as the 25. of Edward the 3. which they mention in pag. 268 nor no such clauses as they speak
vertue of their being the Sons of prerogative Lords Earles Dukes or Barrons Now if you please to reade the Chronicles of this Kingdome you shall find that this thing called prerogative flowes meerly from the wills and pleasures of Robbers Rogues and Theâ—ves by vertue of which they made Dukes Earles Barrons and Lords of their fellow Robbers Rogâ—es and Theeves the lineall issue and progeny of which the present House of Peers are having no better right nor title to their present pretended judicature then meer and absolute usurpation and the will and pleasures of the potent and enslaving Tyrants alias Kings of this Kingdome for I read in Speeds Chronicle pag. 413. 416. 417. and in Daniel pag. 27. 28. That the Normans in France came antiently of a mixt people from the Norwegians Swedens Danes practising practises upon the Coasts of Belgia Frizia England Ireland and France and proceeded in their hardy and wicked courses even to the Mediterranean Seaâ— which drove the French to such extremity that King Charles the bald was forced to give unto Hasting a Norman Arch-Pirate the Earldome of Charters to aslwage his fury exercised upon his people and also King Charles the Grosse granted unto Godfrey the Norman part of Newstria with his Daughter in Mariage yet all this sufficed not but that the Normans by force of Armes seated themselves neere unto the mouth of Sâ—in taking all for their own that lay comprised betwixt that River and the River Loyre which Country afterwards took the name of Normandy from those Northern guests at which time King Charles the simple confirmed it unto Rollo their Captaine and gave unto him his Daughter Gilla in Mariage which Rollo with divers misdoers and outlawed men were forced to flye out of their own Country which Rollo of the Danishrace was the first Duke of Normandy whose Son William was the second Duke of Normandy and Richard his Sonne was the third Duke of that Country And his Sonne Richard the second was the fourth Duke thereof And Richard the third his Sonne was the fifth Duke of Normandy And Robert his brother and Sonne to Richard the second was â—he sixth Duke of Normandy who was Father to our William the Conqueror who was the seventh Duke of Normandy whom Duke Robert begat of one Arleâ— or Arletâ—ce a whore and a mean woman of Phalisiâ— in Normandy who was the Daughter of a Skinner being resolved to go visite the holy Sepulcher having no more Sonnes but William his bastard he calles his Nobility together and tells them In case I dy in my journey as he did I have a little Bastard of whose worthinesse I have great hope and I doubt not but he is of my begetting him will I invest in my Dutchie as mine heire and from thenceforth I pray you take him for your Lord which they did And this Bastard in his youth having many sharp bouts and bickerings with Roger de Tresny and William Earle of Arques brother to Duke Robert and Sonne to Richard the second c. who lay claime to the Dutchie as right and true heires to it but William the Bastard being too hard for them all and by these wars grew to great experience in feaâ—es of Armes which with his marying of Matild the Daughter of Baldwâ—n the fifth Earle of Flanders a man of great might and power provoked the French King to fall upon him to abate his greatnesse and curbe his pride but bastard William twice defeating two powerfull Armies of the Kingâ— with great overthrowes broke the heart of the King of France which gave the bastard Duke of Normondy joyfull peace in which calme the King makes a journey over into England to visite King Edward the Confessor his kinsman who had had his breeding in Normandy by Duke Richard the second the bastards Grandfather And after his returne back againe St. Edward the King of England dyeth Whereupon William the bastard busieth his thoughts how to obtaine the Crowne and Scepter of England unto which he makes certaine pretended claimes as being granted unto him by King Edward which was but a weake pretence as King Harold in his answer to him informes him Speed 404. telling him that Edward himselfe coming in by election and not by any title of inheritance his promise was of novalidity for how could he give that wherein he was not interessed And though William the bastard urgeth to Harol his Oath given him iâ— Normandy yet he answered his Embassadour that his Masters demand was unjust for that an Oath extorted in time of extremity cannot binde the maker in Conscience to performe iâ— for that were to joyne one sin to another and that this Oâ—th was taken for â—eare of death and imprisonment the Duke himselfe well knew but said he admit it was voluntary and without feare could I then a Subject without the allowance of the â—ing and the whole State give away the Crownes Successâ—â— to the prejudice of both Speed fol. 403. 404. But although the bastard Duke had no better claime but this which was worth just nothing at all Reade before pag. 20. 21. 24. 27. 28 3â— 60. 61. Yet notwithstanding William the bastard pâ—rleveres in his proud wicked and bloody intentions and calses an Assembly of the States of Normandy together and with importunate solicitations solicits them to supply him with money the very sinews of war to carry on his intended invasion of England but they unanimously refuse and decline it At length seeing this prottaction and difficulty in general he deals with his deerest and most trusty friends in particular being such as he knew affected the glory of action and would adventure their whole estates with him As William Fitz-Auber Count de Bretteville Gualtaer Gifford Earle Longueville Roger de Beaumont with others especially his own brothers by the mother whom he had made great as Odo Bishop of Baynox and Robert Earle of Mortaign and unto these he shewed his pretended right and hope of England wherein prefeâ—ment lay even to the meanest amongst them onely money was the want which they might spare neither should that be given nor lent without a plentiful increase With such faire words he drew them so on that they strove who should give most And by this policie he gathered such a masse of money as was sufficient to defray the warre And not onely wan he the people of his own Provinces to undertake this action but drew by his faire perswasions and large promises most of the greatest Princes and Nobles of France to adventure their persons and much of their estates with him as Robert Fitz-Harrays Duke of Orleance the Earles of Brittaigne Ponthieu Botogne Poictcu Maine Nevers Hiâ—fins Aumal le Signieur de Tours and even his mortall enemy Martel Earle of Anjou became to be as forward as any Besides to amuze the Court of France and dazzle a young Prince then King he promised faithfully if he conquered this Kingdome to hold it of him as he did
in the House of Lords p. 64. 65 69. Barons in Parliament represent but their own persons p. 97. C Challenges against the Lords p. 5. pag. 70. Clergy base inslavers of this land of old p. 89 90 93 94. Contents of this Discourse p. 6 62. Common-Councel p. 27. Charles-Stewarts jugling pag. 50 51. Charles Stewart not GOD but a meer man and must not rule by his will nor other Kings but by a Law pag. 9 10 11. Charles Stewart received his Crown and Kingdom by contract p. 33. and hath broken his contract pag. 9 14 41 42 43 50 51 52 57. Charles Stewart confuted in His vain proud words p. 32 33. Charles Stewarts Confession and Speeches against himself p. 40 41 56 57. Charles Stewart as Charles Stewart different from the King as King p. 35. Charles Stewart guilty of Treason p. 52 53 54 55 57. C. R. ought to be executed p. 57. D Dukes of Normandy first second third fourth fifth sixth and seventh p. 87. Dukes Marquesses and Viscounts not in England when the great Charter was made p. 98. Davies Sir I. Clotworthies friend his basenesse pag. 102 103 104 105 106. E Edwardus Râ—x Segnier pag. 15 16 88. His gallant Law p. 16. Edward the second p. 26 27 57 58. deposed and his eldest Son chosen p. 27 58 59. Edward the third pag. 27 28 29 30. Excommunication for infringing Magna Charta p. 28. Edward 4. and 5. p. 30 31. Earl of Manchesters and Colonel Kings basenesse p. 49 10â— Englishmen made slaves by the Normans p. 90. F False imprisonment it is to detain the prisoner longer then he ought p. 81. First Dake p. 9â— First Marquesse First Viscount First Parliament in the 1â— of H. 1. see pag. 17. G Government by Kings the worst government of any lawfull Magistracie p. 14. Greenland Company oppressors pag. 101. H Heathens more reasonable then the Lords p. 2. House of Peers illegality p. 43 45 86. and basenesse to the people pag. 44. Henry the 1. p. 17. Henry Mauds eldest son King after Stephen p. 19. Henry the 3. crowned and his basenesse p. 22 23. Henry the 4 5 7 and 8. p. 30 31. Hunscot the Prelates Catchpole now the Lords Darling p. 83. I John brother to R. the 1. chosen King p. 19. His basenesse to the Common-wealth p. 20 21 39. His end p. 22. Judges corrupt p. 23. Imprisonment of L. C. Lilburn p. 63 66. Ireland in her distressed condition cheated and couzened by Sir John Clotworthy and his friend Davies p. 102. to p. 106 K King is intrusted p. 34. Kings tyrannicall usurpation none of Gods institution pag. 7. 8. Kings subordinate to Lawes by God p. 8. and men p. 9 18 19 23 24 26 27 28 29 31 32 33 34 35 36 39 40 41 42 43 52 53 85 86. Kings must not be imposed but by the peoples consents p. 7. 20 32 41 60 61. Kings deposed p. 27 58 59 98. Knights Citizens and Burgesses represent the Lawes p. 97. King no propriety in his Kingdome p. 34. or Cities thereof or Jewels of the Crown and as King not so much as the Subjects in the Kingdoms pag. 32 38. Kings illegall Commands obeyed punished pag. 35 52 53 54. Kings are lyable to be punished pag. 41 59. K. Harrold p. 84 94. L Lawes made this Parliament pag. 33 34. Lieutenant of the Towers basenesse against L. C. Lilburn pag. 5. 48. Lords cause of loosing the Kingdome at first p. 93. Lords no legislative power by consent of the people p. 45 46. Lords may not lawfully sit in the house of Commons pag. 98 99. Lords contradict themselves p. 63. Lords power wholly cashiered p. 40 47 92. Lords overthrown by the Law see p 72. to p. 78. Lords illegality and basenesse against L. C. Lilbarn pag. 47 48. 65 66 67 84. proved so to be p. 62. 81. Lords no Judges according to Law p 69. Lawes included though not expressed Kings must not violate pag. 62. Lords no Judicature at all p. 84 85 86. M Maud p. 17 18. the Empresse taketh K. Stephen in bat tel p. 18. Massacre of the Jewes in England when pag. 19. Magna Charta what it is p. 26. Magna Charta's Liberties confirmed by Hen. the 3. p. 24. And by Edw. the 2. p. 27. And by Edw. the 3. p. 28 29. Members of the House of Commons taxed p. 100 101 102. Merchant-Adventurers p. 99. overthrown p. 42. N Normans whence they came pag. 86 87. Ninety seven thonsand one hundred ninety and five pounds which was for Ireland pursed by 4 or 5 privare men see p. 103 O Orders Arbytrary and illegall against L. C. Lilburn p. 2 47 48. 63 64 66. Odo the Bishop a Bastard seeketh to be Pope pilleth the Kingdom pag. 91 92. Oaths of Kings at their Coronation p. 19 26 28 31 32 33. Oath of K. Stephen p. 18. Oath of Justices p. 29. Objection about H. 8. alteration of the Oath of Coronation answered by the Parliament p. 32. Order of the house of Commons for L. C. Lilburn p. 84. Originall of the House of Peeres pretended power p 94. P Petition of Right confirmed p. 33. the Lords break it p. 2. Petition of L. C. Lilburns wife p. 72. to p. 78. Postscript of L. C. Lilburns p. 6. People must give Lawes to the King not the King to the people p. 85. Popes judgment refused by the people to be undergone by the King as insufferable p. 26. Power of Lords both of judicative and legislative throwne down p. 92 93. Parliament what it is p. 34. their institution p. 95. The manner of holding them p. 95. how kept p. 97. Parliaments greatnesse p. 34 36 37. Prerogative Peerage flowed from rogues p. 86 87. Proceedings of the Lords against L. C. Lilburn condemned by the Commons p. 64. Parliaments kept in old time withou t Bishops Earles or Barons Pag. 96 97. Q Questions of great consequence pag. 101 102. R Rehoboams folly pag 60 61. Richard the 1. pag. 19. Remedy against fraud p. 26. Richard the 2. p. 30. Deposed p. 30. Richard the 3. p. 30 31. Rebellion of the King 90 51. Rewards conferred by William the Conqueror upon his assistants p. 90 91. S Sir John Clatworthies basenesse p. 102. to 106. Stephen Earle of Bollaigne chosen King by free election p. 18. When hee was imprisoned by Maud p. 18 19. the people restituted him out and he was set up again p. 18. Sheriffes of London Foot and Kendrick their illegality pag. 68. Sentence of the Lords against L. C. Lilburn p. 70 71. T Ten Commandements explained p. 9 10. Tyrants Kings plagued by Gods justice p. 11 12 13 17. Tyrannie of Kings p. 13 17 19 20 21 22. Towers chargeablenesse of Fees p. 49. Tryals ought to be publike and examples for it page 81 82 83 84. Turkie Merchants pag. 99. W William the Conquerors History of him p. 14 15 16 45 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 a Bastard p. 87. His end
both on him and all that had a finger in furthering of his usurpation vers 23 24 45 53 54 for afterward the Tyrant thaâ— they had set up destroyed them all for their pains and in the end had his scull broke to pieces with a piece of a mill-stone thrown from the hand of a woman And after many miseries sustained by the people of Israel for their revolt from their loyalty to GOD their LORD and KING Yet in their distresse hee took compassion of them and senâ— them Samuel a just and righteous Judge who judged â—hem justly all his dayes But the people of Israel like foolish men not being content with the Government of their Soveraign by Judges who ouâ— of doubt took such a care of them that he provided the best in the world for them would reject their Liege Lord and chuse one of their own namâ—y a King that so they might be like the Pagans and Heathens who ive without God in the world which Act af theirs God plainly declares was a rejection of him thâ—t he should not reign over them 1 Sam. 87. and chap. 10. 19. Buâ— withal he descâ—â—beth vnto them the behaviour of the King vers 11 12 13 14 16. which 1 Sam. 8. 7. and 10. 9. is that he will rule and govern them by his own will just Tyrant like for saith Samuel he will take your Sons and appoint them for himselfe for his Chariots and to be his horâ—emâ—n and ome shall run before his Chari t s and he will take by his Prerogative your Fiâ—lds and your Vineyards and youâ— Oliveyards eveâ— the hest of them and give them to his Servants and he will take your men-servants and your maid-servants and your goodliest young-men and your Asses and put them to his worke c. And saith Samuel you shall cry out in that day because of your King which ye shall have chosen unto you but the Lord will not hear you in that day And Samuel in the 12. Câ—apâ—er gives them positively the reason ofiâ— which was that although GOD in all their straights had taken compassion on them and sent them deliveries and at the last had by himself set them free on every side so that they dwelt sately Yet all this would not content them but they would have a King to reigne over them when sâ—â—h Samuâ—l the â—ord your God was your King therefore chap. 1â— 19. saith Samuel ye have this day rejected your God who himself saved you out of all your adversities c. yea and in the 19. ver of the 12. chap. the People acknowledged that they had added unto all their sins this evill even to ask a King Whereb we may evidently pâ—rceive that this office of a King is not in the least of Gods institution neither is it to bâ— given to any man upon earth Because none must rule by his will but God alone And therefore the Scripture saith He gave them a King in his anger and took him away in his wrath Hosa 13. 11. In the second place for the proofe of the minor Proposition which is That Charles R. received his Crown and Kingdome by contract and agreement and hath broken his contract and agreement I thus prove And first for the first part of the position History makes it clear that WILLIAM THE CONQVEROVR OR TYRANT being a Bastard subdued this Kingdome by force of Armes Reade Speeds Chronicle folio 413. There being slain in the first Battell betwixt him and the English about sixty thousand men on the English party As Daniel records in his History fol. 25. And having gained the Country he ruled it by his sword as an absolute Conqueror professing that he was beholding to none for his Kingdome but God and his sword making his power as wide as his will just Tyrant like giving away the Lands of their Nobles to his Normans laying unwonted taxes and heavie subsidies upon the Commons insomuch that many of them to enjoy a barren liberty forsook their fruitfull inheritance and with their wâ—ves and children as out-lawes lived in woods preferring that naked name of freedome before a sufficient ☞ maintenance possest under the thraldome of a Conquerar who subvertâ—ed their Lawes disweaponed the Commons prevented their night meetings with a hâ—aviâ— penalty that every man at thâ— day closing should cover his fiâ—e and depart to his rest there by depriving them of all opportunity to consult together how to recover their liberties collating Officeâ—s all both of command and judicature on those who were his 〈◊〉 made saith Daniel page 46. his domination such as heâ— would have it For whereas the causes of the Kingdome were before determined in every Shire And by a Law of King Edward Segâ—ier all matters in question should upon speciall penalty without further deferment be finally decidâ—d in the Gemote or Convâ—â—â—ions held monethly in every Hundred Now he ordained That four times in the yeare for certain dayes the same businesse should be determâ—ned in such place as he would appoint where he constituted Judges to 〈◊〉 to that purpose and others from whom as from the bosomâ— of â—he Prince all litigâ—tors should have justice And to make them â—s miserable as slavâ—s could be made He ordered that the Laws should be practised in French Aâ— Pâ—itions and businesses of Câ—urt â—n French that so the poor miserable people might be gulled and cheated undone and destroyed not onely at his will and pleasure but also at the will and pleasure of his under Tyrants and Officers For to speak in the words of Martin in his History page 4 He enacted and established strict and severe Lawes and published them in his own language by meanes whereof many who were of great estate and of much worth through ignorance did transgressâ— and their smâ—llest offences were great enough to entitle the CONQVEROR to their lands to the lands and riches which they did possesse All which ke seized on and took from them without remorse And in page 5. he declares hat he erected sundry Courts for the administraâ—iâ—nâ— his â—ew Lawes and of Justice and least his Iudges shâ—uld bear toâ— great a sway by reason of his absence he caused them all to follow his Court upon all removes Whereby he not only curbed thâ—ir dispâ—siâ—ions which iâ—cited them to be great but also tired out the English Nâ—tion with extraordinary troubles and excessive charges in the prosecution of Suites in Law From all which relations we may observe First from how wicked bloudy triviall base and tyrannicall a Fountain our gratious Soveraignes and most excellent Majesties of England have sprung namely from the Spring of a Bastard of poore condition by the Mothers side and from the pâ—rnitious springs of Robbery Pyracie violence and Murder c. Howsoever fabulous Writers strivâ— as Daniel saith to abuse the credulity of after Ages with Heroicall or mircaulous beginnings that surely if it be rightly considered there will none dote upon those kind of Monsters Kings buâ—
denyed him her society unlesse she would be a prisonor with him and then what should become of them both and of their children having no Lands tâ— live upon and tost already from one Iayle to another for many years together to his great charge although he was but onely committed to be kept in safe custody and from writing scandalous Bookes which the Lieutenant told him he could not doe unlesse hee kept his wife and friends from him but as well he might have said I must also lâ—y you in a Dungeon where you shall neither see day-light nor enjoy a candle It being almost impossible to keepe a man so strictly but he will write if he have day-light and candle-light and so accordingly he bath commanded and executed that neither his wife nor any of his friends should speak with him but in the presence of his Keeper And that the Warders at the Gate take the names and plaâ—es of abode of all those that come to see him That so the Lords may have them all down in their black and mercilesse book and know where to find them when the day of their fierce indignation shall more fuâ—ly smoke against him and all those that have visited him Which some of the Warders have told some of his friends to terrifie them as not far of And this cruelty exercised upon him by the Lieutenant is more then legally can be done to a Fellon Murderer or Traytor and yet this is his portion although hee offeâ—ed to engage his promise to the Lieutenant when he first went in before his brother Major Lilburn and another Major that as hee was a Christian and a Gentleman that hee would suffer his wife and friends according to Law and Right to have free accesse unto him he would promise him not to write a line nor reade a line written while he enjoyed that priviledge which the Lieutenant refused but executed his pleasure upon him And then got their Lordships to make a new illegall Order that he might be kept as he had kept him Now for the Lords to do this to him seeing some of them were Actors in his bloudy Sentences in Star-chamber for which transcendent injustice and sufferings he never had a peny recompence 〈◊〉 thoâ—gh he saith in his fore-mentioned answer to Mr. Pryn he hath spent divers hundreds of pounds to procure it and though he lost not a little that yeere he â—ay prisoner in Oxford for the Parliament see innocency and truth justified Pag. 21. 22. And although the Earle of Manchester and Collonel King detaine his pay from him which he earned with the hazard of his life Pag. 47. 65. 70. and besides all this while he and others have been fighting for liberty and freedome for the whole Kingdome he hath been robbed and deprived of his trade by the monopolizing Merchant Adventurers Pag. 462. Whose knavery and illegall practices he notably anatomizeth and layeth open in the aforesaid booke from pag. 46. to pag. 63. To the Parliaments credit and reputation be it spoken to suffer such vipers to eat out the bowels of this poore Kingdome yea and to set them in the Custome-house and Excise Office to receive the treasure of the Kingdome whose lives and estates for their illegall and arbitrary practises are forfeited to the state as there he proveth it Now after all this for the Lords to commit him for 7. yeares to so chargeable a place as the present Lieutenant of the Tower makes the Tower by his will to bee and takes no care to allow him one penny of the Kings old allowance which was to finde the prisoners their meat drink and lodging and to pay the Lieutenant c. his fees according to the antient legall and just customs of the place What is it else in their Lordships intentions but to starve and destroy the honest man and his wife and children for according to the information I have the fees that have bin demanded there are Fifty pounds to the Lieutenant Five pounds a mans upper garment to the Gentleman-Portâ—r Forty shillings to the Warders Ten shillings to the Lieutenants Clarke Tâ—n shillings to the Minister Thirtâ— shillings per week for suffering the prisoners to dresse their own diet and about so much a week for Chamber-rent besides what it costs them for their diet And all this demanded without any coulor of Law Justice or righâ— as is â—argely proved by a late booke called Liberty vindicated against Slavery Oh ye Commons of England what neede have you to be combined together to maintaine your common interest against these usurping cruel and mercilesse Lords and to take speciall heede that by their charmes and Syren-like songs you be not divided about toyes into factions to your own destruction and ruine that being vifibly the game to the eyes of rationall men which they and their agents have now to play and by the foote you may easily judge what the beare is But now after this necessitated digression let us returne back to the King and to his forfeiting his trust which is to protect his people from violence and wrong and governe them according to law Let us consider what his and our supreame legall and rightfull Judges The House of Commons the State representative of England in their Petition and Remonstrance presented to him at Hampton Court 15. December 1642. and which begins book declaration pag. 1. and ends pag. 21. Say And we shall cleerly finde that they evidently make plaine to the King and the whole Kingdome That his 17. yeers raigne was filled up with a constant continnued Act of violating the Lawes of the Kingdome and the Liberties of his people Yes in pag. 491. They plainly say that before this Parliament the Lawes were no defence nor protection of any mans right all was subject to will and power which imposed what payments they thought fit to draine the subjects purses and they who yeelded and complyed were countenanced and advanced and all others disgraced and kept under that so mens minds made poore and base and their liberties lost and gone they might be ready to let go their religion And the rest of the regall tyrannicall designes there most acutely anatomised to which I referr the reader as a peece extraordinary much worth the reading And though the King this Parliament signed divers good Lawes as though he intended to turne over a new leafe Yet the Parliament tell him plainly that even in or about the time of passing those bills some designe or other hath been on foote which if it had taken effect would not onely have deprived us of the fruits of those bills but would have reduced us to a worse condition of confusion then that wherein the Parliament found us see pag. 124. in which the King himselfe was a principall acter And so they charge him to be pag. 210. 211. 216. 218. 221. 227. 228. 229. 230. 493 494. 496. 563. Yea and they plainly declare that the King had a finger in the
shed in England Scotland and Ireland since these wars which is the blood of thousands of thousands For which if all the sons of men should be so base and wicked as not to doe their duty in executing justice upon him which Legally may and ought to bee done by those especially who have Power and Authority in their hands Yet undoubtedly the righteous God will and that I am confident in an exemplary manner in despight of all his bloody add wicked protectors and defenders For GOD is a just GOD and will revenge innocent blood even upon Kings Judg. 1 6 7. 1 Kings 21. 19. 22. 38. Isa 30. 33. Ezek. 32. 29. and will repay wicked and ungodly men Isai 59. 18. Therefore I desire those that shall thinke this a harsh saying to lay down the definition of a Tyrant in the highest degree and I am confident their own Consciences will tell them it is scarce possible to commit or doe that act of Tyranny that Charles Stewart is not guilty of and therefore de jure hath absolved all his people from their Allegeance and Obedience to him and which the Parliament are bound in duty and conscience De facto to declare and not to bee unjuster to the Kingdome then their predecessors have been which in part I have already memioned and shall to conclude only cite some particulars of the Parliaments just dealing with Edward the second who was not one quarter so bad as C. R who being called to account by the Parliament for his evill government and being imprisoned at Kenelworth-Castle the Parliament sent Commissioners to acquaint him with their pleasure the Bishops of Winchesâ—â—r Hereford and Lincoln two Earls two Abbots foure Barons two Justices three Knights for every County and for London and other principall places chiefly for the five Ports a certain number chosen by the Parliament And when they came to him they told him the Common-wealth had conceived so irreconcileable dislikes of his government the particulars whereof had been opened in the generall Assembly at London that it was resolved never to endure him as King any longer That notwithstanding those dislikes had not extended so far as for his sake to exclude his issue but that with universall applause and joy the Common-wealth had in Parliament elected his eldest sonne the Lord Edward for King They finally told him that unlesse he did of himselfe renounce his Crown and Scepter the people would neither endure him nor any of his children as their Soveraigne but disclaiming all Homage and Fealty would elect some other for King not of the Blood The King seeing it would be no better amongst other things told them That he sorrowed much that the people of the Kingdom were so exasperated against him as that they should utterly abhorre his any longer rule and soveraignty and therefore he besought all there present to forgive him and gave them thanks for chusing his eldest sonne to be their King which was greatly to his good liking that he was so gracious in their sight Whereupon they proceeded to the short Ceremony of his Resignation which principally consisted in the surrender of his Diadem and Ensignes of Majesty to the use of his son the new King Whereupon Sir William Trussel on the behalfe of the whole Realm renounced all homage and allegeance to the Lord Edward of Carnarvan late King The words of the definitive Sentence were these I William Trussel in the name of all men of the Land of England and all the Parliament Procurator resigne to thee Edward the Domage that was made to thee sometime and from this time forward now following I defy thee and deprive shee of all Royall power and I shall neuer be attendant to thee as for â—ing after this time But if any object It is true Subjects and people have de facto done this unto their Kings but they cannot doe it de jure for that Kings are above their people are not punishable by any but God I answer God is the fountain or efficient cause of all punishment But as to man instrumentally he inflicts by man And though he be our supream Lord and Law-Maker hath for bodily and visible transgressions of his Law appointed a visible and bodily punishment in this world for the transgressors thereof and man for his instrumentall executioner and never ordinarily doth it immediatly by himself but when his Instrument Man failes to doe his duty and being a God of order hath appointed a Magistrate or an impowred man as his and their executioner for the doing of justice and never goeth out of this Road but in extraordinary cases as he doth when the Magistrate is extraordinarily corrupted in the executing of his duty and in such cases God hath raised up particular or extraordinary persons to be his executioners And therefore God being no respecter of persons hath by nature created all men alike in power and not any lawlesse and none to bind each other against mutuall agreement and common consent and hath exprâ—sly commanded Man his rationall creature shall not tyrannize one over another or destroy by any intrusted power each other but that the intrusted Kings as well as others shall improve the utmost of their power and strength for the good and benefit protection and preservation of every individuall Trustee And whosoever he be that shall improve his intrusted power to the destruction of his impowrers forfeits his power And GOD the fountain of Reason and Justice hath endued man with so much reason mercy humanity and compassion to himself and his own Being as by the instinct Nature to improve his utmost power for his own preservation and defence which is a Law above all lawes and compacts in the world Declar. April 17. 1641. And whosoever rejects it and doth not use it hath obliterated the principles of Nature in himselfe degenerated into a habit worse then a beast and becomes felonious to himselfe and guilty of hâ—s own blood This Israel of old the Lords peculiar people understood as well as the people of England although they had 〈◊〉 expresse posiâ—ive law no more then we in England have to rebell or withdraw their obedience subjection from those Magistrates or Kings that exercise their power and authority contrary to the nature of their trust which is plain and cleare without dispute in the case of Rehoboam who was the son of Solomon who was the sonne of David who was assigned King by GOD and chosen and made King by the common consent of the people of Juda and Israel 2 Sam. 7. 13. And who by vertve of Gods promise to him and his seed to be Kings over his people had more to say for his Title to his and their Crown I am confident of it then all the Princes in the world have to say for their claim and childrens to their Crown For Rehoboam was not onely the sonne of Solomon who was in a manner intailed by God himselfe unto the Crown
tyrannized over your Petitioners husband they command as your Petitioner is informed Mr. Sergeant Finch Mr. Hearn Mr. Hale and Mr. Glover to draw up a Charge against your Petitioners husband without giving him the least notice in the world of it to fit himself against the day of his tryall but contrary to all law justice and conscience dealt worse with him then ever the Star-chamber did not only in keeping his Lawyers from him but even all maner of Councellors Friends whatsoever even at that time when they were about to try him and then of a sudden send a Warrant for him to come to their Bar who had no legall authrity over him to hear his charge read where he found the Earle of Manchester his professed enemy and the only party of a Lord concerned in the businesse to be his chief Judge contrary to that just Maxime of law That no man ought to be both party judge a practice which the unjust Star-chamber it self in the days of its tyranny did blush at and refuse to practise as was often seen in the Lord Coventries case c. And without any regard to the Earl of Manchesters impeachment in your House of treachery to his countrey by L. Gen. Cromwel which is commonly reported to be punctually and fully proved a charge of a higher nature then the Earl of Strafford for which he lost his head And which also renders him so long as he stands so impeached uncapable in any sense of being a Judge And a great wrong and injustice it is to the kingdome to permit him and to himself if innocent not to have had a legall tryall ere this to his justificatâ—on or condemnation And besides all this because your Petitioners husband stood to his appeal to your Honours and would not betray Englands liberties which you have all of you sworn to preserve maintain and defend they most arbitrarily illegally and tyrannically sentenced your Petitioners said husband to pay 4000. l. to the King not to the State for ever to be uncapable to beare any Office in Church or Common-wealth either Martiall or Civill and to lie 7. years a prisoner in the extraordinary chargeable prison of the Tower where he is in many particulars illegally dealt withall as he was when he was in Newgate Now forasmuch as the Lords as they claim themselves to bee a House of Peers have no legall judgement about Commoners that your Petitioner can heare of but what is expressed in the Statute of the 14. Ed. 35. which are delayes of justice or error in iudgement in inferior Courts only and that with such limitations and qualifications as are there expressed which are that there shall be one Bishop at least in the judgement an expresse CoÌ„mission from the King for their medling with it All which was wanting in the case of your Petitioners husband being begun and ended by themselves alone And also seeing that by the 29 of Magna Charta your Petitioners husband or any other Commoner whatsoever in criminall cases are not to be tried otherwise then by their Peers which Sir Ed Coâ—k in his exposition of Magna Charta which book is printed by your own speciall authority saith is meant equals fol. 28. In which saith he fol. 29. are comprized Knights Esquâ—res Gentlemen Citizens Yâ—omeâ— Burgesses of severall degrees but no Lords of Parliament And in p. 46. he saith No man shall be disseised that is put out of seison or dispossessed of his freehold that is saith he lands or livelihood or of his liberties or free customes that is of such franchises and freedoms and free customes as belong to him by his freâ— Birth-right unlesse it be by the lawfull judgement that is verdict of his Equaâ—s that is saith he of men of his own condion or by the law of the land â—hâ—t is to speak it once for all By the due course processe of law Au saith he 〈◊〉 man shall be in any sort destroyed unlesse it be by the ve dict and judgement of his Peers that is eqâ—als â—r by the law of the land And the Lords themselves in old time did truly confesse That for them to give judgement of a Commoner in a criminall case is contrary to law as is clear by the Parliaments record in the case of Sir Simon d' Bereford 4. Ed. 3. Rot. 2. the true copy of which is in the hands of M. H. Martâ—n they there record it That his case who was condemned by them for murdering King Edw. 2. shal not be drawn in future time into president because it was contrary to law they being not his Peers that is his Equals And forasmuch as the maner of their proceedings was contrary to all the former ways of the law publickly established by Parliament in this kingdom as appears by severall Statutes o o 5. Ed. 3. 5. 25. Ed. 3. 4. 28. E. 3. 3. 37. Ed. 3. 8. 38 Ed. 3. 9. 42 Ed. 3. 3. 17 Ri 2. 6. Rot. Parl. 43. E. 3. Sir lo. Alces case num 21 22 23 c. lib. 20. fol. 74. In case declar Marshalses â—ee Cook 2. part Instit fol. 464 which expresly say That none shall be imprisoned noâ— put out of his free-hold nor of his franchises nor free customes unless it be by the law of the land and that none shall be taken by Petition or suggestion made to the King or to his Councel unlesse it be by indictment or presentment of good and lawfull people of the same neighborhood where such deeds be done in due manner or by processe made or by Writ original at the common-law Which Statutes are nominally and expresly confirmed by the Petition of Right by the Act made this present Parliament for the abolishing the Star-chamber and thereby all acts repealed that formerly were made in derogation of them But contrary hereunto the Lords like those wicked Justices spoken of by Sir Ed. Cook p p Pat. Instit 51. in stead of trying her husband by the law of the land proceed against him by a partiall tryall flowing from their arbitrary will pleasure and discretion c. * For though they summoned him up to their Bar June 10. 1646. Rot. part 2. 1. H. 4. mem 2. num 1. 27. Instit f. 51. Book declar 58 39 278 845. to answer a Charge yet they refused to shew it him or give him a Copy of it but committed him to Newgate Iune 11. 1646 although he behaved himself then with respect towards them both in word and gesture meerly for refusing to answer to their Spanish Inquisition-like Interrogatories and for delivering his legall Protestation Their Mittimus being as illegall as their summoning of him and their own proceedings with him Their commitment running To be kept there not till he be delivered by due course of Law but During their pleasure which Sir Edw. Cooke saith is illegall q q 2 part instit fol. 52 53. and then locked up close
judicative power nor a legislative power inherent in him as is strongly undeniably and unanswerably proved before in pag. 43 44 46 47 60 61. And therefore away with the pretended power of the Lords up with it by the roots and let them sit no longer as they do unlesse they will put themselves upon the love of their Country to be freely therby chosen as their â—oÌ„missioners to sit in Parliament for I am sure in right all their actions now are unbinding and unindivalid which becomes you O all ye Free-men or Commoners of England out of that duty you ow to your selves yours and your native Country throughly and home to set forth by Petition to your own HOVSE of COMMONS and to desire them speedily to remove them before the Kingdome be destroyed by their crosse proud and inconsistent interest for little do you know what Scotch-ale divers of them are now a brewing Read the Histories of William the Conqueror and you shall easily find that the pride and contention of those English-men that were called Lords amongst themselves was no small cause of the losing of this Kingdome to that Tyrant for saith Speed fol. 409. After the Normans had slain King Harold and overthrown his Army the two great Earles of Yorkshire and Cheshire Morcar and Edwine coming to London where the Londoners c. would gladly have set up Edgar Atheling the true Heire to the Crown to have been their Captain Generall to have defended them from the powerfull Norman Invaders who now was exceedingly fleshed with his victory and now likely to over-run the whole Land yet such was the pride and baesenesse of these two great Lords that the misery distresse and fearfull estate of their native Country could not disswade from their ambition plotting secretly to get the Crown to themselvs which hindered that wise and noble design and totally lost their native Country O COMMONS OF ENGLAND therefore beware of them and have a jealous eye over them and take heed that when it comes to the pinch they serve you not such another trick again For I am sure their interest is not yours nor the publikes neither is it consistent with their ends that you should enjoy Justice or your undeniable and just rights liberties and freedomes And well to this purpose saith Daniel pag. 36. That after the Bishops and the Clergy had shewed their aversnesse to the erecting of that probable meanes that was propounded to hinder the theevish invader the Nobility considering they were so born and must have a King and therefore considering of his power made them strive and run head-long who should bee the first to pre-occupate the grace of servitude and intrude them into forraign subjection So that the poor Commons like a strong vessell that saith hee might have been for good use were hereby left without a stern and could not move regularly trusting and resting it seemes too much upon those Lords which I call the broken Reeds of Egypt by whom they were undone But for the further cleeâ—ng of the Originall of the House of Peers pretended power I shall desire the understanding Reader to read over a little Treatise printed in Anno 1641. called The manner of holding of Parliaments in England in the 28. pag. hee saith King Harold being overcome William the 1. King and Conqueror having obtained the Soveraignty according to his pleasure bestowed Dignities and Honours upon his companions and others Some of them so connext and conjoyned unto the Fees themselves that yet to this day the possessors thereof may seem to be inabled even with the possession of the places only as our Bishops at this day by reason of the Baronies joyned unto their Bishoprickes enjoy the title and preheminence of Barons in highest Assemblies of the Kingdome in Parliament he gave and granted to others Dignities and Honours together with the Lands and Fees themselves hee gave to Hugh Lupas his kinsman a Norman and sonne to Emma sister to the Conqueror by the Mother the Earldome of Choster Adconquirendum AngliaÌ„-per Coronam that is in English to conquer and hold to himself and his Heires as free by the Sword as the King of England held it by his Crown to HANNVSRVFVS then Earl of Britain in France the Earldome of Richmond It a libâ—re honorifice ut eâ—ndem Edwinus Comes antea tenueâ—at that is in English as freely and honourably as Edwine Earle held it before And the Earldome of Arundel which Harrold possessed he granted with a fee unto Roger of Montgomeny And in page 33. the same Author declares That Kings sometimes not regarding the Solemnities of Ceremonies and Charters have only by their becks suffered Dignities and Honours to be transferred So that by what Iam able to gather out of ancient Histories William the Conquerour absolutely subdued the Rights and Priviledges of Parliaments held in England before this time The manner of holding of which as the same Author in his first page declares was by the discreet sort of the Kingdome of England rehearsed and shewed unto the Conquerour which as hee saith he approved of And the same doth John Minshew say in his Dictionary published and printed at London July 22. 1625. fol. 526. his words are these In England the PARLIAMENT is called for the debating of matters touching the Common-wealth and especially the making and correcting of Lawes which Assembly or Court is of all other the highest and of greatest authority as you may read in Sir Thomas Smith de Re. Angl. lib. 2. cap. 1. 2. Cambd. Brit. Compt. Juris fol. 1. And see the Institution of this Court Polydor Virgil lib 11. of his Chronicles referâ—eth after a sort to Henry 1. yet confessing that it was used before though very seldome You may find saith he in the former Prologue of the grand Customary of Normandy That the Normans used the same meanes in making their lawes In a Monument os Antiquity shewing the manner of holding this Parliament in the time of King Edward the sonne of King Etheldred which as the Note saith was delivered by the discreeter sort of the Realm to William the Conqueror and allowed by him This writing began thus Rex est Caput c. See more saith he of the course and order of this Parliament in Compt. Juris fol. 1. c. And VOWEL alias Hooker in his Book purposely written of this matter Powels book called the Atturneys Academy Read Mr. William Prynnes first part of the SOVERAIGNE POWER OF PARLIAMENTS AND KINGDOMES printed by the authority of this present Parliament pag 42 43 44. William the Conqueror having as to me is clearly evident subdued Parliaments their power authority priviledges and jurisdiction did set up by the absolute law of his own will for his Compceres Couzens and Connsellors such men who had most pleased him in vassalizing and enslaving this kingdom and the people thereof in whose steps severall of his successors after him did tread So that the kingdome was
ruled and governed by the King and his Prerogative Nobles and by lawes flowing from their wils and pleasures and not made by common consent by the peoples commissions assembled in Parliament as it is now at this day but he and his successors giving such large Charters to their Compeeres and great Lords as to one to be Lord great Chamberlain of Englands another Lord Constable of England to another Lord Admirall of England c. By meanes of which they had such vast power in the kingdome having then at their beck all the chiefe Gentlemen and Free-holders of England that used to wait upon them in blew Jackets so that they were upon any discontent able to combine against their Kings their absolute creators and hold their noses to the grind-stone and rather give a Law unto them then receive a law from them in which great streits our former Kings for curbing the greatnesse of these their meere creatures now grown insolent were forced to give new Charters Commissions and Writs unto the Commons then generally absolute vassals to choose so many Knights and Burgesles as they in their own breasts should think fit to be able by joyning with them to curb their potent and insolent Lords or trusty and well-beloved Cousins which was all the end they first called the Commons together for yet this good came out of it that by degrees the Commons came to understand in a greater measure their rights and to know their own power and strength By means of which with much struggling we in this age come to enjoy what wee have by Magna Charta the Petition of Right and the good and just Lawes made this present Parliament c. which yet is nothing nigh so much as by right we ought to enjoy For the forementioned Author of the book called The manner of holding Parliaments in England as 20 21. pages declares plainly that in times by-past there was neither Bishop Earle nor Baron and yet even then Kings kept Parliaments And though since by incursion Bishops Earles and Barons have been by the Kings prerogative Charters summoned to sit in Parliament yet notwithstanding the King may hold a Parliament with the Commonalty or Commons of the Kingdome without Bishops Earles and Barons And before the Conquest he positively declares it was a right that all things which are to be affirmed or informed granted or denied or to be done by the Parliament must be granted by the Commonalty of the Parliament who he affirmes might refuse though summoned to come to Parliament in case the King did not governe them as he ought unto whom it was lawfull in particular to point out the Articles in which he misgoverned them And suitable to this purpose is Mr. John Vowels judgment which Mr. Pryn in his above-mentioned book pag. 43. cites out of Holinsh Chro. of Ireland fol. 127 128. His words as Mr. Pryn cites them are thus Yet neverthelesse if the King in due order have summoned all his Lords and Barons and they wil not come or if they come they will not yet appear or if they come appear yet will not do or yeeld to any thing Then the King with the consent of his Commons may ordain and establish any Acts or Lawes which are as good sufficient and effectuall as if the Lords had given their consents but on the contrary if the Commons be summoned and will not come or coming will not appear or appearing will nor consent to do any thing alleadging some just weighty and great cause The King in these cases * Cromptons jurisdictioÌ„ of courts fo 84 Hen. 7. 18. H. 7 14. 1. H. 7 27. Parliament 42. 76 33â— H 6. 17. dju-lged accordingly prerogative 134. cannot with his Lords devise make or establish any Law The reasons are when Parliaments were first begun and ordained THERE WERE NO PRELATES OR BARONS OF THE PARLIAMENT AND THE TEMPORALL LORDS were very few or none and then the King and his Commons did make a full Parliament which authority was never hitherto abridged Again every Baron in Parliament doth represent but his owne person and speaketh in he behalf of himself alone But the Knights Citizens and Burgesses are represented in the Commons of the whole Realm and every of these giveth not consent for himself but for all those also for whom he is sent And the King with the consent of his COMMONS had ever a sufficient and full authority to make ordain and establish good wholesome Lawes for the Common-wealth of his Realm Wherefore the Lords being lawfully summoned and yet refusing to come sit or consent in Parliament canâ—ot by their folly abridge the King and the Commons of their lawfull proceedings in Parliament Thus and more John Vowel alias Hooker in his order usage how to keep a Parliament which begins in the foresaid History pag. 121. and continues to pag. 130. printed Cum Privilâ—gio And Sir Edward Cook in his Institutes on Magna Charta proves That the Lords and Peers in many Charters and Acts are included under the name of the Commons or Commonalty of England And in his Exposition of the second Chapter of Magna Charâ—a 2. part Institutes fol. 5. He declares that when the Great Charter was made there was not in England either Dukes Marquesse or Viscounts So that to be sure they are all Innovators and Intruders and can claime no originall or true interest to sit in Parliament sith they are neither instituted by common consent nor yet had any being from the first beginings of Parliaments in England either before the Conquest or since the Conquest nor the first Duke saith Sir Edward Cook Ibidem that was created since the Conquest was Edw. the black Prince In the 11. year of Edw. the third and Rob. de Vere Earl of Oxford was in the 8. year of Richard the 2. created Marquesse of Dublin in Ireland And he was the first Marquesse that any of our Kings created The first Viscount that I find saith he of Record and that sate in Parliament by that name was John Beumont who in the 8. yeer of Hen. the 6. was created Viscount Beumont And therefore if Parliaments be the most high and absolute power in the Realm as undeniably they are for Holinshed in his fore-mentioned Chronicle in the Dâ—scription of England speaking of the high Court of Parliament and authority of the same saith pag. 173. thereby Kings and mighty Princes have from time to time been deposed from their Thâ—ones â—awes either enacted or abrogated offendors of all sorts punished c. Then much more may they disthrone or depose these Lordly prerogative Innovators and Intruders and for my part I shall think that the betrusted Commissioners of the Commons of England now assembled in Parliament have not faithfully discharged their duty to their Lords and Masters the people their impowerers till they have effectually and throughly done it And if the Lords would be willing to come and sit with them as one house
his late booke called LONDONS LIBERTIES IN CHAINES DISCOVERED pag. 54 And what meâ—nes Lieutenant Collonel Iohn Lilburnes pâ—ttifull Complaints in divers of his bookes against severall Members of the HOVSE of COMMONS but especially against Justice LAVRANCE WHITAKER See Innocency and Truth justified pag. 12. 15. 16. 63. 64. And Londons Liberty in Chaines discovered And what meanes his leud Complaints in his Epistle to Iudge REEVE c. against the Earle of Manchester and Collonel Edward King of Lincolnshâ—re whom he accuseth for being Traytors to the trust reposed by the PARLIAMENT in them And yet is so farre from obtaining Justice against them that he is clapt by the heeles in the exceeding chargeable prison of the Tower of London by their meanes And what meanes that extraordinary Complaint of Mr. ANDREWES BVRRELL in his printed REMONSTRANCE TO THE PARLIAMENT OF ENGLAND against the CHIEFE MEN that are mannagers of the NAVIE viz THE EARLE of WARWICK Mr. GILES GREENE Chairman of the Committee of the Navy Mr. SAMVEL VASSALL and the 2. Mr. Bencis Members of the same Committee c To whose charge he layes little lesse then TREACHERY TO THE WHOLE KINGDOME and couseâ—ing and cheating of the publicks monyes yea such is his CHARGE there against them that if he be able to make it good THEY DESERVE NO LESSE THEN HANGING And it seemes he is able sufficiently to do it for they dare not call him to account but let him go at Liberty which demonstratâ—s to all understanding men They know their own guiltinesse And a thing of as high a consequence is the lamentable Complaint made against Sir Iohn Clotworthy and his friend Mr. Davis c. about their cousening and cheating poore and bleeding Ireland of much of the monies that should have relieved it which Complaint is called The State of the Irish affaires for the Honourable Members of the Houses of Parliament as they lie represented before them from the Committee of Adventurers in London for lands in Ireland sitting at Grâ—cers Hall for that service and printed at London by G. MILLER dwelling in the Black-Fryers The abstract of which with some additions are inserted in a written paper which I had from a good hand which followeth thus A further discovery of the evill managing of the affaires of Ireland wherein it doth plainly appeare that above the fourth part of the monies levied for Ireland is pursed by 4. or 5. private men to the value of 97195. l. THat presently after the trouble did breake forth in Ireland there was one Mr. John Davis of the Irish Nation came for England who was trusted by the Parliament with 4000. l. worth of Provisions and appointed Commissary for the disposall of those goods for the English and Scottish Armies in Ireland The said Mr. Davis using indirect wayes by feasting and bribing the Officers having spent 100. l. upon them in a week as he himselfe hath acknowledged and by that meanes he obtained his desire for he valued the goods which he delivered to the Armies at such unreasonable high prizes that in this imployment for the space of 8. or 9. months he so manageth the businesse that he makes the parliament indebted unto him 12195. l. And it will be made manifest by sufficient testimony that before he was put into this imployment he was not worth 200. l. but with feasting and bribing the Commanders of the said Armies He obtaines such an accompt in writing having such friends to assist him that he procures Generall Lâ—slâ—yes letter of recommendation for his good service setting forth how seasonable the provisions came to the Army but no mention made that the Parliament sent the goods That after the said Mr. Davis had procured this letter he comes for England the troubles here being great the Parliament had not time to heare him so he continued in and about London for the space of two yeares or thereabouts In which time he was reduced to a meane and low condition in so much as he hath acknowledged he had much ado to geâ— mony to buy food for himself his wife yet in this low Condition he puts in Propositions to the Commiâ—tee of Parliament to deliver 60000. l. in Provisions Armes and Cloth to be paid out of the Ordinance for Ireland which was for above three times as much but he was to have the first mony that came in upon the said Ordinance onely 20000. l. was alotted otherwise The Committee of Adventurers for Ireland were sent for and treated withall to know if they would serve in and deliver those provisions for Ireland who at the first refused to agree by way of bargaine alledging that they would make use of the said Ordinance to serve it with all expedition expecting no profit but the Committee of Parliament said that there was necessity of making agreement by way of contract whereupon the Committee of Adventurers for Ireland did give in Propositions that they would serve and deliver those provisions 7000. l. in 60000. l. under the prises Mr. Davis had given in notwithstanding M. Davis delivered the goods had his prizes for those goods provisions but did fail in all his undertakings both in the time of delivering the goods and also the goods he served were generally very bad as doth appeare by the Testimony of one of the Parliaments Commissioners in Ireland which Testimony and the prises Mr. Davis had is here inserted The reasons why M. Davis had this employment before those Citizens are many I shall name one the cessation of Armes in Ireland being ended divers Commanders came over from thence into this Kingdom who knowing Mr. Davis of old in respect of his large bribes given them did desire the Committee of Parliament that Mr. Davies might be the man for the providing and furnishing of provisions for the service of Ireland alleadging they knew him well as for the Citizens they were more fit to keepe shops then to take care of a Kingdom These Commanders above-mentioned are those who were for the Parliament one year and the next year sided and joyned with the Irish Rebels these are the men who gave this good report of Mr. Davies That Mr. Davies hath made a second bargain with the Committe of Parliament for 45000. l. worth of goods the which mony is fully paid him and the 60000. l. also formerly mentioned and this Committee have allowed him his pretended Debt of 12195. l. out of the money appointed by Ordinance of Parliament only for Ireland and not to pay any debt although never so reall Mr. Davies in the moneth of July 1646. hath made a third agreement for 140000. l. to deliver so much in Arms Provisions other necessaries the money part of it to be paid out of the Excise and the rest by a new Ordinance of Parliament for levying of monies for the service of Ireland the Committe of Adventurers having formerly declared in their book formerly set forth by theÌ„ which was presented to divers Members of
Parl. in the Moneth of Jan. 1645. wherein the Committee do alleadge that if they might have had the managing of that service of 60000. l. in a Committee-way they would have saved the State 15000. l. in the said sum of 60000. l. of the prises allowed Mr. Davies and would have furnished better goods and Mr. Davies after his first agreement had also allowed him 2500. l. to get in the mony if 15000. l could have been saved in 60000 l. what might have been saved in 245000. l. by that accompt there might have beene saved above 61000. l. and better commodities furnished There is a Parliament man named Sir John Clotworthy that hath been the said Mr. John Davies his chiefe friend to assist him in all his bargaines aforesaid this is that Sir Iohn Clotworthy against whom the Committee of Adventurers for Ireland formerly petitioned the Pariiament that he might give accompt foe 24000. l. received by him of the Aduenturers money for the which to this very day he hath given no accompt and the Committee do verily believe he never will give any accompt for the said money So what with Mr. Davies 12195. l. which he so falsely got and the 61000. l. formerly mentioned and the monies Sir I. Clotworthy detaines in his hands being 24000. l. as aforesaid amounts in the whole to 97195. l. which is above the fourth part of the money alotted for the service of Ireland for these 2 or 3 years past This-being considered it is no marvell that the cry of Ireland is so loud That in Septemb. and October 1644. there was by order of Parliament three meetingâ— of the Adventurers of Ireland usually sitting at Grocers Hall London four Parliament men then present sent as a Committee from the Parliament namely Sir I. Clatworthy Mr. Reynalds Major Jepson Sir I. Clotworthy moving at all the several meetings for money it was desired by the Adventurers that there might be a new Committee chosen by the Adventurers Sir I. Clotworthy shewed his dislike unto that motion saying if they would have a Committee it should consist of 4 Parliament men 4 Irish men and 3 Citizens the Irishmen were such who not above 3 weekes before had sided with the Irish Rebels and these four to three Citizens this savoured not well The Adventurers much distasting this were all going away at last it was granted the Adventurers to chuse the Committee whereupon 4 Aldermen and 16 Merchants very able men were chosen newly Sir I. Clotworthy as appeares disliking this Commâ—ttee â—he businesse was managed by a Committee above and the Committee of Citizens have been as ciphers At the said meeting there were two Citizens Aâ—venturers did offer unto sir I. Clotworthy and the committee then prâ—sent that they would undertake to serve 1500. l. worth of cheese and butter good sound cheese at 2. d. per l. and good buâ—ter at 4. d. ob per l. and to receive the money out of the Ordinance of Parliament at sixe moneths or as iâ— came in But sir Iohn in the audience of all he people then presenâ— made this answer that cheese and butter was too saucic for them and that the souldiers in Ireland would be câ—ntent with bread and water teis did much discourage the Advenâ—urers to hear him speak after this manner But observâ— sir Iohn Clotworthy did so assist his friend Mr. Davies that hee had 3. d. ob per l. for the same commodity which was offered by the Adventurers for 2. â— pe l. on may judge wâ—at that will come to in a quantity you may observe that Mr. Davis and his Partners did buy the goods aforesaid upon the credit of the said Ordinance of Parliament the which might have been done by some of the Adventurers who would have delivered better Provisions and have saved the State 61000. l. in the severall percels aforementioneâ— all the wivele eaten and mustie Corne that could be had these undertakers did buy up at cheape rates and so in other Commodities the basâ—st trumperie that could be had which they delivered for the said service of Ireland The said Mr. Davis had 3. partners which are by their callings Cheesemongers viz. Mr. Thomas Radberd Mr. John Chesson and Mr. Dennis Gauden I shall set forth unto you what these men have been First of all in the yeare 1640. they were undertakers and did deliver Provisions for the Bishops Army against the Scots which Provisions being returned the said undertakers bought most of the same Provisions under the fourth part the King paid for them yet it hath been observed that this mony hath not thriven with them for they have had great losses especially one of them by Sea That about 3. yeares since Mr. Radberd and his partners having good store of Butter on their hands procured one to petition a Committee of Parliament setting forth in his Petition that he was a Merchant and that he did desire their Order for transportation of 1800. Firkins of Butter for Ireland which being granted by vertue of the said Order Radberd and his partners shipped 1800. Firkins of Butter and so it passed the River upon the said Order the Vessell laden with this Butter put into Dover Peere and there continued for 3. or 4. dayes as the Mr. hath acknowledged the wind coming fayre the ship put forth of the Peere at night and the nex morning the Mr. with his Ship and goods came safe before Dunkirke upon Order from the said Mr. Radberd and his partners the Mr. hath also acknowledged that the Order for their transporting of the Butter for Ireland was onely to coullour the businesse the Butter was unladen and sould at Dunkirke for the accompt of Mr. Radberd and his partners That John Chesson at the begining of the troubles of this Kingdome when the Parliament was lowe and the Kings party looked very bigg upon us then he cryes a King a King but of late he faced about cryes a Parliament a Parliament that when the KingdoÌ„ was brought to a very low condition the Adventurers for Ireland and others wellaffected did disburse in mony and goods for Ireland above 5000000. l. and to this day have not been repaid any part thereof at that time Mr. Racbâ—rd c his 〈◊〉 partners aforementioned would not trust the State with 〈◊〉 And yet norwithstanding they with their partner Mr. Davis 〈◊〉 the men that have the mannaging are undertakers for all the service of Ireland although to the great dammage and losse of this Kingdome and likewise to the Kingdome of Ireland and a very greatch scouragement to the Adventurers all other persons weâ— effected to the safety of both Kingdomes Thus you may perceive that those who have been most affectionate and helpfull to the Parliament and Kingdome adventuring their livâ—s and Estates for them having almost disbursed their whole Estates are now scarce looked upon and those who have not at all assisted the Parliament but stood as Nâ—urers have sought themselves and their own advantages these are the men who run away with so many thousand pounds while many aithfull friends to the Parliamâ—nâ— and true lovers of their Country fare ready to perish for want of Foode Can it be immagined that the said undertakers for Ireland were more able to provide the goods aforesaid better and cheaper or so cheape as the Committee of Adventurers could have done And iâ—divers Citizens did trust the Parliament upon their bare words in times of distresse with above 50c0000d what would not these men have trusted the Parliament upon an Ordinance to have their mony paid them within very few months and it cannot be otherwise immagined These things with divers others as also the Parliament mens continually fingering great sums of many out of Goldsmiths-Hall into their own particular pockets for thâ—â— prâ—tinded losses disbursments and pay before any of the poor necessitaied people of the Kingdome have theirs abundaice of whom stand senâ—tineâ—s more in need of it thâ—n they yea and better desorve it their divers of them and ought in justice and conseience to go in â—â—â—qâ—all forvard preportion vvith them and their injoying their vast and great place for all the Cloake and moske of their self-deniall Ordinance and the iaegrosing the most of the Laâ—â— prâ—câ—ise in the kingdome into the hands of their petty fogging Lavvyers I say the things for the more presevation of the kingdom deserve seriously to be looked into and told plainly and honestly unto them vvlth an earnest desire of their reformation and not of their destruction tâ—at so they and all thâ— love their just interest may have canse to say Faithfull are the wounds orrepreofes of a freind but deceitfull are the kisses or slatterings of an enemy vvhith taske shall be the earnest and to diall endeavours of him that is a true lover of Englands happinesse and prosperity N. E. FINIS