it must be before his Bishoppe if he will accuse the Bishoppe it must be in a prouinciall Synode if he will draw a Metropolitane to answer for some things which he hath done it must be either before the Primate or before the Bishoppe of Constantinople All this we graunt to be orderly established the things intended are matters of Ecclesiasticall Cognisance which are to bee heard in such Courts but our question is of Clerks that are conuinced to be murtherers or Traytors c. Whether such are to bee exempt from triall at Common Law Of which exemptions these auncient Bishops neuer dreamed 76. It is moreouer to be noted that diuers of these places which he citeth as that from Sulpitius of S. Martin and from Ambrose c. are vnderstoode of another thing and not of exemption of Clarkes at all For the auncient Bishops as before I haue declared thought it not lawfull that matters of faith and doctrine should be determined in ciuill Courts by ciuill Magistrates This is true and this is that which those testimonies speake of but what is this to criminous Clarks that Robbers Traytors murtherers of the Clergy should be protected by reason of their Order from triall in Kings Courts this is a doctrine neuer knowne to the auncients It was first knowne in England in the dayes of Henry the second stirred seditiously by Thomas Becket Archbishop of Canterbury when as before that time it was neuer heard of in this land The manner heereof I will briefly recite out of Roger Houeden 77. In the yeare of Christ 1163. the contention concerning exemption of Clerkes grew famous betweene King Henry the second and Thomas Becket Archbishop Rex volebat saith Houeden Presbyteros Diaconos Subdiaconos alios Ecclesiae rectores si comprehensi fuissent in latrocinio vel murdra vel felonia vel iniqua combustione vel in his similibus ducere ad saecularia examina punire sicâ—…t laicum Contra quod Archiepiscopus dicebat quod si Clericus in sacris ordinibus constitutus vel quilibet alius rector Ecclesiae calumniatus fuerit de aliqua re per viros Ecclesiasticos in curia Ecclesiastica debet iudicari Et si conusctus fuerit ordines suos amittere sic alâ—…enatus ab officio beneficio Ecclesiastico si postea forisfecerit secundum voluntatem Regis baliuorum suorum iudicetur That is The King required that Priests Deacons Subdeacons and other Rectors of Churches if they were taken in murther robbery felony burning of houses or such like should be brought to secular Courts and there punished as Lay-men were Against this the Archbishop affirmed that if a Clerke being within holy Orders or any other Parson of a Church were accused of any thing he must be iudged by Ecclesiasticall Iudges in the Ecclesiasticall Court and if he were conuict he should loose his orders And so being excluded from office and benefice Ecclesiasticall if after this he incurred the like fault then might he be iudged at the pleasure of the King and his Officers Thus farre Houeden 78. This manner of degrading and afterward deliuering criminous Clarkes to the Secular power crept in about the time of the Conquest Bellarmine pretending greater antiquity for it can neither bring reason nor testimony for his opinion For whereas he saith Eusebius Bishop of Nicomedia was first deposed by the Nicen Councell and afterward banished by Constantine by this offering to proue that they must first be deliuered to the Secular power before the Magistrate may punish and reproueth Caluin for not considering thus much We answere Bellarmine sheweth his skill in shifting and hiding the truth to deceiue the simple For Caluin in that place which he citeth against this Romish immunitie proueth two things First that coactiue power is in the hand of the Prince and not of the Church Ecclesia cogendi non habet potestatem de ciuili coactione loquor saith he Secondly that criminous Clarkes had no immunities from the ciuill Courts of Princes Now that Bellarmine saith Eusebius was first deposed by the Councell and then banished is nothing against Caluin but for him For the Church did not inflict the coactiue punishment of banishment but the Emperour And Caluin proueth at large in the same place that Kings and Emperours haue no authority to iudge in causes of faith Producing the example of Ambrose who in such a cause resisted the Emperour Valentinian Such a cause was that of Eusebius the Emperour knew not whether he was in fault or not before the Church had iudged the cause But Caluines iudgement and our question standeth in two thinges against which Bellarmine doth not so much as speake one word First that coactiue power was not then in the Church but in the Emperour Secondly that criminous Clerkes were then punished by the Magistrate Eusebius is not there proposed as a criminous Clerke but as an example wherein the coactiue power of the Magistrate appeared But now they say if a Clerke bee proued to be a felon murderer traytor c. the Kings Courts may not censure this man before he be degraded Against these immunities wee speake for which Bellarmine offereth not any proofe Let the manner of Bellarmines answering bee considered for it is easie for him thus to answere Caluin and all Protestants when he toucheth not the point in question but singling out of some peece from the whole wresteth that also from the true intent that he may shape a mis-shapen answere to it Then we say that before those desperate times wherein Iohn Wiclife saith and often affirmeth that Satan was loosed no man claymed such a beastly priuiledge as to be exempt from the Kings Lawes for murder treason and such like Godlinesse reason and the light of Nature seemeth to be extinguished in these men that being contented to take the benefite of Lawes will not be contented to bee ordered by Lawes This hath forced some Princes and States to ordaine Lawes that such should be out of the Kings protection Thus did that noble Prince Edward the third King of England Wherein the King seemed to open the true way to his successors to deale with these men for seeing as then they did so now they doe denie themselues to be the Kings subiects and affirme that neither by Diuine nor humane right they are bound to obey the King with his coactiue Lawes and that they are onely vnder the subiection of the Pope that for no crimes they are to bee examined in the Kings Courts is it not great reason that the protection of the King and of his Lawes should bee denyed to them that reiect both 79. Houeden declareth also that in the yeare one thousand one hundred sixtie foure the King called a Synod and required the Bishops vpon their allegeance to receiue his Graundfathers Lawes to vse and obserue them Thomas Becket answered for him and the rest they would keepe all the Lawes
flatterie in his seruants then to resume these old condemned priuiledges and therewithall to patch yp a Iurisdiction standing so directly against the iudgement and practise of the ancient godly Fathers 92. And yet was Anselme as resolute in this as Augustine was in the contrarie But heerein a great difference appeared which might much sway the iudgement of indifferent readers if there were no other meanes to informe them that Saint Augustine standing against appellations to Rome had heerein the full consent of all his fellow Bishoppes not one dissenting But Anselme standing for appellations to Rome stood alone without the consent of so much as one Bishoppe which thing I report for the honour of the Church of England and of all the Bishoppes of England at this time who heerein resisted their Archbishoppe standing for the ancient liberties of the Church William Malmsburie witnesseth thus much In his exequendis saith he omnes Episcopi Angliae Primati suo suffragium negarunt That is In the execution of these things all the Bishops of England denied their consent to their Primate This sheweth that Archbishoppes were made the Popes seruants before Bishoppes were the reason was because the Archbishoppes vsed to purchase a Pall from the Pope which Pall Anselme had not yet at this time of his variance with the King obtained for Malmsbury saith he first asked leaue to goe to Rome for the Pall. Now the Pope in graunting the Pall conueyed an Oath of Alleageance with it as before we haue obserued which was the reason that moued our Archbishopps to stirre such rebellious tumults against the Kings of this land Such was this faction which Anselme maintained for the Pope against the King wherein he was condemned by all the Bishops of England in the question of Appellation as Thomas Becket was after this time condemned by all the Bishoppes in like sort in the question of Inuestitures 93. And therefore Henry the second had iust cause to publish that law which Roger Houeden calleth graue edictum execrabile against the Pope beginning Si quis inuentus fuerit literas vel mandatū ferens Domini Papae c. capiatur de eo sicut de regis traditore regui siue dilatione fiat iusticia That is If any be found bringing in the Popes Letters or Mandat c. let him be apprehended and let iustice be executed without delay vpon him as vpon a traytor to the King and Kingdome In the same law it is said Item generaliter interdictum est ne quis appellet ad Dominum Papam That is It is simply by law prohibited that no man appeale to the Pope This was not a new law now inuented by Henry the second but an auncient law now renued and vpon a iust occasion put in execution for William Rufus as before we haue declared vrged this law against Anselme proouing it to be one of his Fathers lawes and auerring that such appeales did stand against the auncient lawes and customes of his Kingdome so that the Kings Iurisdiction in such matters was maintained by the auncient lawes of this land 94. But because the antiquity of the lawes of our land is questioned by our aduersaries though this thing belong not to my profession yet let me in a few wordes declare what I haue met with in Stories concerning this point that it may appeare that the lawes of this land are much more auncient then that Religion which now is called the Religion of the Church of Rome King William Rufus the Conquerours sonne declareth as Malmsbury witnesseth that it was a custome of this kingdome confirmed by his father that without the Kings licence no man might appeale to the Pope Now these lawes and customes which William the Conquerour did publish and confirme were the auncient lawes and customes of the Saxons before him not first inuented by the Conquerour though enacted and established by him For Roger Houeden writing of these lawes which the Conquerour enacted saith that the King being once in minde to establish the lawes of the Danes was after much and earnest intreaty of the Barons perswaded to yeelde that the lawes of King Edward the Confessour should be retained still The Barons saith Houeden vrged the King Pro anima regis Eduardi qui et post diem suum concesserat coronam regnum cuius erant Leges Unde Concilio habito praecatui Baronum tandem acquieuit ex illa ergo die visa authoritate veneratae per vniuersam Angliam corroboratae confirmatae sunt prae caeteris patriae legibus leges Eduardiregis quae prius inuentae Constitutae erant in tempore Adgari aui sui For King Edwards soule who bequeathed him his Crowne and Kingdome after his death and whose lawes they were whereupon holding a Parliament he yeelded at last to the Barons request from that day forward the lawes of King Edward were by his authority honoured established and confirmed through all England which lawes were before found out and enacted in the time of Edgar Grandfather to King Edward After this Houeden entreth into a large discourse to proue that the lawes which the Conquerour established were King Edwards lawes which lawes saith he were called King Edwards lawes not because hee inuented them first but because after they had beene buried in some neglect lying vnregarded and not put in due execution for the space of three score and eight yeares after Edgars death for so many yeares are betweene King Edgars death and S. Edwards Coronation he reuiued them And thus much he confirmeth that the lawes established by the Conquerour were S. Edwards lawes and the same which were in vse here in the daies of that peaceable King Edgar And it is not without good reason collected that the same lawes proceeded from King Alphred for he like another Iustinian is reported to haue compiled certaine volumes of lawes not onely from the lawes of the Britaines Saxons and Danes but also of the ancient Grecians and other Besides that he translated into the Saxon tongue those lawes which were called the Molmucin lawes and also the Martia◅ lawes the one of Dunwallo Molmucius an auncient Brittish King the other so named of Martia Proba an auncient Brittish Queene And that William the Conquerour established the Saxon lawes it is likewise testified by Henry Huntingdon who saith thus Saxones pro viribus paulatim terram bello capessentes captam obtiuebant obtentam aedificabant aedificatam legibus regebant Nee non Normanici cito breuiter terram subdentes sibi victis vitam libertatem legesque antiquas regni iure concesserunt The Saxons by a strong hand ouercame the land in time by war built as they ouer came and as they built gouerned it by lawes The Normans also quickly subduing the land vnder them yet graunted by the right of the Kingdome lise and libertie and the auncient lawes to them whom they subdued 95. Then whereas William Rufus
the second Pope espying this weaknesse and watching for an opportunitie to take the Empire at such disaduantage to driue the Emperour quite out of Italie vsed the helpe of the Lumbards against him and preuailed so far that he gaue the Emperors army the ouerthrow in a pitched field and slew Paulus the Exarch in battell â—…ac tempestate saith Palmerius inter ' Pontificem imperatorem maxima discordia fuit quam ob causam contra Pontificâ—…m in Italiam missi sunt primum Paulus Exarchâ—…s mox eo nterempto in eius locum substituitur Eutychus sub quo variè pugnatum est diuisa Italia In quo bello Antipharium Longobaraorum ducem auailia Pontifici praebuisse Constat That is At this time a great discord rose betweene the Pope and the Emperour for which cause first Paul the Exarch was sent to Italy but he was slaine and Euâ—…ychus sent in his place vnder whom many battels were fought with variable fortune Italy being diuided In which warre it is well knowen that Antipharius Duke of the Lombardes did aide the Pope against the Emperour Nauclerus declareth that one especiall occasion of this breach betweene Leo the Emperour and Gregorie the second Pope was that Leo abolished images which were worshipped and commanded the Pope to do so wherat the Pope was so inraged that hee drewe all Italie from the obedience of the Emperour Tantamque authoritatem tune habuerunt Romani Pont. decreta saith Nauclâ—…r vt Rauennates primi exinde Venetia populi atque milites apertaÌ„ in ImperatoreÌ„ Exarchumque rebellioneÌ„ pra se tulerint Ac eo processit rebellio vt depositis Exarchi magistratibus singulae ciuitates singula oppida proprios magistratus quos duces apellabant creare prasicere eurarent Such authority then had the Popes decrees that first the Rauennates after that the Venetians did raise an open rebellion against the Emperour and the Exarch And this rebellion proceeded so farre that euery city and euery towne put downe the Exarches and created proper Magistrates to themselues whom they called Dukes Thus fell the gouernment of Italy into so many partes euery one catching what they could as men vse to doe at a great shipwracke And the Pope was carefull to prouide that his part should not be the least 8. When thus the Pope had driuen the Emperour out of all Italie and by that meanes had drawen Italie into as many Dominions in a manner as there were great Cities the strongest began to pray vpon the weaker Heere began the fire of emulation to kindle betweene the Pope and the Lumbards for the Lumbards were the strongest part of Italie then and the Popes part was the second all other were weake in respect of these two and these two thereto agreeing well hitherto so long as both conspired against the Empire began now to fall at variance about the deuiding of the spoile The Pope finding the Lumbards too strong for him in this parting of the spoile of the Empire as before hee had vsed the strength of the Lumbards to suppresse the Emperour so now following the same arte called Pipin the Constable of Fraunce into Italie by whose power hee repressed the Lumbards and compelled Astulphus their King to receiue conditions of peace Platina saith that Gregorius chiefe Secretary to the Emperor did meet Pipin as he came into Italie and intreated him that if he should ouercome the Lumbards he would restore the Exarchate of Rauenna to the Emperour to whom of right said hee it belonged All that poore right that then he sought to hold in Italie detained as then by the Lumbards but presently falling vnto the Popes share and that he would not yeeld it to the Pope The aunswere of Pipin was he came into Italie to gratifie the Pope and that he would helpe him as much as he could That which after the victorie fell to the Popes part and to Rome was saith Platina all that lieth betweene Padus and the Appennine from Placentia to the Venetian standing waters and whatsoeuer is contained betweene the riuer Isaurus and Appennine Paulus Aemylius saith all that which before was called Flaminia wherein was Rauenna was hereupon commaunded to bee called Romandiola The match by negotiation betweene Pipin and the Pope was made thus that all that which was recouered from the Lumbards being before parcell of the Empire should be adiudged to the Pope and to Rome and Pipin for his seruice should bee made King of Fraunce by the Pope and Chilperic the lawfull King should be deposed All this was accordingly performed and Pipin was absolued from the Oath of Allegeance and so were all the Barons and people of France absolued from the Oath of obedience which before they had taken to Chilperic or as some call him Hilderic their King 9. This Storie I haue briefly set downe that the ground of the Popes Iurisdiction may be the better obserued for from such straunge grounds these Romane Catholikes draw the Popes Iurisdiction and the parts thereof as a man of ordinary reason would least suspect so capricious are they now growen As for example from this fact of Pope Zacharie who absolued subiects from the Oath of Allegeance to their true King who would thinke that the Popes Iurisdiction could bee drawen who would not rather iudge that the Popes arrogancy pride vsurpation oppression corruption might by this be prooued And yet Augustinus Anconitanus maketh this fact the onely ground and proofe of his Iurisdiction we looke for such a Iurisdiction as Christ left to his Church we looke for proofes from Scripture but we find no other Iurisdiction prooued then the Iurisdiction of Antichrist opposite to Christs Iurisdiction and ouer Princes for proofes out of the word of God we find no other proofes then such as are drawen from the Popes rebellion and conspiracie against the auncient Emperours from their vniust vsurpation and oppression of lawfull Kings from an impious power pretending authority to breake and violate oaths and faith and Allegeance of subiects And this manner of proose is held so strong that nothing is more common among them then thus to proue Iurisdiction One of that ranke would after the same maner proue this IurisdictoÌ„ by the Popes dispensing against oathes and vowes For saith he Edward the Confessour had made a vowe to goe in person to Rome but was dispensed by Pope Leo the ninth King Iohn sued to Pope Innocentius the third to be dispensed with all for his oath which he had made to the Barons of England And Henrie the seuenth procured from Pope Iulius the 2. that notorious dispensation for Prince Henrie his sonne to maâ—…ry the Princesse Katherine of Spaine left by his brother Arthur Hereupon hee inferreth thus these alone are sufficient to shew what opinion was held from time to time by the Kings of England concerning the Popes Soueraigne Supreme Iurisdiction in spiritual matters belonging to conscience and directing of soules thus farre the Romane
they whom he had banished from Parma were returned thither by the Popes practise and taking the Towne by force had giuen a great ouerthrow to the other Citizens fearing least this example might draw other Cities to the like reuolt he gaue ouer the iourney to Lions and wrote Letters to the French King and all Prelates refuting the Popes friuolous obiections declaring the iustice of his cause and his innocency Innocentius regarding neither iustice nor innocency pursued him by violence malice open warres secret conspiracies seeking all meanes that his vnholy head could inuent to take away the life of Fredericke As he was taking his recreation in hauking at Grossetum by the Sea shore neare to Sien the Pope drew his owne seruants to a conspiracy the conspiracy was detected and the traytors had the reward of their treason Innocentius who could not rest till he had done some Pontificall exploit against the life of this Prince stirred vp the Princes of Germany to thrust downe Fredericke and to set vp another first was set vp Henry Lantgraue of Thuringia this man besieging Vâ—…mes was wounded by the shot of an Arrow and shortly after resigned both his life and the Empire After this was William Earle of Holland set vp this man was slaine in the warres which he had gaged against the Frisians neither of these saith Naucler were numbred among the Emperours At last after so many secret traps laid for the life of this Prince behold the end of the Popes malice where strength faileth the Emperour was destroyed by poison King Iohn of England 124. THe King of England sped no better then others for by this vnbridled power of vsurped Iurisdiction King Iohn with the whole Kingdome was brought into great trouble and perplexity these troubles grew vpon a quarrell of Election betweene the Monkes of Canterbury and the Suffraganes in the seuenth yeare of King Iohn for after the death of Hubert Archbishoppe of Canterbury the Monkes without the knowledge of the King or respect of the Suffraganes chose Reynold the Subpriour of the house to be Archbishoppe who secretly went to Rome to haue this his election confirmed by the Pope but stay was made at Rome because he shewed not Letters commendatory from the King The Monkes perceiuing that without those letters commendatory they could not proceede made request to the King that they might chuse another whom the King might commend this the King liked well and commended Iohn Gray the Bishoppe of Norwich being his Chaplaine and President of his Counsell as Hollinshed saith but Mat. Paris whom he cyteth hath not so much The Monkes gladly obeyed the Kings request and madâ—… choise of this man but the Pope refusing both thrust vpon them Stephen Langton commanding and compelling so many of those Monkes of that Couent as were then at Rome to chuse him the King was herewith much moued because Stephen Langton was brought vp vnder the French King and bound to him betweene whom and King Iohn there was at that time much warre and dissention wherefore the King banished the Monkes that had chosen Stephen and wrote to the Pope that he had no reason to admit Stephen to such a place in his Kingdome a man promoted by the French King and at his commaund This contention continuing the Pope sent to the Bishoppes of England commaunding them to put the King and his land vnder the sentence of interdiction denouncing him and his land accursed The Bishoppes to whom the Pope wrote being by this time become the Popes subiects and sâ—…ruants and not the Kings which is the end which the Pope seeketh by his Iurisdiction denounced the interdiction and then fledde to Rome King Iohn seeing many fall from his obedience to the obedience of the Pope drewe his people to an Oath of Alleageance After this came Paâ—…dulph Legat from the Pope who after that he had beene here a while was commaunded by the Pope to repaire to the French King there with Stephen Langton to take Councell and to stirre vp the French to make warres vpon King Iohn Thus King Iohn was depriuâ—…d of his Gouernement his subiects absolued from their Alleageance by which practise many reuolted from him so that he was left weake and when the Popâ—… had thus weakned him then he set vp the French King in armes against him The issue was this The King circumuented by these practises of the Pope and oppressed being also bereaued of all helpe was forced to deliuer his Crowne to Pandulph and receiued it from him againe as from the Popes hands And thus was Stephen Langton made Archbishoppe this was done in the fifteenth yeare of King Iohn An. Dom. 1213. The Earle of Tholous 125. WHen Frederick the second liued so persecuted by the Pope as we haue declared a new and strange generation rose vp of a suddaine neuer seene in the world before starting vp like those armed Souldiers which the Poets faine to haue sprung vp suddenly of the Serpents teeth being sowed by Cadmus Such a serpentine generation of Friars were newly hatched at this time the first founders of them were Francis and Doâ—…inick For the Popes hauing a purpose to raise themselues aboue the Church and aboue Kings and Emperours as both by their profession and claime in the Canon Law and by their practise was apparant and for this purpose thundring out their excommunications vpon euery occasion practising this power in deposing Princes found themselues much crossed in these courses by Bishops and especially by the Bishops of Germany who stood out for a long time faithfull in the Church and couragious against the Popes tyranny Auentiâ—…us giueth many testimonies of the courage of the German Bishops as else-where also we haue obserued of the English Bishops for he writing of the times of Frederick the second the Bishops then saith he were not as now they are addict to the seruice of the Pope giuen to idlenesse and pleasure but learned industrious louing Christ and declaring their loue by feeding their flockes diligently These were not for the Popes purpose For in diuers Synodes they censured the Popes folly and ambition freely and withstood his tyrannie Then was the Church so gouerned by Bishops all matters so iudged and determined that the Pope might aduise but hee could not by authority attempt any thing in the Prouince of any Bishop thinges being guided by truth law the iudgement of the wisest and best learned in the Prouince and by the Councel and common consent of the Clergy of that Prouince Who had reason to know the estate of their Church and Prouince better then the Pope or any stranger could doe This godly order in the Church the Pope had a purpose to confound to oppâ—…esse the Bishops authority and to draw all power to himselfe Hoc iâ—…stitutum to vse the words of Aueâ—…tinus tollere antiquare Episcoporum autoruatem Labefactare ad vnius cuâ—…cta potestatem redigere complacitum est 126. This being the purpose of Popes
distinctly set in two persons Moses keeping the ciuill gouernment and Aaron the Priesthood The gouernment of Moses and his successours being more ciuil The Priesthood of Aaron his successors ceremoniall it followeth that this ancient ordinance of the law of nature was altered by such positiue lawes of God which were either ciuil or ceremoniall and consequently that this alteration taketh not away the auncient right 6. If I might therefore in a matter of this nature declare my poore opinion leauing the censure hereof to the learned that are able to iudge I take it that as it is not simply vnlawfull that a King may be a Priest and neuerthelesse keepe his kingdome so I suppose this thing cannot be done without not only a lawfull but also an ordinarie calling from God and from the Church For no man taketh this honour to himselfe but he that was called thereto as was Aaron And this cannot bee done without an ordinary calling for when Kings were Priests and the first borne sacrificers as in the law of nature then they had an ordinary calling therto for that was then the ordinance of God ordinarie in the Church which now is not But if a man were first ◅ Priest and afterward aduanced to a kingdome by some Temporal right in this case it were assuredly vnlawfull for him to shake off his holy estate and betake himselfe wholly and only to his Temporall gouerment as some Cardinals haue done Then by the law of nature the King had both the power of order and Iurisdiction and howsoeuer this is altered by a positiue ordinance of God yet all is not taken away there remaineth still that part of Iurisdiction so farre as it standeth in power coactiue in respect wherof the common law of this land saith the King is persona mixta because he hath both Ecclesiasticall and Temporall Iurisdiction 7. This example of Melchisedeck both King and Priest hath much lifted vp the Pope and his flatterers for of this they take especiall hold and thinke hereby to prooue the Pope to be King of the Church because Melchisedeck was both King and Priest But to this we aunswere Melchisedeck had both these honours by a lawfull and ordinarie calling but so hath not the Pope for his Priesthood we graunt he had once thereto a lawfull calling both by locall and doctrinall succession which doctrinall succession Irenaeus calleth successionem principalem Tertullian doctrinae cōsanguinitatē cum Apostolica Ecclesia but now haue they forsaken that principall succession and haue nothing left to glory in but bare personall and locall succession Then to the office of a Bishop the Pope may shew some colour though the colour be now worne thredbare but to the princely office which he claimeth ouer the Church he can shew neither calling nor colour so that the example of Melchisedek which the Popes parasites drawe with such violence to him doth helpe him nothing but rather helpeth the cause of Christian Kings against him for it is certaine that Kings were Priests by an ordinary calling before these two offices were distinguished but it can neuer be prooued that Priests were Kings by such an ordinary calling after that these two offices were set in distinct persons If any man suppose that we haue stretched the example of Melchisedeck too farre because he was a type of Christ I aunswere this is nothing against my purpose that Melchisedeck was a type of Christ. For many men in their ordinary standing and executing ordinary functions did also beare some type extraordinarie thus did Moses Ioshua Dauid Solomon and others I speake of Melchisedeck as I finde him in his ordinary place a King and a Priest 8. By all which we conclude that vnder the law of Nature Kings were in the beginning inuested with all power Ecclesiasticall both of orders and Iurisdiction and therefore these things are not incompatible by nature All this time which lasted about the space of two thousand and fiue hundred yeeres Kings had Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction without question And therefore this Iurisdiction of Princes which we haue vndertaken to examine is found aunswerable to the first gouernment of the world vntill the time of the law giuen by Moses CHAP. III. All externall Iurisdiction coactiue was a right belonging to Kings vnder the Law NOw let vs search what Iurisdiction in matters Ecclesiasticall was found due and acknowledged to belong to the Kings right all that time vnder the Law Then we find by an especiall commaundement of God these two offices of King and Priest were distinguished and set in two seuerall persons the one in Moses the other in Aaron And the tribe of Leui was taken to the seruice of God in stead of the first borne by an expresse commaundement and the first borne which in number exceeded the number of the Louites were redeemed by fiue shekels a man for the number of the first borne was taken 22273. the number of the Leuites 22000. so that the number of the first borne exceeded the number of the Leuites by 273. These were redeemed and after that redemption the first borne of other tribes were discharged from the attendance of the seruice of God the Leuites tooke vp their place Now the Kings office and the Priests being thus distinguished we must consider what things did properly belong to each office 2. First we find that Moses who had the place of a King in gouernement as he is also called a King doth consecrate Aaron the Priest Moses is commaunded to consecrate him and his son s Exod. 28. and performeth it Leuit. 8. therefore it is repeated Num. 3. These are the names of the sonnes of Aaron the anointed Priests whom Moses did consecrate to minister in the Priests office Heere then appeareth some Iurisdiction of Moses ouer Aaron But this I meane not to vrge for it may bee thought extraordinailry to belong to Moses as Gods Apostle or Ambassadour and lawgiuer vnto Israel for in such great chaunges as was from the law of Nature to the written law somewhat must bee admitted extraordinary and this I could be well content to vnderstand so though many doubts arise for the princes right against the Priests For first it may be obiected seeing there was a Prince and a Priest set vp distinct one from the other why should the Prince consecrate the Priest and not the Priest the Prince But here we finde that Aaron doth not consecrate Moses to be Prince but Moses doth consecrate Aaron to be Priest Another doubt may be moued why Moses should consecrate not onely Aaron but his sonnes also For though we should admit the consecration of Aaron to be done by Moses of necessitie as a thing extraordinary at the first beginning of this Priesthood yet this necessitie appeareth not so much in Aarons sonnes for they might haue beene consecrated by Aaron after that himselfe had bene once consecrated by Moses And yet we find that the
gouernment which is reserued to Bishops as the Apostles successours After which example Gregorie the first writeth thus Serenissimi domini animum non ignoro quod se in causis sacerdotalibus miscere non soleat Gregorie calleth those causes with which the Emperours medled not causas sacerdotales meaning therby the same which Ambrose calleth causes of faith 12. Besides this Spirituall gouernment which is peculiar to Bishops there is also another part of gouernment giuen to Bishops which commeth from Princes which Constantine first gaue as hereafter we shall declare Of this Chrysostome saith I am vero pars illa quam Episcopum tractare in iudicijs conuenâ—…t infinita odia infinitas offensiones parit quae ipsa praetâ—…r quam quod negâ—…tijs quamplurimis plena est tam multas etiam difficultaies affert quam multas ne forenses quidem iudices sustinent and much more to the same purpose Augustine complaineth that he was too much troubled with these matters of iudic ture And Synosius professeth that he can not attend both businesses Antiquum tempus saith he tulit eosdem sacerdoâ—…es iudices eâ—…nim Aegyptij Hebraeorumque gens multum temporis â saceraotibus gubernata est and a little after Non condemno Episcopos qui versantur in negotiis c. Si qui vero sunt qui à rerum diuersarum aggressione non laeduntur illi for sitan possunt simul â—… fungi ciuâ—…tatibus praeesse In all these parts of Episcopal Iurisdiction which either by Apostolicall right or institution or by the fauour of Princes haue beene giuen to them the Pope hath intruded like a Foxe and maintaineth his intrusion like a Lion For as Christ left an equalitie and paritie among his Apostles often affirming and confirming that one of them should not be greater then another and yet the Apostles were in gouernement aboue other Ministers and that by the institution of Christ himselfe For the Lord after that he had chosen his twelue Apostles did chuse also seuentie Disciples and sent them two and two bâ—…fore him into euery citie where he himselfe should come saith S. Luke then Christ himselfe is the authour of this order in the Church which the Church hath since that time euer held the Bishops succeeding the Apostles as the inferiour Pastors succeeded the seuentie Disciples So the Apostles after them left the like equality among Bishops that one of them should not bee aboue another and yet Bishops in gouernment aboue other Ministers for Iurisdiction was neuer in the multitude but in gouernours the Bishops theÌ„ being the gouernors after the Apostles the like IurisdictioÌ„ was in all As Cypr. saith Episcopatus vnus est cuius à singulis pars in solidum tenetur And Hierom saith Vbicunque fuerit Episcopus siue Romae siue Eugubij c eiusdem meriti eiusdâ—…m est sacerdotij Which power in Bishops the Pope hath by surreption drawen to himselfe and now out of his fulnesse imparteth to Bishops at his pleasure as if hee were the fountaine of Iurisdiction 13. As thus he hath drawen their auncient right from Bishops so hath he drawen from Temporall Princes that which of auncient right was theirs we shall better vnderstand what he hath taken from Temporall Princes if we consider the true limits beâ—…weene the power of Princes and the power of the Church We say therefore that the Iurisdiction of the Church was neuer extended to coactiue power because God hath giuen all coactiue power to the Ciuill Magistrate to whom hee hath committed the sword And as coactiue power belongeth not to the Church so neither dooth it belong to the power of the Church to erect or establish to dissanull or dissolue this coactiue power as the Pope pretendeth to doe by excommunication deposing Kings and freeing their subiects from their faith and allegeance This dissolution of coactiue power cannot belong to the Church because this is both Temporall and coactiue the power of the Church being Spirituall cannot bee called either Temporall or coactiue Now that the power exercised by the Pope in excommunication is Temporall and coactiue is the graunt of Bellarmine for hee saith that the Church of old did not depose Nero Diocletian Iulian â—… c. Quia deerant vires temporales then he graunteth that in this present practise of the Popes there are vires temporales what is this but temporall coaction The Church in old time had all that power which Christ committed to his Church but then by the confession of Bellarmine the Church had no coactiue power therefore this coactiue power which the Pope vseth by Temporall force in deposing of Kings was not by Christ graunted to his Church And if we should yeeld Temporall coaction to the Church what power is left to the Magistrate Thus we see the auncient hedge is plucked vp and the bounds are chaunged which of old stood betweene these two powers Ciuill and Spirituall 14. Against this disordering of the auncient bounds wee haue the words of our Sauiour Christ. My kingdome is not of this world i f my kingdome were of this world my seruaunts would surely fight that I should not bee deliuered c. But because when these wordes are vrged against our aduersaries they looke ascant vpon them as if they touched them not Let vs consider how the kingdome of the Pope and his pretended Iurisdiction in deposing of Kings is vtterly ouerthrowen by these words which declare the power properly belonging to Christs kingdome that is to his Church Christ aunswereth heere to Pilats question Verse 33. Art thou the King of the Iewes By which question it appeareth there was some suspition and feares that Christ pretending for a kingdome might conspire against the state and worke the trouble and dissolution of the gouernment established For as Herod when he heard that Iesus was borne the King of the Iewes was troubled and all Ierusalem with him and entred into such feares and suspition that mooued him to kill all the young children from two yeeres old and vnder so the high Priests suggested the same suspitions to Pilate From this ground riseth this question of Pilate Art thou the King of the Iewes To this he aunswereth my kingdome is not of this world From which aunswere applied to such a question these positions issue It is against the nature of the kingdome of Christ to worke any trouble to the kingdomes of the world And that kingdome which worketh trouble to the kingdomes of this world is not the kingdome of Christ. Christs kingdome which is not of this world is his Church which is in this world but not of this world as himselfe saith If you were of this world the world would loue her owne but because you are not of this world but I haue taken you out of this world therefore this world hateth you Then we reason thus The gouernment of Christs Church breedeth no trouble
not be extended to these practises What can be denied heere For neither can they denie but that the censures of the Church should bee of greatest power there where they were first instituted neither can they denie that excommunication was first instituted in that Church of the Iewes neither can they shew vs that any King of that Nation was at any time deposed for pretended heresie or for knowne and professed idolatry though the Kings there were often great idolaters though the Priests were bolde and couragious in Gods cause yet we neuer finde that any Priest did by excommunication depose the King or destroy the bond of allegeance This thing then being neither practised by the Iewes where these censures were in first and chiefe force nor by Christ and his Apostles nor by the Fathers of the Primitiue Church nor known in the Church for the space of almost a thousand yeares as hereafter wee shall declare wee haue great reason to conclude that excommunication as it is an Ecclesiasticall censure hath no power coactine to alter any temporall authority to depose Kings to destroy and dissolue allegeance or to trouble any lawfull authority established in this world 18 This will no lesse appeare if wee consider the power which the Church hath alwaies practised for coactiue power was a thing which the Chnrch yeelded alwayes to the â—…iuill Magistrate And if the Bishops of Rome did sometimes breake out beyond their bounds yet were they in those ancient times alwayes repressed by the authority of the Church For that we may take a short suruay of the Iurisdiction of the Church during the first three hundred yeres so long as the Apostles liued no man doubteth but that they ruled all and that the greatest Iurisdiction of the Church was in them if we speake of spirituall Iurisdiction And if any one Apostle liued after the rest there was more power acknowledged to be in him then in any one that liued in the Church in his time Now it is for an assured historicall truth recorded by Eusebius and before him by Irenaeus whom the full consent of the auncients follow heerein that S. Iohn liued after all the other Apostles were dead that he continued in the gouernment of the Church vntill the times of Traian Emperour In which time the Bishops of Rome after Peter are recorded to be these Linus Anacletus Clemens Eâ—…aristus Alexander If the Bishop of Rome had then been the head of the Church the chiefe Pastor the Monarch the fountaine of all Iurisdiction as his flatterers now make him it must be confessed that Alexander in his time and Euaristus before him was S. Iohns head and before him Clemens and before him Anaclet and before him Linus Did these rule and gouerne S. Iohn or S. Iohn them shall we say that they had Iurisdiction ouer S. Iohn or S. Iohn ouer them If these Bishops each in his time had Iurisdiction ouer S. Iohn then there was an authority in the Church aboue the authority of the Apostles If they were gouerned by him then the Bishop of Rome was not the head of the Church There is no sober spirit that can doubt of these things or can thinke that in those dayes any liued in the Church who was not vnder the Iurisdiction of an Apostle 19 After Saint Iohns death who was liuing in the yeare of Christ 100. and after in the Church of Rome were Sixtus Telesphorus Hyginus Pius Anicetus Soter Eleutherius Victor These gouerned the Church of Rome in succession by the space of one hundred yeares together In which times they seemed willing to put to their helping hands to aduance the Church of Rome For Sathan hauing a purpose thence to raise Antichrist began betime to worke and to abuse those good men as it was not hard for him to beguile better men then they were though we admit them to be good men and holy Martyres Then were they drawne into a loue to aduance their seate and Iurisdiction yet so as neither in them is proued pernicious neither was it thought by the church to be very dangerous seeing they yeelded and submitted themselues in the end to the graue and godly aduise of the Church 20 The things wherein the Bishops of Rome sought first to aduance their power was by imposing ceremonies vpon other Churches Thus did Anicet contend for the celebration of Easter but was quieted by Polycarp who for the peace of the Church made a iourney to Rome and pacified Anicetus And was so much honoured of Anicetus that there he practised the function of a Bishop as Eusebius reporteth taking the storie from Irenaeus Thus was peace and loue then maintained on all sides whilest the Bishops of Rome were content to be ruled by others 21 A little after Victor grewe more violent in the fame quarrell and excommunicated the Easterne Churches which did not obserue Easter after the maner of the Church of Rome But Uictor was resisted and sharply reproued by Polycrates Bishop of Ephesus and the rost of the Easterne Bishops as also by Irenaeus Bishop of Lions in Fraunce These did freely reproue Victor for that he regarded not the peace of the Church they declare that in ceremonies there was great difference of olde and yet the Bishops liued in loue and peace together that the differences in ceremonies did not breake the consent in faith that these differences were before the time of Victor and that hee was therein to followe the examples of his auncients who preserued loue and peace and the doctrines of faith sincere with some diuersity in outward ceremonies This was all that the Bishops of Rome attempted in those dayes wherein there appeareth no Iurisdiction ouer others but rather the contrary For the godly Bishops of Asia reproued them and made them see and acknowledge their owne rashnesse and caused them to desist therefore the Church did not then acknowledge the Popes Iurisdiction 22 Betweene Victor and Syluester the first succeeded 18. Bishops of Rome in the space of 100 yeares next In which time there was no great attempt made for superiority or Iurisdiction onely the Bishops of other Churches did honour the Bishop of Rome following the Apostles rule In giuing honor goe one before another Which honour if they could haue remembred as well to giue to others as they did to receiue from others there could haue risen no question of Iurisdiction but that which began in loue and courtesie was afterward drawne to Iurisdiction We denie not but some of the auncients haue yeelded to S. Peter a Priority among the rest of the Apostles because of his great zeale and loue to Christ and to his trueth and for his excellent vertâ—…es and to the Bishops of Rome wee finde likewise that the auncients yeelded great and honourable titles but this was in respect of their vertue learning and integrity For the auncients knewe no other rule of fauouring men but vertue he was in the Church most honourable and
Theodoret rehearseth a Dialogue betweene Constans the Emperour and Liberius Bishop of Rome who afterward for feare and through weakenesse and irksomnesse of his exile was drawen to subscribe to Arianisme as witnesseth Hierom Ruffinus Platina and other In that Dialogue these words are worth the noting Constans willing Liberius to forsake the Communion with Athanasius and to condemne him Liberius his answere is Ecclesiastica iudicia cum summa iusticiae obseruatione fieri debent quare situae pietati places iudicium cogi impera vbi si damnandus Athanasius videatur sententiam illum ordine modoque Ecclesiastico feratur nam fieri nequit vt condemnetur à nobis de quo iudicium datum non sit That is Ecclesiasticall iudgements ought to proceed with exact obseruation of iustice Therefore if it please your Godlinesse command a Councell to be called wherein if Athanasius seeme worthy to be condemned let sentence passe against him in Ecclesiasticall order and manner For it cannot be that by vs hee should bee condemned seeing wee haue no authoritie to iudge him The Bishop of Rome here confesseth first That Iudicia Ecclesiastica Ecclesiasticall iudgements are to be appointed and established by the Emperour then he graunteth him Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction and granteth that to call a Councell belongeth to his Iurisdiction Secondly the Emperour cannot make a man an hereticke but this must be done by a Councell or by the iudgement Ecclesiasticall This being a thing not of coactiue Iurisdiction but of knowledge in the word of God Thirdly the Bishop of Rome renounceth all right and authority of iudicature vpon Athanasius therefore in those daies hee had no Iurisdiction ouer other Bishops 6. This mixt Iurisdiction which now is practised by Bishops began in the time of Constantine So Nicephorus witnesseth Constantinus Clericos omnes constitutione lata immunes liberosque esse permisit iudiciumque iurisdictionem in eos Episcopis si ciuilium iudicum cognitionem declinare vellent mandauit quod Episcopi iudicassent id robur autoritatem sententiae omnem habere debere decreuit That is Constantine by an edict graunted the priuiledge of immunity to all Clerkes and graunted to Bishops iudgement and Iurisdiction ouer Clerkes in case they would decline from the courts of ciuill Iudges and he decreed that whatsouer the Bishops iudged that should stand in all strength and authority of a decree Sozomen declareth by what occasion it grew first For some began then to appeale from ciuill iudgements to Ecclesiasticall and some Bishops receiued the appellations which thing being approued by Constantine gaue great authority to this kind of Iurisdiction Episcopi saith he in causis ciuilibus sententias pronuntiarunt si qui à iudicibus ciuilibus ad eorum autoritatem appellassent Quam rem propter venerationem Episcoporum adeò approbauit Constantinus vt ratas haberi pâ—…tioresque quam aliorum iudicum sententias nec minus quam ab ipso imperatore essent pronunciatae per Magistratus milites Magistratuum ministres ad effectum perduci lege edixerit That is Bishops pronounced sentence in ciuill causes if any appeaed to them from ciuill Iudges This thing for the reuerence of Bishops Constantine approued so much that hee ordained by Law that these iudgements should be ratified and of greater authority then the sentences of other Iudges yea to be held of â—…o lesse force then if the Emperour himselfe had pronounced â—…hem so to be executed by the Shriefs their seruants 7 By which it appeareth that these courts with this Iurisdiction were vnderstood then no other then the Emperours courts The Emperour graunteth this Iurisdiction saith Nicephorus the Emperour ratifieth these iudgements saith Sozomen the Emperour commaundeth that the sentence of the Bishop should be euery where receiued as if it proceeded out of his owne mouth Which words are well to be obserued For the Emperour commaundeth not that the Bishops sentence should be receiued as a diuine sentence but only as an humane not as proceeding from the mouth of God but as proceeding from the mouth of the Emperour Now if these Courts were then so euidently proued to be the Emperours Courts our aduersaries may acknowledge their owne ignorance folly who make declamations and many idle discourses without solid proofe against them that call Ecclesiasticall Courts the Kings Courts as if this were a thing new strange and neuer heard of before these late yeares Their error is that common Sophisme which filleth most of their bookes which Aristotle calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 compounding confounding those things which we distinguish and which are distinct in nature For in this word of Iurisdiction they confound these two distinct things both that which is spirituall Iurisdiction yeelded by vs the right of the Church and all that also which Princes haue giuen to Ecclesiasticall Courts such as these priuiledges which Constantine gaue to Bishops Courts and other Princes since haue continued and enlarged If these things be not distinguished the truth can neuer appeare in this question by this the Reader may vnderstand who they are that hide and deface the truth by new varnishing of olde rotten Sophismes 8 Then all coactiue Iurisdiction came into the Church from the authority of Princes for as the power of the Church is internall and spirituall so externall and coactiue power was the right of Princes To this purpose Eusebius reporteth a speach of Constantine at a banquet calling himselfe a Bishop for things externall as they were for matters internall His words are these Vos quidem eorum quae intus sunt in Eccle sia agendâ—… ego vtro eorum quae extra hanc sunt Episcopus à Deo sum constitutus And whereas Iurisdiction is best knowne by appellations it hath been often seen that froÌ„ the Pope men haue appealed to a councel as hereafter we are todeclare but from a councel we find no appellation to the Pope but to the Emperor for some personall wrong Athanasius being vniustly condemned by the Synod of Tire appealed to Cinstantine as Socrates witnesseth In like sort Flauianus appealed to the Emperour when the Synod of Capua had referred his cause to Theophilus and the Bishops of Egypt Yea the heretiques themselues in those dayes knew no means to appeale from the Emperour Augustine saith that Donatus did still appeale to the Emperour being condemned by the Bishops and by Synodes And so religious were these auncient Bishops in preseruing the Emperors Iurisdiction and yet maintaining the truth without feare that when they were oppressed by Arians and by the power of an Arian Emperour yet they would vse no other meanes then these direct meanes And therefore the Bishops hauing a purpose to condemne the Arians craued a counsell of Valens an Arian Emperor who granted them a counsell at Lampsacum wherein they condemned the Arian doctrine So that without the Emperour they would not gather a counsell though it were to
conclude directly against the Emperours purposes Thus doth Socrates report the calling of that councell but Sozomen saith it was not obtained of Valens but of Valentinian 9. Besides these publique and generall Synods there were also some more priuate and particular in calling whereof the Bishops had power The Bishop of the Diocesse vsed to call a Synod of his Clergy but could proceed no farther Prouinciall Synodes were called by Metropolitanes but in a generall Synod of many Nations the Emperour had alwayes the right of calling it as a King hath the onely right of calling a Synod of those Nations that are vnder his gouernment For as the counsell of Nice was called by Constantine so were all the counsels of these next three hundred yeares called by the Emperours that gouerned at such times Theodosius gathered the councell of Constantinople against the heresie of Macedonius in the third yeare of his raigne which was the yeare of Christ 383. saith Prosper The councell of Ephesus against Nestorius was gathered by the authority of Theodosius the younger and the fourth generall councell at Chalcedon by the authority of Martianus and Valentinianus Emperours Leo the first was a great man in these affaires and hee is the fittest to certifie vs of the truth against whose witnesse our aduersaries haue no reason to except This Pope then writing to the Emperour Theodosius saith Pietas vestra apud Ephesum constituit Synodale concilium And afterward declaring his obedience and conformity thereto saith Meum studium commodaui vt Clementiae vestrae studijs pareatur And againe Ne autem pijssimi Principis dispositioni nostra videatur praesentia defuisse fratres meos misi c. he hath the same also Epist. 23. ad Theodosium Againe hee writeth to Pulcheria to moue the Emperour to command a councell to be holden within Italy declaring that he wrote to the Emperour to intreat the same Which thing hee moueth also in other Epistles And though he much desired this that the Emperour would haue beene intreated to hold a councell within Italy yet could he not obtaine it and therefore was ready to obey the Emperour attending his pleasure therein who appointed it in another place 10 Which thing we obserue the rather because our aduersaries oflate haue yeelded this as a proper right to the Pope to call councels Catholici munus conâ—…andi concilia generalia saith Bellarmine ad Romanum pontificem propriè pertinere volunt And when they are driuen by these open and euident testimonies they shift it thus as to say another may doe it by the Popes consent but if the Pope neither appoint the place nor no other by his commaundement or consent then it is no councell but a conciliable These bee vaine and friuolous shifts of Friars For it is true that the Popes consent was to these auncient councels but no otherwise then as the consent of all other Bishops They consented because they could not chuse because they were resolued to be obedient but they could not appoint either place or time For Leo could not haue it where hee would but it was where and when the Emperour appointed 11 Before the councell of Chalcedon there is the Writ of the Emperours Valentinian and Martian called Sacra to call Bishops to Nicaea But another Sacra is sent to reuoke that and to call them to Chalcedon So that all this while the Emperors rule as those that haue Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction They call councels they punish offenders of the Clergy they establish Ecclesiasticall Courts they are acknowledged the nourcing Fathers of Religion the keepers and preseruers of both Tables and of the discipline of the Church And therefore Leo writing to Constantinus Emperour who called the sixt Synod saith thus Cognouimus quod sancta vniuersalis maxima sexta Synodus quae per Dei gratiam imperiali decreto in regia vrbe congregata est c Wee know that the holy and vniuersall great sixt Synod which by the grace of God is called and gathered by the imperiall decree in the imperiall City c. And a little after Pietas vestra fructus misericordiae potestas custos disciplinae Your godlinesse is the fruit of Gods mercy your power is the keeper of discipline And againe Nec enim minor regnantium cura est praua corrigere quam de aduersarijs triumphare quia einimirum potestatem suam seruiendo subijciunt cuius munere imperare noscuntur c. Vnde diuinitus praordinata vestra Christianissima pietas c. Caput Ecclesia Dominum Iesum Christum veram pietatis regulam amplectendo c. For Gouernours ought to haue no lesse care to correct vngodly things then to triumph ouer their aduersaries for they submit their power to his seruice by whofe power they are knowne to rule c. Therefore your most Christian zeale preordained of God c. acknowledging our Lord Iesus Christ the true rule of godlinesse to bee the head of the Church Wherein the Bishop of Rome doth acknowledge first that the generall councell is to be called onely by the authority of the Emperour imperiali decreto Secondly that the Emperours power is such a power as is custos disciplinae Hee speaketh here in an Ecclesiasticall cause and of Ecclesiasticall affaires Now that power which is custos disciplinae Ecclesiae what is it but Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction This word Iurisdiction was not then worne in such vse as now it is but we see the auncients vse words counteruailing it The Bishop of Rome acknowledgeth Ecclesiasticall power and Iurisdiction to be in the Emperour when hee yeeldeth him such a power as is preseruer of the discipline Ecclesiasticall Thirdly he confesseth that the care of the Church Church-gouernment for establishing the truth doth no lesse belong to the office of a Prince then to triumph ouer his foes in warre Fourthly the Bishop of Rome as then acknowledgeth no other head of the Church then Iesus Christ as appeareth by his words To the same purpose Saint Augustine saith Diuinitus praecipi regibus vt in regno suo bona iubeant mala prohibeant non solum quae pertinent ad humanam societatem verum etiam quae ad diuinam religionem Contra Crescentium li. 3. cap. 51. That is Kings are commaunded to estalish good things and prohibite euill in their Kingdomes not onely in things belonging to Ciuill societie but in such things also that belong to diuine Religion Gregorie the great following the footsteppes of his Fathers yeeldeth the fame authoritie to the King For writing to Theodoricus King of France he saith Iterata vos per vestram mercedem adhortatione pulsamus vt congregari Synodum iubeatis This part of Iurisdiction for calling of Councels is so fully confirmed to be the Emperours right by the Aunceants that Cardinall Cusanus sure no Lutheran disputing of this priuiledge concludeth from the confessed testimonies of the Aunceants these two things First That Emperours
aunswere wee vrge not their Canons onely to rule the Pope but their testimonies to know the truth of those times and before For they made an exact and diligent search through all the famous Churches of Christendome for the Popes Iurisdiction ouer Bishops and hauing once so famously refuted that Iurisdiction we take and reuerence their testimonies which will for euer be held honorable in the Church Before these times the religion sense and iudgement of the world was not that any Bishop or Clarke of forraine Prouinces might appeale to Rome which now is the sense and iudgement of the Court of Rome The Pope claimeth now this Iurisdiction likewise to depose Princes to dissolue and vndoe the obedience of subiects this is now the sense and iudgement of the Court of Rome but before the time of King Pipin the sense and iudgement of the world ran alwayes contrary That the Pope is vniuersall Bishop and the Church of Rome the head of other Churches yea the Pope the head of the vniuersall Church is now the sense and iudgement of the Court of Rome but this was not the sense iudgement and religion of the Church of Rome before the time of Gregorie the first as the same Gregorie doth sufficiently witnesse That criminous Clarkes should be exempted from the Courts of their Kings is now the practise and iudgement sense and religion of the Court of Rome but before the yeere one thousand this was not the sense and iudgement of the world That the Pope is aboue a generall Councell is now the sense and religion of the present Court of Rome but it was not the sense and religion of the Church of Rome before the time of the Councell of Trent In like sort of any part of their Iurisdiction whereof here we speake we are able to point to the time when it was not the sense and iudgement of the Church of Rome 17. About the time wherein Alfred raigned who began his raigne in the yeere of Christ eight hundred seuenty two died in the yeere nine hundred The Popes hauing already intruded vpon the Iurisdiction of Bishops and Archbishops beganne to make many desperate attempts vpon the Iurisdiction of Kings also but they were repressed where the Emperours had any power to resist and though they assumed Iurisdiction ouer Emperours yet they brought not all to an effect Cranâ—…zius speaking of those times saith The Emperour placed a Bishop in Monster and maruaile not that a Bishop was appointed by the Emperour for this was the Custome of those times when Emperours had power to place and displace Popes for there was no free election of Chapters as now the Apostolicall confirmation was not then necessary for whomsoeuer the Prince did nominate that man was to be consecrated a Bishop by the next adioyning Bishops Concerning this Iurisdiction there was a long contention between the Papacie and the Empire this was the Iurisdiction which the two Henries the father and the sonne which the two Frederickes likewise the Grand-father and the Grand-child sought long to defend and maintaine but the sword of the Church preuailed and forced the Emperours to relinquish their right to the Churches By this it may appeare that before the yeere one thousand the Popes entred into no great contention with the Germane Emperours concerning this Iurisdiction But as the contentions betweene the two Henrics and the two Fredericks and others did fully open and reueale to the world the Popes purpose for Iurisdiction so when it was once reuealed and fully knowen to the world it was denied and oppugned by the men of the best learning that then liued in the Church of Rome which thing we are more fully to declare hereafter CHAP. VII How the Papall Iurisdiction was aduanced from the time of the conquest and somewhat before vntill the yeere of Christ one thousand three hundred The meanes raising that Iurisdiction is declared to be by Forgeries Friars Oathes and the parts of the Iurisdiction inuestitures exemptions lawes imposed appellation deposing of Kings and absoluing their subiects from faith and Allegeance IN the time of William the Conquerer about the seuenth yeere of his raigne Hildebrand was chosen Pope named Gregorie the seuenth This man aduaunced the Popes Iurisdiction to an higher pitch then euer it was before Now all that power which was extorted from Princes by such violent practises as Hildebrand vsed was afterward supposed to belong to the Popes Iurisdiction And these late Iesuits make no doubt to tell vs that all came from Christ and his Apostles and that it was a thing neuer heard that Temporall Princes should meddle in such matters and that the Religion deuotion sense and iudgement of all men ranne wholly for it Wee are therefore to obserue how the Popes wrested Iurisdiction from temporall Princes This thing will appeare better if we take a suruay of these times and of the meanes and parts of that Iurisdiction which wee finde chalenged by the Popes in these ages 2. At this time the Popes began first of all to striue for inuestitures Pope Gregory the seuenth began this contention with Henry the fourth Emperour which was the occasion of great warres and blood-shed through Christendome especially in Germany I will for the better vnderstanding of these proceedings with breuity and fidelity report out of the stories of this time in what state the Church of Rome then stoode In the time of Henry the third Emperour the Court of Rome was pestered with a sort of men infamous prodigious who taught Necromancy practised poisoning set vp as it were a schoole of vnlawfull Arts abominable to God and pernicious to men One chiefe of this profession was Theophilactus which was afterward Pope Benedictus the eight called Benedictus the ninth This Theophilact was Master to Hildebrand in his Art Magick who for his better furtherance in that knowledge was also instructed by Laurentius the Malfilan Archbishop and by Iohn the Archpriest of S. Iohn de porta latina This Theophilact gaue himselfe wholly to the sacrifices of deuils with his complices and schollers as he had beene iâ—…structed by Gerbertus which was Pope Syluester the second By these Masters and meanes Hildebrand aspiring to the Papacy ioyned himselfe in a strict league with one Brazutus who poisoned sixe Popes in the space of thirteene yeres their names mine Author setteth down in order thus Clemens this was Clemens the second Damasus 2 Leo 9 Victor 2 Stephaâ—…us 10. Benedictus this Pope escaped the poison but was cast out by force and cunning of Hildebrand Nicholaus 2. Thus he practised to make way for himselfe to the Papacy by poisoning all that stood in his way 3. For redressing of these enormities Henry the third Emperour was entreated by the religious sort of Cardinalls to purge the Church of this hellish rabble that thus pestered it The Emperor being drawne to seeke some reformation of these disorders because many Popes vsurped the Papacie at once he
ten pounds of gold the place where such conuenticles were kept should be forfeited to the Emperors Exchequer And againe he saith thus Mâ—…rantur quia coÌ„mouentur potestates Christianae aduersus detestaÌ„dos dissipatores Ecclesiae Si noÌ„ ergo mouerentur quomodo redderent rationeÌ„ de Imperio suo Deo And much more he saith to this purpose FroÌ„ these few places of August we obserue First that in his time there was no doubt made among Catholicks but that the Magistrate should punish criminous Clarks by his coactiâ—…e power Otherwise they could not reÌ„der to God an account of their gouernment which standeth full against the doctrine of the present court of Rome 2. That they who first sought priuiledges exemptions from the sword of the Magistrate were Donatists wherein the Court of Rome succeedeth them taking other errours from other filthie heretiques and this from the Donatists 73. This was the auncient Doctrine but now at Rome they teach the contrary Bellarmine saith that such Clerkes as are within the Dominions of any King are not subiects to that King meaning that they are the Popes subiects and therefore not the Kings He saith also that Clerkes owe no obedience to Kings neither by Gods law nor mans Non sunt amplius Reges Clericorum superiores proinde non tenentur iure Diuino nec humano eis parere nisi quantum ad leges directinas That is Kings are not now any more Soueraignes of Clerkes and therefore Clerkes are not bound to obey them by Gods Lawe or mans law vnlesse it be in respect of lawes directiue What his meaning is by lawes directiue he expoundeth thus That Princes haue no coactiue power ouer the Clergie but onely power directiue If the Prince direct some things for the good of the Common-wealth Clerkes saith he are to obey such directions but he addeth Nec volumus dicere his legibus teneri Clericos obligatione coactiua sed solum directiua vt sunt leges principum quanquam ijsdem legibus vt ab Eeclesia approbantur rataehabentur etiam coactiua obligatione teneantur Wee graunt not saith he that Clerkes are bound by these lawes of Princes in a bond coactiue but onely directiue as they are lawes of Princes Albeit the same Lawes being approoued and ratified by the Church bindeth Clerkes in a bond coactiue By this new and admirable doctrine Princes hane no coactiue power ouer their Clergy but the Church hath coactiue power ouer them by the Church he meaneth the Pope here and therefore comparing the lawes of Princes with the Popes Canon lawes he saith Legi Canonicae etiam in causis criminalibus câ—…dere debet lex imperialis That is The imperiall law ought in matters criminall to giue place to the Canon law by which doctrine we finde that they tread the pathes and fil vp the measure of their forefathers the olde Friars maintaining that which Iohn Wiclife obserueth was first begunne by Friars that the King was not Lord of the Clergie but the Pope was their Lord. Thus a new King is raised vp ouer the Popes Clerkes and the Scripture is verified which saith And they haue a King ouer them which is the Angell of the bottomlesse pit whose name in Hebrew is Abaddon and in Greeke he is named Apollyon 74. The Laterane Councel was held in the yeare one thousand twoâ—…hundred and fifteene It is decreed in the same Councell That Heretickes being condemned should be deliuered ouer to the secular power from which time these pretended priuiledges haue growen so great and swollen vp so bigge that not being able to holde together they are burst in the midst hauing drawne vpon themselues the iust vengeance of God and of Magistrates so procuring their owne ruine But because Bellarmine cyteth a few testimonies to prooue the exemption of Clerks from secular iudgements we may first breefly examine them and so proceede Hee cyteth thus Concil Mileuitan Can. 13. Matiscon Can. 8. These places he quoteth producing no words He cyteth also other places thus Sulpitius lib. 2. Sacrae histor refert â—… Martinum aliquando dixisse nouum esse inauditum nefas vt causam Ecclesiae iudex saeculi iudicaret Item Ambrosius Epist. 78. ad Theophilum et August Epist. 162. These places are cyted or quoted by Bellarmine barely without the Authours wordes We answere in a word All this toucheth nothing our question of exempting criminous Clerkes from temporall Courts for these places speake not one word of this thing 75. The first place Concil Mileuit can 13. to preuent such busie fellowes of the Clergy which caried their causes to Rome as then some did ordeyned that euery Clerke should be gouerned by his owne Superiour What is this to the purpose This is all which that Canon saith The next Canon of the Matiscon Councell saith that if one Clerke had a matter against another Clerke he should not complaine to the secular Iudge but to the Bishoppe This maketh as little to the purpose Afterward he citeth for exemption from punishment these places 〈◊〉 Chalced. can 9. Si Clericus aduersus Clericum habet negotium non relinquat EpiscopuÌ„ suum ad saecularia iuaicia non recâ—…rrat c. Concil Agathens can 32. Clericum nullus praesumat apud saecularem iudicem Episcopo non permittente pulsare c. Concil Carthag 3 can 9. â—…oletan 3. can 13. Matiscon cap. 8. These testimonies speake as little for him as the other The 9. Canon of the Chalced. Councell speaketh not of the immunities of criminous Clerkes but onely prescribeth how one Clerke should accuse another before the Bishoppe and not before the ciuill Iudge And this is the purpose of all the other places cytâ—…d out of Concil Agathens Cartbag Toletan and Matiscon all speake of one thing Onely here one part of their knowne knauery is to be opened for he cyteth Concil Agathens can 32. thus Clericum nullus praesumat apudsaecularem iudicem Episcopo non permittente pulsare Marke good Reader a worke of darkenesse an example of Romish impudency by true sound and vnsuspected Recordes these priuiledges which now are in question betweene vs cannot be proued to haue beene established of old or to haue any testimonie of antiquity but by vertue of their expurgatoriall tables they are able to shew vs this auncient Canon of the Councell of Agatha corrupted by themselues For the Canon which Bellarmine cyteth of this Councell and the masked Romish Catholicke Diuine taketh from Bellarmine in some later Editions hath these wordes as they are cyted by him but in the first incorrupt Edition of Councels set forth by Peter Crab the wordes of that Canon are thus set downe Clericus nec quenquam praesumat apud saecularem iudicem Episcopo non permitente pulsare And thus it is read by them that aunciently cyte the same Now this agreeth well with the ninth Canon of the Chalced Councell which ordeyneth that if one Clerke will accuse another
maintained the lawes and customes of his father against the Pope and Henry the first the lawes and customes of his brother and father and Henry the second the lawes and customes of the Kingdome vsed by his Grandfather Henry the first or any other afterward referring themselues to the same lawes the lawes and customes of which they speake are the auncient lawes and priuiledges of this land confirmed by the Conquerour receiued from King Edward proceeding from King Edgar and before him from King Alphred And are therefore of much greater antiquity then the Popish Religion lately concluded in the Councell of Trent as many parts of that Religion were Then it appeareth that the auncient lawes of this land did forbid an appeale to Rome neither is that to be much maruelled for why should it be thought strange that an appeale to Rome was vtterly forbidden by the Church and State of England feeing long before that time we finde the same thing forbidden by the Church of Africa After this time wherein Appeales to Rome were forbidden in England we finde that in Fraunce the same thing was prohibited by the law which the French call the pragmaticall Sanction for in the yeare one thousand two hundred threescore and eight Lewes the ninth French King called S. Lewes ordeined the pragmatical Sanction wherein all the oppressions of the Church of Rome are vtterly forbidden that none of those things be practised in Fraunce vnlesse it be by the expresse and free consent of the King and Church of that Kingdome Thus haue Kings alwaies prescribed against the Pope in matters of Iurisdiction as the Church in like sort hath prescribed against the Pope in matters of faith and Religion as hereafter in the last Chapter shall be declared §. VIII Of deposing and depriuing Kings and dissoluing the Oath of Alleageance wherein consisted the highest pitch of this pretended Iurisdiction 96. THE last and greatest point of this Iurisdiction wherein the strings of this authority were stretched vp to the highest was that their practise of Deposing Kings and discharging Subiects from their Alleageance By which practise the Church was confounded the States of the world ouerturned Kings robbed of their right subiects of their faith and truth euery nation scourged with warres and blood-shed and in the common vexation of all Christendome onely the Popes state and worldly glory increased who could not otherwise rise but with the ruine of the Church and States In this place therefore I will as breefely as I can passe through by way of short History the practise of the Popes in deposing of Kings That it may be apparant to the world that we are so farre from being afraid to confesse this power which they so much boast of that we are rather readie to publish it to the world For hereby all men which haue any vnderstanding of that power which Iesus Christ left to his Church may know the Tyrannie vsurpation pride vaine-glory ambition and madnesse of him who exalteth himselfe in the Church against God and against them that are called Gods Wherein we may learne to be armed with patience to suffer for a time whatsoeuer the lust of proud and bloud-sucking Popes haue leaue to do for the sinnes of our Princes and people and Churches For their time is set and drawing to an end and nothing hath beene done but that which is fore-warned in the Scripture So that by these ambitious and bloudy practises wee shall finde how the Scriptures are fulfilled 97. For one Scripture saith that a starre must fall from heauen who must be a King of the Locusts which is called also the Angell of the bottomlesse pit whose name in Hebrew is Abaddon and in Greeke Apollyon that is a destroyer Which Prophesie of his destroying power is verified most apparantly in this practise of excommunicating Kings and loosing the knot of obedience Whereby confusion and destruction is brought vpon all Kingdomes of Christendome Hereby he is proued to be a destroyer an exterminator an excommunicator Therefore the vulgar translation addeth significantly Latine habens nomen exterminans Another Scripture saith The tenne Kings shall giue their power and authority to the beast Though the Kings of Christendome did neuer directly yeeld to the Pope this authority ouer their owne Kingdomes and ouer themselues that the Popes might depose and displace them at his pleasure yet this they gaue him in effect and by consequence For they gaue him so much that he might vpon their owne graunt challenge this and they who had graunted him so much had no reason to except against his challenge For though the King which was to be depriued denied the Pope this power yet such Princes did yeeld it to him to whom the Pope had giuen the Kingdom of the deposed Prince he did yeeld it who should vse the benefit of the Popes vsurped power For example though the late Kings of France haue alwaies denied that the Pope had any Authority to depose the French Kings yet the Kings of France haue giuen him this power For the former Kings yeelded it as Pipin and Charles For they had no other title to the Kingdome then from this power of the Pope Therefore they yeelded that the Pope had power and authority to giue Kingdomes and in that sense gaue their power and authority to the beast So that when these first French Kings honoured the Pope with this vndue honour though then they seemed to receiue Kingdomes from him yet the Scripture looketh farther into these practises then they did which practised them For they respected onely themselues their owne present greatnesse but in receiuing such power from the Popes they gaue in trueth their power and authority to the Popes For how could they in iustice denie but that the same power which deposed other Kings to raise them might as well haue deposed them to raise other Thus most of the Kings of Christendome gaue their kingdomes to the Popes That this new and strange power of Antichrist may better appeare I will open the beginning and continuance of the Popes practise herein Leo Iconomachus 98. THe first Prince vpon whom the Pope began this practise was Leo the Emperour whom Platina calleth Leo the third he was called Iconomachus for defacing of Images This Prince was deposed by Gregory the third who was Pope in the yeare seuen hundred ninety sixe Pope Gregory the second prepared the way thus When Leo the Emperour being much offended at the superstitious and foule abuse of Images which he saw daily then growing in the Church did vtterly deface Images in Churches and commaunded Pope Gregory the second then Bishop of Rome to doe the like the Pope tooke his aduise in such indignation that he raised all Italy in rebellion against him So the Emperour lost his holde in Italy and a number of little States were raised in Italy euery City striuing to make it selfe a free State Gregory the second hauing done thus much died and left the
Dominion of Sicily for which hee was also excommunicated by the Pope and deposed After him Conradus sonne to Frederic the second obtained the Kingdome of Sicily and Apulia for which Pope Innocent the fourth deposed him from the Empire and set vp Guilliaâ—… Lantgraue of Thuring commanding the Princes to make choice of him Conrad being excommunicate and deposed maintained his right by strength of armes but was secretly taken away by the practise of poison This was supposed to be the practise of Mamphred 131. Mamphrâ—…d the bastard sonne of Frederick the second tooke and held possession of these Kingdomes after the death of 〈◊〉 Tâ—…is man was also excommunicated by the Pope and deposed the Pope seeking alwaies to bring this Kingdome vnder the obedience of the Church of Rome Pope Urâ—…an the fourth a French-man borne finding his owne power too weake to effect this Mastery ouer Sicily and Apulia gaue these Kingdomes which neuer were his to giue to Charles brother to the French King Lewes the ninth who was called S. Lewes This was the beginning of those troubles which afterward brought so great warres and bloud-shed and thereby wel-nigh the vtter ruine of Italy Charles King of Sicily and Conradinus 132. FOR Charles comming with an Army into Italy at the Popes motion ioyning battell with Mamphrâ—…d ouerthrew him and slew him in battell neare to Beneuentum Pope Clement the fourth succeeding Vrban the fourth vnderstanding that after the death of Mamphred Couradinus the sonne of Conradus then but yong prepared forces in Germany to recoâ—…er his inheritance of Sicily made Charles brother to the French King the Vicar of the Empire to giue him â—…trength against Conradinus and wrote Letters to all Christians forbidding all men to write to Conradinus as to the King of Sicily And to the Princes of Germany hee wrote likewise forbidding them vnder the terrible paine of excommunicatiâ—… to chuse Conradinus Emperour by which meanes the 〈◊〉 was without a Soueraigne Magistrate for the space of two and twenty yeares In which time Alphonsus King of Spaine and Richard Earle of Cornewall brother to Henry the third King of England contended for the Empire These had the titles of the Emperour bestowed vpon them by their friends but the Emperour was not placed till Rodolph Count of Habspurge was chosen In the meane time Charles grew strong in Italy being made by the Pope Vicar generall of the Empire 133. When Conradinus vnderstood thâ—…se practises of the Pope against him perceiuing that the Popes had a resolution to roote out the seede and vtterly to extinguish the blood of Frederic he wrote a lamentable Epistle deploring his owne fortunes and the Popes iniquities Innocent the fourth saith he hath ouerthrowne me an innocent man for Conradus my father King of Sicily left me yong and tender in the custody of the Church then Pope Innocâ—…ntins pretending my wealth professing himselfe a trusty Tutor inuaded the whole Kingdome and when once he had gotten the possession thereof he sought vnmercifully to extinguish my name and blood deuiding my lands and Countries and distributing the same among his owne kinsemen and Nephewes After his death Alexander succeeding inuited others into the possession of that Kingdom excluding mâ—… After his death Vrbanus dealt very inurbanâ—…ly for hee drewe Mamphred in excluding my selfe the true heyre The same Pope disanulling that match with Mamphred drew Charles to vndertake thâ—… businesse against my selfe After his death Clement vsed all indemency against me setting vp another King and not content herewith thundreth out his Processes against me thinking it a small matter that against God and against Iustice he hath robbed me of my Kingdome vnlesse he proceede also to take the title from me Last of all he hath established Charles Vicar of the Empire to preiudice and defeat me by all meanes Thus doth he complaine by which complaint we may vnderstand somewhat of the Popes purposes Conradinus gathered an Army and came into Italy the Pope as he passed by 〈◊〉 fome doe witnesse did prophesie his death which was not 〈◊〉 for him to doe when hee had so strongly prepared the meanes thereof Conradinus therefore was ouerthrowne by Charles and so was all the bloud of Frederick And thus was that noble line of the Dukes of Sueuia vtterly extinguished 134. When Charleâ—… had at the Popes suggestion made this distruction in the house of Sueuia the Popes not knowing how to liue in peace and quietnesse began to turn their malice vpon Charles And first Pope Nâ—…cholas the third onely fearing that Charles should be too great in Italy hauing no quarrell against hiâ—… tooke from hiâ—… the oâ—…fice of Deputy of Hetruria pretending that Râ—…dolph Emperour was therewith so much offended that vnlesse Charles would deliuer vp into his handes that regiment he would not vndertake the iourney to the holy land seâ—…ing that place belonged to the Emperour by right But when the Pope had gotten this both from the Emperor from Charles together with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Exarch of Rauenna he kept all saith Platina in his owne custody and thither he sent his Nephew Thus must all the world be troubled that principalities may bee procured to the Popes bastards This â—…ope saith 〈◊〉 had a desire to create two Kings in Italy of the Vrsini one of Hetruriâ—… against the French forces now placed in Sicily and Naples the other to be King of Lumbards against the Germanes and imperiall forces But first for the more speedy ouerthrow of Charleâ—… whom the former Popes had drawen into Italy as into a trap he conspired against him labouring by all his power to throw him out and therefore gaue his Kingdomes to Peter King of Arragon The great offence between Pope 〈◊〉 and Charles grew saith 〈◊〉 qâ—…ia 〈◊〉 aâ—…entiri noluit vt suâ—…s consanguineus contraheret cum 〈◊〉 Pontificis Charles would not agree that his kinred should match with the Popes kinred Pâ—…ter King of Aragon 135. PEter King of Aragon being thus drawne in to the quarrell of Sicily by Pope Nicholas the third For saith Naucler the Pope perswaded Peter to take the Kingdom of Sicily in the right of his wife Constance who was the daughter of Mamphred and Niece to Conradinus brought an Army into Sicily and inuaded the Kingdome But Martin the fourth who succeeded Pope Nicholas excommunicated Peter deposed him depriuing him also of the Kingdome of Aragon Thus were these Princes first drawne into bloudy wars by the Popes who sometimes inuited them and laughed vpon them as louing friends sometimes plunged them in bloud as taking a delite in their destruction Let the Princes of Christendom once awake and consider the sauage nature of this wilde beast that is not onely drunk with the bloud of Saints but fed also fat with the bloud of Princes Thus the Popes filled all Christendome full of bloud with their excommunications Are these Christs Vicars are these the censures of Christes Church Martin then excommunicated Peter gaue
of Christendome are to be intreated in the behalfe of God to remoue these greeuances from the Church which the insatiable couetousnesse of Popes brought in And seeing they haue remoued the Harpyes themselues why should they leaue the markes of their abhominable couetousnesse to the eternall oppression of the Church Why should these vncleane spoiles be found in the hands of godly Princes It would be the eternall honour of our Princes not to chaunge the oppressour but to remooue the oppression It was the honour of this land that when the Pope had oppressed all other Churches onely the Church of England was free Hanc consuetudinem omnes adâ—…isere praeter Anglos saith Naucler It was first imposed in the yeare one thousand and foure hundred it was not vsed in England when Naucler wrote as he witnesseth that is not before the yeare one thousand fiue hundred so odious an abuse so lately bred might soone be remoued if the cup of these sweete wines wherein the Pope began had not beguiled many men 152. When Boniface the ninth had begun this oppression much money was thereby gathered from the Clergie throughout the Emperours Dominions the money being thus collected was deteined by the greedy Emperour Wenceslaus from the more greedy Popes This turned the hearts of the Popes against him therefore Gregory the ninth deposed him and set vp Rupertus Count Palatine of Rhene against him George King of Bohemia 153. AFter the death of Ladislaus King of Bohemia who died without issue two great Kingdomes of Bohemia and Hungaria with the Duchy of Austria being vacant many Princes sought the Kingdome of Bohemia Charles King of Fraunce whose daughter Ladislaus married would haue placed one of his sonnes Casimire King of Polonia hauing married a sister sought it in her right so did Guilliam Duke of Saxony who married the elder sister of Ladâ—…slaus Sigismund and Albert Dukes of Austria were in good hope and Frederick the Emperour would haue had the administration of the Kingdome because the homage due to the Empire had beene neglected When the day of Election came 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was chosen King and afterward confirmed by Fredericke the Emperour but Paul the second finding that this George fauored the Hussites or as Platinâ—… saith daily withdrew himselfe from the body of Christianity meaning from the obedience of the Pope did excommunicate and depose him setting vp Mathiâ—… King of Hungary against him Mathiâ—… gaue the Bohemians a great ouerthrow in the yeare one thousand foure hundred and 〈◊〉 and with such mortall hatred was Pope 〈◊〉 set against this King that he sent many Bishoppes to negociâ—…te these warres and to raise vp the Hungarians and Germanes against him and so farre preuailed that he eâ—…tinguished all the posterity and discent of George and would saith 〈◊〉 vtterly haue rooted out all the name and memory of the Heretickes vnlesse the Polonians had stayed 〈◊〉 For the Polonians claimed the Kingdome of 〈◊〉 as due to them 〈◊〉 being already busied enough with the warres of the Turke thought good not to draw new troubleâ—… vpon himselfe by prouoking the Polonians Thus the Pope rested at that time contented with the blood of George and his children seeing the power of his malice could then proceed no further King Iohn of Nauâ—…rre 154. POpe Iulius the second the scourge of Christendome in his time vsed the like courtesie to Iohâ—… King of Nauarre for when this Vicar of Christ 〈◊〉 raised warres against the French King Iohâ—… King of Nauâ—…rre held as he had reason with the French King being a French-man by birth and hauing the greatest part of his paâ—…imony in Fraunce 〈◊〉 King of Arragon then fauoured the Pope This 〈◊〉 prepared warre against the French King and to turne the mindes and speech of all men vpon the French warres from that purpose which secretly hee intended hee intreated Henry the â—…ighth King of England to send him an Army to helpe him in the warres of Franâ—…e King Henry hauiâ—…g maried the daughter of Ferdinand sent him sixe thousand footmen these came to the Frontiers of France and there stayed long for the army of Ferdiâ—…nd who for his better passage into Fraunce required of Iâ—…hn King oâ—… Nauarre through whose Dominions hee was to passe that he would deliâ—…er vp to his hands three of the strongest Castles that he would demaund the request as vniust was denied by the King of Nauarre Ferdinaâ—…d referreth the matter to the Pope The Pope Iâ—…lius not regarding the iustice or iniustice of the cause pronounceth the King of Nauarre a Schismaticke and Hereticke for fauouring the French King and therefore depriueth him of his kingdome and giueth his right to Ferdinand Who thereupon sent his army of a suddaine against the King of Nauarre who fled into France Thus was the kingdomâ—… of Nauarre surprised and no title pretended sauing onely the Popes excommunication The state of Venice 155. IT were too long to recompt all the mischiefes and miseries that the Popes Excommunications haue brought vpon Christendome I haue collected the chiefe and most eminent and will end this discourse with the memory of that affliction and desolation which the Pope brought vpon the Venetians Iulâ—…s the second following the steppes of his predecessours brought an armie before Bononia besieged the towne and tooke it The familie of the Bentiuoli he vtterly ruinated killing some banishing other When thus hee had ouerthrowne the Bentiuoli Then he set himselfe in like sort to root out the Venetian name Ad venetâ—… 〈◊〉 excidiuâ—… saith 〈◊〉 The better to effect the malice against the Venetians he drew 〈◊〉 the Emperour the French King the King of Spaine the Duke of Ferrara and the Duke of Mantua into a league when first himselfe had excommunicated and câ—…sed them hee set all these vpon them at once The Pope made choice of a fit time to doe them the greatest hurt he could for a little before this the state of Venice was brought so low that a weake enemie might soone haue â—…dangered them hauing had their whole army brought vnto Internecion at Abdua after that ouerthrowen in a great battell by Lewes the French King their chiefe generals Liuianus taken prisoner Petilianus put to flight The Pope tooke the aduantage of this their weakenesse and seeing them falling labored to thrust them headlong that they might neuer be able to rise againe Mâ—…ximilian tooke Verona Vicetia Padway Carni the French King surprised Bergamum Brixia Cremona Crema the Spaniard wan Tranum Monopolis and Barletta in Apulia The Popes share was Rauenna Ariminum all Aemilia The Duke of Ferrara got Rodigium and the Duke of Mantua Asula Thus was that noble state brought in manner to vtter ruine 156. Iulius hauing thus satisfied his malice and obtained his purpose in some measure against the Venetians being ledde by a spirit that would giue him no rest began to turne his furious wrath in like sort against 〈◊〉 contrary to his faith often promised and