ages in the Managing Collecting and Improveing of the Kings Revenue in England whether certain or casual The strict Inquiries Orders and the care of every thing which might make a profit or prevent a damage which made some of the Kings of England to be so litle wanting money as King Canutus as the Abby Book of Ramsey hath recorded it was able out of his Hanaper or travailing Trunk when he lodged at Vassington in Northamptonshire to lend the Bishop Etheruus who sâ—bita pulsus occasione had a great occasion to use it good store of money And that in William the Conquerours time and in the height of his plenty and prosperity no repairs of Castles and Houses were made but upon accompt by Oath Inquiries were made by some of the succeeding Kings and their Officers after windfalen trees a few trees were not given nor Cheverons nor Rafters allowed towards the repairing of a Grange or Farm without the warrant of the great Seal of England Judges commanded to look to the Fines imposed in the Eyreâ— or Circuits and in all the Eyres Circuits a Clark who kept particular Rolles or Duplicates of the Judges Rolles or Records of their Proceedings was for the King especially appointed and attended and as smal a sum as 2 d. accompted for a Deodand Nor was any thing as far as Humane vigilance Industry or Providence might foresee prevent or remedy suffered to be done or continue that might endammage or lessen the Royal Revenue which King Henry the 3 d. could so watch over as the Court of Exchequer hath sometimes seen him there sitting and taking his own accompts Which kinds of wariness and care have been so much disused or neglected by many of his Successors as though by time and the course thereof the alteration of the value of mony Coyne from twenty pence the ounce to five shillings a peny the ounce of Silver the prizes rates of Provision and Commodities to be bought with it almost yearly raised and inhaunced and the more chargeable way of living which followed thereupon might have put them in mind to have given lesse or demanded more for what was justly their own when as in the 14 th year of the Reign of King Edward the 3 d. 40 shillings per diem was thought by the King and his Councel to be a royal and sufficient expence for Edward Baliol King of Scots his train whilst he tarried at London and 6 s. per diem when he travailed And in the reign of King H. 6. Medow-ground in Leicestershire was valued but at eight pence an Acre and that as appears by a Remonstrance made in Parliament in or about the 11 th year of the reign of that King who was King in possession of France as well as of England now not above 227 years agoe he did right worshipfully as the Record saith maintain the charge of his houshold with sixteen thousand pounds Sterling per annum and could not then defray it with less than Twenty four thousand pounds per annum which now cannot well be done under ten times as much when an Annuity or Pension of ten pounds or twenty marks per annum which was then sufficient for the Kings better sort of Servants is now scarce enough for a Foot-man and the most ordinary sort of inferior Servants Did notwithstanding not lessen their bounty or raise the Rents or Rates of their Revenues but permitted their Escheators in matters of Tenures and Wardships to adhere unto their former courses and find the value of the Lands in their Offices or Inquisitions at the old or small yearly values the rule which the Escheators took for the finding of the values of the Lands upon Inquisitions being at the highest but the tenth part of the true yearly value which was the guide also for the rate of the primer seisins where they were to be taken as much lower as the unwarrantable kindness of too many of those which were trusted and should have looked better unto it could perswade them The Feodaries also upon their Surveys seldom raising the yearly value to more than about a third part of such a gentle value as he should be entreated to adde to that which the Jurors and Escheators had friendly found it So as somtimes a Mannor of above one hundred pounds per annum was found but at thirteen shillings four pence per annum and other times if mingled with other lands of a great yearly value at no more than forty shillings per annum And no longer agoe than in the reign of King Chaâ—les the first above one thousand poundâ— per annum hath been found to be but of the yearly vaâ—ue of twenty Marks And an Estate consisting of very few Mannors and as few Coppyholders but most in Fâ—rms and demâ—snes upon an improved and almost racked Rent worth six thousand pounds per annum found at no greater yearly value than one hundred eighty three pounds eleven shillings which is lesse than the thirtieth parâ— â—hough the Escheators with Knights and Gentlemen and sometimes men of greater mark and quality were Commissioners the Jurors made up somtimes of Gentlemen and most commonly of substantial Freeholders and all of them such as might better have understood an Oath who takeing an ill custom to be warrant enough for a bad Conscience did when they were by the Writ to enquire upon their Oaths de vero Annuo valore of the true yearly value of the Lands thâ—nk that they did honestly and well enough to find it at a very small or low yearly value because they were sure it was weâ—l worth so much Neither were the paymâ—nts o◠〈◊〉 of Homage so troublesom as to make a complaint of when as by an Order made in 13 Eliz. by virtue of her privy Seal by the Lord Burghley Lord Treasurer and the Chancellour and Barons of the Exchecquer which the Lords and Commons of England in primo Jacobi did pray and procure to be enacted by Parliament It was after such an easy and old fashioned rate or value of the Lands as it was but in every fifth Term to be paid in the Exchecquer by a rate and apportionment and might have been saved by an actual doing of Homage as was antiently used to be done upon their Livery and first coming to their Lands and their respit of Homage and howsoever may as well be taken to be a favour as they do of their mesne Lords or one to another in paying three shillings four pence per annum as a quit Rent for respit of suit of Court And that it was therein and thereupon also enacted that no processe ad faciendum Homagium or fidelitatem scire facias Capias or distresse should issue out of the Exchequer but upon a good ground And that the Clerks of the Treasurers Remembrancer in the Exchequer shall pay all issues that any shall loose after he hath paid ordinary Fine for respite of Homage
tenendi Parliamentum so beleived to be true that King John caused it when he sent our English Laws into Ireland to be exemplified and sent thither under the Great Seal of England it is said that every Earldom consisteth of 21 Knights Fees and every Barony of 13 Knights Fees and a third part of a Knights Fee and were of such a value and esteem as they were wont heretofore to bring Actions and Assizes for them and their Homage and Services And so litle lesse in France as the wealth of that great and populous Kingdom is not as may be rationally supposed enough to purchase of the Nobility and Gentry of that Kingdom the transmutation of their Fiefs nobles into the Roturier or Feifs ignobles nor are the Princes or Nobility of Germany likely to be perswaded out of their antient Rights and Tenures into that of the Boors or common sort of People The Nobility and Gentry of England when their Military Tenures and Dependencies shall be taken from them will not upon necessities of War and Danger according to the Tenures of their Lands their Homages and Oaths of Allegiance and their natural and legal Allegiance be able to succour or heâ—p their Prince and Father of their Country their Defender and Common Parent as they have heretofore done when as they stoutly and valiantly helped to guard their Standard and Lions but for want of those which held Lands of them and the Tenures by Knight service will be forced to abide with Gilead beyond Jordan and not be able to imitate their noble Ancestors nor each or any of them bring to his Service three Bannerets sixty one Knights and one hundred fifty four Archers on Horseback as Thomas de Bello campo Earl of Warwick did to E. 3. in anno 21. of his Raign at the Seige of Caleis or as the Earl of Kildare did to King E. 3. in the 25 th year of his Raign when he besieged Calice when he brought one Banneret six Knights thirty Esquires nineteen Hoblers twenty four Archers on Horseback and thirty two Archers on foot It will take away the subjection of the Bishop of the Isle of Man who holdeth of the Earl of Derby as King of the Isle of Man and not of the King of England and therefore cometh not to Parliament Take away from the King Nobility and Gentry who have Lands holden by Knight service all Escheats of such as die without Heirs or forfeit or be convicted of Felony and the Kings Annum diem vastum year day and wast where the Lands are holden of Mesne Lords the Escheats of those that held of Kings imediately being so considerable as the Castle of Barnard in Cumberland and the Counties of Northumberland and Huntington which the Kings of Scotland sometimes held of England came again to the Crown by them and the power which King Edward 1. had to make Baliol King of Scots and to determine the competition for that Kingdom was by reason it was held of him the Earldoms of Flanders and Artois were seised by Francis the 1. as forfeited being Fiefs of the Crown of France Flanders and many other Provinces forced to submit themselves upon some controversies to the Umpirage of France of whom they held Enervate at least if not spoil our original first Magna Charta which was grante by H. 3. tenendum de se heredibus suis and all our Liberties and the many after confirmations of that Magna Charta will be to seek for a support if it shall be turned into Socage the Libâ—rties also of the City of London all other antient Cities and Boroughs and such as antiently and before 9 H. 3. did use to send Burgesses unto Parliament Alter if not destroy the Charter of K. R. 1. granted to the City of London for their Hustings Court to be free of Toll Lastage through all England and all Sea-Ports with many other Priviledges which were granted to be held of the King and his Heirs and the same with many other immunities granted confirmed by King John with a Tenure reserved to him and his Heirs for where no Tenure is reserved nor expressed though it should be said absque aliquo inde reddendo it shall be intended for the King and the Law will create a new Tenure by Knight service in Capite A Socage Tenure for Cities and Boroughs which have no Ploughs or intermedle not with Husbandry will be improper when as there is not any fictio juris or supposition â—in Law which doth not sequi rationem so follow reason or allude unto it as to preserve the reason or cause which it either doth or would signify but doth not suppose things improper or which are either Heterogeneous or quite contrary Put into fresh disputes the question of precedency betwixt Spain England which being much insisted upon by the Spaniard at the treaty of peace betwixt the two Kingdoms in anno 42. of Q. Eliz. at Calice occasioned by the contests of the Embassadour of Spain and Sir Henry Nevil Embassadour for England it was argued or adjudged that England besides the arguments urged on its behalf viz. Antiquity of Christian Religion more authority Ecclesiastical more absolute authority Political eminency of royal dignity and Nobility of blood ought to have precedency in regard that it was Superiour to the Kingdoms of Scotland and Ireland and the Isle of Man which held of iâ— that Spain had no Kingdom held in Fee of it but was it self Feudatory to France and inthral'd by oath of Subjection to Charles the fifth King of France in anno 1369. holds a great part of the Netherlands of France Arragon both the Indies Sicily Granado and Navarre Sardinia Corsica and the Canary Islands of the Pope Portugal payeth an annual Tribute to him and Naples yearly presents him with a white Spanish Genner and a certain Tribute Lessen and take away the honour of the King in having the principality of Wales Kingdom of Ireland Isle of Man Isles of Wight Gernesey and Jersey holding of England as their Superiour in Capite Enervate or ruine the Counties Palatine of Chester Lancaster Durham and Isle of Ely if the Tenures should be Levelled into Socage Very much damnifie all the Nobility and Gentry of England who hold as they have antiently divers Mannors and Lands or Offices by grand Serjeanty as for the Earls of Chester which belongeth to the Princes of Wales and the eldest Son of the King to carry before the King at his Coronation the Sword called Curtana to be Earl Marshal of England and to lead the Kings Host to be Lord great Chamberlain of England which is claimed by the Earl of Oxford to carry the Sword called Lancaster before the King at his Coronation due to the Earl of Derby as Kings of the Isle of Man to be grand Faulconner or Master of the Hawks claimed by the Earl of Carnarvon and the Kings Champion at his Coronation claimed
under them and if any evil happened unto them either endured it with them or willingly ventured their lives with them others attribute it to the Saxons ubi jus antiquissimum feudorum semper viguit et adhuc saith the learned Craig religiose observatur where the feudal Laws were and are yet most religiouâ—ly observed and Cliens and Vasallus in matters of Fâ—wds and Tenures are not seldome in the Civil Law and very good Authors become to be as Synonimes and used one for the other And the later Grecians since the Raign of Constantine Porphyrogenneta in the East and the Roman Emperors in the West before since the Raign of Charlemain or Charles the great were not without those necessary defences of themselves and their people And such a general benefit and ready and certain way of ayd and help upon all emergencies in the like usage of other Nations making it to be as a Law of Nations There hath been in all or most Kingdoms and Monarchies of the World as well Heathen as Christian a dependency of the Subject upon the Prince or Soveraign and some duties to be performed by reason of their Lands and Estates which they held under their Protection and in many of them as amongst the Germans Saxons Franks and Longobards and several other Nations descending from them Tenures in capite and Knight service were esteemed as a foundation and subsistency of the right and power of Soveraignty and Government and being at the first precariae ex domini solius arbitrio upon courtesie at the will only of the Prince or Lord were afterwards Annales from year to year after that feuda ceperunt esse vitalia their Estates or Fees became to be for life and after for Inheritance So as by the Law of England we have nâ—t properly Allodium saith Coke that is any Subjects Land which is not holden of some Superior and that Tenures in capite appear not to be of any new institution in the book of Doomsday or in Edward the Confessors dayes an 1060. in King Athelstans an 903. in King Canutus his Raign in King Keâ—ulphus his Raign an 821. or in King Ina's Raign an 720. In Imitation whereof and the Norman no slavish Laws and usages which as to Tenures by the opinion of William Roville of Alenzon in his Preface to the grand Customier of Normandy were first brought into Normandy out of England by our Edward the Confessor the Customs Policies of other People and Kingdoms prudent Antiquity having in that manner so well provided by reservation of Tenures for the defence of the Realm William the Conquerour sound no better means to continue and support the Frame and Government of this Kingdom then upon many of his gifts and grants of Land the most part of England being then by conquest in his Demeasne to reserve the Tenures and Service of those and their Heirs to whom he gave it in Capite and by Knight Service and if Thomas Sprot and other antient Authors and Traditions mistake not in the number of them for that there were very many is agreed by the Red Book in the Exchequer and divers Authentiques created 60215 Knights Fees which with their Homage incidents and obligations to serve in Wars with the addition of those many other Tenures by Knights service which the Nobility great men and others besides those great quantities of Lands and Tenements which they and many as well as the King and others our succeeding Princes gave Colonis Hominibus inferioris notae to the ordinary and inferior sort of people to hold in Socage Burgage and Petit Serjeantie reserved upon their guifts and grants to their Friends Followers and Tenants who where to attend also their mesne Lords in the service of their Prince could not be otherwise then a safety and constant kind of defence for ever after to this Kingdom And by the Learned Sir Henry Spelman said to be due non solum jure positivo sed gentium quodammodo naturae not only by positive Law but the Law of Nations and in some sorts by the Law of Nature Especially when it was not to arise from any compulsary or incertain way or involuntary contribution or out of any personal or moveable estate but to fix and go along with the Land as an easy and beneficial tye and perpetuity upon it and is so incorporate and inherent with it as it hath upon the matter a co-existence or being with it and Glanvil and Bracton are of opinion that the King must have Arms as well as Laws to Govern by and not depend ex aliorum Arbitrio it being a Rule of Law that quando Lex aliquid concedit id concedit sine quo res ipsa esse non potest when the Law granteth any thing it granteth that also which is necessary and requisite to it And therefore the old oath of Fealty which by Edward the Confessors Laws was to be administred in the Folcmotes or assemblyes of the People once in every year Fide et Sacramento non fracto ad defendendum regnum contra Alienigenas et Inimicos cum Domino suo Rege et terras et honores illius omni fidelitate cum eo servare et quod illi ut Domino suo Regi intra et extra regnum Britanniae fideles esse volunt by faith and oath inviolable to defend the Kingdome against all strangers and the Kings Enemies and the Lands and dignity of the King to preserve and be faithful to him as to their Lord as well within as without the Kingdom of Britain which was not then also held to be enough unlesse also there were a tye and obligation upon the Land and therefore enacted that debeant universi liberi homines secundum feodum suum secundum tenementa sua arma habere illa semper prompta conservare ad tuitionem Regni servicium Dominorum suâ—rum juxta preceptum Domini Regis explendum peragendum every free man according to the proportion of his Fee and Lands should have his Arms in readinesse for the defence of the Kingdom and Service of their Lords as the King should command And it was by William the Conqueror ordained quod omnes liberi homines fide et Sacramento affirment quod intra extra universum Regnum Willielmo Regi Domino suo fideles esse volunt terras honores suos omni fidelitate ubique servare cum eo contra Inimicos Alieniginas defendere that all Free-men should take an Oath that as well within as without the Realm of England they should be faithful to their King and Lord and defend every where him and his Lands Dignity and Estate with all faithfulnesse against his Enemies and Foreiners Et Statuit firmiter precepit ut omnes Comites Barones Milites Servientes Teneant se semper in Armis in Equis ut decet oportet quod
shillings for a whole Knights Fee and after that rate proportionably ibm 35. If the Guardian maketh a Feoffement of the Wards Lands he shall have a Writ of Novel disseisin and upon recovery the Seisin shall be delivered to the next friend and the Guardian shall loose the Wardship 3. E. 1. ca. 47. Usurpation of a Church during the minority of the Heir shall not prejudice him 13 E. 1.5 Admeasurement of Dower shall be granted to a Guardian and the Heir shall not be barred by the suite of the Guardian if there be collusion 13 E. 1.7 Next Friends shall be permitted to sue if the Heir be â—loyned 13 E. 1.15 If part of the Lands be sold the services shall be apportioned Westmr. 3.2 Escheators shall commit no waste in Wards Lands 28 E. 1 18. If Lands without cause be seised by the Escheator the Issues and Mesne profits shall be restored 21 E. 1.19 where it is found by Inquest that Lands are not holden of the King the Escheator shall without delay return the possession Stat de Escheatoribus 29 E. 1. Escheators shall have sufficient in the places where they Minister to answer the King and his People if any shall complain 4 E 3.9.5 E. 3 4. Shall be chosen by the Chancelour Treasurer and chief Baron taking unto them the chief Justices of the one bench and the other if they be present and no Escheator shall tarry in his office above a year 14 E. 3.8 A Ward shall have an action of waste against his Guardian and Escheators shall make no waste in the Lands of the Kings wards 14 E. 3 13. Aid to make the Kings Son a Knight or to marry his Daughter shall be in no other manner then according to the Statute thereof formerly made 25 E. 3 11. Traverses of offices found before Escheators upon dyings seised or alienations without licence shall be tried in the Kings Bench 34 E. 3 14. An Escheator shall have no Pec of wood fish or venison out of the wards Lands 38 E. 3 13. An Idempnitate nominis shall be granted of another mans Lands seised by an Escheator 37 E 1.2 No Escheator shall be made unless he haue twenty pounds Land per annum or more in Fee and they shall execute their offices in proper person the Chancellor shall make Escheators without any Gift or Brokage and shall make them of the most lawful men and sufficient 12 R. 2.2 An Escheator or Commissioner shall take no Inquest but by such persons as shall be retorned by the Sheriff they shall retorn the offices found before them and the Lands shall be let to farm to him that tendereth a Traverse to the office 8 H. 6.16 Inquisitions shall be taken by Escheators in good Towns and open places and they shall not take above forty Shillings for finding an office under the penalty of forty pounds 23 H. 6 17. Women at the age of fourteen years at the time of the death of their Ancestors without question or difficulty shall have Livery of their Lands 39 H. 6.2 No office shall be retorned into any of the Kings Courts by any Escheator or Commissioner but which is found by a Jury and none to be an Escheator who hath not forty markes per annum above all reprises the Jurors to have Land of the yearly value of forty shillings within the Shire the Forman of the Jury shall keep the Counter part of the Inquisition and the Escheator must receive the Inquisition found by the Iury as also the offices or Inquisitions shall be received in the Chancery and Exchequer 1 H. 8 ca. 8. Lands shall be lâ—t to farme to him that offereth to traverse the office before the offices or Inquests retorned or within three Months after 1 H. 8 ca. 10. the respite of Homage of Lands not exceeding five pounds per Annum to be but eight pence the yearly value of Lands not exceeding twenty pounds per annum to be taken as it is found in the Inquisition except it by examination otherwise appear to the Master of the Wards Surveyer Atturney or Receiver General or three of them or that it shall otherwise appear and be declared in any of the Kings Courts No Escheator shall sit virtute officii where the Lands be five pounds per annum or above the Escheator shall take for finding of an office not exceeding five pounds per annum but six Shillings eight pence for his Fee and for the writing of the office three Shillings four pence for the charges of the Jury three Shillings and for the officers and Ministers of any Court that shall receive the same Record two shillings upon pain of five pounds to the Escheator for every time so offending the Master and Court shall have power to moderate any Fines or Recognisances 33 H 8.22 The Heir of Lands not exceeding five pounds per annum may sue his General Livery by warrant only out of the Court of wards although there be no Inquisition or office found or certified The Interest of every lesser Tenant for Term of years Copy-holder or other person having interest in any Lands found in any office or Inquisition shall be saved though they be not found by office The Heir upon an aetate probanda shall have an oustâ—e le maines and the profits of his Lands from the time that he comes to age and if any office be untruely found a Traverse shall be allowed or a Monstrans de Droit without being driven to any petition of right though the King be entitled by a double matter of Record A Traverse to an office shall be allowed where a wrong Tenure is found an ignoramus â—ound of a Tenure shall not be taken to be any Tenure in Capite and upon a Traverse a Scire facias shall be awarded against the Kings Patentee 2 and 3 E 6. ca. 8. And if there had been any certain or common grievances or so much as a likelyhood of any to have risen or happened by such Tenures and benefits which many were the better for and had no reason at all to find fault with w ch many more were striving to deserve of the Kings of England the Nobility great men of this Kingdom the Parliaments that have been ever since the 8 th year of the reign of H. 3. would not have made so many Acts of Parliament for their establishment or tending to their preservation if we should believe as it cannot be well denyed that Parliaments have been sometimes mistaken and enacted that which they have afterwards thought fit to repeal Yet it comes not within the virge or compass of any probability that Parliaments where all grievances are most commonly represented should for almost four hundred years together in a succession of many Kings Parliaments enact or continue grievances instead of remedies neither find those Tenures to be inconvenient or not fit to be continued or so much as complain of them but as if they were blessings of a
never be so good or for the ease of the people as when the King by a constant and well ordered Court shall be rescued from the importunityes and necessityes of great men and preserved from the Errors which an indulgence or munificence to so many Cravers Petitioners and Pretenders as do usually throng the Courts and presence of Princes might draw or perswade them unto and the Wards and their Friends not put to seek Remedies or just Defences in their Suits or Concernments in other Courts amongst a multitude and intermixture of Causes of another nature nor to procure an accesse for their Petitions to their Kings or at their Courts or Residences where a continual assembly of all the weighty cares and emergencies in Government will inevitably inforce or necessitate delayes and notwithstanding the help of some costly Mediators and intercessors cannot nor ever could be easily got through but may in such a fixed and peculiar Court as that of the Wards Liveriâ—â— with a small expence of time or attendance and the assistance of certain allowed Fees to proper and appointed offices which cannot be any grievance where they shall be any thing within the bounds of Reason or Moderation know how to find out and go to their proper Remedies as readily as an Apothecary can to his Boxes of Medicaments or the Physician to the experimented directions of his Books or Recipes and were sure to be heard and have redresse in a Court of Justice guided and governed by wise and good men who being as great as they were good were fenced and compassed about with comprehensive and restraining Oaths enjoyning all manner of right and forbidding the least of Injustice and wrong to be done unto the People Preserved the estates inheritance and evidences of the Wards guarded and rescued the estates of Lunatiques and Ideots from those that would deceive them helped the Wards in the discovery and recovery of their debts and rights rescued them from all wrongs enjoyned and prohibited other Courts from any cognizance or determination of their concernments except when a Will was to be proved or an Administration granted or the like to or for the use and benefit of a Ward and committed the education of such whose Fathers dyed Papists so to Protestants as many and amongst them some Earls and Nobility have by the direction of the King and the care of that Court been put under the Tuition of some Bishops and thereby become Protestants and their Posterities fastened in that Religion most of which cares of that Court and benefits received by the people could not be at all or not so well had and enjoyed when there was no Court which besides the prâ—venting and punishing of stoln marriages and many other benefits not here mentioned may notwithstanding some deviations and irregularities which have been committed by some Officers and Clarks which may easily be remedied be as useful as other of the great Courts in Westminster-Hall which were not dissolved or put down in the reign of King E. 1. because all the Judges of the Kings Bench common Pleas and Exchequer except John de Metingham and Elias de Beckingham were by judgment of Parliament found guilty and grievously Fined for Briberies extortions oppressions and other great misdemeanors but to the great good and comfort of the people and nation have as before those offences committed by some of their Judges in the absence of the King in Gasconie ever since continued as great Magazines of Justice and the Asylums or Sanctuaries of all that are distressed So as no Serpent for ought ever appears lurked under that green grasse nor any Crocodile nourished or bathed himself in those wholesome waters laid not his eggs in the Sand of our Estates or Properties assaulted not the innocent Passenger nor spoiled our Flocks of Sheep or herds of Cattle and a Marvail or wonder it may therefore be that so good so necessary and so beneficial an Institution should have any Innate or original evil or grievance in it and the quaerulous humour of the vulgar who like a herd of Swine do too often cry when one of many of them is but justly pinched or wrung by the ear for his unjust Trespassings or as those irrational Guards of the night do use to howl or bark because one of their kind half a mile off torments himself in a Moon-light night in barking at his own or any other shaddow should never stuffe out or enlarge their complaints against that which was accounted to be no grievance in Edward the Confessors time whose memory was and is yet like the Nard or Spices of the East and his Laws so venerable as our English fore-fathers could in the loss and ruines of their Country hide them under his shrine at Westminster and thought themselves happy when as with Tears and Importunities they obtained of William the Conquerour to be restored to them and left them as rich Heir-looms and a precious Legacy to their Posterity who got the care and observation of them to be afterwards inserted into the Coronation-Oath of the succeeding Kings of England And could no way be suspected not to be highly contented with them when as they were Leges propriae Laws of their own Country consuetudines antiquae in quibus vixerant Patres â—orum ipsi in eis nati nutriti fuerunt and the antient Customs in which their fore-fathers were born or bred up in not collected or put together by incertain reports partial or doubtful upon reasonlesse traditions or hear-says of an afflicted trembling or affrighted degenerate people under the sense and miseries of a late Forreign Conquest but per praeceptum Regis Wilâ—elmi electi sunt de singulis totius Angliae Comitatibus 12 viri sapieâ—tiores quibus jurejurando injunctum fuit coram Rege Gulielmo ut quoad possent tramite neque ad dextram neque ad sinistram declinantes legum suarum consuetudinum sancita patefacerent nil praetermittentes nil addentes nil praevaricando mutantes orderly and judicially inquired and sought out by a fair and just election of twelve of the wisest men of every County in England by virtue of King William the Conquerours Writs or Commission to whom being brought into the Kings presence they were injoyned by oath that as much as possibly they could they should have a care to do right and neither incline to the right hand nor to the left without any omission addition collusion or deceit should certifie their legal Customs which being done and written out by the Kings command by the proper hand-writing of Aldered Arch-Bishop of York and Hugh Bishop of London were by the King ratified by his Proclamation and made perpetual per totum Regnum Angliae inviolabiliter tenendas sub paenis gravissimis Throughout all England under grievous penalties to be observed and kept And so approved by the people as about 70 years after the Citizens of London as the continuation of Florence
Officers of the Bench made in the second year of the King Nor was there so much as an Apprehension of any evil in them in the Parliament of 4 H. 4. where the Commons pray that The Act of Parliament of the 1 of E. 3. that none shall be distrained to go out of their Counties but only for the Cause of necessity of suddain coming of strange Enemies into the Realm and the Statute made in the 18 th year of the Reign of the said King That men of Armes Hoblers and Archers chosen to go in the Kings Service out of England shall be at the Kings wages from the day that they do depart out of the Counties where they were chosen and also that the Statute made in the 25 th year of the Raign of the said King that none be compelled to find Men of Arms Hoblers nor Archers other than those which hold by such services unlesse it be by common assent and grant made in Parliament be firmly holden and kept in all points it was upon the granting of their desires and an Act of Parliament made for that purposâ— as the Declaration of the Lords and Commons in Parliament against the Kings Commission of Array in an 1642 mentioneth especially provided that by force or colour of the said supplication nor of any Statute thereupon to be made the Lords nor any other that have Lands or Possessions in the Counties of Wales or in the Marches thereof shall in no wise be excused of their Services and Devoires due of their said Lands and Possessions nor of any other Devoier or things whereunto they or any of them be especially bound to the King though that the same Lords and others have other Lands and Possessions within the Realm of England nor that the Lords or other of what Estate or Condition soever they be that hold by Esâ—uage or other Services due to the King any Lands and Possessions within the said Realm be no way excused to do their Services and Devoirs due of the said Lands and Possessions nor that the Lords Knights Esquires nor other Persons of what Estate or Condition they be which hold and have of the Grant or Confirmation of the King Lands Possessions Fees Annuities Pensions or other yearly profits be not excused to do their Services to the King in such manner as they are bound because of the Lands Possessions Fees Annuities Pensions or Profits afâ—resaid And might challenge their quietus est or Proclamation of acquittall when there were no complaints made against them in the former ages when there were so many Taxes laid upon Knights Fees as 20 shillings then a great sum of money as much almost as 20 markes is now upon every Knights Fee imposed by King R. 1. toward his ransome 26 s. 8 d. upon every Knights Fee by King Iohn and another also of the same sum towards his expedition into Wales 20 s. upon every Knights Fee towards his Charges in Normandy an Escuage of 20 s. upon every Knights Fee to be paid the one half at Easter and the other at Michaelmas besides the Escuage which he had upon the marriage of his Sister Isabel to the Emperor Frederick two Escuages imposed by H. 3. and an Escuage upon the marriage of his Daughter the Lady Margaret to Alexander King of Scots 20 s. of every Knights Fee by H. 4. the many services in person done by those which held in capite and Knights Service in forinseco servitio in all the expeditions and Wars in France from the time of the Norman Conquest to the end of the Raign of E. 4. and at home in the Wars betwixt England and Wales and betwixt England and the Scots where very many Inhabitants of the Counties of Cumberland Westmeâ—land and Northumberland that held by Cornage a kind of Knight Service to blow a horn upon the invasion or incursion of the Scots and to help to repell them and had their Lands sometimes at the Will of the Lords conferred and given to the younger and more lusty Sons who were able to undergo that service could before King James his accession to the Crown of England the pacification of the English and Scottish hostilities placing them under one obedience scarce rest in their beds by reason of the Scots sudain or nightly alarmes and depredations driving or stealing their Cattell and spoiling all that they had And in all the troubles of England before and since the Barons Wars upon any Rebellions and inquietudes of the people when those that held by Knight service were frequently and hastily summoned to come to the King cum Equis Armis and the great charges trouble hazard and expences which the Lords Mâ—sne were put unto by Assessements of Escuage and otherwise And that immediately upon the death of the Kings Tenants in capite by Knight Service the Escheators did usually seise not only the Lands of the greatest of the Nobility Gentry and meaner men But the Stock and Cattell upon their grounds and the Goods in their Houses insomuch as their Executors were many times constrained to Petition and obtain the Kings Writs and Allowance to have the Stock and personal Estate delivered unto them And yet no complaints made at all against those Tenures or necessary defences of the Kingdome nor against Tenures by grand or Petit Serjeanty in the thirty confirmations of our Magna Charta upon as often Breaches to be supposed of it Never complained off in the making of thirty six Acts of Parliament concerning Wardships and Tenures in the several times and Ages from 8 H. 3. to this present nor at the making of the Act of Parliament in 32 H. 8. for the erection of the Court of Wards Nor in so many thousand Petitions which have been in 186. several Parliaments for almost four hundred years last past or before 9 H. 3. or ever since this nation could remember any thing either in our Parliaments Micel-gemots Wittena-gemots conventus sapientum or Magna Concilia where all the Grievances and Complaints of the people not to be remedied else where came as to the Pool of Bethesda for help and relief and wherein if any in some one or more Parliaments should so much neglect their duty and the more than ordinary business and concernments of their Kings themselves and Countries with which they were intrusted and to which their Oaths of Allegiance if nothing else must needs be their Monitors it cannot without a supposition and belief which will never be able to find entertainment in any rational mans understanding be imagined that the whole Nation for so many Ages past and in so many Assemblies of those that should be the Sons of Wisdome should be bound up under such a fate of Stupidity or Ignorance as to represent those that were sick and not know of it or that all or any of them should propter imbecillitatem vel pernegligentiam by a to be pitied weakness or negligence not either seek or
design to make all or most of the Actions of those our Kings and Princes and the Nobility and Clergy in their several reigns for at all of them like one of the Ephori sitting in Censure rather than Judgement upon the Spartan Kings and Government and the Acts of Parliament made in the several Reigns of those Kings he aimed and flung his Fancies clad in a sober Stile and Gravity rather than any Truth or Reason by pretending that they were made and contrived only under their influence to be arbitrary and oppressive to the freeborn people of this Nation for which he got several Preferments under Oliver the Protector of our burdens miseries Though if the Records and Journals of our Parliaments may be credited as certainly they ought to be before him most if not all of our Acts of Parliament were granted and assented unto by our Kings upon the Petitions of the Commons representing the people in Parliament as â—alsoms and great Remedies and redresses of all that they could complain of deliverances from the oppressions frauds and deceipts of one another and prevention of evils which might happen to them and their posterities wherein our Kings have almost in every Parliament given away many diminished very much of their own just legal Rights and prerogatives by granting and confirming their Liberties and Estates with such an infranchisement and freedom as no Nation or people under Heaven now enjoyes And when as heretofore in former Parliaments they gave to their Kings Princes many times too unwillingly any aydes or Subsidies were sure besides the blessings which accrewed to them by many good Laws and wholesome Acts of Parliament to gain a great deal more by their Acts of grace and general pardons only then the aids and Subsidies did amount unto Unlesse it were in the Reign of King H. 8. when the Abby Lands were granted unto him in the raign of King E 6. when the Chanterie remaining peices of those religious Lands were given to him wherein only the Founders and the religious to whom they properly belonged were the only loosers and yet by reason of King H. 8. his Endowments and erection of the Bishoppricks of Oxford Peterborough Chester Gloucester and Bristol the Colledge of Christ-Church in Oxford and the Deanary of Westminster Deanries and Prebends of Canterbury Winchester Worcester Chester Peterburgh Oxford Ely Gloucester Bristol Carlile Durham Rochester and Norwich and his large gifts and grants to divers of the Nobility who had formerly been the Founders or great Benefactors to many of the Abbyes and Prioryes and also to other of his people and the grants of E. 6. Queen Eliz. and King James considered very little of those Lands and Revenues doe at this time continue in the Crown And our many Acts of Parliament against Mortmaines without the Kings Licence Provisions by the Pope or any appeales to be made to him under the most severe penalties of Premunire the Act of Parliament taking away the Popes Supremacy the fineing and putting the Clergy of the Provinces of Canterbury and York under Premunires by King H. 8. An Oath of Renunciation of all fealty and appeales to the Pope an Engagement to observe all Lawes made against his Power the losse of 72 Mannors or Lordships out of the Revenues of the Arch-bishopprick of York and of sundry great Mannors and Possessions taken from the Sees of Canterbury Ely and London The demolishing and dissolution of Religious Houses 3845. Parochial Churches being more than a third part of all the Churches in England impropriated and gotten into the hands of the Laity many of the Vicarages confined to the small and pittiful maintenance of some 20 l. per Annum others 10 and some but 6 l. per An. several Acts of Parliament made in the reigns of several other Kings and Princes clipping the Clergies Power in making Leases or chargeing their Benefices with Cure restraining their taking of Farms forbidding Pluralityes intermedling as Commissioners in Lay or Temporal Affairs or to make Constitutions in their Synods or Convocations without the Kings Assent may declare how little power for some hundreds of years past the Clergy of England have before or since the Reformation either encroached upon or been able to get or keep Finds not in his mistaken Censures and Distortions of most of the Acts of our Kings and Parliaments to make way in the deluded peoples minds for the erecting of Olivers Protean and Tyranical Government Any fault with the erection of the Court of Wards and Liveries nor with Tenures or Wardships but justifying them sayes that the relief paid by the Tenant upon the death of his Ancestor was in memorial of the first Lords favour in giving him the Land and was first setled in the Saxons times that the Law of Wardship may seem more antiently seated in this Kingdom than the Normans times that Wardship was a fruit of the Service of the Tenant and for the defence of the Kingdom Which that Parliament or the following Conventions or Assemblies made no hast to overturn or take away until Oliver Cromwel that Hyaena or Wolf of the Evening having filled the Kingdom with Garrisons several Regiments of Horse and Foot amounting to 30000. men which were to be constantly maintained at the peoples charge to keep them quiet in their slavery had upon the humble petition and advice of that which he called his Parliament acknowledging with all thankfulness the wonderful mercies of God in delivering them from that Tyranny and Bondage both in their Spiritual and Civil Governments which the late King and his party which in a Fog or Mist of sin and delusion they were pleased most injuriously to averre and charge upon them designed by a bloody War to bring them under when as then they were under none and all but the gainers by the spoyles of those Wars have since had more Burdens Grievances and Taxes entailed upon them then ever was in any Nation in Christendome allowed him in a constant Revenue for support of the Government and the safety and defence of the Nations of England Scotland and Ireland a yearly Revenue of thirteen hundred thousand pounds whereof ten hundred thousand pounds for the Navy and Army which far exceeded thaâ— which accrewed to the Crown or Kings of England by Wardships Tenures and Ship-mony which were but casual and upon necessity and but at some times or seldome and alwayes less by more than eight parts in ten of those justly to be complained of awful and yearly Asessements Procured the Assembly or Parliament so called in Anno 1657. to awake that sleeping Ordinance and dresse it into an Act as he called it of Parliament wherein It was without any Cause or Grievance expresâ— or satisfaction given or promised to those that remained the loosers by it enacted that the Court of Wards and Liveries and all Wardships Primer seisins and Oustre le maines and all other charges incident and arising for
innocent as useful Tenures in Capite and Knight service of bettering the condition of the Commonwealth and people increasing their Liberties and content and to maintain and keep them in a most happy peace and plenty which will never be done if the Sword and Scepter of the King shall only be like the Ensignes and Ornaments of Regality and made only to represent a Majestie there will another difficulty stand in the way and meet the design of doing it by Act of Parliament and offer this question to consideration Whether an Act of Parliament and the consent of the House of Peers the desire of all the Commons and People of England which must be understood to be signified by their Representatives and the Roy le veult the King giving life and breath and being to it can in the great power and respect which ever hath been by the Law and justly ought to be always attributed unto it Take away Tenures in Capite and by Knight service grand and Petit Sejeanties Homage and all other incidents belonging unto them or the right which the Nobility and Gentry and mesne Lords have to enjoy their Tenures by Knight service the incidents thereunto belonging Which howsoever that in many other things it hath been said that Consensus tollit errorem Conventiâ— vincit Legem Consents and Agreements are more binding then Law will by the Laws of God and Nature and Nations and the Laws of this Kingdom and the opinion of some eminent and learned Sages and Lawyers thereof be resolved in the Negative viz. CHAP. VII That Tenures in Capite and by Knight service holden of the King and the Homage and Incidents thereunto appertaining and the Right of the Mesne Lords cannot be dissolved or taken away by any Act of Parliament FOR that Gods Law and the Law of Nature and Nations have taken care not only to preserve the Rights of Soveraignity and the means and order of Government but the Rights property of every particular Subject do prohibit all injustice it is a Maxime or Aphorism undeniable that Laws made against the Word of God the Laws of Nature or which are impossible or contra bonos more 's right Reason or natural Equity will be void in themselves be the Seal or Stamp of Authority never so eminent And therefore if as the Law hath often determined that the Kings Charters are void and not pleadable by Law when they are repugnant to the Laws Acts of Parliament Maxims and reasonable Customs of the Realm that it is not in the Kings power by his Charter or last Will and Testament to grant away the Crown of England to another Prince or Potentate as it was resolved in the Case of the supposed grant of King Edward the Confessor to William Duke of Normandy and that grant of King John to the Pope to hold England and Ireland of him and that notwithstanding the grant made by William the Conquerour to Hugh Lupus of the Earldom of Chester tenendum per gladium and ita libere as the King himself did hold England the Earldom of Chester was holden of the King that the grant of King H. 2. to the Monks of St. Bartholomews in London that the Prior the Monks should be as free in their Church as the King was in his Crown was adjudged to be void for that the Prior and the Monks were but Subjects and that by the Law the King may no more denude himself of his Royal Superiority over his Subjects then his Subjects can renounce or avoid their subjection to their King and the reason why such or the like grants of the King by his Charter are void is not in regard it was granted without the consent of the people in Parliament but that it was in disherison of his Crown and disabling himself to govern or if he should by his grant exempt a man from paying his Debts or maintenance of hise Wife and Children the joyning of the Lords and Commons with him in an Act of Parliament would not make such a Law to be binding or obligatory And therefore the King cannot saith Dier release or grant a Tenure in Capite to any Subject Dier 44. when King Edward the 3 d. granted to the Black Prince his Son the grant of the Dutchy of Cornwal all Wards Marriages and Reliefs non obstante the Kings Prerogative it was adjudged that the Prince could not seise a Ward which held of the Kings Ward because it belonged to the King by his Prerogative And in 2 R. 2. Robert de Hauley Esquire being arrested and pursued upon an Action of Debt in Westminster Abby where he took Sanctuary was in the tumult slain at the high Altar when the Priest was singing high Masse And the offence and breach of priviledge as it was then pretended to be complained of in Parliament by the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and the rest of the Prelates and Clergy and prayed that due satisfaction and amends might be made of so horrible a fact It was opposed by the Lords and Commons and they vouched Records and called to witness the Justices and others that were learned in rhe Lawes of the Land that in the Church of England it hath not been accustomed nor ought to have Immunity for Debt or Trespass or other Cause whatsoever except for Crime only And certain Doctors of Divinity Canon and Civil Lawes being thereupon sworn and examined before the King himself to speak the plain truth said upon mature and sound deliberation that in case of Debt Accompt or Trespass where a man is not to lose life or member no man ought to have Immunity in holy Church and said further in the highest expressions those times could afford that God saving his Perfection the Pope saving his Holiness nor any King or Prince can grant such a priviledge and that if the King should grant such a priviledge the Church is and ought to be favoured and nourished ought not to axcept of it whereof offence or occasion of offence may arise for it is a sin and occasion of offence saith the Record to delay a man willingly from his Debt or the just recovery of the same And if an Act of the Commons alone or of the Lords alone or of both together cannot amount to an Act of Parliament the King himself cannot grant away his Regality or Power or means of governing by his Charter or any Act which he can singly doe his concurrence with both the Lords and Commons can no more make an Act to confirme that which should not be done or granted then his own grant or Charter could have done or than if he and the House of Commons only had made an Act As it appeareth by the Ordinance which the Lords Ordainers so from thence called did obtain from Edward 2. whereby he delegated much of his Regal Authority unto them which was afterwards complained of in Parliament made void and the Authors or Lords Ordainers
to hold of the King by an honourable service of grand Serjeanty Then to hold in Socage and be â—yed to do yearly and oftner some part of Husbandry or drudgery upon his Lords Land for nothing or pay an annual Rent besiâ—â—â— many other serviâ—e payments duties as for Rent Oats rent Timber rent Wood Malâ— rent Hoâ—y rent for fishing liberty to Plow at certain seasons and the like And if they had been esteemed or taken to be a bondage the Commons of Eng. certainly in the Parliament of 1 R. 2. Would not by their Speaker have commended the Feats of Chivalry shewed to the King that thereby the people of England were of all Nations renoumed and how by the decay thereof the Honour of the Realm was and would dayly decrease Or in 9 H. 4. Petitioned the King that upon seisure of the Lands of such as be or should be attainted or grants of such Lands by the King the services therefore due to other Lords might thereupon be reserved The good and original benefit whereof derived to the Tenant from the King or mesne Lord that first gave the Lands and the consideration that by the taking of that a way every one was in all justice equity to be restored to his primitive propriety and that which was his own and so to reduce the Lands to the Heirs of those that at first gave them restraining them might be in all probability the reason that not only Capite and Knight service Tenures but Copyhold other Tenures and estates also having as much or more pretence or fancy of servitude in them were never so much as petitioned against in Parliament to be utterly taken away Some instance whereof may be had in that of Villinage which being the heaviest and most servile of all kind of Tenures though some thousand Families in this Kingdom there being antiently some Tenants in villenage belonging almost to every Mannor by desueâ—ude expiration of that course of Tenures now esteeming themselves nothing less were never in any Parliament desired to be abolished Bracton Fâ—eta other antient Authors in our English Laws alleging it to be de jure Gentium and that nihil detrahit libertaâ—i is not to be reckon'd a servitude much less surely then are Tenures in Capite and Knight service which the learned Grotius in the utmost that he could in his Book de antiquitate reipublicae Batavicae alleage for the freedom and independency of the Hollanders though he could not deny but that the German Emperours did claim them to hold in vassalage or as a Feiff oâ— the Empire will not allow to be any derogation from their liberty but concludes quod etsi optinerent non eo desinerent Hollandi esse liberi cum ut Proculus egregie demonstrat nec Clientes liberi esse desinant quia Patronis dignitate pares non sunt unde liberi feudi orta est appellatio That if it should be granted it would make the Hollanders not to be free when as Proculus very well demonstrateth Clients or vassails did not cease to be free because they are not equall to their Patrons in dignity whence the name or Term of franck Fee was derived and Sr. Henry Spelman saith quemadmodum igitur omnibus non licuit feudum dare ita nec omnibus accipere as it was not lawful for every one to give lands to hold of him so it was not allowed to every one to take prohibentur enim ignobiles servilisque conditionis homines et quidem juxta morem Heroicis seculis receptum munera subire militaria for ignoble and men of servile condition according to the usage of Heroick times were â—orbid to attempt military Offices and Imployments as may be evidenced also in those antient Customes and usages of those grand eminent Commonwealths of Rome and Athens in the latter of which notwithstanding the opinion of those who deny the use of Tenures by military service to have been in Greece before the time of Constantine Porphyrogenneta it appears that Solon had long before made a second classis or degree of such as could yearly dispend three hundred Bushels of Corn other liquid fruits were able to find a Horse of service called them Knights Soli igitur saith judicious Spelman nobiles feudorum susceptibiles erant quod praeâ—â—usticis et ignobilibus longe agiliores habiti sunt ad tractanda arma regendamque militiam And therefore the Nobility and Gentry were only capable of such Fees or Tenures in regard that they were more agile and fitter for the use of Arms and military Government and Order and was therefore called by the French heritages nobles et liberis et ingâ—nuis solummodo competunt a noble inheritance and only belonged to men that were free born and of ranâ—k and quality And wereâ—no longer ago than in Anno Dom. 1637. in the argument of the case of 〈◊〉 Ship-mony in the Exchecquer Chamber so little thought to be a Slavery to the people or any unjust or illegal prerogative of the Kings as Mr Oliver St. John none of the reverend and learned Judges of England then contradicting it alleaged them to be for the defence of the Realm and that they were not ex provisâ—one hominis not of mans provision but ex provisione legis ordained by Law and that the King was to have the benefit that accrewed by them with Wardships primer seisins Licences of Alienation and Reliefs as well to defend his Kingdom as to educate his Wards Nor can they be accounted to be a Bondage or Slavery unless we should fancy which would like a dream also vanish when men shall awake into their better senses and reason that those ornaments in peace and strength in time of war which have been for so many ages and Centuries since King Inas time which was in an 721 now above 940 years agoe and may have beene long before that ever accompted to be harmlesse and unblameable and in King Edgars Time by a Charter made by him unto Oswald Bishop of Worcester said to be constitutione antiquorum temporum of antient time before the date of that Charter were an oppression that all rankes and sorts of the People should endure a slavery and not know nor feel it nor any of the contemporary writers antient or modern take notice of it that the Peers of this Kingdom should be in Slavery and not know or believe it The The gentry of the Kingdom should be as worshipful Slaves and not understand or perceive it And the Commons of the Kingdom what kind of Slaves it should please any without any cause to stile them That Honours Gifts and Rewards Protection Liberties Privileges and Favours to live well and happily of free gift and without any money paid for the purchase should be called a Bondage when as a Tenure in Socage ut in condemnatos ultrices manus â—â—ttant ut alios suspendio aliâ—s membrâ—rum
Lands as much sometimes as amounted to a third part of a Shire or County were in the Nobilities or great mens possessions some of whom held of the King a 100 or more Mannors and had as many Knights Fees holden of them besides some Castles Forrests Parks and Chases or that the two Escheators which were many times all that were in England the one on this side the other beyond Trent did not nor could not so carefully look to the death of the Kings Tenants which the Statute of 14 E. 3. ca. 8. complaineth of or that the smaller sort of Lands in Capite or mean mens estates were not so much looked after And yet the old Records of the Kingdome do speak a great deal of care and looking after every part of the Kings Revenew the not mentioning in deeds or conveyances of whom or how the Land was holden the more frequent use of Feoffements with Livery seisin in former times which being not Inrolled hindred or obstructed the vigilance of the Escheators and Feodaries their sleepinesse in permitting where any one Mannor or parcel was holden in Capite many other Mannors or Lands of the same Tenure to be found in the same Inquisition by an Ignoramus of the Tenure services the craft industry of many if not most men to evade and elude as much as they can the Law or any Acts of Parliament though when they are sometimes catched they dearly pay for it Or by some other cause or reason not yet appearing many of the said Knights Fees are lost and never to be discovered the Offices post mortem now extant in the Tower of London being in the last year of the reign of King H. 3. in the beginning of whose reign they first began to be regularly found and recorded but 187. in an 35. E. 1 153. in an 20 E. 2 52. of the succeeding Kings untill the end of E. 4. when such Tenures were most valued and respected are in every year but few in number sometimes less than 200 and many times not above 300 in the most plentiful years of those times And of the Knights Fees Lands holden in Capite and by Knight service which are now to be discovered in the greatest diligence of Escheators their better looking unto them in this last Century of years where there hath been an Escheator for the most part in every County to look to the Tenures and Wardships there will not upon exact search thereof appear to be in an 21 Jac. Regis any more than 71.22 Jac. 73 in 2 Car. Regis primi 112 in 3 Car. Regis primi 85. Custodies wardships granted under the great Seal of England which in Wardships of any Bulk or concernment doe most commonly pass that way leaving those of ordinary and lesser value to passe only under the Seal of the Court of Wards and Liveryes in an 10 Car. primi not above 450 offices post mortem some of which did only entitle the King to a Livery are to be found filed returned in an 11 Car. Regis not above 580 which may give us some estimate of the small number which now remains of that huge number which former ages writers talked of that after that rate if there be 10000 Knights Fees holden in Capite there is scarce a twentieth part falls one year with another to make any profit or advantage to the King by Wardships Marriage Reliefs primer seisin c. Nor are there unless by some unluckiness or accidents commonly above one in every three or four discents in a Family holding in Capite which do die and leave their Heirs in minority then also it is either more of less chargeable to the Family as the Males shall be nearer unto or more remote from their full age of 21 or the Females to their age of 16 some of the supposed Inconveniences being prevented by an earlier marriage of the Inheritrixes or the Kings giving the honour of Knighthood to some of the Males in their minoritie which dispenseth with the value of their marriages And yet those Tenures Wardships and incidents thereunto though so antient legal and innocent in their use and institution were not without the watchful eye and â—are of Parliaments to prevent or pluck up any Grievances which like weeds in the best of Gardens or per accidens might annoy or blemish those fair flowers of the Crown Imperial as that of 9 H. 3 that the Tenant by Knight Service being at his full age when his Ancestor dyeth shall have his inheritance by the old relief according to the old custom of the Fees the Statute of Merton in anno 9 H. 3 ca 2. and 3 E. 1 ca 2â— the Kings Tenant being at full age shall pay according to the old custom that is to say five pounds for a Knights Fee or lesse according to proportion ca 4 and 5. The Keeper of the Lands of the Heir within age shall not take of the Lands of the Heir but reasonable issues customs and services without distruction and wast of his men and goods shall keep up the Houses Parks Warrens Ponds Mills and other things pertaining to the Lands with the issues of the Lands and deliver the Lands to the Heir when he comeâ—h of full age stored with Plowes and all other things at least as he recieved them ca 7. A Widdow shall have her Marriage inheritance and tarry in the chief house of her Husband forty days after her Husbands death with reasonable Estovers within which time her Dower shall be assigned if it were not assigned before The Wards shall not be married to Villains or other as Burgesses where they be disparaged or within the age of fourteen years or such age as they cannot consent to mariage and if they do and their Friends complain thereof the Lord shall loose the Wardship and all the profits that thereof shall be taken and they shall be converted to the use of the Heirs being within age after the disposition and provision of their Friends for the shame done unto them a Writ of Mortd'auncester shall be allowed to the Heir with dammages against the Lord that keepeth his Lands after he is of full age Heirs within age shall not loose their Inheritance by the neglect or wilfulnesse of their Guardians 52 H. 3. cap 7 and 16. The Lord shall not after the age of fourteen years keep a Female unmarried more than two years after and if he do not by that time marry her she shall have an Action to recover her Inheritance without giving any thing for her Wardship or Inheritance 3 E. 1 ca. 22. A Writ of Novel disseisin shall be awarded against any Escheator that by colour of his Office shall disseise any of his freehold with double dammages and to be grievously amerced Westmr. 1.3 E. 1 cap. 24 In aid to make the Son of the Lord a Knight or to marry the Daughter there shall be taken but twenty
part of the well being of the Nation not at once but at several times in several ages and several Generations support and uphold them by after Laws constitutions as That no Freeman should from thence give nor sell any more of his lands but so that of the residue of the lands the Lord of the fee may have the services due unto him which belongeth to the Fee Lands aliened in mortmaine shall accrew to the Lord of the Fee 9 H. 3. ca. 32. 36. the Ward shall pay to the Lord of the Fee the value of his marriage if he will not marry at the request of his Lord for the marriage of him that is within age say the Statute the makers thereof of meer right pertaineth to the Lord of the Fee 20. H. 3 cap. 7. The Lord shall not pay a Fine for distraining his Tenant for Services and â—ustomes 52. H. 3 cap. 3. A fraudulent conveyance to defeat the Lord of his ward shall be void cap. 6. The King shall have primer seisin neither the heir nor any other shall intrude into their Inheritance before he hath received it out of the Kings hands as the same Inheritance was wont to be taken out of his hands and his Ancestors in times past if the lands be accustomed to be in the Kings hands by Knight service or Serjeanty or right of Patronage 52. H. 3. cap. 16. If an heir marry within age without the consent of his Guardian before he be past the age of fourteen years it shall be done according as is contained in the statute of Merton and of them that marry after that age without the consent of their Guardian the Guardian shall have the double value of their marriage such as have withdrawn their marriage shall pay the full value to the Guardian for the trespass and nevertheless the King shall have like amends And if the wards of malice or by evil council will not be married by their chief Lords where they shall not be disparaged then the Lords may hold their lands and Inheritance until they have accomplished the age of an heir male that is to wit of twenty one years and further until they have taken the value of the marriage 3 E. 1.22 A Tenaent shall have a writ of mesne to acquit him of his services and if the mesne come not he shall loose the service of his Tenant 13 E. 1.9 Priority of Feoffment shall make a title for wardship cap. 16. the chief Lord shall have a Cessavit against the Tenant if he cease for two years to do his service writs of Ravishment degard allowed to the Lord and the Party offending though he restore the ward unmarried or pay for the marriage shall nevertheless be punished by two years Imprisonment 13 E. 1.35 The Feoffee shall hold his lands of the chief Lord and not of the Feoffor 18 E. 1. Quia emptores terrarum A saving to the King of the antient aydes due and accustomed 25. E. 1.6 The King shall have the wardship of his Tenant which holdeth in chief the marriage of the heir primer seisin assignement of dower to the widdow marriage of the women Tenants deviding their lands in Coparcinery holden of him and they which hold of him in Serjeanty shall pay a Fine at the Alienation 17. E. 2. A Free-man shall doe his homage to his Lord 17. E. 2. Knights Fees shall not pass in the Kings grants without special words 17 E. 2.16 he shall be answered the mesne rates of Lands coming to him by his Tenants death 28. E. 3.4 where sundry of the Kings Tenants holding of him immediately as of his Dutchy of Lancaster did by sundry Recoveries Fines and Feoffments in use defeat the King of Wardships of Body and Lands It was Enacted that the King and his Heirs shall have the Wardship and Custody of the Body and Lands of cestui que use and if they be of full age shall have relief notwithstanding any such conveyance and an exact provision made for Writs to be granted upon the imbesiling of any such Heir Rot. Parl. 22 E. 4. N. 16. 17. The Lord of Cestui que use no will being declared c. shall have a Writ of Right of Ward for the Body and Land and the Heir of Cestuique use being of full Age at the Death of his Auncestor shall pay a relief 4 H. 7.17 Avâ—wry may be made by the Lord upon the land holden of him without naming his Tenant 21 H. 8.19 And no grievance was thought be in them at the time of the making of the Act of Parliament of 27 H. 8 2. when as it was expresly provided by that Act that Tenures in Capite should be reserved to the King of all mannors lands and hereditaments belonging to Monasteries religious houses which had lands Tenements and hereditaments not exceeding the clear yearly value of two hundred pounds which he should afterwards grant for an estate of Inheritance nor did the Parliament in the 31 year of the raign of that King retract that good opinion which was formerly had of them when enacting that the King and his heirs and Successors should be put in actual possession of all mannors lands and hereditaments of any yearly value whatsoever belonging to Monasteries they saved to the King his heirs and Successors all rents services and other duties as if that act had never been made Nor in the Act of Parliament of 32 H. 8. cap. 46. For erection of the Court of wards and Liveries wherin it is acknowledged that Tenures in Capite and wardships with their incidents did of right belong to the King in the right of the Imperial Crown of this Realm In the Act of Parliament of 32. H. 8. And an explanation thereof in 34 and 35 H. 8.5 giving power to those that held lands in Capite and by Knights service to devise two parts thereof reserving to the King wardship primer seisin and Fines for alienation of the third part and Fines for alienations of the Freehold or Inheritance of the two parts The Crown being secured of the Tenure of the two parts by the statute of Quia emptores terrarum Nor at the making of the statutes of 35 H. 8.14 37 H. 8.2 Whereby the King might reserve Tenures in Socage or Capite at his will and pleasure upon grants of lands not exceeding the value of forty shillings per annum belonging to religious houses And that the Kings former right shall be saved notwithstanding any Traverse a remedy for the rents of the mesne Lords where the King hath the wardships 2 and 3 E. 6. cap. 8 And those that held by such Tenures besides the care of so many Acts of Parliament were not unhappy also in that provision of the Common Law where it was an Article or inquiry in the Eyre if any Lord novas levavit consuetudines had charged his Tenant with any new Customes if any Escheators or Subescheators had made any
wast in the Wards Lands or seised Lands which ought not to be seised Et omnes illi qui sentiunt se super hiis gravatos inde conqueri voluerint audiantur fiat eis Justitia All that were grieved were to be heard and have Justice done them and the Tenant had his remedy by a writ of ne injuste vexes where his Lord did Indebita exigere servitia And least any thing should but come within the suspition of a Grievance or that the power of the Court of Wards and Liveries and the latitude which the Act of Parliament of 32 H. 8. had given it which was to be as fixed as the trust which was committed to it should in the intervalls of Parliaments or seldomest Cases be any thing like to a burden or Inconvenience the disposing and granting of wardships was by King James his Commission and instructions under the great Seal of England in an 1622. to the end that the people might stand assured that he desired nothing more than that their Children and their Lands which should fall unto him by reason of wardships might after their decease be committed in their neerest and trustiest friends or to such as they by will or otherwise commit the charge unto upon such valuable considerations as are just and reasonable that the Parents and Ancestors may depart in greater peace in hope of his gracious favour their friends may see their children brought up in piety and learning and may take such care as is fit for the preservation of their inheritance if they will seek the same in time Ordered that no direction for the finding of any Office be given for the wardship of the body and lands of any Ward until the end of one moneth next after the death of the Wards Ancestor but to the neerest and trustiest friends of the ward or other person nominated by the Ancestor in the wards behalf who may in the mean time become Suiters for the same among whom choice may be made of the best and fittest No composition agreement or promise of any wardship or lease of Lands be made until the office be found and then such of the friends to have preferment as tendred their Petitions within the moneth they yeilding a reasonable composition The Master Attorney Surveyor and other the Officers of the Court of Wards were to inform them selves as particularly as they might of the truth of the Wards estate as well of his Inheritance as of his Goods and Chattels the estate of the deceased Ancestors and of all other due circumstances considerable to the end the Compositions might be such as might stand with the Kings resonable profit and the Ability of the Heirs estate No Escheatâ—r shall inforce any man to shew his evidence That all Leases of Wards lands except in cases of concealment be made with litle or no Fine and for the best improved yearly rent that shall be offered consideration being had of the cautions aforesaid that no recusant be admitted to compound or be assignee of any wardship That where it shall appear that neither the King nor his progenitors within the space of threescore years last past enjoyed any benefit by Wardship Livery Primer seizin Releif Respect of Homage Fiâ—es or mesne rates of any lands the Master and Councel of the said Court were authorized to remit and release all benefit and profit that might accrew to the King thereby And in all cases where covenants were pâ—â—formed to deliver bonds which were taken concerning the same And that upon consideration of circumstances which may happen in assessing of Fines for the marriages of the Wards and renting of their lands either by reason of the broken estate of the deceased want of provision for his wife his great charge of Children unprovided for infirmity or tendernesse of the heir incertainty of the title or greatnesse of incumbrance upon the lands they shall have liberty as those or any other the like comsiderations shall offer themselves to use that good discretion and Conscience which shall be sit in mitigating or abating Fines or Rents to the releif of such necessities In pursuance whereof and the course and usage of that Court as well before as after the said Instructions Wardships nor any Custody or Lease of the Wards or their Lands were not granted in any surprising or misinforming way but by the care and deliberation of the Master and Councel of the Court of Wards and Liveries upon a full hearing and examination of all parties and pretenders they to whom they were granted Covenanting by Indenture under their Hands and Seals with Bonds of great penalties to perform the same to educate the ward according to his degree and quality preserve his lands and houses from waste fell no Coppice Woods grant no Copy-hold estates for lives nor appoint any Steward to keep the Courts without licence and to permit the feodary of the County where the land lieth yearly to survey and superintend the care thereof and had reasonable times of payment allowed them And could not likely produce any grievances in the rates or assessing of Fines for marriages or for rents reserved during the minority of the wards or for primer seisin or any other Compositions when as the Kings of England since the Raign of the unhappy R. 2. and the intermission of the Eyres and those strict enquiries which were formerly made of the frauds or concealment of the Escheators or their Deputies in the businesse of Tenures and Wardships and their neglect or not improving of them most of those former Officers and those that trucked with them not doing that right which they ought to their Consciences and their Kings and Benefactors Have for some ages past been so willing to ease their people or comply with their desires as they have noâ— regarded aâ— all their own profit or taken such a care as they might to retain â—hose just powers which were incident or necessary to their Royal Government but by leaving their bounty and kindnesse open to all the requests or designs of the people have like tender hearted parents given away much of their own support and sustenance to gratify the blandishments or necessities of their Children and not only enervated but dismembred and quitted many of their Regal powers and just Prerogatives in their grants of Lands and Liberties and thereby too much exhausted and abandoned the care of their own Revenue and Treasure as may easily appear to any that shall take but a view of those many Regalities Franchises and Liberties which being to be as a Sacrum patrimonium unalienable have heretofore either been too liberally granted by the Kings Progenitors of which H. 3. was very sensible in his answer to the Prior or Master of the Hospital of St. Johns at Jerusalem or not well looked after in those Incroachments and Usurpations which have been made upon them Or consider the very great cares and providence as well as prudence of former
and so may be proved by any of their Acquittances Neither were the Rates for Licences of Alienations burdensom when they were paid by the rich and improving and most commonly advantage taking purchasors or by the gainers by the settlement or alteration of Lands or Estates and are in passing Fines not usually above a thirtieth part and so after an antient un-improved small yearly value as six thousand pounds per annum hath within three years last past paid but a little above one hundred and twenty pounds for a Composition or Licence of Alienation Which with other of the Kings casual profits by a long remissenesse and usage of some ages past whilst the people to save their own Purses and favour one another choosing the open Rode and track and following the precedents and too common use of under valuations which hath ever been and is the great obstructor and diminisher of royal Revenues would as much as they could never forsake or go much out of it as is visible enough in the Escuageâ— upon Knights Fees and valuatioÌ„s in several ages Kings reigns in that of a tenth in 36 H. 3. demanded in Parliament to be paid out of all the Ecclesiastical Revenues after the full yearly value where adjuncto magnae verbâ— offensionis as Mathew Paris tells us it was taken the worse in regard it was required to be taxed non secundum estimationem pristinâ—m sed secundum â—stimationem noâ—am ad inquisitionem strictissimam not according to the former estimation or rates but a nâ—w and most severe valuation was not at all granted And in a Parliament at Bury in 5â— H. 3. the Clergy denyed to be rated by the Laity or Justa alta taxatione By a just high valuation Sed tantum ut taxatio staret antiqua But only that the old taxation might stand nor was it much otherwise in the rates of fifteens and other proportions of taxes granted by Parliaments though somtimes ordered to be assessed upon oath the greatest tye and obligations that can be laid upon men and their Consciences wherein litle or more then a tenth or smal part was paid or collected of the true yearly value But like a numerous family of Children spending much wanting much and drawing all that they can from the kind and self-denying common parent together with the bounty and munificence which Kings and Princes are not seldom necessitated unto in the way of Government and care of the generality would never be brought to any just valuation or improvement no more than that of customs for goods exported or imported at the rate of twelve pence in the pound and for the subsidies given by Parliament whereupon no more was used to be paid than two shillings or two shillings eight peâ—ce in the pound for Moveables Debts defalked and 4 s. in the pound and most commonly not so much according to the yearly value of Lands Rents Annuities or other yearly profits after an easy and accustomed great undervaluation no more than that of Tenths and first Fruits or of Taxations or Valuations of Benefices in the Kings Books at the tenth or fifth of the true yearly value though every age of one or two ages last past and every thirty or twenty years in the age of Century in which we now live have hugely raised the yearly value of Lands every one striving who shall do it most in their own particular Estates And if there were not as there are so very many plain and evident Demonstrations of it may well be believed to be possible when the publick though made up of the private is dayly gnawed and preyed upon by the private and every one lurches and takes what he can from the Publique to add to his private when the numberlesse Number of the Private is more than the Head or Monarch when the people are to assesse themselves and will ease one another when interest and partiality are the Loadstones that attracts and the Cards and Compasses which the most of men do sail by every man is a well-wisher to the Publique but very few well-doers every one pretends good unto it but intend if not all yet a great deal more unto themselves and do make it their businesse to be the Kings Cozens though they are not of the blood-Royal and by the help of bad Consciences and no good affection to the publique or Common-weale do think no more evil to be in such purloinings than to fetch or take water from a great River or stones or gravel from a vast and high Mountain And the Nobility and Gentry and most of the Land-Lords in England have for many years last past in the publick Assessements which were made to maintain the miseries and iniquityes of our latter times to their cost and grievance experimented that where the Tenants were to pay for their Stock they could so order it as to lay the most of the Burden upon the Land-Lords upon pretences that they had but a small Stock of Cattle when it was in their power not only to undervalue what they had but to lessen or make it more any Fair or Market-day before or after Wherby and the effects which best discovers the truth and intention of all men and their matters be their pretences never so plausible much coloured or varnished over the Conclusion will necessarily follow the Premises that the outsides and noyse of great ayds and Subsidyes have been always a great deal more than the reality of them that the Kings and Queens of England have always had in their Revenues fair blossomings or Bloomes but little more than the Tenth of it hath come to be fruits or gatherings into their Treasuries witnesse if there were nothing else to prove it the great and more than treble or a better Improvement which hath been lately made of them since they came to be wrongfully possessed by private men and that the Revenues of the Kings and Princes of England could never yet arrive to the Fate of great Rivers which fertilizeing all the Neighbouring shores and carrying many a great Burden and Vessel which dayly sail to and fro upon them are notwithstanding so farre from emptying or impairing themselves as the further they run they are sure enough to be made greater by an Addition of many little Brooks and great Rivers which fall into them But by a continual emptying and deflux must of necessity sink it self into a great decay and deficiency when as that which was accounted Providence and good Husbandry in King H. 2. or H. 1. if Samuel Daniel and others be not mistaken to change his Rent Provisions of Corn Victuals which in every County was paid in Specie into yearly Rents or Summs of money because conâ—luebat ad Regis Curiam Multitudâ— Coloâ—orum oblatis vomeribus in signum deficientis Agriculturae A Multitude of Plow-men and Husband-men occasioned probably by the many vast Demeasns Commons Woods and Forrests which then
themselves for their Allegiance to their King following of the Scripture their Consciences and the known Laws of the Land were notwithstanding their many Petitions and Importunities several years whilst their estates were Sequestred and taken from them kept in a starving Condition before they could be heard to litle purpose where Sons and too well descended to be so unworthy were invited to accuse their Loyal Aged Parents whom the Jewes would have rent their Clothes to have seen encouraged and made to be sharers in the spoyl of their Father Not like the Committee or Court improperly called at Salters-Hall for relief of Creditors against their imprisoned Debtors where some of those Judges and Committees if not wronged by printed Complaints were in good hopes to have made some preparations to sell the Debtors Lands to their Friends or Kindred at good Penniworths Nor like the Committee for Plundring rather than Plundred Ministers who to take away all the Benefices of England and Wales from the Tribe of Levi and confer them upon the Tribe of Issachar and their Factious and Mechanique guifted Brethren and keep out the Orthodox and learned Clergy could make their costly orders for the trial of them that were more Learned then themselves concerning the Grace of God and their utterance for Preaching of the Gospel with private and deceitful marks and litle close couched or interposed Letters hid or put under or over some other Letters whereby to intimate to their Subcommittees in the Countries that howsoever the men were without exception and found to be so upon Certificates and Examination they were to be delayed and sent from Post to Pillar and tired boâ—h in their Bodies and Purses and be sure never to be instituted and inducted But was a Court compos'd of grave learned knowing and worthy Masters of the Wards such as William Marquesse of Winchester William Lord Burghley and his Son the Earl of Salisbury and many other who made not the Court or any of the businesse thereof to Lacquy after their own Interest Had for Attorney Generalls of that Court who sate as men of Law and Judges therein and assistants to the Masters of the Wards Richard Onslow Esq afterwards Speaker of the House of Commons Sr. Nicholas Bacon Knight afterwards a most learned Lord keeper of the great Seal of England and a great Councellor of Estate to Queen Elizabeth Sr. Henry Hobart afterwards Lord cheif Justice of the Court of Common-pleas Sr. James Ley Knight and Baronet afterwards Lord cheif Justice of the Court of Kings Bench after that Earl of Marleborough and Lord Treasurer of England Sr. Henry Calthrop Knight Sr. Rowland Wandesford Knight and Sr. Orlando Bridgeman Kt. now Lord Chief Justice of the Court of Common pleas all very eminently learned Lawyers and of great estates honour honesty and worth in their several generations who upon any difficult or weighty matter of Law to be discussed in that Court did usually intreat the presence and had the assistance of the Lord cheif Justices Lord cheif Baron or of any of the other learned Judges of the Land whom they should please to invite unto them where a variety of learning grave deliberations a great care of Justice and right reason most lively and clearly represented have left to posterity as guides and directions for after ages those conclusions and resolutions of cases of great learning and weight in that Court reported by the Lord Dier Cook and other learned Sages of the Law Nor were the Masters of the Wards Attorneys Auditors or Escheators loosely tied by Oaths as some of the Committee Jurisdictions were when they did swear only in general faithfully according to their best skill and knowledge to discharge the trust committed to them and would not for favour or affection reward or gift or hopes of reward or gift break the same Or as little restraining them from Acts of Oppression or Injustice as the Oath of the Controlers for the sale of the Kings and Queens lands ordered by that which called it self a Parliament 17. July 1649. The Oath of the Commissioners for managing the estates of Delinquents Sequestrations at Haberdashers-Hall Ordered by no better an Authority the 15 of April 1650. or that which by that which would be called an Act of Parliament of the 10 of December 1650. for establishing an high Court of Justice within the Counties of Norfforlk Suffolk Cambridge and Huntington for the Tryal of Delinquents was only ordered was to be taken by those that were to be the Judges that they should well and truly according to the best of their skill and knowledge execute the several powers given unto them Which bound them not from doing wrong to those whom they made to bear the burdens of all the cruelties which they could possibly lay upon them But were compassed and hedged in by Oaths as warily restraining as they were legal for the Master of the Wards was by Act of Parliament enjoyned to swear to minister Justice to Rich ond Poor to the best of his cunning and power to take no gift or reward in any Case depending before him and to deliver with speed such as shall have to do before him The Attorney was sworn truely to counsel the King and the Master of the Court and with all speed and diligence to endeavour the hearing and determination indifferently of such matters and causes as shall depend before the Master of the Wards and shall not take any gift or reward in any matter or cause depending in the same Court The Auditors sworn to make a true allowance in their Offices to every person which shall be accomptant before them and not to take or recieve of Poor or Rich any gift or reward in any matter or cause depending or to be discussed in the Court but such as shall be ordinarily appertaining to their Offices and the Escheators to treat all the people in their â—ayliwicks truely and righteously to do right to every man aswell to poor as to rich do no wrong to any man neither for promise love nor hate nor no mans right disturb do nothing whereby right may be disturbed letted or delayed and shall take their Enquests in open places and not privy And might better content the people Then when in former ages the Wardships and their disposing were left to the care and order of the Chancellour as to Thomas Bâ—cket in H. 2. time or to Hubert de Burgh Chief-Justice and Earl of Kent in the Reign of H. 3. sometimes to the Treasurers or Chamberlains most comonly let to farm by Escheators sometimes by under-Sherifs or when the next Wardships or Escheats that should happen were before hand assigned towards the payment of some of the Kings Debts as to William de Valence Earl of Pembroke in the Reign of E. 1. or that the Wardships and Escheats which should happen in 6 or 7. Counties were before hand granted to some particular man And can
find the way to the ears or audience of so many worthy and just Kings and Princes as this Kingdom hath been happy in who would have been as willing to give a remedy as they could have been to seek it if there had been any ground or cause for it that so many Petitions of small concernments or of no greater consequence than for the paving of Streets killing of Crows not taking of young Herns out of their nests without license of the owner of the ground and the like should get admittance and cause Acts of Parliament to be made thereupon and that of Tenures in Capite if any grievance could at all be found in them and of so long a continuance which usually makes light burthens to be heavy should be so dipped in a Lethe or Oblivion as not at all to be remembred Which had nothing at all of grievance in their essence or being understood of them in the making of the Statute of 1 H. 8. against Empson and Dudley by whom the Kings Subjects had been sore hurt troubled and greived in causing untrue Offices to be found retorning of Offices that never were found and in changing Offices that were found No Grievance perceived to be in them in Primo Jacobi when in the Statute concerning Respites of Homage there was a Proviso that in case it shall be thought fit for the true knowledge and preservation of the Tenures appertaining to the Crown and so ordered in the open Court of Exchequer that proces should issue out of the said Court against any came not within the Suspition or Jealousy of a Grievance when in the Parliament of 7. Jacobi Regis Sr. Francis Bacon then his Majesties Sollicitor in his speech as one of the House of Commons in Parliament to the Lords in Parliament perswading them to joyn with the Commons to Petition the King to obtain liberty to treat of a Composition with his Majesty for Wards and Tenures acknowledged in the name of that Parliament that the Tree of Tenures was planted into the Prerogative by the Antient Common Law of England fenced in and preserved by many Statutes and yeildeth to the King the fruit of a great Revenue and that is was a noble Protection that the young Birds of the Nobility and good Families should be gathered and clucked under the Wings of the Crown Nor in Primo Car. primi in the Act of Parliament touching the rating of Officers Fees in the Exchequer upon pleadings of Licences or Pardons for Alienations when the Lords and Commons in that Parliament assembled did declare that the Kings Tenures are a Principal flower of the Crown which being in England the safety and protection of the people cannot be said or proved to be adorned by their sorrows and miseries and ought not to be concealed And that in the petition of Right in 3 Car. primi wherein all the Grievances and Burdens of the Subjects and breaches of Laws and Liberties that any way concerned them or their Posterities were enumerated and remedies for the future establishment of the quiet and happines of the people propounded and granted Tenures in Capite and Knight service with their incidents were not reckoned or accounted as Grievances though all that troubled the people were at that time so largly thought and beleived to be redrest as a publick joy upon the Kings granting of that Petition of Right was commanded to be celebrated by the Musique and ringing of Bells in every Parish Church of the Cities of London and Westminster which vied each with other who should proclaim and tell their joyes the loudest And the blaze of numberless Bonfires representing the flame of the peoples affection towards a most gracious Soveraign seemed to turn the sullen night into a morning or day which the Sun beams had newly guilded whilst Alecto and her Sister Furies despairing in their hopes of kindling a sedition and bringing the miseries of a Civil War upon us had thrown by their Torches and employed their Hellish griefs in the tearing of their Snakie loâ—ks Were no Sirtes or Rocks to shipwrack or hurt the people when Sr. Edward Coke who was so willing to have Tenures in Capite and Knight service to be changed into Tenures by Fealty only as of some of the Kings Honors and all their Incidents as Wardships primer seisin Licences of Alienation c. taken away and recompenced by a greater yearly profit then was then had or received by them and a rent to be inseperably annexed to the Crown with some necessary Covenants and Privisoes as he hoped that so good a motion as had been made in the Parliament of 18 Jacobi tending as he thought to the Honor and Profit of the King and his Crown for ever and the quiet and freedome of his Subjects and their Posterities would one way or other by the grace of God and Authority of Parliament take effect and be established could not but acknowledge between Anno 3. Car. Regis primi and the 12 th year of his raign that the Objection that Wardship was a Badge of servitude which would be a Grievance indeed and of the greatest Magnitude was groundless and without a Foundation for that the King by taking money for the marriage of the Ward doth it not as for a Ransome but taketh such moderate sums of money as in respect of the quality and state of the Ward He or She all circumstances considered is able to pay and in regard thereof hath the protection of the Court of Wards during Minority And giving Tenures by Knight service no worse a Character than the Wisdome of Antiquity for his Iustification therein citeth a place out of the Red Book in the Exchequer where it is said that mavult enim princeps domesticos quam Stipendiarios Bellicis apponere casibus the King had rather be served by his own Subjects than Hirelings or Stipendary Souldiers No Scylla or Charybdis taken to be in them in the Parl. of 17. Car. prim at the making of the Act for the better raising and levying of Souldiers for the present defence of the Kingdomes of England and Ireland wherein it being said that by the Laws of this Realm none of his Majesties Subjects ought to be impressed or compelled to goe out of his Country to serve as a Souldier in the Wars they excepted cases of necessity of the sodain coming in of strange enemies into the Kingdome or where they be otherwise bound by the Tenure of their Lands or Possessions In the Remonstrance of the House of Commons 15. December 1641. and that unhappy Amasse and collection of Complaints against the Government the Tenures themselves were not so much as complained of but the exceeding of the Jurisdiction of the Court of Wards that thereby the estates of many Families were weakned some ruined by excessive Fines for Composition for Wardships exacted from them which if in some few particulars where the Estate it self was weak or incumbred with
to the King at Oxford to be treated upon by the Earl of Northumberland William Pierrepont Esq Sr. Wil. Armin Bulstrode Whitlock Esq their Commissioners There was nothing desired or proposed for the taking away of the Court of Wards or changing of Tenures but did conclude that if that which then was desired of the King should be granted the Royalty greatnes of his Throne would be supported by the loyal and bountyfull affections of his people their Liberties and Priviledges maintained by his Majesties protection and Justice They were no part of the Bills or Acts of Parliament sent to the King at Oxford in order to a peace in July 1648. No part of the Demands or Bills or Acts of Parliament proposed by the Parliament in the Treaty at Vxbridge betwixt them and the King 23 Novemb. 1644. And there was so litle of grievance or inconvenience or none at all to be found in Tenures in Capite and by Knight service by reason of any accidents for naturally or originally there can be none at all proved to be in them As notwithstanding the Vote of the House of Commons in Parliament made the 20 th day of September 1645. Which being less then an Embrio and no more then an opinion of the Major part of that House a recens assensio velleity desire or intention only which our Laws take no notice of was left to an after more mature deliberation when an Act of Parliament should be brought in upon it have gone through all its necessary requisites formalities and debates the Parliament it self were so litle resolved or beleiving any Grievance to be in them as the Lords and Commons by their Ordinance of the first day of November 1645. did ordain that the Master and Councel of that Court should proceed in all things belonging to the Jurisdiction of that Court according to Law And the House of Commons shortly after viz. the fourth day of November 1645. being informed that by reason of a Vote passed in that House the 20 th day of September 1645. that the Court of Wards should be taken away diverse Wardships Liveries Primer seisins and Mesne rates which theretofore fell and happened were not compounded for as they ought to be It was declared that all of them which have happened or shall fall or happen before the Court of Wards shall be put down by the Parliament shall be answered to the Common-wealth and the Master and Councel of that Court were required to proceed accordingly so as it extended not to any whose Auncestors being Officers or Souldiers have been slain or died in the service of the Parliament But the 24 th of February 1645. upon occasion of a debate concerning the Wardship of the Son of Sir Christopher Wray who dyed as they said in the service of the Parliament an Ordinance was brought in and made by the Lords and Commons for the taking away of Tenures in Capite and by Knight Service which saith one of their allowed Mercuries was first given to the Crown for defence of the Kingdom but the Parliament would take care for other supplies But that Ordinance notwithstanding was so little liked of as that without the giving satisfaction which they promised to the Nobility Gentry and Mesne Lords for the losse of their Tenures by Knight service and satisfaction to the most part of the Officers of the Court of Wards it was no more or not much thought of but lay from that time in a slumber untill the first of August 1647. when the mighty Mechanicques of the Army driven on by their ignorant and seditious Agitators who were but the Engines of Cromwell's lurking and horrid designs had by their Remonstrances like Wolves cloathed in Sheep-skins bleated and seemed to thirst only after godly and purified Reformations and Hewson the Cobler and Pride the Drâ—yman and others of the Colledge of their nâ—w â—apientia busying themselves in State as well as Parliament affairs and thombing the Scriptures and the English Translations of Livy and Plutarch at the wrong end thought every one of themselves to be no less than a Solon and Lycurgus admired Agrarian Laws and other old exploded grievances dreamed they were excellent Politiques and not knowing our good old Laws but suspecting them as well they might to be averse and no well-wishers to their ungodly and worse than Machiavillian devices did all they could to destroy them root and branch and at the same time when in their New-England Phrase they held forth a more than ordinary Care of the Kings Honour and Dignity and the freedom rights and interests of the seduced people proposed or commanded rather that the Ordinance for taking away the Court of Wards and Liveryes be confirmed by Act of Parliament provided his Majesties Revenues be not damnified therein nor those that held Offices in the same left without Reparation some other way Which howsoever it were to the remaining and small part of that Parliament who durst not say it but found themselves under a force which against many of their willâ— had undertaken to be their Guard and safekeeping a motive or spur enough to make them put that Vote and ordinance against the Court of Wards and Liveries inâ—o an Act as they would call it of Parliament after 10000 l. given paid to the Master of the Court of Wards for the loss of his place 5000 l. to Sr. Roland Wandesford Atturney General of that Court 6000 l. to Sr. Benjamin Rudiard Surveyer General 3500 l. to Charles Fleetwood late Governour of the destroying Committee of Safety for his supposed loss by the Receiver Generals place of that Court which he pretended he ought to enjoy by a Sequestration from Sr. Will. Fleetwood his Brother who was then attending his Master the King at Oxford and to Mr. Bacon 3000 l. for a pretended loss of his Office for the making and ingrossing of Licences or pardons for alienation all of them but Sir Roland Wandesford being Members of Parliament it did without any mention made or remedy provided for those only supposed Evils in Tenures in Capite and Chivalry in the Billsor intended Acts of Parliament which were sent to the King the 3 of March 1647. when he was at Holmby under a restraint fall asleep for many years after and left all other to expect their satisfaction upon the Parliaments promises and further proceedings And there was so little cause for putting that Sentence in execution against them in the judgment opinion of some of the most knowing sort of the Arraigners of antiquity and the actions of their more understanding fore-fathers as Mr. Nathaniel Bacon in his Historical discourses of the uniformity of the Government of England under the Britain Saxon Danish Norman and other Kings of this Isle until the reign of King E. 3. published in Anno 1647. and in his 2 part from King E. 2. until the end of the reign of Queen Elizabeth printed in Anno 1651. in a
or by reason of any such Tenures Wardship Primer seisin or Oustre les maines be taken away from the said 24 th day of February 1645. though notwithstanding this pretended Act he could for his own profit continue and take the Fines upon Alienations And that all Homages Licences Seisures Pardons for Alienations incident or arising for or by reason of Wardship Livery Primer seisin or Oustre le maines and all other charges incident thereunto be likewise according to the new mode of making retrospective Acts of Parliament taken away from the said 24 th day of February 1645. And that all Tenures in Capite and by Knights service of the late King or any other person when as the Parliament that made the Ordinance for taking away Tenures in Capite and by Knight Service did as was said promise that all the mesne Lords and others which held of the King and had others held of them should be recompenced for the loss of their Tenures and all Tenures by Socage in cheif to be taken away and turned from the said four and twentieth day of February 1645. into free and common Socage Whereby in all probability he did but cause those Tenures in Capite and Knight service to be put down to the end that he might take them up again at his pleasure when he should have finished his wisht and devilish designs of making himself a King over a degenerate as to the generality of the people sinful and harassed Nation or in stead of them to rule as he had begun with his Janisaries and Bashawes or Major Generals But whatever he or his over awed and flattering Assemblies would make a long often deluded Nation to believe concerning Tenures in Capite and Chivalry or that kind of fixed and constant part of the Militia It was not accompted in the holy Scripture to be any grievance to the people of Israel that Saul in the government of them had in every Tribe and of every kindred many thousands of men of War of the most valiant in a standing Militia as of the Children of Ephraim twenty thousand and eight hundred mighty men of valour famous and such were our Nobles Tenants in Capite throughout the house of their Fathers and of Zebulun such as went forth to Battle expert in war and were not of double heart fifty thousand or that of the Children of Benjamin the greatest part of three thousand kept the Ward of Sauls house Or that David a King after Gods own heart did appoint the Chief Fathers and Captains of thousands and hundreds and their Officers that served the King in any matter of the Courses which came in and went out Month by Month throughout all the Months of the year and of every Course twenty and four thousand which were as our Knights Fees or Tenures in Chivalry out of a select or more refined and fit part of the People whose Estates as well as their Persons made them lyable unto it for the general Musters or trained Bands did by many hundred thousands exceeding that number which were only as a Landguard or ready help and defence upon all emâ—rgencyes although it be not there said that they held their Lands by that or any military Service yet a great resemblance and affinity may be discerned betwixt that and the cause reason of Tenures in Capite which amongst that people was lesse requisite necessary for that they being alwayes Marshald under Captains of Thousands Hundreds Fifties Tens were by some not expressed Tye or Obligation or their grand Obedience to the command of their Kings and Princes which by a set Law of the Almighties own enacting in all matters as well military as civil had no lesse a punishment than Death affixed to the Transgressors thereof always ready to go up to battle with their King against any neighbour Nation or others that did them injury and leaves but this only difference betwixt our Tenures in Capite and by Knight Service and if they were not then in use amongst them their fixed provisions for wars offensive or defensive that theirs was a continual charge upon so many of the people in every year by turns or courses and ours upon the Princes Nobles and many of the Gentry and better part of the people for all of the Gentry had not the happiness to have Lands originally given them to hold by such kind of Tenures or did not afterwards purchase them of the first proprietors of those beneficiary and noble kind of Tenures when wars should happen which being not often or might not perhaps be commonly once in forty or more years were not then also called out to War themselves but when the King went in person or sent his Lieutenant and then were to tarry with him or send one in their stead at their own charges but for forty dayes No wrong was done by Solomon to the people of Israel when he made the people that were left of the Hittites Amorites Perezites Hevites and the Jebusites and their Children which were not of Israel to pay Taxes and doe publique work And the Children of Israel no Servants for his work but men of war and chief of his Captains of his Chariots and Horsemen Jehoshaphat did not any evil in the fight of the Lord when as notwithstanding that the Fear of the Lord had fallen upon all the Kingdoms of the Lands that were round about Judah so that they made no War against him and the Philistines the old Enemies of Judah and Israel brought him presents and Tribute Silver and he waxed exceedingly great and built in Judah Castles and Cities of Store placed Forces in all the fenced Cities of Judah set Garrisons in the Land of Judah he understood it whilst the Lord was with him he walked in the first ways of his Father David to be a Salus Populi to have the men of War mighty men of valour in Jerusalem eleaven hundred and threescore thousand men which waited upon the Kings besides those whom he put in the fenced Cities It was no Imposition upon the people of Israel neither is it in holy Writ made to be any Error in Government that Saul whom our Kings Nobility in the Creation of military Tenures did but imitate when he saw any strong man or any valiant man took him unto him Or that David after he was King hearing of the fame of the Hebronites sought for them and when there were found among them at Jazer of Gilead Jerijah the chief and two thousand and seven hundred mighty men of valour made them Rulers over the Reubenites and it seems were also but of some part of them for that in the next Chapter the Ruler whom he appointed over the Reubenites the Gadites and the half Tribe of Manasseth was Eliezer the son of Zichri over the half Tribe of Manasseth in Gilead Iddo the Son of Zechariah Nor did Nehemiah that great and good
of Gold over him with four Staves and four Bells at the four corners every Staff having four of those Barons to bear it Also to Dine and sit at the Table next to the King on his right hand in the Hall the day of his Coronation And for their Fees to have the said Canopy of Gold with the Bells and Staves Or that at the Coronation of Eliâ—nor Wife to King Henry the third Marchiones de Marchia Walliae videlicet Joannes filius Alani Radulphus de mâ—râ—uo mari Joannes de Monmouth et Walterus de Clifford nomine Marchiae jus Marchiae esse dicebant hastas argenteas inveniendi et las deferendi ad sustentandum pannum Sericum quadratum purpureum in Coronatione Regum et Reginarum Angliae The Lords Marchers of Wales videl Iohn Fitz Alan Rafe de Mortimer Iohn de Monmouth and Walter de Clifford in behalf of the Marches did claim and alleage it to be their right to provide silver Spears or Launces and with them to bear or carry a four square Canopy of Purple Silk over the Kings and Queens of England at their Coronation For those Tenures in grand serjeanty were ever as in all reason they deserved to be accompted to be so honourable as some have made it their Sir-name as the noble Earls of Ormond in Ireland descended from an antient and worthy English Family have done who carry in their Coat of Armes or part of their now marks of honour or bearing the Symbols or remembrance of the Office of cheif Butler in Ireland which with the prisage which is a part of it hath by King E. the 3 d. been granted to the Ancestors of the now Marquesse Earl of Ormond by Inheritance and a Knightly and good Family of the Chamberlaines in England do account it no dishonour to have been descended from thâ— Earls of Tankervile who were Chamberlains to our King H. 1. in Normandy And some branches of the noble Family of the Grey's of Wilton being antient Barons of England holding the Mannor of Waddon in Buckinghamshire of the King per servitium custodiendi unum Gerfalconem Domini Regis by the service of keeping a Gerfalcon of the Kings do use or bear as a badge or marque of honour in their Armes a Gerfaulcon the Mannor of Wymondley in the County of Hertford being holden of the King by Grand serjeanty of giving to the King the first Cup of Wine or Beer upon the day of his Coronation The Family of Argentons being by the marriage of a Daughter and Heir of the Lord Fitz Tece become at the Conquest the possessors of it have thought it honourable saith Camden to bear in their Shields in memory thereof three Cups argent in a feild Gules No oppression to the people of England to be kept safe in their peace and plenty from the Incursions of Foreign Enemies when William the Conquerour fortified Dover a strong and principal Bulwark betwixt England and France with whom we had then continual Wars or Jealousies and gave to Iohn Fines then a Noble Man of great prowesse and fidelity the Custody of that and the rest of the Cinque-Ports with 56 Knights Fees willing him as that Learned Antiquary Mr. Lambard tells us to communicate some parts of that gift to such other valiant and trusty persons as he should best like of for the more sure conservation of that most noble and precious Fort and Castle Who thereupon imparting liberally out of those Lands to eight worthy Knights viz. William of Albrance Fulbert of Dover William Arsick Geffery Peverel William Mainemouth Robert Porthe Robert Crevequer and Adam Fitz-Williams bound them and their Heirs by Tenure of their Lands received of the King to maintain 112 Souldiers amongst them which were so devided by Months of the years as five and twenty of them were continually to watch and ward within the Castle for their several parts of time and all the rest ready upon necessity each of which eight Knights had their several Charges in several Towers and Bulwarks and were contented as well they might at their own dispence to maintain and repair the same Of whom diverse of the Towers and Bulwarks do yet or did but in Queen Elizabeths reign bear their names No inconvenience or mischief to the publique that the Castle and Barony of Abergavenny in Monmouthshire was holden by John Hastings per Homâ—gâ—â—m Wardam Maritagium cum accideâ—it sâ— guerra fuerit inter Regem Angliae Principem Walliae deberet custodire patriam de Over went sumptibus proprijs meliori modo quo poterit pro commodo suo utilitate Regis defensione Regni Angliae by Homage Ward and Marriage when it should happen and if War should be between the King of England and the Prince of Wales was to guard at his own charges the Country called Over went the best way that he could for his profit and benefit of the King and defence of the Kingdom of England No cause of complaint to the Town or antiently called City of Leicester for that veteri Instituto by antient Custom they were to furnish the King with twelve Burgesses or Townsmen when he went to War and iâ— per Mare in Hostes ibat mittebant quatuor Equos usque Londinum ad arma comportanda vel alia quae opus essent he went by Sea were to send four Horses as far as London to carry his Arms or other necessaries Nor to the Town of Warwick to be enjoyned by Tenure to send twelve of their Burgesses or Towns-men with their King to War and qui monitus non ibat centum solidos Regi emendabat he which was summoned and did not go was to forfeit pay one hundred shillings to the King And cum contra Hostes per Mare ibat Rex quatuor Botesuenas vel quatuor libras denariorum mittebant when the King should bo by Sea against his Enemies should furnish four Boat-Swains or Marriners or send four pounds in money No harm done to give Lands at Seaton which Sr. Richard Rockslye Knight did hold by Serjeanty to be vantrarius Regis the Kings fore-footman when he went into Gascoigne donec per usus fuit parisolutarum precij 4d untill he had worn out a pair of Shoes of four pence then the price of a pair of Shooes for a worthy man not 4 s. 6. or 5 s. as they are now Or Lands to another to furnish duos Aâ—migeros two Esquires to march in his Vant-Guard upon occasion of War with the Welch Or that the Princes of Wales ab antiquis temporibus very antiently did hold that Principality and part of Brittain of the Kings of England in Capite by Military or Knight Service and that upon that ground only as he was a leige man and subject of England Leoline Prince of Wales was for raising of War against his Superior Lord imprisoned and hanged or beheaded by King E. 1. and the Principality of Wales
the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury by agreement and composition made betwixt the said Earl and Boniface Arch-Bishop of Canterbury in the raign of King H. 3. by the service of four Knights Fees and to be high Stewards and high Butlers to the Arch-Bishops of that See at their Consecration taking for their service in the Stewardship seven competent Robes of Scarlet thirty gallons of Wine thirty pound of Wax for his light livery of Hay and Oates for eighty Horse for two nights the Dishes and Salt which should stand before the Arch-Bishop in that Feast and at their departure the dyet of three dayes at the cost of the Arch-Bishop at four of his then next Mannors wheresover they would So that the said Earls repaired thither but with fifty Horse and taking also for the Office of Butlership other seven like Robes twenty gallons of Wine fifty pound of Wax like livery for sixty Horses for two nights the Cup wherewith the Arch-Bishop should be served all the empty Hogsheads of Drink and for six Tun of Wine so many as should be drunk under the Bar all which services were accordingly performed by Gilbert de Clare Earl of Gloucester and Hertford at the Inâ—hronization of Robert Winchelsey Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and by the same Earl to Arch-Bishop Reignolds by Hugh Audley afterwards Earl of Gloucester to John Stratford Arch-Bishop of Canterbury by the Earl of Stafford to whom the Lordship of Tunbridge at length came to Simon Sudbury Arch-Bishop of that See and by Edward Duke of Buckingham to William Warham Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and executed the Stewardship in his own person and the Butlership by his Deputy Sr. Thomas Burgher Knight No disparagement to the Knightly family of the Mordants in the County of Essex that they hold the Mannor of Winslowes in Hempsteed in the said County of the Earls of Oxford by the service of a Knights Fee and to be his Champion and to come to the Castle of Hedingbam the day of the Earls mariage riding in compleat harness to Defie or bid Battel to any that should deny him to be Earl of Oxford and to see what order was kept in the Hall there which Robert Mordant Esq performed in his own person the 14 th day of December in the 14 th year of the raign of Queen Eliz. being the day of Edward Earl of Oxford's marriage though it was not there solemnized Or to Sr. Giles Allington the Auncestor of the now Lord Allington to hold his Mannors called Carbonnels and Lymberies in Horsed in the County of Cambridge by the service of a Knights Fee and a half and to attend upon the Earl the day of his marriage and to hold his stirrop when he goeth to horseback which service he performed in person at White-Hall the 14 th day of December in the 14 th year of the raign of Queen Eliz. being the marriage day of the said Edward Earl of Oxford in the presence of the Earls of Bedford Huntington and Leicester the Lord William Howard Lord Chamberlain of the Queens houshold and the Lord Burleigh c. Those Dreams or Fancies of Grievances by Tenures in Capite and Knight Service were never presented in those thousands of Court Leets or Law daies which twice in every year now for almost 600 years since the Conquest and very long before made it a great part of their businesse to enquire upon oath of Grievances Extortions and Oppressions Nor in those yearly grand enquests to the like purpose which have been twice in every year for many hundreds of years past by the oath of the most sufficient Knights Gentlemen and Free-holders of the County of Middlesex It neither was nor is nor can by any reasonable intendment be taken to be a grieveance to do or perform that which by the Laws of God Nature and Nations the Laws reasonable Customs and the fundamental Laws of England hath so often and through all times and ages and the memory of man and Records which are monumenta veritatis vetustatis ever been allowed repeated and confirmed in Parliament without the least of any contradiction or repeal and is but upon necessity and occasion to defend the King themselves their Country Friends and Neighbours and to do that which every Gentleman and such as are e meliori Luto of the more refined Clay and better born bred than the vulgus or common sort of people would be willing to do as that learned French Lawyer Bâ—issonius well observeth Qu' en la necessite de guerre toutes lâ—s gentilz hommes sont tenus de prendre les Aâ—mes pâ—ur la necessite du Roy That in necessity of War every Gentleman is bound to take Arms and go to the Wars for the defence of the King which by our Laws of England is so to be encouraged as it is Treason to kill any man that goeth to aid the King in his Wars and is no more than what the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy doth bind every Englishman unto though they should tarry in the Camp more than forty days or not have Escuage or any allowance of their charges from their own Tenants and is but that duty which Deborah and Baruch believed that every Subject was bound to perform when they cursed Meroz not as some of our Pulpit Incendiaries did when they traiterously inverted the Text to encourage the people to fight against their King in that they came not forth to battel to help the Lord against the mighty and the loyal Uriah would not forget when the King himself could not perswade him to go into his own House to eat and to drink and lye with his Wife when the Ark and Judah and Israel abide in Tents and his Lord Joab and the Servants of his Lord were incamped in the open field and which the good old Barzillai in the rebellion of Absolom against his King and Father David thought was incumbent upon him when he could not bring his loyal mind to think it to be enough to provide the King of sustenance while he lay at Mahanami unlesse when he himself was fourscore years old and could not taste what he eat or drank he also should come down from Rogelim and go as he did with his Son Chimham over Jordan with the King to conduct him and would not accept of the Kings offer or reward to live with him at Jerusalem which those that hold in England their Lands and goodly Revenues by those beneficial Tenures in Capite of a free guift and in perpetuity may be said to do and have more also then was offered Barzillai for the remainder of an old and worn-out life but sayes why should the King recompence it with such a reward And is but the performance of the original contracts made betwixt the kind Donors and the thankful Tenants and the observing of faith and promises which is the ingens vinculum and next unto the Divine Providence the grand support of the world
and the quiet repose and peace of all mankind makes a certainty in all their actions and leads to the Mountain of Holinesse and the Hill of eternal rest and blessednesse No grinding of the face of the poor which if it were any as it can never be evinced to be could not commonly or ordinarily be in the case of such Tenures when as those which are any way concerned in it are men of good Estates and Revenues and would be loth to be under any other notion to pay a reasonabe Escuage assessed in Parliament when they went not themselves or sent any in their stead and where their Tenants went not in person to defend their Lords as well as their King to have as much assessed upon them and by no other than a Parliament wherein the Commons of England had their Representatives of their own Election Neither were the Kings of England or the Mesne Lords in the case of those Tenures any Egiptian Task-Masters when those that held under them had such benefits and bounties of free guift and if they have been since transferred and aliened that part of it viz. the Tenures and a gratefull acknowledgement of the favour of the first givers were neither sold or paid for in the purchase but the Services were by Act and operation of Law and the Statute of Quia emptores terrarum reserved to the first Donors by an expresse Covenant in the deeds of purchase to be performed to the Lords of whom they were holden and it is a maxime in Law Quod nemo plus juris in alium transferre potest quam in ipso est that no man can grant or transferre a greater right than he hath or is in him And are if a right consideration of things shall not be as it hath been too much in the times of our late Frenzies and Distractions adjudged a premunire or committing high Treason More noble Tenures than that of Soccage by how much a rustick and Plowmans life and demeanor was ever in all ages and amongst all Nations which had any civility and understanding justly accompted to be so far inferior to the Equestris ordo Gentlemen or men of more noble imployments As that those and not the military Tenures were truly accompted to be a kind of Slavery according as they were in their original Institution before the favour obtained of the King and Mesne Lords to reduce their drudgeries to easy and small quit Rents and to be but litle better than Joshuas Gibeonites Hewers of Wood and Drawers of Water or Solomons Perezites and Jebusites to be imployed as his Servants and Work-men And as now they are or expect to be in that which they would imagine to be their better condition holding in free and common Soccage by fealty only for all services and being not to be excused from Aydes to make the Kings eldest Son a Knight or for the marriage of his Daughter or to pay a years value of their Lands and sometimes double the rent which is to be payed at the death of every Tenant and may amount to a great deal more than the ordinary low and favourable rate of five pounds for a releif for every Knights Fee 50 shillings for a half and 25 shillings for a quarter of a Knights Fee and lesser according to the smaller proportions of the Lands which they hold would in all likelyhood if they might but enjoy the antient and long agoe discontinued priveledge which the Tenures by Knight service in Capite were to enjoy by the Charter or Magna Charta of King H. 1. of not having Lands of that kind of Tenure which was in their own Demeasne charged with any other Assessements or services than what they were obliged unto by their Tenures And was no more than what was before the common Justice and right Reason of this nation be now very well content to exchange their free as they call it Socage Lands which was antiently understood to be no other than feudum ignobile et plebeium an ignoble and plebeian Fee or Estate and as Sr. Henry Spelman saith nobili opponitur et ignobilibus et rusticis competit nullo feudali privilegio ornatum et feudi nomen sub recenti seculo perperam et abusu rerum auspicatum est is opposed or contra distinguished to the more noble Tenures and being not entituled to any feudal priviledge belongs only to Ignoble and Rusticks and hath of late times improperly and by abuse gained the name of Fee for Lands holden in Capite and by Knight service So as they might be free from all assessements and charges of War under which burden the Owners of Lands holden by any kind of Tenures have for these last Twenty years heavily groaned and if Mr. Prynne had not publiquely and truly said it did muâ—â—is parasangis by many and very many degrees out goe all that was pretended to be a Grievance by the Court of Wards and Tenures in Capite and by Knight service which all things rightly considered are a more free beneficial franck and noble kind of Tenure the Mariages of the Heirs in Minority only excepted which not often happening are notwithstanding abundantly recompenced by the freenesse of the gift seldom Services and other Immunityes Then Socage which those many Tenants which hold by a certain rent of Sir Anthony Weldens Heir for Castle-Guard to the ruined Rochester Castle in Kent to pay 3 s. 4 d. nomine paenae by way of Penalty for every Tide which after the Time limited for payment shall run under Rochester Bridge and the Rent and Arrears refused though tendred the next day do not find to be the best of Tenures or so good as that of Knight Service in Capite Which is better than that which the Tenants in Cumberland and other Northern Partes do claim by a kind of inheritance and Tenant Right wherein they can be well contented to pay their Lord a thirty peny â—ine at every Alienation and a twenty peny upon the Death of an Ancestor or the death of their Lord according to the Rate of the small yearly Rent which they pay to their Lords Better then all or most kind of Estates or Tenures and better than that at will which many are well apaied with and better than those of Copyholders who if the Lords of Manours put them out of their Estates have no Remedy but by Petition to them Can have no Writ of Right-Close to command their Lords to do them Right without Delay according to the Custom of the Manour No Writ of false Judgement at the Common Law upon Judgments given in the Lords Court but to sue to the Lord by Petition nor can sue any Writ of Monstraverunt to command their Lords not to require of them other Customs or Services than they ought to do Are to pay upon their admission an uncertain Fine at the will of the Lord who if they be unreasonable the most they can be compelled unto by
injury and gratitude and due acknowledgement for Subsistance Lively-hood and Liberty be made a cause of complaint every thing that gives the people not a Liberty to undoe cheat and ruine one another be called though it never deserved it a grievance it must and may well remain a wonder never to be satisfied how Tenures in Capite and by Knight service which until these distempered times had no complaint made of them nor could ever be proved to be any publique or general mischief or inconveniences for seldom or as to some particulars there may be in the best of Institutions or the most eminent or excellent of sublunary thingsâ— or actions something of trouble or molestation should after so long an approbation of so many ages past without any reason given other then by a bargain for increase or making a constant Revenue to lessen the Majesty and just power of our Kings which the Parliament will certainly endeavour all they can to uphold be now so unlucky as to be put and inclosed in the Skin of a Bear baited under the notion of a grievance and cryed down by a few and not many of the people as many other legal and beneficial constitutions have lately been by the vote and humour only of the common-people or a ruining Reformation which as to that particular was first occasioned by CHAP. IV. How the design of altering Tenures in Capite and Knight Service into Socage Tenures and dissolving the Court of Wards and Liveries and the Incidents and Revenue belonging thereunto came out of the Forges of some private mens imaginations to be afterwards agitated in Parliament OLD Sir Henry Vane the Father of young Sir Henry Vane who helped to steal away the Palladium of our happinesse and under the colour of sacrificing to Minerva or a needlesse Reformation was instrumental in bringing the Trojan Horse into our Senate like the crafty Sinon taught the people weary of their own happiness how to unlock him and to murder one another and massacre our Religion Laws and Liberties And Sir John Savil whose Son the Lord Savil afterwards Earl of Sussex was too busie and active in the hatching of our late Wars and troubles and some other men of design and invention perceiving about the first or second year of the reign of King Iames that his Revenue and Treasure by his over bounty to his people of Scotland and their necessitous importunities and cravings which is too much appropriate to that Nation were greatly exhausted did to sâ—rue themselves into some profitable actions and imployments upon a pretence of raising the King a constant Revenue of two hundred thousand pounds per annum propose the Dissolving of the Court of Wards and Liveries and the changing of Tenures in Capite and by Knight service into free and common Socage the only attempt and businesse whereof bringing some of them out of their Countries and colder stations into the warmth of several after Court preferments which like the opening of Pandoras Box proved afterwards to be very unhappy fatal to the most of all the kingdom but themselves and those that afterwards traded in the miseries and ruine of it It was in that Parliament after a large debate resolved saith Justice Iones in his argument of the Ship-money by the whole Parliament that such an Act to take away the Prerogative of Tenures in Capite would be void because it is inherent in the Crown it being again in the seventh year the eighteenth year of the reign of that King earnestly afterwards moved desired to be purchased of him and the King ready to grant it recomending it to the Parliament it was then found upon advice consultation with all the Judges of England to be of prejudicial consequence to the Subject as well as impossible in regard that all Lands as well as persons in the Kingdom being to acknowledge a Superiority if the old Tenures should be put down a new of a like nature might be again created and the recompence given for it still continue in the Crown as may be instanced in the Dane-gelt which continued here in England till the reign of King H. 1. long after this Nation was freed from the Danes and the Alcavalas or Cruzadas in Spain being a kind of Taxes there used and if new Tenures should not be created the old perhaps might be again assumed And with good reason was then denyed when King James was heard to tell his Son the late King Charles That such an yearly Revenue as was offered in lieu of those Tenures might make him a rich Prince but never a great and when so many Troops and Brigades of evils do march in the Rear or Company of that design which was so per se and non parâ—il as the necessity of Robert Duke of Normandies raising of money for want whereof he pawned that Dutchy for ten thousand pounds sterling to enable him in his voyage to Jerusalem to recover the holy Land the imprisonment troubles of K. Richard 1. in his return from thence and his ransom of one hundred thousand marks of silver raised by twenty shillings upon every Knights Fee the fourth part of the Revenues of the Clergy as well as the Laity with the tenth of their goods and the Chalices and Treasure which may tell us how litle money and more honesty England was then able to furnish of all the Churches taken as well here as in the Territories beyond the Seas to make up the sum those necessities which King John had upon him the great want of mony which his Son King H. 3. endured in the Barons wars when he was forced after sale of Lands and Jewels to pawn Gascoigne after that his Imperial Crown and Jewels to supply his wants having neither credit to borrow nor any more things to pawn could not deny his wants the gaging of the Jewels and Ornaments of St. Edwards Shrine and in the end as Sir Robert Cotton if he were the Author of the short view of the long life and reign of that King observeth not having means to defray the Dyet of his Court was constrained to break up House and as Mathew Paris saith with his Queen and Children cum Abbatibus Prioribus satis humiliter hospitia prandia quaerere to demand entertainment and Dyet at some Abbies and Priories and confessed to the Abbot of Peterburgh when he came to borrow money of him majorem Elâ—emosinam fâ—re sibi juvamen pecuniare quam alicui ostiatim mendicanti that it would be a greater act of Charity to lend or give him money then to one that begs from door to door Could never perswade them to any such remedies worse then their diseases nor did the unruly Barons of King H. 3. when they had him or his Father K. John at the most disadvantages ever demand it of them or any English man untill the beginning of the reign of King James
the broaching of this project ever adventure to ask or give such demands any room or entertainment in their imaginations and is more then the Athenians and Romans ever aimed at who in all their popular and restlesse turmoils seditions and agitations by the people or their Tribunes concerning the Agrarian Laws and making and changing of many other Laws and several forms of Government did never seek to take away or root out those long lasting monuments of benefits and the acknowledgements and returns of gratitude which ought to be made of them More then the people of France in those hard Conditions which they would have put upon the Daulphine of France afterwards Charles the fifth of France in the troubles and imprisonment of his Father King John in England in the Raign of our King Edward the third and the strange and insolent behaviour of the Citizens of Paris towards him when the Provost or Mayor put his own hood half blew half red upon his head compelling him to wear his Livery did all that day wear the Daulphines being of a brown black embrodered with gold in token of his Dictatorship did ever demand nor did in those great afflictions wants which were upon Charles the seventh when he was reproached by his Subjects and the English had so much of France in their possession in the Raign of our King H. 5. and King H. 6. who by their numerous Armies and the gallantry of their nobility and Tenants in Capite and by Knight Service were Masters of the Field as well as of that Crown as he was in disgrace called the King of Berry being a small Province wherein he made what shift he could to defend himself when his Table failed him so that he eat no more in publick but sparingly in his Chamber attended by his domestical Servants had pawned the County of Gyan for mony ever require to be discharged of their Homages and Tenures and the duties and incidents which belonged to them Neither did the Justices or domineering Officers of State in Arragon in their height and extravagancy of power which for some time until by its own weight their Tyranny or the subtile politique patience of their Kings it came to be dissolved into the Royal proper Rights of that Crown Government they excercised over their Kings ever make that to be any part of it nor did the wants of John King of Arragon when he had pawned the County of Roussilion to Lewis the eleventh King of France nor of Ferdinand the Second Emperor when within these forty years in those devouring and destroying Wars of Germany when the pale horse of death and the red of destruction rid up to the bridles in blood he pawned Lusatia and Silesia to the Duke of Saxony and the upper Palatinate to the Duke of Bavaria beget any such motion of the people or Condiscention of their Princes And that unhappy project and design had in all probability no more disquieted our old Albion or Brittain sitting upon a Rock mediis tranquilla in undis in the midst of all our late Storms and Tempests which had broken the bag of Eolus getting loose vied with the raging waves of a distempered Sea who should be most destructive and play the Bedlam Had not a necessity of the Parliament in An. 1645. and their want of mony to maintain their Wars put them again in mind of that way of raising mony all other that could be almost thought upon as far as the mony which should be spared by one meal in every family in a week having been before put in Execution so dangerous and of fatal consequence are sometimes but the attempts or beginning of designs and then as the vote tells us the house of Commons having received the report from the grand Committee which was ordered to consider of raising of monyes for supply of the whole Kingdom after some debate thereupon ordered that the Court of Wards and Liveries with the Primer Seisins Oustres les maines and all other profits arising by the said Court should be fully taken away and be made null and voyd And that the Sum of one hundred thousand pounds per Annum should be raised in this Kingdom instead of the Revenue thereof to be disposed for the good of this Kingdom and that the proceedings of the said Court should continue Statu quo prius untill an Ordinance for taking away the said Court and paying the yearly Sum of 100000 l. be brought in and past both Houses Which might well have been forborn when no general or extraordinary and not otherwise to be prevented evils but only want of mony for ought yet appears did or could perswade them unto it for a Subversion of so grand a Fundamental of the Government Regality and Laws will never be able to avoid the dangerous consequences which will inevitably follow thereupon and though it should be done by Act of Parliament will but produce and usher in many numberlesse mischiefs and inconveniences to the King Kingdom Nobility Gentry and the most substantial and considerable part of the people And will never be recompenced by the benefits hoped for or which may happen by the intended dissolution of that Court and alteration of those Tenures which in the prospect or event will appear if so many to be no more than these Chap. V. The Benefits or Advantages which are expected by the people in the putting down of the Court of Wardes and Liveryes and changeing the Tenures in Capite and by Knight Service into free and common Socage BY taking away the Service of Warre without the Kingdom when the King or his Lieutenant goeth to warre for forty dayes bearing the Charge of a man and Horse and the payment of Escuage to be assessed by Parliment if he neither go nor send one in his place Respites of Homage petit Serjeanties Fines for Alienation Wardships and payments of Fines for the marriage of the Heirs in minority a rent for the Lands in the interim Reliefs primer seisins Oustre les maines Mesne Rates Liveries and assignment of Widdow Dower The troublesome and powerfull process of the Exchequer costly and long pleadings of their Evidences to avoid seisures for not sueing out Licences of Alienation thereby enforcing them to procure pardons and to plead them Costly Attendance upon Escheators and Feodaries finding of Offices or Inquisitions post mortem producing and finding if the party hath a mind to it of their Evidences Compositions chargeable passing and obtaining grants of the custody of the body and Lands of Wards Trouble and charge of Writs of diem clausit extremum quae plura melâ—us inquirendum Processe of privy Seals Messengers Informations Bills Demurrers as the Case may happen Answers Traverses Replications Rejoynders Commissions Examinations Depositions of Witnesses Orders Hearings Decrees Injunctions all which are but to help to recover or defend the Wards rights and if not in that Court would be
with as much or more cost and trouble as in other Courts Extents Seisures Accompts before Auditors Surcharges and Exceptions Fees to Auditors and their Clarks Concealment of Wardships vexatioâ—s chargeable hunting after them and the cunning search and Inquisition which is made after them by the Escheators Feodaries or Informers busie and malicious Adversaries which is not often and but where the parties endeavour to deceive the King and the Court and evade the Law and the extremities put upon them by granting it and the Mesne rates to the fierce discoverers or such as seek profit out of other mens troubles and afflictions Restraints from felling of Timber without Licence of the Court begetting the charges of motions the attending upon the Court and their many Officers A constant and certain yearly Revenue of eighty thousand pounds per annum or so much more as the Revenue shall fall short of twenty thousand pounds per annum which the alienation office now yields to be added to it will be duely answered and paid to his Majesty which will with all charges expences deducted as is alleaged be as much as was yearly gained to the Crown by the Court of Wards and Liveries or any dependances thereof against which if there shall be opposed and put into the other end of the ballance these inconveniences following they will weigh very much the heavier CHAP VI. The great and very many Mischiefs and Inconveniences which will happen to the King and Kingdom by the taking away of Tenures in Capite and Knight Service FOR that Lands in Socage will if the Mothers be alive during the minority of the heirs most commonly fall until the age of fourteen years into their Guardianships who as all women which have an estate considerable either real or personal in their own right or their Childrens do more then nine in every ten unleâ—â— which seldome happens they shall be such good women and loving as for their love to their Children and dead Husband to deny themselves their expected content by a second Husband by the temptations and flatteries of younger Brothers or men of decayed Estates transire ad secundas nuptias marry again all too often within the first year which the Civil Law reserved for the time of their mourning or retirednesse from worldly pleasures and do too commonly bring the Childrens Estate to be as a Sawce to the hungry enough appetite of a Father in Law who being many times as good a Guardian to the Children as the Woolf or Fox is to the Lambs will be sure if he do not spend both the Mothers and Childrens Estates and bring them to beggery to be gnawing and put many a lurch and trick upon them Which might be the Reason that the prudent Romans were so little willing that the Mothers of any Children should after their Husbands death be the Guardians of them as they had a Custome that the Mothers themselves should be in perpetua Tutela in a perpetual Wardship or Guardianship for Cicero would have it that Mulieres propter infirmitatem Consilii Women though of full Age should by reason of their unfitnesse to govern or give Counsail be in Tutorum Potestate have Tutors assigned them and the Judicious Cato declared it openly in publicae Concione in a publique Speech concerning the Oppian Law that Majores nostri nullam nè privatam quidem rem agere Faeminas â—ine Auctore vâ—luerùnt Their Ancestors did not permit Women to meddle not so much as in private affairs without a Director or Overseer And Vlpian tells us that Lege Atilia sancitum ut mulieribus et pupillis Tutores non habentibus a Praeâ—ore et majore parte Tribunorum darentur It was enacted by the Atilian Law That the Praetor or Lord Chief Justice and the greater part of the Tribunes should appoint Guardians to such Women and Children as had none And if the Mothers should either make themselvs or be allowed by the Magistrate as one way or the other it will be most likely to be the Guardians before the Heirs age of 14. or if at 14 the Children should be left as they must to chuse their Guardians themselves the Fear and Awe of the Mothers or their second Husbands Inticements and Kindnesse but for that instant will in all probability induce them to chuse no other so whether before the age of 14 or after it is likely to be no otherwise but that where the Mothers are living marryed again the self-seeking and purloyning Father in Lawes of the Kingdom will be the Guardians and where there are a second Brood of Children which will not be seldom the Estates of the Children of the first Husband shall be sacrificed by the Mothers Consent or permission to the benefit of the second Children whose Father making much of the Mother or flattering her finds it to be no hard matter to make her as willing to it as himself and if she would hinder or doth not like it can but steal her sighs and weep and lament in a Corner for that which she may wish wer otherwise but cannot help it when she is Sub potestate viri Under the Power of a second Husband And if not granted to the Mother or her second Husband but to the Friends of that side which cannot inherit which where the Mother is not an heir must of necessity be to her kindred it will not then also escape another common often and sadly experimented fault or evil that the affections and care which doth usually assist and incourage honest and fair Dealings will not be so much in the kindred on the Mothers side which is but taken out of their Family and transplanted into that of the Fathers where the Mother her self is to forget her Fathers house and kindred nor equal that affection care and obligation which is on the part of the Fathers kindred to preserve that Family which weares their Name as well as their Blood And whether the Guardian in Socage shall be Tutor Testamentarius ordained by the Fathers last Will and Testament or a Pretore datus appointed by a Judge will not arrive to any better Fate or Condition than that where there be Executors or Administrators in personal Estates or Trustees in Real or Personal for Children and minors or for payment of debts who can many times neglect and forget the dying requests of Parents on their death Beds to to be careful of their Children and their own imprecations that God should do so and so to their own Children if they should not perform the trusts and let out their Consciences Hackney to the Devil to find ways to deceive and wrong them of whom and many other such Guardianships and faithlesse performances of trusts our Courts of Law and Equity do dayly heare more Complaints of fraudes and cosenings than they can either easily find out or remedy Which with that also of Father in Laws do in a woful experience exceed
War shall burn And the Ignoble to the worst side turn Must be left to hire his Souldiers or Assistance out of the Rascallity Debauched and Ruder sort of People and such as know neither how to fight or be faithful if his Treasory or yearly Income upon such an increased Revenue can do it when as without the necessity of his Subjects preserving their own Lands and Estates by performing the duties and service of their Tenures the money which the late King could have procured could never have brought any considerable number of men to his Standard of whose fidelity being Hirelings and such of the Vulgar and ignoble part of the people as had neither courage virtue or Estate or such as for a litle more pay would either have deserted or betrayed him nor could he be so certain and assured as he was in the aid and assistance of that of the Nobility and Gentry and better part of the people virtuously educated and descended from worthy Ancestors furnished out and ready to attend him with the hazâ—râ— of all their Estaâ—â—s and Foâ—â—uâ—es and whose great Souâ—s â—ctâ—d by a nobler principle made them scorn to stoop to any unworthy Actions basenâ—sse or villany which caused our brave King H. 5. after the Batteâ— at Agencourt in a Muster or Leavy which he was to make of Souldiers to passe with him into France publiquely to Proclaim that none should presume to go with him for then they needed no other impressing but the obligation of their Tenures and glory and honour of serving their Prince and Country but such as were Gentlemen and had Tunicas armoâ—um did bear Arms except such as had served him at the Battel of Agencourt though they had none For if a War which will be sure to loose no opportunities but pick cull its advantages should break out before the rent day or the monyes can be gathered he cannot likely want distresses or misfortunes either for himself or his people when they shall not have wherewith to hire an Army And failing of a necessary defence and assistance at Land for want of his Tenures in Capite and Knight service shall also loose the help of his Ships and Navy at Sea And if the King or any of his Successors should be so happy as to have money in their Treasury which as the course and charge of War is now must be no small sums to hire provide and continue an Army it may be seized on as his Revenues and all the money in the Exchequer and much of his Plate and Houshold stuffe were in the late Wars and if he could be so well before hand as to have any Magazines may have that as easily taken from him as his Magazines at Hull and the Tower of London were when his Tenures per Baroniam and in Capite and by Knight service were not Can have no manner of assurance that when any sedition or commotion of the people shall be bred or increased by the practise of some great men or inticements of any of the Clergy and a Bellum flagrans or a War as suddain and unexpected as it shall be dangerous shall breake out not only in one but several parts of the Nation that the people or most vulgar and common sort of Hirelings will especially in a frenzy or humour of sedition be hired or drawn to fight for him by a small and inconsiderable pay and the support of an Hospital when their wounds shall bring them into it or a small allowance which the statute allows wounded Souldiers until they be cured or maimed Souldiers which are incurable shall be so very disproportionate to their danger and hazards When the hireing also of common Souldiers upon a suddain and in case of necessity will if he could get them be more chargeable and difficult then when he was to be served and defended in his Wars by men of worth and quality under the ingagement of their Lands and Tenures which made our former Kings besides those aids and safeguards by Tenures of Lands to stipend and pension certain of their Nobility and Gentry whom they found most proper and fit to serve them by Indenture with so many men at Armes or Souldiers as for instance Thomas Beauchamp Earl of Warwick retained in 46 E. 3. by Indenture to serve the King in his Wars beyond Seas for one whole year with 100 men at Arms of which number himself to be one 160 Archers 2 Bannerets 30 Knights and 77 Esquires a tryal or proof whereof would easily have manifested the difference betwixt the one way the other if when the late King in his march or expedition against the Covenanting Scots in An. 1639. had such a gallant Army as he had of his English Nobility Gentry had disbanded them taken as well as he could in their rooms only milites Gregarij or Tirones common and mercenary Souldiers And may expose him in any distresse when his mony or hirelings shall fail him to that disloyal and rebellious late opinion too much entertained and taken in by Newtrals double dealing or time serving people that where the King cannot protect them their Oaths and Consciences gives them a liberty to make the best bergain they can for themselves Take away also the foundation of the House of Peers in Parliament whom the Laws and Records of the Kingdom do prove to sit there only as Tenants in Capite and per Baroniam which well might be the grand foundation of so noble a Senate when as amongst the Romans their Senators were Lecti in senatum ex equestri ordine chosen into the Senate out of the degree of Knighthood and even by Brutus in his Consulship and great endeavours to restore that people to their Liberty was so approved as that many ages after Perseus Macedoniae Rex apud Livium lib 42. Equites Romanos appellat principes juventutis seminarium Senatus calleth in Livy the Roman Knights the Princes or Flower of the youth and the Nursery of the Senate and saith that inde lectos in patrum numerum they where thence chosen to be Senators and ex veteri instituto the Custom was as Isiodore saith that when the Senators Sons came to be of Age they were not to be admitted into the Senate until they were Knighted And Alexander Severus the Emperor would not assumere libertos in equestrem ordinem ordain or make Yeomen or such as were nâ—wly 〈◊〉 to be Knights or give 〈◊〉 as he did Lands to hold by Knight 〈◊〉 dicens quod seminarium 〈◊〉 Equestrem â—sse locum that it was the seminary for the Senate amongst the Germans who were as jealous to keep their Honor as they were their Liberties Nobiles vocati Ritter id est Servator Noblemen were termed Ritters which signifieth a Saviour or Defender quod virtute fortitudine servent patriam because by their vertue and manhood they defended their Country amongst whom the degree of Knighthood is
worthily reckoned to be honoris species exercitium nobile proprium nobilium a degree or part of honor a noble exercise and proper breeding for Nobility hinc militum nomen in Jure feudali pro nobili usurpatur and thence a Knight was in the feudal Laws taken and used for a Nobleman and though Hector Boethius calleth equites Barons speaking of those that paid for Wardship and releifs to Malcolme the King of Scots yet Sir Henry Spelman is cleerly of opinion that Miles quem ea tempestate Baronem vocabant non a militari cingulo quo equites creabantur sed a militari feudo quo alâ—â—s possessor libere tenens nuncupatus est nomen sumpsit that a Knight which in those â—imes they called a Baron was not so called from the Military Belt or Girdle by which they were created but took his title or denomination from the Knights Fee of which he was otherwise caâ—led Possessor or free Tenant had jus Annulorum amongst the Romans a right to wear Rings and was gradus ad Senatorium a step or means to be a Senator For Nobilium Ordo pro seminario munerum praecipuorum habetur quia liberaliter educati sapientiores esse censentur saith Besoldus the degree of Nobilitie hath been accompted to be the foundation or original of the greatest Offices or places for that being liberally and more then ordinaryly educated they were judged to be the wisest and therefore Comites or Earls being antiently in the reign of the Emperour Charlemain which was in anno Christi 806. if not long before praefecti Provinciarum qui Provincias Administrabant the Governours of Countries and Provinces under their Emperours and Kings were with Dukes also and Barons not only in France in those times but in Germany also afterwards inserted or put into the Matricula or Roll of the States of the Empire in Comitijs jus suffragij habuerunt and had voice or judicature in their Dyets or greatest Assemblies which corresponds with that more antient Custom amongst the Hebrewes in Gods once peculiar Commonwealth where the Princes of the twelve Tribes summo Magistratui in consilijs assidebant did assist the chief Magistrate in their great Counsels and Arumaeus as well as many other is of opinion that it was libertatis pars a great part of the peoples Liberties foâ— their good that deliberatio oâ—dinum consiliâ— authoritate quorum periculo res agitur suscipitur qui apud Principem in mâ—gna gâ—â—cia suâ—â— in those great Counsels Resolves should be made by those who should be inâ—â—ressed or pertakers in any dangers or misfortunes which should happen thereupon jure Comitiorum una perpetua privativa est mediata subjectio qua qui infectus est nec Comitiorum particeps esse potest That it is a Rule or Law in such Assemblies that those that sit there or have voice and suffrage in it are to hold immediately of the Empire and the Reasons of the first Institution of the Parliament of France composed of the Nobility by the antient Kings of France and King Pepin was as Pasquier that learned Advocate of France observeth in partem solicitudinis to assist their Kings for the better management of the Affairs of Government who did thereby communicate les Affaires publiques a leurs premiers et grandes seigneurs come si avec la monarchie ils eussent voulu entre mesler l'ordre d'vne Aristocratie et Governement de plusiâ—urs personnages d'honneâ—r the publique affairs to their chief and greatest Lords to the end to intermingle and blend with Monarchy the order and manner of an Aristocratie and Government by many personages of Honour et ne se mettre en hain des grandâ—s Seigneurs Potentats and not to draw upon them the envy of their great and mighty men Et â—estans les grands Seigneurs â—insi loâ—s unis se composa un corps general de toutes les Princes et Governeurs par l' advis desquels se viudereient non seulement les differents qui se presenteroient entre le Roy et eux mais entre le Roy et ses Subjects And the great Lords being so united composed and made one general body of all the princes and Governours of Provinces by whose advice and council not only the differences which should happen betwixt the King and them but between the King and his Subjects might be determined Et estoit l' usance de nos anciens Roys telle qu' es lieux ou la necessite les sumomioit se uvidojent ordinairement les affaires par assemblees generales des Barons and it was the usage of the antient French Kings in all cases of necessity most commonly to consult of their affairs in the general Assemblies of their Barons and accordingly by the directions of reason or of that and the more antient Governments amongst the Greekes in their great Council of Amphiction or of the Romans in their Senate our Saxon Kings did in Anno 712. which was almost one hundred years before the raign of the Emperour Charlemâ—in call to their Assemblies and great Councels for the enacting of Laws and redressing of Griveances their regni Scientissimos et Aldermannos Aldermen Earls or Governours of Provinces the wisest most knowing of the Kingdome thereâ—ore after the Conquest King John did at the request of the Barons not to call to his Parliaments the Barones minores the men of lesser estates which hoâ—d also in Capite promise under his great Seal Ut Archiepiscopos Abbares Comites et majores Barones Angliae sigillatem per literas summoniri faceret that he would severally summon to Parliaments the Arch-Bishops Abbotts Earls and greater Barons of England and that the lesser Barons were summoned or sat in Parliament falsum esse ipsa ratio suadet saith the no less Judicious than Learned Sr. Henry Spelman reason it self will not allow for a Truth when as there was as he observeth ingens multitudo a great number et plus minus 30000 quos nullo tecto convocari poterat and no less then 30000 which no one house was able to contain Quemadmodum itaque saith he nequâ— Barones ipsi consiliavè majores neque minores quempiam in Curiis suis ad Judicia ferenda de rebus sui Dominij admittant nisi Vassallos suos qui de ipsis immediate tenent hoc est milites suos et tenentes libere ita in summa Curia totius Regni nulli olim ad Judicia et Consilia administranda personaliter accersendi erant· nisi qui proximi essent a Rege ipsique arctioris fidei homagii vinculo conjuncti hoc est immediate vassalli sui As therefore neither the greater nor lesser Barons do admit any in their Courts to advise them or meddle with matters of Judicature concerning things belonging to their Estate or Jurisdiction but their Tenants and such as hold immediately of
them that is Freeholders and such as hold by Knight Service So in the great Court of all the Kingdome none were antiently personally called to give Judgement and advâ—se therein but such as were near to the King and bound and obliged to him by a greater Bond and Tye of Faith and Homage that is to say his immediate vassals Barones nempe cujuscunque generis qui de ipsi tenuere in Capite ut videndum est in breve de summonitione wherein they are summoned in fide homagio quibus tenentur in the Faith and Homage by which they held partim in charta libertatum Regis Johannis and Barons of any kind whatsoever which held of him in Capite as may appear by the Writs of Summons to Parliament the Charter of King John Hence the Barons of England are in our laws said to be Nati Consiliarij born Counsellors of State and Baro signifying Capitalem Vassallum majorem qui tenetur Principi Homagij vinculo seu potius Baronagij hoc est de agendo vel essendo Baronem suum quod hominem seu clientem praestantiorem significat A Baron who is a chief or Capital Vassal is bound to his Prince by the Bond of Homage or rather Baronage which is to be his Baron or man or more considerable Clyent and makes a threefold dvision of Barons who by Bracton are called Potentes sub Rege great or mighty men under the King Barones hoc est robur belli and Barons which is as much to say as the strength of War into feudal or by prescription 1. Qui a priscis feodalibus Baronibus oriundi suam prescriptione tuentur dignitatem which being discended from Antient feudal Barons do continue their dignity by prescription 2. Rescriptitios qui brevi Regio evocantur ad Parliamentum which are called to Parliament by the Kings Writs 3. Diplomaticos which are by Letters Patents and Creation and that Barones isti Feodales nomen dignitatem suam ratione fundi obtinuerunt those Feudal Barons doe hold their dignity by reason of their Lands and Tenures and that Episcopi suas sortiuntur Baronias sola fundorum investitura Bishops are Barons only by investiture of their Baronies Lands and Temporalties And the most excellently Learned Mr. Selden who was well known to be no stranger to the old and most choice Records and Antiquities of the Kingdome doth not doubt but that the Bishops and Abbots did sit in Parliament and were summoned thither only as Barons by their Tenures per Baroniam and in his Epistle to Mr. Augustine Vincent concerning his Corrections of Yorkes Catalogue of Nobility doth most learnedly prove it by many Instances besides that in â—he Case of Thomas Becket Arch-bishop of Canterbury in 11 H. 2. and the claime made and allowed in Parliament in 11 R. 2. by all the Bishop Abbots and Priors of the Province of Canterbury which used to sit in Parliament that de Jure et consuetuâ—ine Regni Angliae all Bishops Abbots Priors and other Prelates whatsoever per Baroniam Domini Regis tenentes holding of the King by Barony were Peers of the Parliament which agreeth with the opinion of Stamford that the Bâ—shops ne ont lieu en Parlement eins in respâ—ct de lour possessions annexes a lour dignities have no plaâ—e in Parliament but in respect of their Possessions annexed to their Dignities and that Mr. Camden saith that divers Abbots and other spiritual men formerly summonned by writ to Parliament were afterwards omitted because they held not by Barony and that it was mentioned and allowed to be good Law in a Parliament of King E. 3. que toutes les religieuses que teignent per Barony soient tenus de vener au Parlement that all the religious which hold by Barony are to be summoned to Parliament And as to the temporal Barons doth besides what he alleageth of the Thanes or Barons of England in the Saxon times that they held by personal service of the King and that their honorary possessions were called Taine-Lands and in the Norman times after denoted by Baronies and the eminent and noted Case of the Earls of Arundel claiming and allowed to be Earls of Arundel by reason of their holding or Tenure of Arundel Castle and Sir John Talbots being Lord Lisle ratione Dominij et Manerij de Kingston Lisle doth by 22 E. 3 fo 18.48 E. 3. fo 30. other good Authorityes conclude that the Tenure of a Barony is the main principal Cause of the Dignity that 130 temporal Barons by Tenure were called by several writs to assist the King cum equis Armis with horse and Armes and the spiritual being about 50 were called ad habendum servicium suum and that the greatest number of Barons during all that time were by Tenure that the most part of the Barons by Tenure and Writ untill the middle of the Raign of King R. 2. and those that were called by Writ were such as had Baronyes in Possession that the honorary possessions of Earls were called Honors and reckoned as part of their Earldoms which were holden in Capite the chief Castle or seat of the Earls or Barons were called Caput Comitatus seu Baroniae the head or chief of the Earldom or Barony and that in this sence Comitatus integer is used for a whole Earldom in the grand Charter and Bracton and Servicium quarte partis Comitatus for the fourth part of an Earldom that Hugh de Vere Earl of Oxford Magnavile Earl of Essex and divers other antient Earles were Cingulo Comitatus Gladio Comitatus cincti girt with the Girdle or sword of their Earldoms which he conceiveth to be an Investiture All which may by the Records of this Kingdom be plentyfully illustrated by very many instances and by the Rolls of the Constables and Marshals of England in which upon the March of the Army of King E. 1. towards Scotland in the 28 year of that King Humfridus de Bohun Comes Hereford Essex Constabularius Angliae recognovit per os Nichoâ—ai de Segrave Baneretti sui locum suum tenentis se acquietari per servitium suum per Corpus suum in Exercitu presenti Scotiae pro Constabularia in Comitatu Hereford Humfry de Bohun Earl of Hereford and Essex Constable of England declared by Sir Nicholas Segrave his Baneret and Lieutenant that he was to be acquitted for the Constabulary in the County of Hereford where it seems some Manors or Lands in that County were annexed to the said Office or held by grand Serjeanty by the Service of himself in the Army for Scotland I tem idem Comes recognovit per eundem Nicholaum Servitium trium feodorum Militum faciendum in dicto Exercitu pro Comitatu Essex per Dominos Iohannem de Ferrariis Henricum de Bohun et Gilbeâ—tum de Lindsey milites Also the said Earl acknowledgeth by the said Sir Segraveâ—â—e â—â—e Service of
Coppy-holder of that Mannor and those Patent Lords doe by their Patents hold their Honor and Dignities in Capite though it be not expressed in their Paâ—ents and should pay as great a Releif as the other Earls and Barons doe by Tenure for no man can sit there but as a Tenant in Capite and acknowledging his Soveraign unless a Coordination should be supposed and that dangerous Doctrine again incouraged nor can these by Creation sit if the House should be dissolved by the change of the others Tenures for that they were but Adjuncts and Associates of them Which was so well understood by Sir Edw. Coke to be a shaking if not an over-turning of the foundation of that high and most honourable Court or Judicatorie as in the Parliament of the 18 â—h year of King James in the proposition which was then on foot to change the Tenures in Capite and by Knight service into free and common Socage he and some of the old Parliament men advised a Proviso to be inserted in that intended Act of Parliament that the Bishops notwithstanding that their Baronies should be holden in Socage should continue Lords of Parliament and in our late times in that great inundation of mistaken Liberty when the outrage of the vulgar and common people greedily pursued the dictates of their ignorance and fancie and that after the House of Lords had been shut up and voted to be uselesse and dangerous the persons of the Barons of England which the Law and the reasonable and antient as well as modern Customes of England did never allow to be arrested were arrested and haled to Prison In the seeking a remedy wherof some of the Baronage pleading their Priviledge it was in Easter Term 1650. in the Kings or upper Bench in the argument of the Countess of Rivers Case argued and urged that all Tenures as well as the House of Lords were taken away so that the Court holding that the Priviledge was not allowable for that she never had reference to the Parliament or to do any publique service the Cause was adjourned Wherefore seeing that the custom of a Court is the Law of a Court and the interrupton of a Custom Prescription or Franchise very dangerous and Cessante causa tollitur effectus the cause or foundation taken away the effect or building faileth that a Lord of a Mannor is not able to create a Mannor or make a Lease-holder or Tenant of one Mannor to enjoy the same priviledges which he did formerly be incorporate a Tenant in another Mannor a House with a Common Appendent or which was before belonging unto it once pulled down though built up again looseth its Common and Prescription or if a Coppy-hold estate come to the Lord by Forfeiture Escheat or otherwise if he make a Lease or otherwise it is no more grantable by Copy of Court Roll or make a Feoffment upon condition and after enter for the Condition broken it shall not be regranted by Copy And if a man hath libertyes by Prescription take letters Patents of them the matter of the Record drowns or takes away the prescription as was held in 33 H. 8. tit precription Br. 102. c. Or if as in the Acts of Parliament for the dissolution of the Monasteries the King shall be before the Tenures be ordained to be in free and common Soccage made or derived to be in the actual Seâ—sin and Possession of all the Lands There will be cause and reason enough to make a stand or a pause and inquire further into it For if the subversion of Tenures in Capite and by Knight Service will not totally or at once ruine and dissolve the House of Peers in Parliament or put upon it a new constitution it will not be good certainly to leave that House and most high and Honourable Court and all its just Rights and Privileges which hath already so much suffered by the Assaults and Batteries of Faction and vulgar Frenzies to an after question of moote point whether or no it be not dissolved or put upon a new Foundation And must needs be very dangerous when as one of the three Estates under the King which is Supream and not Coordinate viz. the Bishops and Lords Spiritual being lopt off the second which is the Lords Temporal shall be but either suspected or doubted to have a being and the third which is the House of Commons shall upâ—â— the next advantage or distemper of that paâ—â—y which lately gained so much by â— supposing it to be the Soveraign bâ—â—ancied â—o be above both it and the King who as the head is above them both and too much gratifie that late illegal and unwaâ—rentable opinion and practice of the Soveraignty of the House of Commons in Parliament or that they alone are the Parliament of England Destroy the hopes and rights of the Bishops being the third Estate in Parliament of ever being restored or admitted again into it from which after a force and a protestaâ—ion solemnly made against it twelve of them imprisoned for making of it they were by an Act of Parliament in an 17. Car. Regis primi prohibiting them as well as all other Clergy men to intermeddle in any temporal affairs or proceedings excluded the House had all their Estates afterwards by an Ordinance of the Lords and Commons without being cited or heard and without the Kings consent and after his going from the Parliament and in the midst of a War and Hostilities betwixt them confiscated and taken from them by the taking away of Tenures per Baroniam being the only cause and reason of their sitting there and constituting them a third Estate will now after his Majesties happy restoration when the waves and rage of the people are so calmed and ceased as the Halcyon is preparing to build her nest be more then ever made to be altogether impossible Hinder and restrain our Princes from recovery of Foreign Rights a necessary inlarging their Dominions making an offensive War or pursuing a flying or like to be recruited Enemy which in keeping a Kingdom in peace and plenty or maintaining the Commerce thereof will be according to the rules of policy and good Government as necessary as that of Davids revenging upon the Ammonites the affronts done to his Embassadors the Wars of our Edward the third or H. 5. in France of the great Gustavus King of Sweden in Germany or the now King of Denmarks and Marquesse of Brandenburghes Wars upon Charles late King of Sweden And when any of those occasions or necessities shall offer themselves or inforce a forinsecum serviciuâ— or service in foreign wars shall have none but Auxiliaries Hirelings to go along with them when as several Acts of Parliament do prohibit the enforcing Hoblers which were a kind of light horsemen Archers Trained Bands and common Souldiers to go out of their Countries unlesse it be in cases of necessity which the common people know not
Tenures in Capite and finding of Offices wherein the Evidences being produduced and many Times found did not only find but declare what Estate the deceased was seised of and if the truth did not then appear which could hardly be hid when as the Jury were commanded by the Writ of Diem clausit extremum to inquirâ— upon their Oaths of what Estate the last Ancestor dyed seised of and that the vigilancy and cares of the Feodaries and Escheators who were also to be present to attend them would cause them to be the more careful and if the fraud of the Heir should be able to make its way or escape thorough them the Estate found in the Office would after prove to be an Evidence against them and either overthrow or perplex the Knavery of such wicked designs The Recompence of 100000 l. per Annum if it could be raised without Injustice or the breach of the Laws of God Nature and Nations and our oftentimes confirmed Magna Charta and the inforcing of 19 men in every 20 to bear burdens which nothing at all appertains to them will not be adaequate to the losse of a great part of the Kings Revenue which did serve for the maintenance of his Crown and Dignity and to exempt and ease the Subjects of extraordinary Taxes and Assessements which the Necessity of Princes for the good and Defence of the Kingdom must otherwise bring upon them Nor to the want of Tenures in Capite and by Knight Service the Services Incidents belonging unto them being a certain and never failing Defence of himself and the Kingdom Castle-guard Licence of Alienations giving him notice and continuing him safe in the Change of his Tenants being so necessary to Government as some have been grievously fined for alienating their Lands in Capite without it Mariage Dependancy of the Heirs which hold of him Livery and Reliefs Grand Serjeantyes and a great part of the Honour and Priviledges which all other neighbour Kings ond Princes are neither desired to part with nor can he perswaded so much to lessen themselves and their Regalities For gold and Silver and precious Stones or any thing lesse than the whole Kingdom of England it self is not of value or to be compared to the Honour of a King and the homage and duty of his Subjects the Gratitude Faith and Promises of their Ancestors which should descend to them with the Lands holden by those Tenures whenas Omnes habent Causam a primo et ex tunâ— non ut ex nunc are bounden to the Cause which obliged their first Ancestor and Progenitor and are to consider that it is now as it was then a most ready means and help which did and doth naturally and kindly arise for the Defence of themselves and the Kingdom for as it is not the weight of an inestimable Dyamond or Ruby that makes either of them to be better than a Flint or any other Stone but the lustre vertue and scarcenesse of them and that a greater poise or weight of a man makes not a Solomon an Alexander Sir-named the great or an Aristotle but that all men and things are to be esteemed according to the vertues and Excellencyes which are in them so it will not be the yearly Profit in money which was made of the Wardships primer Seisins Liveryes and Incidents which belong to those Tenures but the Homage Dutie gratitude and necessary Attendance in War not only of those that held immediatly of the King but those that were the mediate Tenants and came also with the immediate the grand and mutual Tye betwixt the King and his people and the Regality Prerogative intrinsical and true worth and value of them when there should be any use of those necessary Defences of the King and his Kingdom in making a diversive War or succouring his Friends and Allies which are not seldom or were in more heroick times justly accounted to be as Outworks Ante Murales or Bulwarks of the Kingdom that the Rate which is now offered for those Tenures are but like a Tender or Offer to give the weight in Gold for an incomparable not to be got again and unvaluable Meddal or for Aarons Brest-Plate Moses rod or the Scepters of Princes if they could have been purchased at all and by weight It will be as unsafe as unusual to take money or Turn into a Rent that which in its first Institution and a happy long and right use which was made of it was only intended for a defence of the Kingdom when the King is not likely to be any â—aver by it and shall not gain 90000 l. per Annum his own Income by Licences of Alienation deducted for the clear Profit of the Court of Wards which the Lord Cottington when he was Master of that Court did but a year before the Troubles make as much by it besides the many great and royal Prerogatives which he shall lose to gain more mischiefs and Inconveniencyes to himself his People then at the present can be instanced or numbred The giving the King a Recompence by an yearly Rate amounting to one hundred thousand pounds per Annum to be charged upon all mens Lands Tenements and Hereditaments holden in Capite or Socage by Copy-hold Leases for Lives or Tenants at Will or for yeares will be against right Reason Justice and Equity as well as unwarranted by any hitherto Law or Custom of England to make 19 parts of 20 for so much if not more will probably be the odds that were not liable to Wardships or any imagined Inconveniences which might happen thereby not only to bear their proportionable part of the general Assessements for War but a share also in the burden of others where it could never be laid upon them and wherein they or the major part of them by more than two in three have no Lands in Fee simple Fee taile or by Leases for 100 years or any longer Term nor are never like to be purchasers of any Lands at all and if they had mony to do it are not likely to buy Inheritances if inheritances not Capite or Knight Service Lands when there is by more than 9 parts in 10 of Socage or Copy-hold Lands to be purchased were not nor are like to be in any danger of Wardships or under any fear or Apprehensions of it and render the Capite Land three or four years purchase dearer than it was wont to be and the Socage Lands three or four years purchase the cheaper only to free the Nobility Gentry and men of greatest Riches and Estates in the Kingdom which are subject to those small Burdens which are only said to be in Tenures in Capite and by Knight Service Or if laid upon the Moyety of the Excise upon Ale Beer Syder and Coffee c. or any other native or Inland Commodity will fall upon those that have no Land as well as those which have as upon Citizens Mechanicks Children
Servants and the like and heaviest uâ—on the poorer sort of people and be a burden which the lowly Cobler and reverend Applewomen the Botcher and Stockingmenders in their pittiful subterraneous Tenements and the poor Women which in the Streets do cry Fruits and Fish by a double retail and pay twelve pence a week for the loan of twenty shillings and pawn a Petticoat for security the Chimney Sweepers Brooom-men and Beggars cannot escape Will be no good way of raising mony nor an Honourable Revenue and though it might become the Dutch in their grand necessities of War where they have but few Gentlemen will not be for the honor of England and the Nobility and Gentry of England to have their provisions of War and Defence arise out of so low a businesse as Aâ—e and Beer and make the Brewers and Ale-house-keepers to be as it were the Tenants in Capite and to supply the Knight Service in the exchange of that which is but pretended to be a Greivance for a most certain and undeniable greivance and for one Greivance if it could be proved to be one for a Seminary and complication of Greivances and to take away wardships from the estates of 1 in every 20. of the people when they should happen and make 19 in every 20 to be every day in every yeare in wardship to an Excise upon a considerable part of their dayly Dyer and Sustenance That small Sum of 100000 l. per an may upon any discontent of the people by reason of the payment of that Excise be Petitioned against or taken away by Parliament or by some insurrection or mutiny of the common people which Naples and France this Kingdom can tell us do sometimes happen and the wisdom of Kings and Princes do use to suspect and provide against or if some other unlucky difference which God avert should happen betwixt the King and his people may fall into the Case or Example of the Customs and Poundage and Tonnage in the beginning of the Raign of his late Majesty which being stopped by the Parliament and declared against did put him into unâ—it necessities and made those unhappy controversies and misunderstandings betwixt him and many of the shorter Parliaments which disabled him from aiding his Friends and Allyes and was the beginning of our never enough to be lamented national Calamities and Reproaches and proved to be the ruine and disturbance also of a great part of Christendome Such an imposed or continued excise will by the Arts and Deceipts of the Brewers and Ale men and those that gather and pay it in the first place be as all excises commonly are double charged upon the people who instead of 100000 l. per an laid upon their Beer Ale will by the abuse which will be committed therein as to quantity and quality lay and charge another 100000 l. per an upon the people and the Brewer in every 6 d. or 12 d. Excise to be laid upon every Barrel of six shillings Beer will be sure to make his Beer so as he shall get double if not more than that Excise amounts unto And as it could never have been at first setled without the awe and help of Garrisons Troops of Horse and Companies of Foot in every County and City and the Souldiers assistance to enforce and gather it from those that would not pay it or were not able so in all probability it will be now again never be brought into a constant yearly Revenue without a constant formerly used way of keeping a standing Army at the charge of sixty or ninety thousand pounds per mensem or the month which will be more troublesome and chargeable than 52 Escheators and as many Feodaries who may be men of wisdom Integrity good Estates in their Countries for there will be a great difference between the charge or yearly Revenue of the Court of Wards which is made up of many small parts and favourable and easy Rents Fines and compositions quietly gathered and paid in by the Justice and Order of a Court of Wards honest and responsable Officers and 90000 l. per annum being to be Collected by this Excise at the charge of as much for every month in the year from the ruder and most ignorant part of the people who will not Tributorum causam quaerere sed quaeri sooner murmure and complain of Taxes or Tributes than rationally enquire into the causes of them and by a weeping woful Arithmeticque of the poor and inferior sort of people in every County be reckoned to be no great part or peice of Husbandry to purchase off 90000 l. per annum yearly charges to free those that held in Capite at the rate of 100000 l. or rather 200000 l. per annum which is to be paid out of the Excise and pay 90000 l. per mensem or 60. or 30000 l. per mensem besides for collecting of it besides the free quarterings and other insolencies of the common Souldiers And by making that part of the Excise perpetual give the people to understand that the next occasion given or made may introduce a perpetuity of Excise upon all other things which to have been introduced but upon a temporary and not like to be long lasting necessity would before Olivers Sadle had been put upon the peoples backs have put them into multitudes of Complaints And in the Raign of King James and that of our late blessed Martir King Charles before he was driven from his Throne would have been but only in the advising of it more Capital and offensive than that which was charged upon the late Earl of Strafford and made more in one single fault or crime than all the accumulations of Crimes against him could arrive unto and was so dreadful to this Nation and before hand hated as they were afraid of every thing that tended that way So as in a Parliament in the Raign of King James some of the House of Commons having been informed that the King had imployed a Gentleman into Holland to inquire concerning the manner manage of their Excise which as afterwards appeared upon examination was but for curiosity and learning sake were so troubled at it as the Gentleman hardly escaped a vote whether he should not be most severely punished And whether Excise or not Excise will if those Tenures in Capite and by Knight Service which have hitherto been as the Life and Land-guards of the King and his people should be taken away some other wayes of means are to be found out to supply it for the people being sworn by their Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy to assist and defend the King and all his Rights and Jurisdictions if they would not defend him and take a care of those Oaths will likely be willing enough to defend themselves in defending him Or if they should not their Representatives in Parliament would as they have for this twenty years last past not only assesse them but make them
as in the late warrs of Denmark where they were concerned to adventure through many dangers to ayde the Danes against the Swedes found their design more out of order then it would otherwise have been for that the Seamen where they doe not use to impresse would not be perswaded to goe at all without a greater pay then ordinary And whether that discharge of the Emperor Charles the 5 th did absolve them from their Clientelage or holding of the Empire or no it is well known that they keep all or most of the incidents belonging to Tenures in Capite as their Laudemia's or Reliefs Investitures Fines for Alienation and the like and living under those great burthens and otherwise intollerable Taxes Contributions and Excises which are made only tollerable by their hostilities and depraedations exercised upon Spain and its Dominions do notwithstanding almost in every Frontier Town in the winter time make their Inhabitants hold by a kind of Service as to their own defence in the alotment of every house or street to break dayly a proportion of Ice in times of Frost in their Town Ditches The Assessements for horse and foot Arms and charge and pay of Armies and so much as for Ribbons and Trophies as they are now called which in the time of our Military Tenures the people were not at all or so much troubled with will swell and be the greater when so many as were to be contributary in a more especial manner shall be exempted from that and put under the general Assessement which will make the burthen to be the heavier and will be as little for the ease of the people as if all the many Hospitals and Almes-Houses in England which were built and endowed at the great charge of the Founders with large and perpetual Annual Revenues in many Parishes and places in England and the great number of Charities and charitable uses which since the Protestant Religion established in England have by wills and Testaments been given to the poor should be taken away and put to other uses as those loving and tender hearted Statesmen the late committee of Slavery rather than Safety or the Rump Assembly were about to do and put into some Godly Treasury and they that must pay a great deal more in their Rates and Assessements for the poor left to make Affidavits that the remedy was taken away and a Disease put in the place of it The King who is Pater Patriae the great and careful Parent and Father of his people and who by God Almighty is trusted with the Welfare Protection and Defence of them shall only have that part of the Court of Wards and kind of Prerogative left unto him to provide and take care for Lunatiques and Ideots Shall not now enjoy that antient and well performed trust of protecting the Fatherless nor have that power in looking to Orphanes and their Estates in their Minorities as the Dutch and States of Holland have who though the people under the Jurisdiction of that Republique do hold neither by Knight Service of it nor can be well said to hold in Soccage or as Fieâ—â— Roturier where they have so little Land but by Navigation rather and Commerce have their Wees Kamer or Court of Orphanes do not think it fitting to trust them and their Estates to the Mothers although they have thereby a Custom and Pacta antenuptialia a Joyntenancy and power of dispose to their own kindred nor the kindred on either side to make their profit by them and sub amici fallere nomen under a colour of love and kindnesse either ruine them or leave them to ruine themselves by selling them and others good bargains And shall not have so much privilege as the City of London hath who by antient Custome have an absolute Court of Wards in the City though it passe under the name of the Court of Orphanes as may appear by their antient Customs viz. The Mayor and Aldermen that are for the time by custom of the City shall have the Wardships and Mariages of all the Orphans of the said City after the death of their Ancestors although the same Ancestors do hold in the City of any other Lord by what Service soever Ought to inquire of all the Lands and Tenements Goods and Chattels within the said City appertaining to such Orphans and safely keep them to the use and profit of such Orphans or otherwise commit the same Orphans together with their Lands and Tenements Goods and Chattels to others their Friends by suâ—ficient Surety found of Record in the Chamber of Guild-hall to maintain conveniently the said Orphans during their nonage and their Lands and Tenemâ—nts to repair and their said Goods and Chattels safely to keep and thereof to render a good and loyal accompt before the said Mayor and Aldermen to the profit of the same Infants when they shall come to their age or when they shall be put to a mistery or shall marry by the advice of the said Mayor and Aldermen And that in all Cases except that it be otherwise ordained and disposed for the same Orphans or for their Lands and Tenements Goods and Chattels by the expresse words contained in the Testaments of their Ancestors And no such Orphans ought to be married without the assent of the said Mayor and Aldermen and also where Lands or tenements Goods and Chattels within the City are devised to an Infant within Age living with his Father and that such an Infant is no Orphan yet by usage of the said City the said Lands and Tenements Goods and Chattels shall be in custody of the Mayor and Aldermen as well as of Orphans to maintain and keep them to the use and profit of the same Infant except that the Father of the Infant or some other of his Friends will find sufficient surety or Record to maintain and keep the said Lands and Tenements Goods and Chattels to the use and profit of the said Infant and thereof to render a good and loyal accompt as is aforesaid And may if the Kings Court of Wards shall be dissolved and the Tenures in Capite taken away be indangered or petitioned against which within these last twenty years hath been a notable Engine and peice of Artillery of the factious who made great use of Petitions many a causeless complaint to overturn any antient useful constitution of the Kingdom well approved Rights and Liberties of the people in general or of some men in particular Will renverse and overturn many of the Fundamental Laws and Constitutions of the Kingdom throw them with their heels upwards into a Ditch of all manner of evils and confusion which will so increase and fall upon them and us as no after endeavours by any new Bills or Acts of Parliament will be able to rescue them and being once dead or destroyed will not meet with any that either can or will be able to call them like Lazarus out of the grave or
Seisins and Liveries and all other incidents belonging to the Tenures in Capite and by Knight Service be reserved and continued to the King and Mesne Lords and the Mariages of the Wards be put to a just apportionment and rate not to boxing or bidding with every pretender or such as shall be procured on purpose and was thought by the Sons of Rapine to be a parcel of godliness according to two years present value of the Estate and a moderate Rate or Rent for the Lands And if that they do not like to sue or be sued in that Court may do it either in the Exchequer or Chancery and try which of those Courts they shall like the better There being no Reason to be shown why Wardships Rents and Marriage Money should not be paid as quietly or without the Noise or Clamour of Oppressioon by some orderly Course to be taken in the collecting of it as the first Fruits of Arch-bishoppricks Bishoppricks and all the Clergyes Benefices which was at first derived from the Popes Usurpations and afterwards setled in the Crown or as the Tenths of all the Monasteryes and Religious Lands which by Act of Parliament were setled in the Crown for the Support and Maintenance thereof And now all the Lines are come in and meet in one Center we may aske the Days that are past and demand of the Sons of Novelty how it should happen or where the Invisible Cause or Reason lurketh that a People at least too many of them not long agoe covenanting whether his late Majesty would or no to preserve his Honor Rights and Iurisdâ—ctions and calling God to witness that they had no Intention to diminish them should presse or perswade the King to part with the vitals of his Regalitie or let out the blood thereof to take in water instead of it which that learned John Earl of Bristol who in his many Travails and Embassies to forrein Princes had observed the several Strengths Policyes and defects of Governments of all the Kings and Princes of Christendom could think no otherwise of that high and just Prerogative of Kings then that to discharge the Tenures in Capite would be consequently to discharge them of their Service to the Crown When as their can be neither Cause nor Reason to make any such Demands and that all the Lords of Mannors in England who may already find the Inconveniences of making too many small sized Freeholders and I wish the Kingdom may not feel it in the Elections of Parliament men and Knights of the Shire as well as it doth already by the Faction and Ignorance of such as choose Burgesses in Towns and Corporations who many times choose without eyes ears or understanding would not be well content to have the many perplexed and tedious Suits at Law betwixt them and their troublesome Tenants about Customs and Fines incertain which in every year do vex and trouble the Courts in Westminster Hall or that which the late feavorish Fancies of some would call Norman Slaveryes should be either a Cause that they must be forced or over intreated to part with their Copy-hold Estates Herryots Fines for Alienations and all other Incidents thereunto belonging or that it would be a good Bargain to have no Compensation or Recompence at all for them or no more than after the Rate of what might Communibus Annis one year with another be made of them Whenas to have the intended Recompence for the Court of Wards paid as is now proposed by a part of the Excise or Curses of the People or to have the poor bear the burden of the rich or those to bear the Burden of it which are not at all concerned in any such purchase or Alteration and will be an Act which can have no more Justice or Equity in it then that the payment of First-Fruits which is merely Ecclesiastical should be distributed and charged for ever upon the Layety and the other part of the People as well as the Clergy That the Tenths which the Layety and some of the Clergy do now contentedly pay should be communicated and laid upon all the Kingdom in general in a perpetuity That the draining or maintaining the Banks and Sluces and Misfortunes many times of the Fenns in Lincolnshire and other particular Places should be charged upon the Estaâ—es of all the men in England that could not be concerned either in profit losse or Dâ—nger Or that in the enclosing of Commons or in Deafforrestations the Commoners should have their Compensation paid by all men in City Town and Country for that which was not 〈…〉 nor was ever like to be any Gain or Aâ—vaâ—tage to them Or that the losses of Merchants by Shipwâ—acks Pirates or letters of Reprisal should be repaired and born by all the rest of the people that went no partnership or gain with them Or which way the people of England should think it to be for their good or safety that as it was in the dayes of Saul there should not be a Sword or Spear in Israel that the Lords of England whose great Auncestors helped to maintain all our Liberties being in Parliament in the 20 th year of King H. 3. pressed by the Bishops to Enact that Children born before Matrimony when their Parents after married should be legitimate answered Nolumus mutare Leges Angliae we will not change the Lawes of England should not take the overturning so many of the Fundamental Lawes and Liberties of the Kingdome to be the ruine or destruction of it to be of a greater concernment And that the King will not think it to be a most Christian as well as an Heroick answer of John King of France when he was a Prisoner in England to our King E. 3. and was denied his Liberty unless he would amongst other things doe Homage for the Realm of France and acknowledge to hold it of England That he must not speak to him of that which he neither ought nor would doe to Alienate a Right Inalienable that he was resolved at what price soever to leave it to his Children as he had received it from his Auncestors that affliction might well ingage his person but not the inviolable right of the Crown where he had the honour to be born over which neither Prison nor Death had any power and especially in him who should hold his life well employed sacrificing it for the Immortal preservation of France And that the people of England should not rather imitate the wisdome as well as goodness of the Elders of Israel when as Benhadad not content with Ahabs Homage had demanded unreasonable things of him Say unto the King hearken not unto him nor consent But remember that it was their fore-Fathers which in a Parliament of King E. 3. holden in the 42 th year of his raign declared that they could not assent to any thing in Parliament that tended to the disherison of the King and his Crown to which they were sworn
that in a Parliament holden in the 14 th year of the raign of King Richard the 2 d. the Lords and Commons did pray the King that the Prerogative of Him and his Crown may be kept and that all things done or attempted to the contrary may be redressed and that the King might be as free as any of his Progenitors were which the King granting gave to it the force and power of an Act of Parlaiment And consider that the innovation of Laws or change of Customs are dangerous and as St Augustine saith non tam utilitate if there were any profit in them prosunt quam Novitâ—â—e perturbant do more hurt than good by their Novelty that it will be unsafe to take away or dig up foundations that where the inconveniences in the old Laws are not apparant and the conveniences to come by the new not infallible or not likely to deceive our expectation of them it will be perilous to change our Laws more perilous when they be many and most of all when they be fundamental That the more Power and Might is in the King to defend us the better will be the Ends which by the Means is intended and that therefore in the Parliament of 7 E. 1. the Prelates Earls Barons and the Commonaltie of the Realm did acknowledge that to the King it belonged of his Royal Signory streightly to defend force of Armour and all other force against the Peace and to punish them which shall do contrary according to the Laws and usages of the Realm and thereunto were bound to ayd their Soveraign Lord at all Seasons when need shall be that to make a Captain of a Cripple or a Constable which should keep the Peace in a Parish and be ready to repell any violence which should be offered to the Inhabitanâ—s to be blind or Bed-rid would not answer the End or bâ— for the Safety of those that expect it from him And that his Majesties opinion expressed in his Message or Declaration from Breda before his return into England is and ever will be a maxime composed of very great reason and truth that his Majesties just rights are the best preserver of the peoples Liberties And may believe before it be too late that to take away Tenures in Capite and introduce the inconveniences before mentioned will be but as a Prologue or usher to Levelling and the gate or entrance to the Agrarian Devices and the supposed Saints taking possession of the Estates of those which they call the wicked And that the laying by of Tenures in Capite and their services and making use of Mercenary and Mechanick Souldiers may help us to as many miseries and follies as we have pertaked of in our late troubles from our Servants make them to become our Masters and by inureing them to insolencies against others teach them how to domineer over the people which shall be their pay-Masters after that over Parliaments garbling and purging the House pulling out and putting in whom they please turn Legislators and Remonstrance makers from their head quarters make themselves not the Repairers of Breaches but the makers and causers of them ingrosse all the places and imployments of the Kingdom throw down Laws and Government create out of themselves and their own Party Mayors Generals to tyranize awe the people and abuse their Laws and Liberties and play the fools at Coffee-Houses with disputing and discoursing of Rotas and Balloting Boxes and which of their Whimsies and ignorant contrivances would best make a Government Committ Perjuries in abundance and make their oaths more changeable and lesse to be trusted then the Wind or Weather or a Lillies Almanack and make it their only businesse to enslave and insult over the people and Metamorphose them into as many shapes of baseness perjuries Hipocrisies dissembling and wickednesse as poverty hope of gain or to get or preserve estates though it be but to have Poliphemus his curtesie to be last of all ruined fear or flattery or an accursed ambition to raise an estate out of other mens miseries could perswade or draw them unto That the taking away of Tenures in Capite by Knight service is not desired by any universal or general Petition at all of the People that not one in every 20 of those that are concerned hold by those Tenures nor one in every 100 of those that hold by other Tenures and are not concerned do desire it That the injudicial and inconsiderate desires of a very few of the common people who doe sometimes as they have many times done in our late troubles and too late repented it out-do Children in asking Stones instead of Bread and Serpents for Fishes are not to be hearkened unto that the Surfets upon Liberty are many times very dangerous may prove as fatal unhappy though granted or asked with the best of intentions as that of giving great Sums of money to the Scots in the begining of our unhappy Wars calling their invasion a brotherly assistance or that of giving Liberty to the long Parliament not to dissolve without their consent That if Augustus Caesar when by his great Prudence he had put the broken peices of the Roman Republick which was Civilibus Discordiis lacerata wofully torn with civil Discords into a well composed Monarchy and blest the Empire a great part of the World with an universal Peace could find no better a way to fix and make it lasting then to put many of the Souldiers under a Gratitude and Concernment to love and cherish it by giving them Lands for Life or Inheritance to engage them to their former Duties when occasion should happen which saved the Charge and Trouble on all sides as well to the conquered as the conquering in maintaining Roman Legions made up of a Medley or Gallimausry of all manner of Nations It cannot now be good when the long lasting Monarchy of England hath been lately and lamentably torn into peeces to make up a Common-wealth could never be agreed upon to alter or take away a Course of constant and ordinary defence which hath been for so many Ages past the happy Support of this Antient Monarchy And that it could not have been any bad or likely to be unsuccessefull Policy but a means of an Establishment of our late Souldiers and Controullers had in the Allowance of their cheap purchases been tyed to Tenures by Knight Service for the Defence of the Kingdom as the late King of Sweden was to hold of the Empire by the Treaty of Munster And if that Bracton who was a Lord Chief Justice in the Reign of King H. 3. was of opinion that by a paâ—tition of Earldoms and Baronies deficeret Regnum quod ex Comitatibus Baronijs dicitur esse constitutum would ruine the Kingdom which is constituted of Earldoms and Baronies he would now certainly foresee greater Mischiefs and Inconveniencies in the taking away of Tenures in Capite and by Knight Service or changeing