or Forty thousand to have been a Queens Dote in Marriage Elleoner Daughter to Knig Edward the second married to the Earle of Gelders after made Duke had but fiftien thousand pound portion Queen Isabell Dowager to said Edward the second and mother to Edward the third most Glorious of English Kings daughter and Heire to Phillip the Faire of France by whose title the Kings of England makes Clayme to the Kingdome of France had allowed her by her son but a thousnd pound Ioynter a yeare severall such passages wee may finde in the Cronicles of England and others yet the Duke of Ormond as is to be seen in the 12'th Quaerie of those in Relation to Ormond granted the profitt of a rent of one thousand five hundred pounds a yeare of the parke hee hath neare the Gates of Dublin to the Lord of Dongaâ—non and to Colonell Cooke a Kingly Liberality If Father walsh or any other will say that these Quaeries are Idle Frivolous needless and of noe regard I would aske of the same and know whether matters of Fact and Propositiones sensu notae as are the Estates and lands of other men and the Corporations now actually in Ormonds possession things that cannot be hidden From the Eyes of men are Idle needless and Frivolous dreames and Fables noe but Foule and unhandsom things against Iustice honour trust committed unto him and Goverment of that Kingdome of Ireland conferred by his Majesty vpon Ormond If his grace or any for him can answer the sayd Quaeries why is hee or they soe long mute and silent they strick home to the quick they render his integrity suspected they wound his Fame and honour certainly if there were any way to answer them and to prove them False Father Walsh had long before now spaken Loudly to the World If Ormonds integrity and vertues be Calumniated by these Quaeries I wonder there is nothing said in his vindication none appeares for him but what in a matter that cannot be defended it is but wisdom to be silent the whole Country knowes that Father walsh of all men is most concern'd to appeare for Ormond and vindicate his integrity the best hee can having in his severall writings described him for a vertuous upright Iust Iuditious and most rare states-man now is the tyme good Friar to prove this you see to what puzle hee is brought vnto by these Quaeries you see how guilty hee is on all sides stretch him now your hand if you can and bring him of clearly and unspottedly from all these blemishes that staynes his person soe deeply now is the tyme I say to prove him to the world what you gave in paper of him and make us all sensible that hee is deserving of those Epithites you are pleased to conferre vpon him in the little book called the. Irish colours Foulded you have put downe a Faire method and good documents I must confess for guiding of Ormond in the Charge of Lord Lieutenant of Irland where you bid him by all meanes to be ware of the man of sin Meaning Orrery who would have his Grace â—uoy up one interest wholy that is the stronger and more prevalent of Orrery and his complices and sinck vtterly the other interest that of the Catholicks against all devine and humaine Lawes many rediculous things of this nature hath this Fryar said about his Ormond and this was one but Ormond contrary to his desire and Counsell buoyed up Orrery's intrest and sunck the Intrest of the innocent party because it was the weakest For which hee had a notable share of the grants and estates hee now Enjoyeth I see good Father you are very unfortunate in your conceipts of Ormond who grants nothing of these things you demaunded I have a minde to produce in this place other lynes of this Fryar unto Ormond out of the same Foulded Colours My Lord Quoth hee I shall minde your Grace of what you know your selfe allready that you shall behould under your Goverment a very great number of simple poore Innocents and most afflicted Creaturs if any such be in the world and that you think that God hath Principally created you and hithertoe preserved you amidst soe many dangers and now at last inspired our gratious King to send you for them and therfore that your greatest care must be to open to them your breast with an amorous compassion extend to them the â—owells of your Charity streatch to them affectionatly your helpfull hands take theire requests lâ—nd care to theire cryes cause theire affaires to be speedily dispatched not drawing them along in delays which may devour them strengthen your Arme against those that oppressed them â—edeem the prey out of the lyons throate and the Harpi's talons By these expresions one would have thought Ormond to be aman like to doe great things but here wee have much smooke and noe fyre faire blossoms and noe Fruite excellent documents given and yet nothing done take the paynes Father to goe up and downe Ireland and heare afflicted Innocent people and make a list of those to whome Ormond in tyme of his Goverment Opened his hart with an amorous compassion to whome hee did extend the â—â—wells of his charity to whome hee did streatch out his helpfull hands those whom hee preserved out of the Lyons throat or the Harpies Talon You will com to short of your vaticinations and hopes nothing like this but rather hee was the Lyon prey'd on them and did noe Iustice to the Orphans as you desired Nâ—r â—ypâ— a way the teares of a forelorne widowâ— bee steeped not in oyle the yoakâ— of a people which lived on gale and wormwood and whoe sighel under unsupportable necessityes Hee hath don nothing in his Goverment for the ease of that people but along with Orrery and the rest pild and pul'd them of all truly good Father you seem to mee a man much inchanted and indeed to be in a state of blyndness â— to your understanding that Harpaste was in her corporall sight of whome Seneca Epist quinquagessima ad lucilium writes in this forme Harpastem uxoris meae fatuam scâ— hereditarium donum in domâ— meae remansisse haec fatua subitó desijt videre incredibilem tibi narro rem sed veram nescit esse se cacam subindè padagogam suam rogat ut migret ais domum renebrosam esse Harpastes you know the changling of my wife is a Hereditary legacy in my house this changling suddainly lost her sight I tell you an incredible thing but true shee doth not beleeve that shee is blinde now and then shee desires of her guide to remoue from thence shee says the house is darke and obsure I am much of opinion Father walsh that this is your condition in relation to what you say or write of Ormonds affaires and person and soe I take my leave in this place of both leaving you in your manyfold blindnesse in as much as you will not see and leaving your Ormond to the
60000 l due to honest men and good Subjects vpon his Estate before the Rebellion 6. Whether his Grace hath not received 30000 l. out of Soldiers and Adventurers Lands which he invaded and entered vpon without any Title as appears by the Records of the Court of Claymes in Ireland which hath decreed the Lands from him 7. Whether by the Act of Explanation he hath not got the Citty of Kilkenny and six other Corporat Townes together with their Lands and Liberties valved by himselfe and his friends of the Councell but at 60000l though they are well worth 120000 l 8. Whether he did not obtain by a special warrant from his Majestie 72000 l. out of the Soldiers and Adventurers half year Revenue 9 Whether there is not confirmed to him 50000 l. More by the Explanatory Act for waving a grant which he got by the Act of Settlement 10. Whether he had not got as many Gentlemens Estates vpon the pretence of a grant of enjoying all Lands that he could prove by witnesses to have payed him any Chiefrey as is worth at least 150000 l. and whether also he hath not obtained that for the said Lands no quitt Rent be paid to the King which grant at 3d. An Acre per annum amounts to 26000 l 11. Whether he hath not abitrarily layd vpon the Inhabitants of the City of Dublin 8000 l. Per Annum amounting for these six years past of his Government to 48000 l 12. Whether he hath not against the Fvndamental Laws and Magna Charta inclosed divers parcells of Land belonging to the kings good subjects without their consent to the value of 1500 l. per Annum at the very gates of Dublin to the great prejudice of that City and the Country the profit of which Land and Park he hath bestowed vpon the Lord of Dungannon and Colonel Cook 13. Whether it be credible that his Grace is zealous for the English and Protestant Interest seeing it is not possible for the Soldiers and Adventurers to be reprized according to his Majesties gracious Declaration when his Grace hath swallowed up in gifts and grants the best part of the Stock of Reprizalls and hath made or permitted such Embeslements of his Majesties revenue and applyed the Royal authority wholly to gain vast advantages to himself and whether by preferring his own private gains and grants before the Publique good and the Iust right of the Adventurers and Soldiers he hath not unsettled the Kingdom of Ireland and unsatisfied the two main interests of Protestants the Soldiers and Adventurers to such a degree that it is to be feared it will be a continual charge to England to keep to the rules of the Acts of Settlement and Explanation so destroyed and desperate a people and whether all this expence trouble and danger for preserving the Duke of Ormond and his Family that is as much Irish as any can be in other mens Inheritances and Rights be the interest of England or agreable to the Maxims of sound Policy or of Christian piety 14. Whether such of his Majesties Protestant Subjects of Ireland as have escaped the Duke of Ormonds Proviso have not Iust grounds to fear that if the same Duke of Ormond should continue in his Gouvernment and press as now he doth the Paymeut of 100000 l. they will not be in a condition to live or to pay his Majesties quit Rents and the necessary charges of the Kingdom 15. Whether after the Prohibition of transporting Cattle and so much oppression by the Lord Lieutenant and his Creatures it be possible For his Majesties empoverished subjects of Ireland to pay the 300000 l. assessed by the Explanatory Act whereof the First 100000 l. is for his Grace 16. Whether his Grace had not a great regard For his Majesties service when he lately pressed the King and Councel to call a Parliament in Ireland For imposing new Taxes vpon that miserable people and For confirming all his own new acquisitions whereby the Soldiers Advenrurers and Nominees are defrauded of his Majesties intended Favours and the English interest utterly destroyed 17 Whether the Duke of Ormonds gifts and grandis amount not unto 630000 l. and whether this Summe would not have satisfied all the English Interest of Ireland and have settled the Protestants and well meriting Natives Natives of that Kingdome in peace whereas now his Majesty and all Christendom is troubled with their Clamours against the breach of Publique Faith and all this stirr destruction of the people and discredit of the Government to humour one particular man whose merit is not so extraordinary â—s his management hath been vnsuccesful 18. Whether not only some of the Nobility of Ireland but very many of the Nobi lity Knights and Gentry of England have not lost greater revenues and richer moveables for being Cavaliers then the Duke of Ormond whose Estate was much incumbered and his rents before the rebellion exceeding not 7000 l. per Annum and during the Warr got more by his Government of Ireland and giving up Dublin then he could it he were in possession of his Estate 19. Whether such as endeavoured to conceale these miscarriages and miseries of the Kingdom of Ireland From his Majesties and the Parliaments knowledg and yet strive to have the Duke of Ormonds distructive Government continue deserve not to be questioned by the Parlament as betrayers of the Publique good and of the Lawes and Liberties of England 20. Whether it be fit that the Government of Ireland should continue so long in one person as it hath in the Duke of Ormond though he were not an Irish man and all his relations were not Papists and very great Enemies of the English and Protestant interest What man can apprehend or read these incredible gettings and recompenses given Ormond without amaizment By the nine first Quaeries you see his grace is as yet countable for many thousands of thousands of the two hundred thousnd pound sent out of England into Ireland since his last goverment there and of the three hundred and sixty thousand pounds assessed by the Parlament of Ireland and fifty thousand pound advanced out of the Soldiers and Adventerours Rents and that notwithstanding those vast Summs the Marshall and Civil listes were a yeare and halfe in arrears Let his Majesty call him to question or Forgive him both is in his Royall breast to doe in the 20. Quaeries in relation to the Lord Duke of Ormond himselfe you will finde that hee received in all as in gifts and grants that amounted to six hundred and sixty thousand pound starling if this wonderfull and strange masse of treasures be not a sufficient Recompence and reward Let the reader Iudge For this amounts according to Marchants rating a Tunn of gould to sixty three tunns of gould one Tunn of gould only makes a great noyse and surely is a vast summ of monys What then shall wee say of sixty three Tunns Wee finde in the Cronicles of England that thirty thousand markes
never for having held my peace notwithstanding all thes great encomis of Silence celebrated by soe many wise Sages in all tymes neverthelesse a long and vnseasonable Silence is and may be as blameable as the other is recommendable To be Silent and hould my peace when an open injurie is don to my Religion countrie and Parents is neither wisdom pietie nor vertue to be commended this is and hath been as I perceave the long Silence the Catholicks of Irland had with the Lord Duke of Ormond giving him both time and leasure to worke theyr ruine and downfall without preventing the fame in a just forme and seasonable time by theyr instant adresses to the king councel or any else We have kept a longer Silence to our great detriment then Pythagoras his schollars have don theyr Silence was limited to five yeares only before theyr publick Tentamens in schoole for the performance of which Magister dixit was sufficient to them but we poore soules have been silent neer now vpon thirteen yeares suffering with all patience the open wrongs and manifest Detriments this Noble-man have don vs soe that vnder the notion of a friend we discovered him at long-running to be our open enemie The same Ormond's speech soone after the kings happie restauration to Orrery Monthrath Clothworthy Mervin such others of that fortunat tribe have been in this nature Omnes bestia agri venite ad devorandum nempè Iberniam Vniversae bestiae saltâ—s All yee beasts of the sield come to devoure he means Irland All yee beasts of the forrest What were we doing Where have we been Or what became of our senses at that time when Ormond convoked thos men to devoure vs We were all of vs in a deepe Silence much like men in a fatal lethargie soe as the words of the same prophet may be properly said of us Speculatores ejus id est Iberniae â—oeri omnes nesâ—ierunt Vnirersi canes muti non valentes latrare videntes vana dormientes amantes somnia her watch-men all blind haue been ignorant dumb doggs not able to bark seeynge vain things sleeping and loving dreams truly wee were all much like bewitched people dotinge upon a man that loued us not and like men dreaming vain dreà ms our Bishops and churchmen lett these venerable persons giue me leave to speake my sentiment our Bishops I say and Cleargymen were but canes muti non valentes latrare J did not see nor heare of any in that numerous congregation a monghst whom there haue been several learned and wise men that haue written any thinge to this purpose in characterizing as they should haue don this great man and his craftie designes to the publick ruine exceptinge one of the divines that then attended upon the Ecclesiastical congregation of whom mention was made in our preface who composed a substantial and solid peece replenished with uncontroulable reasons justifijng the just rejection of that peace made and agreed in the kingdom's behalfe by certain Commissioners with Ormond in the yeare 1646. this rejection of that peace Ormond takes for petra scandali and as a dishonour forsooth to his pérson soe that from that day to this houre he hath been and is still an open enemie to the Bishops of Irland and Cleargy this divine that I speake off did in a sober and modest stile plainly set foorth what Ormond did intend and said nothinge in all that peece but what was just and reasonable as now more clearly we seé this worke came to my hands and haue perused it with much attention out of wch I haue collected partly some light for my furtherance in this present tractat and now behould the Bishops at that time exiled in this Kingdom to whose Iudgment he submitted that worke would not haue this wel studied peece to seê either presse or light in soe much that those elucubrations and labours were set a side and rendred uselesse and fruitlesse to the Nation I doubt not but the prelats intended wel though otherwise fell out for they were still in a charitable hope and expectation that Ormond in time would Relent and doe the nation good but they and millions besides theyr Lordships haue been mistaken in Ormond whose indignation more and more daylie increasing not satisfied in the extremities of our woes and calamities seems rather to rejoyce in the continuation of our afflictions and annihilation of our persons then to giue any signe of relentment or hopes of any good a glorie without honnour Never did any Magician charme with spels or philtérs any sort of men more then this Ormond did that harmelesse people by what art or fascination is to me unknowne In Londen soe wounderfull was the veneration my Countre-men had to this great man's person and soe great was theyr zeale to please and loath in the least to displease him as even when some begun to apprehend feares and jelousies of his sinistrous proceedings perceaving things not to goe as they expected yet not with standing they scarce durst mutter theyr to well grounded feares and fuspitions each long time every man was sicut mutus non aperiens os suum in the cause of Religion and countrie though they haue seen evidently his daylie heapinge of injuries upon the nation nay some were soe starck blind and slumbred upon this fatal Duke as even after he possessed wroungfully theyr estates and fortunes they were construing all to the best and supposing some deep mâ—sterie of pietie in the man and yet could giue noe reason for such theyr vain conjectures and hopes some in theyr priuat discourses as if they were deluded by fiends and specters wid imagin some future good Ormond would doe the nation this epidemical dimnis and stupiditie attached the judgment and braines soe firmly of many that several of them could not be persuaded but Ormond would as yet giue them a day of rejoycement and happiness I haue been much amazed and noe lesse perplexst after seeyng and hearing some of theyr silly and simple éxpressions pronunced in theyr privat confabulations in London and letter 's from that cittie to thes parts much to this effect Ormond said one will never betray us he 'il never shrinke from us he is our owne his intentions are good an other said Ormond is to Noble to doe soe base an act it is not his Kinde to doe unworthie things his father and Mother quoth the third man were constant true Catholicks that is indeed true was not I beseech yow his grand-father said the fourth man walter earle of Ormond for his devotion stiled walter of the beads and rosarie will the child of soe good soe godly and vertuous progenitours deceave the confidence wee his countremen doe place in him noe it cannot be happie are we that he is soe great with his Majestie for though he seems at present some what could towards us and to shake hands with Orrery and the rest of the Cromwelian faction yet his hart howeuer is with us
been still faithfull and loyall to the King and crowne this my lord neglected to have don but rather by his repentinous conjunction of friendship with those well approved and trustie ministers of Cromwel gave occasion to several wise men to suspect and thinke that Ormond did not much in heart averse Cromwel nor dislike of his proceedings and that which we doe wonder at is that all this while we could not see nor heare by mouth or pen any apologie from this good duke that may give the world satisfaction for his soe doeing In my opinion his Grace had good reason to be silent in this matter and to conceale from the eyes and eares of men the cunning motifs slights and arcana's that pusshed him on for to manifest his reasons were manifestare errores inexcusabiles suos Seeing then that heerin my lord duke is pleased to be silent J hope his Grace will give the looser leave to speake and discover to the world the reasons deduced his Grace from the right roade of vertue justice pietie and honnour deserting his trustie old friends to kint vnexpected new sudden friendship with his old enemies it is to well Knowne to our woe-full experience he made the worst use a christian noble man could have don of the power he had from his majestie in order to the catholick interest of Irland striving constantly and musing how to subvert and suppress equitie and justice to our destruction which have been the cheefest ground induced him to this association with the Cromwelians that at once and along with them he may plunder our houses fortunes and estates and soe really it fell out for of all men he had the fattest fayrest and greatest share The greatness of his person cannot terrifie me from apearing for my countrie and countrie-men nor from speaking clearly freely and plainy the truth if in case I shall speake or write any thinge ungroundedly I shall desire some of his learned sticklers take the paynes to answer for him and confute me if he can we know his lordship hath more Hierelings parasits and flaterers then true friends and I beleeve his Grace will find my saying to be true affore he dyes for it will be but the just judgment of god that he who deserted his honest and true friends should be deserted by all I could hartily wish in the meane time he had in him these true vertues that would both merit and deserve truefriends For compassing what I haue taken in hand the right doore and ingresse to my discourse must be a true and naked relation of Ormonds dealings and transactions with the Catholicks of Irland since the first vnfortunat day they Knew him this will make the reader Know what manner of man he was and is whether of vertue or vice love or hatred to the Catholicks of Irland all wch I wil endevour Succinctly with candid veritie soe save me God to performe crauing from my benevolous reader the patience off perusing all with attention and to Suspend his Iudgment till Fully instructed of all that past It is not my present intent to stand vpon iustifyng the reuolution and warr of that Kingdom begun the yeare 1641. to which they were forcibly compelled I haue understood that matter is performed ala reâ—dy and soundlie purpose by a skilfuller quil then myne my present scope is and will be to have the reader Know what Ormond did in that warr and afther the warr and soe I dout not but the reader will be able to passe a free and impartiall Iudgment vpon his Grace and me and next whether his desertinge of the catholicks and combining with the new men is or can be Iustifiable and excusable To this therefore effect the reader may understand that the now duke then Earle of Ormond at the beginning of this warr was leutenant General of the Kings forces under the lords justices Sr. william parsons and Sr. Iohn Burlace I passe by how he demeaned him selfe in that high post either shewing enimitie to the Catholicks or desiring the revolution should be suppressed some say he was for the suppressing off it let us suppose he did what became a man placed in that office he had and leave that soe CHAPTER III. Heere is shewen how Ormond was chosen lord lieutenant and his several cessations made with the confederat catholicks and vast summes of monys receaved to transport over souldiers for his majesties service This Sr. VVilliam parsons a could rigid and wise-man but an inveterat enemie to the catholicke religion and Catholicks at once with Sr. Adam Loftus Sr. Robert Merideth Sr. Iohn Temple and others of the councel became much addicted to the House of commons in England which house began at that time to contest and be at variance with the King and in good faith made noe other use of his Majesties power and Sword of Iustice in that Kingdom then to increase and kendle rather then quench the flame of that revolution which they caled a rebellion heere you are to observe that the said lords Iustices and aboue specified councellours though they were disloyal and perfidious to the King yet the false and pernicious relations thes knaves gave and divulged by proclamations of the Irish that the vniversalitie of the Catholicks of Irland got up into a new rebellioÌ„ whereas for one Catholick that was engaged in that revolution there were thousands in the natioÌ„ knew nothing off it even the nobilitie citties and gentrie of the nation were soe they were easily beleeved in that theyr false and Malicious aspersion soe that his Majestie did noe lesse call and esteeme us rebelles then the House of commons in England did these men's disaffection to the King and theyr Treacherie beyng at lenght discovered his Majestie recalled theyr commissions and appointed Ormond lord lieutenant of the Kingdom after his Excellencie was invested with this new commission and power the parlament of England more and more growing stroung in hostilitie against the King and declaring open warr to his Majestie which was plain rebellion not like the painted rebellion of Irland his Excellency who had at that timo trustie friends in the Councel of the confederat Catholicks treated with the assembly of said Catholicks and in their absence with the foresaid Councel for a Cessation of armes between his Partie and theirs to which the Catholicks did Freely and willingly consent and to that effect graunted and paied over to my lord Lieutenant thirty thousand and eight hundred pounds sterling for to transport over into England some of the Kings Forces to Supresse the rebellion in that Kingdom this free speedy and loyall contribution of soe vast a summe of monies in soe seasonable a time to furnish and pay the Kings souldier against the rebells of England was noe signe of rebellious hearts in the Catholicks As for what these forces ferried over did there whether they beat the rebells or were beaten is not my subject in hand I come to my lord of Ormond who for
any time evermore some through ignorance of states affaires and intrigues obstructing as yet others through inconsideration of these wayes to you knowne much wiser though slower then folly and rashness could chalke out and some out of prejudice or an euil will which blinds them and makes them abuse the timorousness and credulity of all they can to lessen your esteeme and your dependence all they are able My lord these thoughts which more and more trâ—oubled me dayly because I have dayly new occasions â—o reflect on them and therefore would noe longer but give them your Excellency even in this method and writing that they may take the deeper impression as evry much concerning you since your one welfare and the kings and peoples in my jugment very much depend on a good esteeme of soe great a minister as your great deserts have made you But with all my lord I will give your Excellency my most earnest and most harty desire that you delay noe longer then shall be necessary to cleare these clouds of darkness and cleare them in this present conjuncture by an effectuall demonstration of the justice and favour you intend the Catholicks in your Articles of 48. when they soe freely put themselves and their power into your hands Father VVailsh your letter is well penn'd expressing exâ—â—llently the general feare that seazed vpon all the Catholicks of our nation in London a truer expression could not be I observe you say in the generality of Irland here even I say of those who have beene soe long as well yoâ—r constant beleevers as your stedfast frinds â— dimness c. And for the better persuading him to shew his vertue and affection to his Catholick frinds you tell him his owne webfare the kings c. did much depend on a great esteeme of soe great a minister as his great deserts have made him Nothing can be said in reason to moue a gallant man more then what you have said In the end of your letter you presse him closely to doe the Catholicks justice by vertue of the Articles of 48. saying when they put themselves and their power into your hands soe freely Certainly good fa had Ormond loved you and the Catholicks of Irland those you name his fastest frinds and sticklers as much as you and they loved him would he have giveÌ„ a good answer to your rational lines but you tell nothing of his answer if good or bad if it were good I am sure you would have published it amongst the rest of his great vertues soe as your silence in this argues noe good answer all your prayers good fa to Ormond are in vaine you have cast your seed in a barren land Hoc est supra Petram and your prayers withered and shrank Had Ormond been a worthy man and lover of his country he had dispersed those clouds of darkness as you desired him taking away those feares of his true frinds by appearing for the nation as behoved a just man and as he was bound by vertue of the articles of 48. himselfe being the kings commissioner vpon concluding that peace These are the affections and dutyes required at his hands by the Catholicks Doth his greatness thinke you give him a Privilege that the Catholicks should love him and he hate them that men nobly borne and many other worthy persons should for soe many years rely vpon him putting great trust in him and he in the end should betray them in the greatest concernment they had in the world if he hath in this done like a true Chriâ—â—iaâ— or gallant nobleman head of soe aâ—cient a family judge you and all others You speakâ— after of Ceremonies and Tenebrae all wee had from Ormond were but Tenebrae and Darkness nor did your glorious light in the Triangle ever shine propitious to the Catholicks his trusty frinds and sticklers have too long relyed vpon a reed of Egijpt a reed without stay or vertue such as your Ormond was and is Such in London of our Nation as you say that feared he would prove as he shâ—wed himselfe I see were wiser then you that trusted soe much in him and could not be persuaded he would play booty in the end and abandon the Catholiâ—ks thâ—ir feare was grounded in good reason and your confidence in him was vaine and you remaine still deceaved in that your confidence oh would to God the Catholicks had feared him in good time if soe Ormond had never come to the power of annoying them or to loose them but Serò sapiunt phrijges he deceaved the person most trusted in him and did beleeve as you doe that he would prove the deliverer of his country I meane the Earle of Clancarty then lord viscont Musgry his brother in law who seemed sore vexed in his dying bed for having placed trust in Ormond an errour destructive to his Nation and could his Excellency then was the time not to dissemble the heauyest feare that pâ—ssessed his soule goeing vnto an other world was for confiding soe much in him who deceaved them all and lost his poore country and countrymen It is plain truth and F. VVailsh you know it to be soe the great opinion very many of the assembly had of the sound jugement of my lord Clancarty speaking nothing of his high descent an fortune made many of the nobles and gentry follow him and in the end they all found themselves deluded You know well that young Musgry Clanâ—arty his heire who was Collonell in France a stout and valiant person one of the hopefullest men of his Nation who was killed in the first war at sea against the Hollanders could never indure his vncle Ormond after seeing his finistrous wayes his cunning artices and his deserting the Catholicks soe fouly You have indeed F earnestly prayed Ormond and conjured him to appeare for the Nation and to obtaine for them the benefit of the Articles of the peace of 48. which he himselfe was bound in honnor and conscience to doe and you constantly exspected their delivery by him and when shall that be thinke you even then when the Iews shall see their Messias long waited for Honest friar Ormond hath deceaved you and tooke a course to increase and secure his owne fortunes he collogued with your countrymen and in the end stuck to that side that preyed and robbed them of their estates and amongst all he had the greatest share as is well knowne to all yet not a woord of this in your writings of the high elogies you give of his wisedom vertue and most pretious qualities that can adorne a states-man CHAPT IX In this Chapter is clearly set downe Ormonds wrongfull in vasion and possession of several IIrish Catholick gentlemens estates well expressed in the case of Sr. Robert Lyunch Knight and Barronet ORmond hath invaded against conscience justice and honour the estates of hundreds of poore innocent Catholicks I beseech you what title or right had his Grace to the estate of Sr. Robert
est Facinus Fathers conscript my resolution is to pass over Tiber and soe rush into the enemies Camp not to plunder or to doe any devastation For if the Gods will but help mee I have a greater matter in my minde Of these expressions the Senatours approved much hee departed and soon came into theire Campe having a knife or dagger under his coat to kill Porsena and having aproached the place the King was it fell out that it was a pay-dey with the Souldiers drawing neare hee killed Commissioner or Secretary neare the King thinking him to be the King and soe gott a way making place for himselfe with his sworde brandishing before him till at last overlaid by the multitude hee was taken and brought before the King being questioned who hee was and from whence hee came hee answered more like unto a man to be feared then a man in feare saying to the King Romanus sum ciuis C. Musium vocant host is hostem occidere volui nec ad mortem minus animi est quam fuit ad caedem et facere et pati fortia Romanum est A Cittizen of Rome I am by name C. musius I thought as an enemy to Kill an enemy neither is my hart backwarder to dye then it hath bine forward to kill you to doe and suffer strong things is the part of a Roman At which undaunted Expressions the King amaized and troubled commaunded to inuiron him round about with fyre but the Couragious young man putting his right hand in the fyre and there holding it as not feeling the fyre said generously En tibi ut Sentias quam vile corpus sit ijs qui magnam Gloriam vident Behold that you may know how vile is the body to those who sees great glory The King astonished at the hand burning without any regard of payne leap't out of his chaire and commaunded the young man to be removed from the Altar and then said to him these Kingly words Tu verâ— abi in te majuâ— quam in me hostilia ausus juberem macta virtuâ—e esse si pro mea patria ista virtâ— staret nunc jure belli liberum te intactum inviolatumque dimitto tum Musius quasi romunerans meritum quandoquidem inquit est apud to virtuti â—onos ut beneficio tuleris a me quod minis nequisti Trecenti conjuravimâ—â— principei Iuventutis Romane ut in te hac via grassaremur mea prima sors fuit cateri ut cuique ceciderit primo quo ad te opportunum fortuna dederit suo quisque tempore aderunt Be you gon more Cruel to your selfe then to mee I would wish you to be of good courrage if that vertue had been for my Country by the Law of warre I now dismiss you untouched unviolated to whome Mutius said as if to recompence the favour don in as much as you regard vallour and vertue you gett that from mee by the benefitt you doe which you could not by threats 300. Of the Chiefest youths of Rome wee have conspired to invde you in this nature It fell out I should be the first the rest each one in his owne turne as it will fall out will performe theire duty Mutius being sent to the Romans after this was called Scavola for the burnings and wounds of his right hand Porssena seeing his life was saved by chance that time and that there were as yet 200. and ninty nine more of the Primest of Roman youth designed to the same expedition of his owne accord hee offered the Romans apeace and vpon honourable conditions one of them being that which they desired aboue all that hee would have noe more to doe with with Tarquin or his people Aliâ— said the King Hinc sen bello opus est seu quiete exilio querant locum nequiâ— mean vobiscum pacem destineat dictis facta meliora adjecit Could there be more or nobler services don for a mans Country then these Horatius Cochles and C. Mutius attempted it is not easy to be desided which of these two shewed greatest vallour and affection to Rome Cochles hee alone fought a whole Army and freed the Senate the people from Massacres and Rome from being taken Mutius terrifyed King Porssenae contemned the force of fyre and removed the siege by his strange example of fortitude vpon most honourable conditions for the Romans Oh two Glorious Champions of Romeâ— O Immortall Heroes O Patriots flaming with charity and affection when shall wee finde in this age such unspeakable services Now as to the rewards given them What rewards think you had Horace and Scavola given them as to Horace as Livius says Grata erga tantam virtutem Civitas fuit statua in comitijs posita The Citty was kinde and gratfull towards such meritts and vertues there was by order an image errected in the Senate house for him I must confess that was honourably don but what more What other recompence and remuneration have they given Agri quantum vno die Circumaravit datum As much ground as hee could in one day plough What have they lotted for Mutius Patres sayd Livius Caio Mutio virtutis Causa trans tiberem agrum done dederê to Mutiâ—â— the Senate for his rare vertue hath given beyond the River Tiber a platt of ground as a gift Qui postea Mutia prata appellata which afterwards was called by the name of the Mutian Green Heere you may see the recompence given to these incomporable men was but a few akers of ground with which theire Sobriety remained satisfyed having don all they did out of meer affection to theire Country not for selfe end or hope of remuneration Having spooken of the rewards given by Rome to Horatius Cochles and to Mutius for unparalled services let us consider with stupefaction the rewards and recompences the Duke of Ormond had for his services and attending vpon the King in time of his exile I dare say in the first place there is none of the adorers of Ormonds vertues not one will presume to say that the greatest of all his services hee did the King came or could com neare those of the foresaid Romans yet if wee compare both theire remunerations together theires will appeare like a graine of sand compared with Mons Olympus as for the lands given him hundred thousand of Akers is the meanest gift of all but what doe I speake of Ormond Lord of a most ancient family of Earles of above 300. Yeares The first Earle of that family Iohn Butler by name was created in the Raigne of Edward the third anno 1328. When George Lane his recompences are mounted to an vnreasonable measure a man inferiour to thousands both for his birth and service to the King Ormonds secretary now Sir George Lane this Lane by the Kings grant of other mens estates enjoys many thousand Akers of ground farre more then Cochles or Muttâ—â— the deliverers of Rome had this new knight had conferred vpon him the estates of two worshipfull esquires that
some yeares continued his capitulations and treatings with the Catholicks of Irland and did indeed wijre-drawe them to theyr great losse both to the dishartning of their souldiers consumption of their treasures and letting slip great advantages of service great matters we expected from Ormond and noe lesse did our Commissioners tell us that he was ready to condescend to our demaunds and graunt us good things but in the end litle or nothing was don not withstanding all this any thing that seemed to be with the Kings interest or for the Kings service did much relish with the Catholicks and soe desirous and forward we were to make peace with any party the King owned to be his owne as we omitted to pursue vigorously a good warr and at long running wee made noe good peace for libertie Religion Fortunes or honour of the Nation CHAP. IIII. Glanmorgans peace rendered voide by the Kings disavoving any authoritie given to that effect Twice we concluded peace by our Commissioners the one off which have been with the Earle of Glanmorgan and the other with Ormond and in fin wee had neither peace nor the assurance of a peace the said Earle of Glanmorgan shewed us under the privat signet a faire and large commission he had from the King authorizing him to conclude a peace with us and to graunt us such favourable concessions for religion as Ormond the Kings Lieutenant who also had a comission under the great seale could not Publickly graunt or be seen in this peace made with Glanmorgan became voyd and of noe force the King disavowing any power given to that effect vnto Glanmorgan you shall find the Kings disavowing of any such power in his booke commonly caled Reliquiae Sacrae Carolinae pag the 29 in a message given as it is written in our court at Oxford the 29 lanu 1645. to the speaker of the house of Peeres pro tempore to be communicated to the two houses of Parliament at westminster and to the commissioners of the Parliament in Scotland His Majesties message of Ianuary 29. 1645. about Irland and his Majesties further Concessions and desire of a personal treaty Oxford C R His Majestie having receaved information from the lord Leutenant and Councel in Irland that the Earle of Glanmorgan hath without his or their orders or priuitie entered into a treaty with some Commissioners on the Roman Catholick partie there and alsoe drawne vp and agreed vnto certain articles with the said Commissioners highly derogatory to his Majesties honour and royal dignitie and most prejudicial vnto the protestant religion and church there in Irland wherevpon the said Earle of Glanmorgan is arrested vpon suspition of high treason and imprisoned by the said lord Leutenant and Councel at the instance and by the impeachment of the lord Digby who by reason of his place and former employment in these affaires doth best know how contrarie that proceeding of the said Earle hath been to his Majesties intentions and directions what great prejudice it might bring to his affaires if those proceedings of the Earle of Glanmorgan should â—e any way vnderstood to have been done by directions liking or approbation of his Majestie having in his former messages for a personal treaty offered to give contentment to his two Houses in the business of Irland hath now thought fitting the better to shew his clearer intentions and to give satisfaction to his two Houses of Parlament and the rest of his subjects in all his Kingdoms to send his declarations to his said houses containing the whole truth of the busines which is That the Earle of Glanmorgan having made offer vnto his Majestie to raise forces in the Kingdom of Irland and to conduct them into England for his Majesties service had a commission to that purpose and to that purpose only That he had noe commission at all to treat of any thing else without the privitie and direction of the lord Leutenant much lesse to Capitulat any thing concerning religion or any propertie belonging either to Church or Laity That it clearly appeares by the lord Leutenants procedings with the said Earle that he had noe notice at all of what the said Earle had treated and pretended to have capitulated with the Irish vntill by accident it came to his knowledge And his Majestie doth protest that vntill such time as he had advertisment that the person of the said Earle of Glanmorgan was arrested and restrained as is aboue said he neuer heard nor had any kind of notice that the said Earle had entred into any kind of treaty or capitulation with the Irish commissioners much lesse that he had concluded or signed these articles soe destructiue both to Church and State and soe repugnant to his Majesties publick professions and knowne resolution And for the further vindication of his Majesties honour and integritie heerin he doth declare that he is soe far from considering any thing contained in those papers or writings framed by the said Earle and those commissioners with whom he treated as he doth absolutly disavow him therein and hath giuen commandements to the lord Leutenant and the Councel there to proceed against the said Earle as one who either out of falseness presumption or folly had soe hazarded the blemishing of his Majesties reputation with his good subiects and soe impertinently framed those articles of his owne head without the consent privitie or directions of his Majestie or the lord Leutenant or any of his Majesties Councel there but true it is that for the necessarie preservation of his Majesties protestant subiects in Irland whose case was dayly represented vnto him to be soe desperat his Majestie have given commission to the lord Leutenant to treat and conclude such a peace there as might be for safty of that Crowne the preservation of the protestant religion and noe way derâ—gatery to his owne honour and publick professions You see plainly by this his Majesties disavowig letter of any power given to Glanmorgan as to the effect of peace to be concluded with the confederat Catholicks how Glanmorgans peace came to nothing and of noe validitie though much labour paines and monnies it cost to the confederat Catholicks and not without great discredit to the said Earle As for the peace made with Ormond yeare 1646. who had the Kings commission vnder the great seale it had noe better issue then the former as shal be made cleare out of the aboue specified divine his writings reasons arguments and woords as they are put downe And in as much as the Bishops and Cleargy their opposition to that peace hath drawne vpon them the implacable anger of Ormond pervsing what I shall write you shal be able to iudge the reasons given by the Prelats were valid and themselves honest in their intentions and vpright in their proceedings and that they haue done nothing but what pietie and the obligation of their pastoral care did require consequently yon will graunt that the dukes anger and rancour came by noe