in his personal exercise of the ecclesiasticall functioÌ„ wherto a mature age is requisite But the kings Supremacie requireth no such personall exercise of ecclesiasticall function but is cleane another matter therfore this example of Christes age is impertinent Secondly we grauÌ„t the Churche shoulde not be gouerned of a childe in that respecte he is a childe in which consideration he is no king as you distinguished before betwene a man and a christiaÌ„ maÌ„ and ye must so againe distinguishe betwéene his nature and his person or his person and his office Nowe in regarde of his office the defecte of his nature is supplyed by those that represent him in his office and they béeing men of graue yeares and knowledge you can not iustly say the gouernement is committed to a childe The second argument is taken from S. Paule 4. Gal. Moreouer a childe so long as hee is a little one liueth vnder Tutors and gouernours and so the Supreme Heade of the Churche needeth another superior Head to gouerne and rule him and that not so muche by chaunce or fortune as by imbecillitie of his proper nature and the necessitie of the thing it selfe Howe can he therefore be the Supreme Head of the Church that liueth vnder an other head Ercept M. Saunders were bent pienishly to warble he would not reason thus knowing well inough that those of riâ—…er yeres which gouerne the kings person in his nonage be not his head and he a member or subiecte vnder them but they representing him he and they are but one in office and their gouernemente is not properly theirs but is the kings owne gouernemente And so the head hath no head ouer him but onely Iesus Christ. But M. Saunders foreseeing that by this reason he might make the childe no king at all of his kingdome which he before confessed that king Edwarde was as full king as his father he preuenteth the obiection and séeketh a scape to shifte it For if ye say by the same reason he is not king of his kingdome neither bicause he is compelled to gouerne that also by others the answere is easie it is no maruell if the lawe of man which placeth children ouer kingdomes by force of succession be founde imperfecte But it were greatly to be marueled if the lawe of Christ also whereby he placeth pastors ouer his Church coulde be accused in anie parte of imperfection For as Moses lawe brought nothing to perfection so on the contrarie the lawe of Christ lefte nothing vnperfect as whome it became to fulfill all righteousnesse Therefore there shall bee none much lesse anie chiefe head in the Churche of Christe the which by nature can not doe the office of an ecclesiastical head But a childe can neither teach nor baptize nor by anie meanes assoile the harder questions of the Gospell The answere M. Saunders as ye say is easie but is it a good answere it were an easie matter to answere if such easie answeres may serue that ye may say what ye will and contrarie your selfe too when ye finde an inconuenience And such an inconuenience as wipes away all your former reasons Neither can ye sufficiently aunswere it that if your reason hold of the defecte of the kings nonage while he is a chylde he may then be no gouernor at all no not in Temporall matters neither bycause therein he is gouerned of others also in that he is but yet a chylde and so in his kingdome shoulde become no gouernour at all But for an easie answere to this ye saye this is a defecte in the lawe of man. Why M. Saunders do ye nowe make this the lawe of man that a chylde myght be a King sayde ye not before and that more truely it was gods lawe Numeri 27. and Gal. 4. and cited for examples Ioas and Iosias and againe doe ye saye this is an imperfection in the lawe that is an imperfection in the person nay Maister Saunders the lawe of succession was good and perfecte Neither your sentence that ye cite of S. Paule the lawe brought nothing to perfection serues to this purpose Neither was the fault in the law but in the defecte of the obseruer But saint Paule speakes there of the morall law and of iustification which the lawe of God giuen by Moyses could not bring to perfection confuting an other error which the Phariseis the Pelagians and the Papistes holde But what is this to the present purpose Saint Paule complaineth not of the imperfection of the politike lâ—…w of the Iewes therfore this is manifestly wrested Ye obiect that Christs law is perfect as though S. Paules law Gal. 4. cited by your selfe for the kingdome of a child be not also the law of Christ and as for Christs law for the pastors of his Church â–ª we accuse it not to be imperfecte and yet in the pastors themselues there is no perfection althoughe Christes law for them be most perfect But what answereth this the purpose The Prince takes not the pastorall office on him nor to doe the office of an ecclesiasticall head as ye terme it nor to teache or baptise or astoyle the hard questions of the Gospell either in his noneage or in his full age either childe or man These are but your surmised sclaunders on the Prince But to deuise sclaunders is with you an easie answere Nowe vpon these argumentes against the supremacie of king Edward he knits vp his conclusion of the euent saying therefore sith God after not the best man calling him selfe the heade of the Churche did substitute a childe euen by the things themselues he admonished vs that that honour did not rightly agree to the father that was so euill applied to his sonne The more ye dâ—… still vnreuerently carpe at king Henry calling him not the best maÌ„ the more ye shew your cankred stomak M. Saunders that your selfe are one of the worst kind of meÌ„ whose malice no not death caÌ„ satiate But the more it redoundeth to the praise of that moste noble and vertuous king being holdeÌ„ for so much the better man of all good men how much the worse man such wicked men as you esteeme him ab illaudatis vituperari laudabile est it is commendable to be dscommended of discommendable men Your interpretatioÌ„ of a child succéeding him hath neither charitie nor truth neither can you frame anye good argumente on it but rather on the contrarie Where God so blessed the raigne of the childe that in so shorte a time so long rooted superstitions Idolatries were abolished and the word of God so truely and fréely set forth it argueth that God not onely liked the title of the father but also confirmed it in the sonne shewed well that the childhood of his person was no impediment to the authoritie of his office as you maliciously woulde wrest it After Kyng Edwarde ye come to Queene Marie saying Moreouer when men neither thus awaked and the childe after the sixth yeare of his gouernement beyng deade God placed a woman ouer the kingdome of Englande who
him agayne making the king become vassall feodatarie to the Pope and to holde the crowne and realme of him in fee farme and pay 700. marks a yere for England and. 300. for Irelande And hath not the Pope chalenged other kingdomes also yea doth he not clayme to be the chiefe Lorde and Prince of all kingdomes and to set vp and depose what king or prince he pleased And he that beléeued not this was not counted a noddie but an heretike And yet sayth M. St. was there euer any so much a noddie to say and beleeue the Pope raigned here but all Papistes muste be noddies with him yea his owne Pope in steade of a triple crowne muste weare a cockes combe and him selfe for companie will beare the bell But here he leapeth backe agayne to M. Gilbie not for the matter of supremacie but for his misliking of certayne orders of religion in king Edwards dayes and here vpon pleadeth that the Papistes are nowe more to be borne withal if they can not beare the seruice and the title set foorth I answere first M. St. another mans faults excuse not yours Neither Anthonie Gilbies and yours are alike For were his greater or any of those Protestants that ye vpbrayde vnto vs afterwards yet are they lesse in that they obstinately maynteyned not the same nor persisted therin nor attempted any conspiracies nor would haue a foraigne supreme nor suche an other as your Pope the father of errors and so on their submission or repentaunce their fault is pardoned or made lesse But you obstinately maynteine a playne refusall of obedience would haue a foraigne vsurper be your supreme and not onely subdue the realme and our bodies to his tyrannie but our soules to his errors neither do ye repente therof but perseuer in it and by wicked Libels priuie conspiracies and all other meanes that ye can deface Gods worde your natural prince natiue countrey your fault therfore is much greater thā his or theirs And therfore your wilful obstinacie is not to be borne withal especially since after so long and gentle tollerance of the Quéenes moste gracious lenitie towards you ye encrease your malice and harden your hearts with Pharao abusing hir highnesse lenitie Now where the Bishop sayd these dealings were a preparation to rebellion agaynst the Queenes person M. Stap. sayth that it nothing toucheth hir person nor hir crowne And that without the ecclesiasticall authoritie the crovvne hath continued and flourished moste honorably many hundreth yeres ▪ and shall by Gods grace continue full well and full long agayne when it shall please God. Why M. Stap. what meane ye by this dothe not the crovvne flourishe and continue euen nowe also God be praysed for it why say you then it hath flourished and shal agayne when it shall please God as though it dyd not now And the state of the Crovvne were nowe no estate or a very ill estate in the reigne of the Quéenes maiestie If this be not a preparation to rebellion to make the Subiectes mislike the estate of the Crovvne is it not then euen a rebellious Proclamation it selfe but let vs sée your argument that ye make hereon to excuse your selues Diuers Princes haue continued and flourished honorably of long time without the ecclesiasticall authoritie Ergo it is nowe no preparation to rebellion agaynst the Quéenes person to refuse hir authoritie ouer all causes ecclesiasticall and to defende that it apperteyneth not to hir person or Crowne I answere First the worde ecclesiasticall authoritie is very subtilly and doubtfully spokē as though hir highnesse went about to play the minister If ye meane so the antecedent is then true The ecclesiasticall authoritie nothing toucheth hir person or crowne ▪ without the whiche it hath most honorably continued and flourished many hundreth yeres and shall by Gods grace continue ful wel and ful long agayne when it shal please God. But then is this your most spitefull slaunder to say that the Quéene now taketh vpon hir eccl. authoritie and that it is now vnited to hir person or crowne which is most euident false And therefore the crowne flourisheth for any suche matter so well as euer it did And God graunt it neuer to flourish worsse than it doth vnder hir Maiestie now But the antecedent béeing so farre foorth true as is declared then the consequent followeth not that it is now no preparation to rebelliō to refuse hir authoritie ouer all eccl. causes and to defende that it perteyneth not to hir person or crowne But if in the antecedent by ecclesi authoritie ye meane authoritie ouer ecclesiasticall matters then the antecedent is false and so to be proued by the issue of the practise in this Realme Neither is it any good argument Bicause many tooke it not on them Ergo none may Bicause they did not vse it Ergo they ought not Bicause they had worldly prosperitie without it Ergo it was not necessarie to them Bicause the denial was no preparation to rebellion then Ergo it is none nowe None of these causes are sufficient M. St. and therefore your subtile and false reason fayleth Now when ye sée nothing will fadge this way eyther to defende you or to accuse vs ye will set vpon vs for other matters that we are those that make this preparation to rebellion Let this title and eccl. iurisdiction goe say you which all good princes haue euer forgone as nothing to them apperteyning let vs come to the very temporall authoritie and let vs consider who make any preparation of rebellion the Catholikes or the Protestants In letting that go M. Stap. that appertayneth to this title and ecclesiasticall iurisdiction ye let go your matter and after your maner make so many impertinent discourses contrarie to that ye called vpon before neuer to swerue from the question in hande and nowe your selfe swerue of purpose from it Howebeit shall we let you go so rounde away with suche a heape of notorious lyes that all good Princes haue euer forgone this title and ecclesiasticall iurisdiction as nothing to them appertayning that not some or many but all good Princes haue forgone and euer forgone both this title and also ecclesiasticall iurisdiction and so euer forgone it as nothing pertayning to them If ye coulde haue shewed this ye should haue well spent your time and kept ye nearer your matter ye néeded not haue fisked about so many by quarels But this could ye not proue and therfore it was necessarie ye should runne to them picking quarels at vs not marking your owne wicked defacing of your Prince whome otherwhiles so fauningly ye flatter For whereto else tendeth this saying all good princes haue euer forgone this tytle and ecclesiasticall iurisdiction as nothing perteyning to them but to inferre that all those princes that take on them or will at any time not forgoe thys title eccl. iurisdiction as apperteyning to them are ill and wicked Princes What else can be made of
eight a pyller of his subiecte â–ª vnder whom his subiectes lyued in suche prosperitie and abundance in 〈◊〉 renoune and glorie when all their 〈◊〉 â—…o dradde them for theâ—…oble conduct gouernment of such a Prince as all things considered we finde not the like in all the ancient histories Did he pill them that delyuered theÌ„ from the greatest piller and spoiler of them froÌ„ al his insatiable Caterpillers that had pilled the Prince the Sâ—… biectes and all the Realme and had gotten almoste all the goodes and lâ—…ndes into their clutches yea their bodies and soules also Did he pill the realme that brought the greatest ryches into the Realme the Gospell of Chryste and Christian libertie that euer the Realme could haue Ye quarel at the basenesse of the money Hath ther not bin worsse money in times past in Englande They saye that we had money of lether haue not the most of other Princes brasen coyne But I sée you haue a brasen face and a fonde malicious head Is the Princes coine counterfet with you and if it had bene a great deale worsse than it was can ye call it adulterate or forged No Saunders for here I must néedes leaue out Master such Traytors as you be are counterfeiters of money howbeit you are farre worsse traytors and forge a naughtie coine in the steade of Gods word to giue the people trifling traditions of your owne stampe and take good money for them You obiecte his wiâ—…es vnto him What meane ye by this ye wiuelesse and shamelesse generation ye dispisers and defilers of Matrimonie wold ye haue had him haue liued like you ye caused him in deede vnwittingly while hée ignorantly obeyed your Pope to liue wyth his brothers wife Whiche when he knewe he adhorred and forsoke as flatte againste Gods worde Thou shalte not vncouer the secretes oâ—… thy brothers wife And yet the Pope contrarie to Gods expresse lawe and the lawe of nature dispensed with it and you Papistes maynteine it tooth and nayle as a lawful maryage This in déede was his greatest misfortune to haue taken hir so long through too much credite of false Papistes to be his lawfull wife whiche was not his wife at all and yet both the parties ignorantly offended Aâ—… for his firste true and lawfull wife we maye saye indéede he had misfortune in hir too that he so muche credited the sclanderous vndermining Papists that neuer stinted to procure hir dâ—…ath for the hatred of the gospel that she professed And so at length most subtilly wrought it made hir a sweet sacrifice to God and a most holy martyr No misfortune but mosie happiâ—… hap to hir to sustaine so sclaunderdus a death in so innocent a cause the misfortune was the king hir husbandes to be so beguiled by such false Papistes And yet to vs this maryage was most fortunate which God so blessed with such a fruit as neuer the like did spring in Englande As for all King Heuries other wiues saue one were as as vertuous chast godly Quéenes as any Christian kyng coulde haue And yet the default of that one is not to be imputed vnto him which to die is more than cankred malice Lest of al ought it to be ascribed to the euent of his supreme gouernment Shoulde M. colsfolly be ascribed to Dauid yea shoulde a mans owne faults be accounted for the euent of his vertues should misfortunes following be déemed the effectes of godlynesse going before But you denie all this that this was godly to become this supreme gouernour and say king Henrie tooke it first vpon him But stay your haste Master Saunders When we come to the practise of christian Kings before king Henrie ye shall finde it contrarie and ye shall finde by that that is alreadie sayde to Master Stapleton that in the olde Testament Dauid Salomon Iosaphat c. toke vpon them this supreme gouernement in their kindomes that king Henrie dyd Ye say he was neuer the happier but the more vnhappier after he tooke it on him Whereas he neuer prospered better than after he had expelled the Popes vsurped authoritie For euen then began he indéed to raigne and rule other where before he bore the name of a king and was ruled by other the Pope his Prelates and Priestes hearing all the 〈◊〉 Besides the happiest happe of all the knowledge of God that by his supreme gouernement then beganne to florishe Nowe after his rayling on king Henrie he descendeth to king Edward the sixte saying And he beeing deade God by a maruellous manner shewed vnto all the world how litle this Ecclesiasticall Primacie and high calling was agreeable to kings For Henrie the eight being deade Edwarde his sonne a childe almost nine yere old succeeded in his kingdome If wee loke to the right that this childe had in the kingdome hee was no lesse king than his father was But if we turne our eyes vnto the state of the church verily there is a great difference whether it be gouerned of a childe or of a man of perfecte age Sée the insaciable malice of these Papistes not onely against the lyuing but the deade and that against their late most gratious soueraignes It suffiseth not to haue thus coÌ„tumeliously railed on the Quéenes Maiesties father of blessed memorie but also to deface hir Maiesties brother that most vertuous Prince king Edwarde saying he toke vpon him this Ecclesiasticall Primacie as though he or his father toke vpon him any ecclesiastical primacie bicause they toke vpon them a supreme gouernement in all ecclesiasticall matters But will he spare for spite to sclaunder them that presumeth to wrest and misconster Gods heauenly prouidence in calling king Edward to the kingdome while he was yet a child He graunteth he was as ful king as his father was Then say I he had al the right and authoritie that his father had But sayth he there is a great difference betwéene the right of a kingdome and the state of the Church whether it be gouerned of a child or of a man of perfect age As though we talked not M. SauÌ„ders of such a kingdome as were the Churche also or as though a kingdome consider it howe ye will require not likewise to be gouerned of one of perfecte age Or as though ther be not also a great differeÌ„ce betwene the right of authoritie belonging to the person be he child or maÌ„ and the personal gouerning of him But let vs heare M. Saunders arguments against a child He maketh exception against a child for two reasons first the example of Christe secondly the saying of S. Paule Cal. 4. Of the first he saith For if euen Christ toke not on him the gouernment of the Church before he attained to thirtie yeres of age how much lesse would he that the Church should be gouerned of a child I answere First the gouernment that Christ tooke at 30. yeares of age was
and detestable heresies and so with all plaine Idolatrie 42. a. Ye are no simple Idolater but one that maintaineth a number of heresies 42. a. Obstinate defence of such filthie mariage ibid. A foole a dolt an asse 43. a. Ye denie full pieuishly 44. a. Craftily dissembled lewdly swarued 49. a. b. Ye haue set vp your Idols that is your abhominable heresies 50. a. VVretchedly and shamefully handled ibid. Lying beyond all shame 50. b. His ridiculous dealing 50. b. The indignitie of his demeanour is to be detested 50. b. Fonde counterfeyting flat lying a lewd and a horrible lie 50. b. VVhat can be done more abhominable ibid. Your wretched doctrine 51. b. Most wretched and traiterous translation 51. b. An open and notorious lie 53. b. This most sensible and most grosse lie 55. b. Most impudent and shamelesse lies 56. a. His lewde booke ibid. M. Horne and his fellowes and his Maisters Luthers and Caluins heresies are no secret nor simple heresies but so manifolde and open that they haue no waye or shift to saue their good name and honestie blotted and blemished for euer without repentance for the obstinate maintenance of the same 56. b. Your Maisters worse than the Pelagians 57. b. Caluin and other sacramentaries 57. b. Ye drawe neare to Simon Magus 57. b. They are no petit nor secrete heresies that you and your fellowes maintaine 57. b. You and your fellowes must needes remaine stark heretikes for such to be abhorred and abandoned of all good christians 58. a. You and your companions open and notable heretikes ibid. M. Foxe in his dunghill of stinking Martyrs 59. a. M. Foxes stinking Martyrs 60. a. His diuelishe dirty dunghill of his foule hereticall and trayterous Martyrs 60. a. Stinking hereticall and foolish martyrs 61. a. Falshoode and folly 61. b. Appollinarians and Eutichians 63. b. Your falshoode your great folly 63. a. Ye are wicked deprauers of religion 65. b. Ye are as great blasphemers as euer Christes Church had ibid. Doltish diuelish Donatistes 66. a. You the sacramentaries 66. a. M. Fox c. his huge monstrous martyrologe 66. b. An open damnable heretike and a Donatist 66. b. Not only a traytour but a detestable Donatist also 66. b. His owne huge martyrologe 66. b. Like to Captaine Kets tree of reformation 66. b. Your frowarde quarrellings and customable elusions 66 b. A blunt and a foule shamelesse shift 68. b. An open and a shamelesse lie 68. b. So outragiously and blasphemously villained by you 68. b. M. Hornes foolishe figuratiue diuinitie 69. a. A foolishe and friuolous admonition 70. a. M. Hornes fantasticall imagination 70. a. M. Horne which talke so confusedly 73. a. Thousandes haue taken the othe to their damnation 73. a. Your heresies condemned 74. b. Impudent and shamelesse 75. a. A starke and most impudent lie 75. b. Facingly and desperately 75. b Fonde and foolishe 76. a. He walketh ignorantly or maliciously or both 76. b. Most ignorantly and falsly ibid. Notable lies ibid. A most notorious lie 77. a. Foolish blasphemous babling 77. a. Shamelesse lyes 77. a. As grosse as foule and as lowde a lying fetch 77. a. Schismaticall councell and hereticall synagog 77. b. VVorthie to haue bene cast to the dogges and rauens vpon a dirty dunghill 77. b. The wicked working of wretched heretikes 77. b. Plaine schismaticall and hereticall 78. a. O more than childishe folly 78. a. That craftie cooper 78. a. Your great ignorance or like malice 79. b. Ye haue one heresie more than any of your fellowes 80. a. Your great grandsires the Grecians 80. a. Ye terme with an vncleane and impure mouth 80. b. M. Hornes dissembling falshoode 83. a. Dissemblingly to vpholde a falshoode 84. b. For full and sufficient aunswere to all this and other his blacke Rhetoricke we maye returne his owne wordes on himselfe The Donatistes when they coulde not iustifie their owne doctrine nor disprooue the Catholikes doctrine leauing the doctrine fell to rayling His owne vpbrayding of slaunders YE bluster not so boysterously c. as ye lie most lewdly vppon c. whose person yee impugne for lacke of iust matter with most slaunderous reproches 1. Preface Pag. 15. His seconde common place of reprochfull slaunders neither sparing the Queenes Maiestie nor his natiue Countrey THat this religion wherby thou hopest to be saued hath no authoritie to grounde it selfe vpon 2. Pref. pag. 27. That if it haue any authoritie it hath authoritie of the Prince by whose supreme gouernment it is enacted and forced vpon thee other authoritie hath it none ibid. That of Protestants some be LutheraÌ„s some be Zuinglians some Anabaptists some Trinitaries and some be of other sectes 29. a. That King Henrie the eight and the Parliament thought erroneously 31. That King Edwarde in his minoritie set foorth a newe Religion ibid. That the Bishops nowe are but Parliament and no Church Bishops 32. That the Quéenes Maiesties title can not be applyed with any conuenient sense to any ciuill Prince especially to the person of a woman 34. That a woman is expresly by nature and by scripture excluded from being capable of spirituall gouernment ibid. That the Bishop of Winchester his meaning is to ingraft in the mindes of the subiectes a misliking of the Queenes Maiestie â–ª as though she vsurped c. Fol. 2. That he conspired to the making of a booke that spoyleth the Queenes Maiestie of all hir authoritie ibid. That he hath in open sermon at VVinchester mainteyned contrary to the Queenes ecclesiasticall iniunctions such as would not reforâ—… their disordred apparell ibid. That the 〈◊〉 hath doth mainteine many things â–ª contrary to the lawes orders of the realme to the proâ—… whereof he citeth the defending of a minister of Duâ—…ley as true as all 3. That the temporall men without yea against the consent of the whole clergie altered the estate of religion 4. b. That the Bishops are no true Bishops 7. b. That Bishop Poynet was but an vsurper with diuerse other slaunders agaynst Luther Caluine Beza Bishop Craâ—…mer c. 8. a. b. A contumelious terme of Brittle bulwarke agaynst the acte of Parliament 9. a. That our fayth hangeth on an act of Parliament ibid. That ciuil and prophane matters be conuerted into holy and ecclesiasticall ibid. That lay men are of the folde onely and are not shepeheards at all ibid. That they altar the whole religion and confounde heauen and earth togither ibid. That in King Edwardes dayes legerdemaine was played a leafe put in at the printing which was neuer proposed in the Parliament Which is an open slaunder euen of the king himselfe and his Councell The rule in the booâ—… of common prayer sayth the people shall receyue knéeling To shewe that this law ment not adoration the King and his Councell caused a declaration of the true meaning of the lawe to be drawne in tenne or twelue lines and added them to this rule ibid. He slaundereth the honourable of the Councell for vneuen ordering
Pope is the supreme head of the Church 36. a. Master Hooper was so answered by M. Feckenham c. 37. a. After all this your long trauaile wherein ye haue to the most vttred all your skill ye are so farre from full aunswering his scruples and stayes that they seeme plainly to be vnaunswerable and your selfe quite ouerborne and ouerthrowne and that by your owne arguments and inductions as we shall hereafter euidently declare 38. b. I referre mee to your scriptures fathers Councels practise of the Church that ye would seeme to rest vpon VVhereby neuerthelesse you your selfe shall take a shamefull foyle and fall VVherefore go on a Gods name and bring forth your euidences go on I say in Gods name master Horne and prosecute your plea stoutly 40. a. b. Nowe therefore go on master Horne and being at your first encountring ouerblowne and discomfited with your owne blast thinke well whether it is likely that ye shall hereafter bring agaynst your aduersarie any thing c. 42. a. VVee freely graunt you that Princes may sharply punishe teachers of false and superstitious religion c. for I say to you that you and your fellowes teache false and superstitious religion 42. a. I trowe it will be harde for you to bring forth any act of parliament or any other conuenient and sufficient plea. 42. b. The olde ordinarie Latine glose I am right sure M. Horne it hath no such thing 42. b. His scripture c. reacheth nothing home to his pretensed purpose but rather infringeth and plaine marreth the same as I haue sayde and fully standeth on our side So I doubt nothing it will fare with his examples as Moses Iosue Dauid Salomon Iosaphat Ezechias Iosias And that they all come to short and are to weake to iustifie his assertion But here am I shrewdly encombred and in great doubt what to doe for I could make a short but a true aunswere that these ensamples are fully aunswered alreadie 43 a. This one aunswere might well serue for all the kings doings now following sauing I wil particularly descende to euery one and for euery one say somewhat Here I wish to encounter with master Nowell 45. a. Master Nowell fretteth fumeth with master Dorman who shall coole him well ynough I doubt not 49. a. Ye haue hitherto brought nothing effectuall c. the contrary is by vs auouched sufficiently proued c. bring forth that king that did not agnize one supreme hed c. ye haue not done it nor neuer shall doe it and if ye coulde shewe any it were not woorth the shewing c. what president haue ye shewed of any good king 53. b. That the Popishe religion is the vsuall religion a thousand yeares and vpwarde 53. b. VVhat euidence haue ye brought forth c. what can ye bring forth out of the olde testament to ayde and relieue your doings c. what can ye shewe c. what good induction can ye bring c. what good motiue can ye gather c. what thinke ye that ye can perswade vs c. are ye able suppose ye to name vs any one king c. O M. Horn your manifolde vntruthes are disciphered and vnbuckled ye are espied ye are espied I say well inough that ye come not by a thousande yeardes and more neare the marke Your bowe is to weake your armes to feeble to shoote with any your commendation at the marke yea if ye were as good an archer as were that famous Robin hoode or little Iohn VVell shift your bowe or at least wise your string Let the olde testament go and proceede to your other proufes VVherein we wil now see if ye can shoote any streighter for hitherto ye haue shotte al awrie and as a man may say like a blinde man see nowe to your selfe from henceforth that ye open your eyes and that ye haue a good eie and a good aime to the marke we haue set before you If not be ye assured we will make no curtesie eft soones to put ye in remembrance For hitherto ye haue nothing prooued that Princes ought which ye promised to proue c. 55. a. Answere the fortresse Master Horne annexed to Saint Bede if ye dare 55. b. Belike the worlde goeth verie hard with you 56. a. Ye shall anon heare of it 56. a. Master Feckenhams heresie is so secrete and priuie that Argus himselfe with all his eies shall neuer espie it no nor M. Horne himselfe let him prie neuer so narrowly 56. b. Ye haue heard of your auncestours before perhaps and that ◅ by me 56. b. I forbeare at this time of the residue of your noble progenitors hauing in other places as I noted before spoken largely of the same 57. b. Come forth once and cleare your selfe of this only obiection if ye can being so often pressed therewith 57. b. 58. a. Cleare your selfe if ye bee able I assure you M. Horne you and all your fellowes will neuer be able to auoide this one onely obiection 58. a. As I haue proued you your companions open and notable heretiks so shal I streight way purge M. Feck to be no Donatist or any heretike otherwise for any thing yet by you laid to his charge But now M. Horne beware your self c. beware I say for I suppose I will lay more pregnant matter in this behalfe to your their charge thā ye haue or possible can do to M. Feck or any other Catholike VVhereof I dare make any indifferent reader iudge If I should amplifie this matter at large it would rise to a prettie volume 58. a. Aunswere then to my third demaund in the fortresse annexed to Saint Bede 59. b. I shall trace him and smell him out well inough 60. b. Your great Canons come not nigh his hold by 1000. miles They will not beate downe a verie paper wall 62. a. Here might we euen by your owne rule crie out vpon you al as Apollinarians and Eutichians 63. a. And for my part master Horne that you may not thinke I haue now beene first so aduised vpon sight of your booke I haue forced that argument with many examples of godly Emperours and Princes in my Dedicatorie Epistle to the Queenes Maiestie before the translated Historie of the venerable Bede 65. b. VVe say that you are wicked deprauers of religion 65. b. VVe say ye are as great blasphemers as euer Christes Church had c. we say further that not only the general councel of Trent but the whole church hath condēned your opinions by general national coūcels many hūdred yeres since 65. I heare say master Fox is busie to set forth a fresh in print yet once againe his huge monstrous martirloge I will doe so much for him as minister him plentie of good stuffe I warrant you to set forth adorne at his next edition 66. b VVell I will bring ye as I thinke a substantiall and an ineuitable proofe 66. b. Though I graunt you all that ye haue
wisedom wil not enter into a froward mind And the Bishop here telleth how afterwarde he perceyued the contrary to his former opinion of M. Feckenham declaring how he pointed to his brest saying that was there meaning Poperie that should neuer goe out Thus ye vntruly say the B. sayd that the B. sayd not and then being your owne vntruthe ye skore it vp as his How soeuer by words ye would seem to tender hir Maiesties safetie quietnesse and prosperous raigne your deedes declare your meaning to be quite contrary The. 15. vntruth villanous and slanderous M. Feck by al his deeds hath always shewed himself a most obedient subiect His dysobedience to hir highnesse authoritie herein and the priuie dispersing of his boke to bréede a misseliking as is before shewed is proufe ynough hereof Howebeit this must néedes be a villanous vntruth for no milder terme will serue this gentleman And yet himselfe is farre worsse than M. Feckenham in the same fault as his Common place of slaunders to whom this terme villanous might better agrée doth declare where he neither spareth hir highnesse or cuntrie nor any estate or lawes thereof howe soeuer here he speake of obedience and subiection as thoughe he were as innocent as a lambe How much prosperitie you wishe to hir Maiestie appeareth when with 16. deepe syghes and grones you loke daylie for a chaunge thereof and that 17. arch eheretike of Rome 18. your God in earth 19. to raigne in hir place The. 17. 18. 19. vntruthes diuelishe and spritishe blasphemous horrible and villanous for neyther is the Pope any heretike neyther doe catholikes make him their God neyther wish they him to raigne in the Queenes place that is to saye haue temporall iurisdiction as the Queenes Maiestie hath Here is an heape of sore vntruthes piked out of one poore sentence and yet are al so apparant truthes as al the world may sée them Your grones and sighes for a change not only of the Religion hir Maiestie setteth oute but also of the authoritie that hir highnesse taketh on hir not only the prime whisperings letters tokens and comforting of the Papists in hope of a day that long ere nowe ye looked for doe declare but these your books that ye priuily scatter about and your selfe euen here in this present Chapter doe shewe your good heart saying and for my parte I pray God hartily the triall once would come What cal ye this earnest wish but a sigh and a grone which is in déed as ye terme it both diuelish and spritish but 〈◊〉 hypocritae peribit the hypocrites hope shall perish That the Pope is no heretike ye stoutely affirme but ye cleare him not You say that the Catholikes make him not their God. The Bishop sayd not the catholikes did so but the Papists howebeit ye will haue vs presuppose you be catholikes But catholikes or papists who are they that write Dominus Deus noster Papa our Lorde God the Pope and giue him that honor that is only due to Christ Ye wish him not to raigne in the Queenes place ye saye that is to haue temporall iurisdiction as the Queenes maiestie hath Who made you M. Cotroller to take so vppon you to assigne the Quéenes maiestie hir place which ye make verie straight for hir highnesse to sitte in The better halfe of hir throne your self here yéelde to your Pope that is all hir gouernement ouer spirituall matters and ecclesiasticall iurisdiction leauing hir Maiestie no more roome in hir own seat than ye woulde do any heathen Prince or Turke to haue only temporall iurisdiction in their Realmes But think ye your Pope will be yet content with this hauing gotten the halfe of the place wil he not striue for the whole and thrust the Princes cleane out How serued he the Emperours of Gréece how serued he diuers Germaine Emperours how lerned he King Childerike of France how serued he King Iohn of England sat he not alone in the whole place made he not this realme tributarie to him somuch as in him lay Did he neuer claime the kingdome of Cicile nor the kingdom of Irelande yea doth he not say that al Princes temporal iurisdiction floweth from him and he may depose theÌ„ Did the Pope neuer put off and set on with his foot an emperours diademe Did he neuer himself weare the scepter swoord and robes of an Emperor Did he neuer giue the temporall iurisdiction of this realme to the French and after reuoked the French againe And what doth he nowe Hath he not giuen the temporall iurisdiction and the estate of the crowne and realme to any that can waste spoyle or conquer it saying as though he were Christ Qui potest capere capiat he that can take it take it so that he will become the Popes man for it What is this but to take vpon him to sitte in hir highnesse and in all other Princes places The. 20. 21. 22. vntruthes are none of them so proued as is euidently shewed in the answere to the 4. chap. for that he hath not improued the Bishops definition of a supreme gouernour but rather in matter agréeth therwith and al his examples shew the truth therof Like an vnfaithfull subiect coÌ„trary to that oth c. you helped to spoyle Quene Mary of a principal part of hir royal power right and dignitie The. 23. vntruth slandrous for M. Feck so did not as an vnfaithfull subiect but as a repentant catholike Ye haue well excused him M. Stapleton and he is much beholding to you therfore Where the B. laid to his charge that contrary to his othe made to King Henry he helped to spoyle Queene Mary of hir royall power right and dignitie ye confesse the fact and say he did so but what then he did it say you not as an vnfaithfull subiect but as a repentant catholike Yeare as good a Proctor for your client I sée M. Stapleton as the Proctour that taught his simple client to saye I did so but what then who is his witnesse where no witnesse néeded when the partie had confessed the fact So you Master Stapleton confesse that M. Feckenham periured himselfe to his Prince and that he spoyled hys soueraigne Queene Mary of hir royal power right and dignitie But ye stande in the maner of the doing it whiche is not so much material how he did it as whether he did it or no. And since ye confesse so fréely for him as his proctour that he did so I may tell ye agayn howsoeuer he so did it coulde not be so doone but like an vnfaithfull subiect I had almost sayd worse for any subiect liuing vnder any preâ—…ence to spoyle his Prince of his or hir principall or any part of their royal power right or dignitie Call ye that Catholike repentance that is catholike repentance with al my harte But such catholikes suche repentance And if you do not repent and recant your note of this
conclusion to make the sequele more dreadfull that after diuerse reconciliations with the Romaine Sea they fell into the Turkish captiuitie Why may it not as well be noted thereon that they neuer came into this extreme flanery of the Turke but their Empire continued aboue 1000. yeares till after those their reconciliatioâ—… made with the Pope then within 14. yeares they fell in the Turks captiuitie But of this more hereafter From the Gréek and â—…ast Church he procéedeth to the Affricanes making the like argument on them But to answere him briefly To reason thus from the vnitie of the Romaine Sea in fayth then to the obedience of the Romaine Sea in the supremacie nowe euery scholer will some say is a very good non seqâ—…tur The like common fallace à non causâ—… vt causâ—… he maketh of Hungarie and Lifelande fallen into the handes of the Turkes and Moscouites Bicause sayth he they forsooke the Pope and fell to Luther But if this argument be good demaunde of him how 〈◊〉 the â—…hodes Belgradum Buda and other cities and parts in Austria which likewise the Turk hath gotten be cleane forgetten here of him and not reckened vp in this number was it bicause they acknowledged none more than the Rhodians the Popes supremacie and yet fell into the Turkishe captiuitie so well as the other At the length he 〈◊〉 home to Englande and when he should here make the full conclusion of all these lamentable sequeles of reâ—…olt from the Romaine Sea in other Countreyes that the lyke shoulde lyghte on vs séeyng that his argumente contrarie to hys long and wycked hope doeth fayle in the conclusion least eyther hée shoulde shewe the follie of hys impertinent argumentes or vtter the vnnaturall malice that for his Pope and popishe religion he hath fostred long in his cankred breast agaynst his naturall prince and Countrey he turneth the Catte into the Panne not by concluding hys argument on the lyke issue to Englande but rawly and generally knitteth vp the matter thus But vvhat vvas the issue all the vvorlde knovveth and Englande the more pitie greeuously feeleth To this M. Stap I answere Thanks be giuen to God no suche isâ—…ue as you would conclude of other Countreys from errors and the Turke to vs It is you that abhorring the Gospell more than Turkerie feele this gréefe ye speake of for that your sequele holdeth no better in Englande Englande neither feareth the Turkes nor these your byous threates and would to God no parte of Christendome euen of those that you accounte moste Popishe catholike were no more subiecte to the inuasion and daunger of the Turkishe barbarous and Saraâ—…ins irruptions and tyrannie than Englande is and yet if God shoulde punishe any parte of Christendome by them though he vse by his secret Iustice their furie as a rodde to scourge their offences yet will not we nor may iustly make suche tragicall sequeles reasons to argue pro or contra on Religion as here you doe by these peoples to conclude agaynst vs But prayses be to God you can conclude nothing Englande euer since that through the Quéenes most excellent maiestie it hath enioyed the libertie of Gods moste holy worde hath maâ—…ger all your spites reioyced withall bothe tranquillitie wealth peace fréedome and aboue all things the fauour of God in Christ euen for that it hath escaped the spirituall bondage of your Pope farre worse than the bodily captinitie of the Turke God continue his mercy to vs and make vs thankfull for it Nowe since ye can not fasten any such sequele as ye wishe on Englande ye gather petite quarels and like a poâ—…her seeke corners to finde out some inconueniences not worthy answere And yet bicause ye resume them often times after and make muche ado about them as reading the Byble and other bookâ—…s suppressing Abbeys marriage of Priests oirginitie vovves no Church Byshops but Parliament Byshops the sacrament of the altare c. they are answered where ye handle them at large and not here whereye snatch at them Onely this your grosse lie I will note here about king Henries lawes Bicause ye cite it not that I remember any more Ye say that after his death and in the minoritie of his sonne king Edvvarde all the lavves that he had made touching matters of religion sauing against the supremacie vvere repelled and abolished What a manifest and impudent lie is this King Henrie besides the supremacie made lawes for the abolishing of shrines and pilgrimages of pulling downe Images of depressing popish sectaries Monks Friers Numies Heremits Anachores c. Were these lawes repelled and abolished after his death in the minoritie of king Edwarde Shewe it or else wipe your lippes for a foule lie hath beslabbered them Master Stap. All these former arguments and these extrauagant discourses consist on a wrong principle All this haue I spoken sayeth he to shevve it is most true that I haue sayde that there vvill neuer be redresse of error and heresie or any stay vvhere men are once gone from the vnitie of the Sea Apostolike vvhich is the vvell spring and fountaine of all vnitie in the Catholike fayth This false principle if we denie it him then all his arguments of absurdities and euents theron are not worth a rush But had he put in but one letter more and for vnitie had sayd vanitie it had bene a most true principle nor we woulde or coulde haue euer denyed the same The last reason of his Preface to leaue a pricke of discredite agaynst the Protestants in the readers minde is of our discorde and inconstancie in this question the assumption whereof being in déede nothing but slaunders of the prince the Realme and diuerse Godly learned men is partly sette out in his common place of slaunders and partlye shall be further particulerly aunswered as they come to hande in the booke where he discourseth on them Thus much for the pithe of all his argumentes conteyned in hys Preface to the Reader to winne hys minde to hys cause before hande and alienate it from ours but the wyse Reader wyll first reade or euer he giue his iudgement The answere to M. St. Counterblast on the Bishops Preface The first Deuision IN his answere to the B. Preface whereas the Bishop in the first Deuision for so M. Stapleton termeth euery seuerall portion that he answereth vnto sheweth the necessarie reasons that moued him to answere Master Feckenhams booke and the couert meaning of master Feckenham in secretly scatering his booke abroade that therein he shewed a further meaning than he durst plainely vtter and that the intent of the booke as might iustly be gathered was to engraft in the mindes of the subiects a misliking of the Q. maiestie as though she vsurped a power and authoritie in ecclesiasticall matters whereto she had no right to slaunder the whole realme as though it were estraunged and directly agaynst the Catholike Church tenouncing and refusing to haue communion therewith
S. Peter S. Clement and other holy Martyrs and Bishops there as any other The summe of this argumâ—…t is this The Pope now aliue or to come for the B. speaketh of one that they would haue raigne in the Queenes place is called an archeheretike Ergo S. Peter S. Clement and other holy Martyres are called archheretickes His answere to this is thus I promise you a well blowen blast and handsomly handled I answere ye againe M. Stapl. I promise ye this is a well made argument and handsomly answered Ye bragge much for your Pope of S. Peter and S. Clement and other holy martyres Your Pope doth well M. Stapl to bragge of them for that is all the neerenesse that he coÌ„meth to them S. Peter and those Martyrs were as like your Pope and he as like them as Caiphas was like to christ If they saw his deings and his craking of them they would neuer crake againe of him but call him archeheretike to But he may crake of these holy martyrs as the Earle of Warwick craked in king Edward the fourths daies that it was a iolier thing to make Kings than to be him self a King and so may your Pope bragge that it is a iolier matter to make martyrs than to be a martyr him selfe He can make saintes he saith I beléeue it the poore saintes féele it dayly whose stoles he dippeth in their bloud So like is he to s. Peter S. Clement other holy Martyrs that where he is none him selfe as were they yet in that defect he will reâ—…oÌ„pence God with store of martyrs of his owne making And for this resemblaunce if the Pope be now touched S Peter by by is touched and he that speaketh generally of the Popes now a dayes if he name not one certaine Pope casteth out his wordes wantonly at S. Peter S. Clement and other holy Martyrs of the old time But and ye had not bene wantonly disposed M. St. your self you might wel haue perceyued whom the B. meant nothing the old Bishops of Rome of whome whether S. Peter were euer any or no is an other question and ye are well stripped out of that Lions skinne But he spake plainely of such Bishops as now vsurping the sea of Rome ye would haue to raigne in the Queenes place But let not the matter go so M. Stapleton VVith like finenesse say you ye call him archehereticke that is supreme iudge of all heretickes and heresies to I answere with the like finenesse ye take that for graunted that is chiefly denied By this fine Sophisticall figure Petitio principij your finenesse M. St. will hurt you euery boy in the scooles would hisse out such fine reasoning Ye call him archeheretike say you that hath already iudged you and your Patriarches for archeheretikes I wiste as well might the fellon at the barre in VVestminster hall to saue his life if it might be call the iudge the strongest theese of all And doubtlesse had he a Prince on his side his plea were as good as yours is Let go the Prince M. Stapleton that is to much trecherie and more than felonie though ye liken vs to the fellon to resemble the Quéenes most excellent Maiestie to an abbettour of theeues and fellons then I will answere your I wiste with an other I wiste I wiste as well the strongest theefe of all might crie stoppe theefe by any true man to saue the pursuite from him selfe and his crie were as good as the Popes crie that we not he are the archheretikes and doubtlesse hauing such confederates on his side as you to helpe to crie so with him the theeues crie might séeme more true than the true mans Especially if as you would haue the matter go that the theefe should be made iudge in his owne case to when would this theefe condemne him selfe trowe you do ye not perceyue M. Stapleton that your comparison fayleth of the indge in VVestminster hall against a fellon when saw ye there a iudge sit and giue sentence in his owne cause him selfe beyng on the one side the principall partie what Iustice or lawe call you that you should therefore let VVestminster hall alone and say at Rotâ—… in Rome or in the Popes coÌ„sistorie and where he will siâ—…te as Iudge on him selfe and vs There in déede he hath Iudged vs to be the archeheretikes but euen this vniust doyng sheweth him selfe to be the very archeheretike Otherwise if his cause were good he durst come downe from the bench and pleade with his aduersaries the truth or falshood thereof Which till he do he plaieth the parte of an archetyrant also Now say you where ye say we would haue the Pope to raigne here in the Queenes place proceedeth from your like truth and wisedome For albeit the Popes authoritie was euer chiefe for matters Ecclesiasticall yet was there neuer any so much a noddie to say and beleue the Pope raigned here the Pope and the King being euer two distinct persons farre different the one from the other in seuerall functions and administrations and yet well concurrant and coincident togither without any imminution of the one or the others authoritie I answere with the like truth and wisdome as ye reasoned before so ye frame also this reason Ye say say you we would haue the Pope to raigne in her place Ergo ye say we would haue the Pope to be King. Hereupon ye make your distinction of raigning and hauing supreme authoritie and so ye conclude there was neuer any so much a noddie to say and beleeue the Pope raigned here First your argument is faultie for putting the case ye will not for shame say that ye would haue him King here yet if he tooke from her a principall parte of her royall power did he not then raigne in her place though he claymed not to be King and since ye vaunt of wisedome what a wise distinction is this of raygning and hauing supreme authoritie to bleare the simples eyes with woordes for so farre forth as he claymeth the supreme authoritie which he doth in all supreme matters as are Ecclesiasticall and that ouer her so well as any other so farre foorth he claymeth to raygne ouer her Nowe this being a parte of her royall power deth he not clayme to raigne euen ouer the principall parte and so is King thereof But say you who was euer so much a noddie as to say he raygned here Sir this noddie is euen your Pope that maketh this clayme you your selfe for him Do you not here say although you greatly lie therin that he was euer chiefe for matters Ecclesiasticall and do not all your complices say that he raigneth for spirituall matters both here all ouer Christendome Yea I wil go further for the temporalties to I pray you sauing the reuerence of your noddie who raygned heere when for certayne dayes the Popes legate kept the crowne of Englande from king Iohn and gaue it
suum sub manu Aaron patris eorum sicut praeceperat dominus deus Israel These are theyr courses after their ministeries to enter into the house of the Lorde and according to theyr manner be vnder the hande of Aaron their father as the Lorde God of Israel hath commaunded Which last wordes ye beginne withall and ioyne them to the first parte as thoughe the Lordes commaundement had béene of Dauids appoyntment where it was onely of the obedience of all the Tribe of Leuie to be vnder Aaron and his successors in the ministerie which in deede was Gods statte commaundement But the appoynting of the courses to those mencioned in that place was Dauids commaundement euen as your selfe doe say it was King Dauids appoyntment And the Chapter before of the lyke argument playnlye sayeth Iuxta pracepta quoquè Dauid 〈◊〉 c. And according to the last commaundements of Dauid the Leuites were numbered from twentie yeare and vpwarde to wayte vnder the hande of the sonnes of Aaron in the seruice of the house of the Lorde But admit that these wordes Sicut praeceperat c. as god had commaunded be to be ment as you pretend of a speciall coÌ„maundement to Dauid so to dispose those courses as ye expound it he did nothing without gods coÌ„maundement Is this again I pray you any argumeÌ„t to improue his supreme authority next vnder god bicause he did al things sicut praeceperat dominus as the lord had coÌ„maundéd then by this same rule yourpriest should not haue the supremacie neither for I am sure he had no further priuiledge to do against or beyond Gods coÌ„maundement no more than Dauid had It is your Pope that thus stretcheth his claime to do beyonde all Gods forvoade and contrarie to Gods commaundement but little or nothing sicut praeceperat dominus deuâ—… Israel as the Lord God of Israel hath coÌ„maunded As for the Quéenes Maiestie hath not done or doth any thing more than Dauid did which is sicut praeceperat c. as God hath commaunded hir to do And syth Gods commaundement vnto Dauid stretcheth to the placing appointing both aboue vnder in their orders of sacrifices eueÌ„ of all the leuiticall priesâ—…es it strengthneth hir cause the more that she hath not onely the bare example of King Dauid but also the warrant of Gods commaundement for the supreme gouernement of all hir clergie to place them in their seuerall functions Secondly ye say ye haue to note that king Dauid did make appoyntment vnto them of no straunge or new order to be taken in religion but that they should serue God in the temple iuxta ritum suum after their owne vsage custome or maner before time vsed Secondly we note to you againe M. St. that you interprete his sayings ambiguously and applie it maliciously Ambiguously bicause thoughe Dauid neyther made any straunge or newe order to be taken in Religion nor yet in their vsage custom or maner of their ceremonies commaunded of god and so vsed before his time but saw euery thing dutifully obserued both sicut praeceperat dominus iuxta ritum suum as the Lord had coÌ„manded after their owne order yet in their courses and in other circumstances diuers of his orders were new and strange vnto them and of his owne appoyntment And diuers ceremonies that were iuxta ritum suum according to their own order hauing been neglected by the priests and become straunge vnto them those he redressed iuxta ritum suum according to their own order and sicut praeceperat dominus as the Lorde had commaunded But what serueth this howe soeuer ye expounde it to infringe any supreme gouernement in king Dauid bicause the Prince is bounde not to alter the Priestes rites and ceremonies béeing appoynted of God Ergo he is not supreme gouernour in séeing them kéept accordingly might ye not rather argue contrarywise The prince is bound not to alter religion nor those orders that God hath ordeyned bringing in straunge and new Ergo he is bound to ouersée care and prouide that those orders be onely kept and none other brought in And if princes had alwayes looked to this their duetie more narrowly than they haue done then had not your Pope and popishe Prelates broughte in so many vayne traditions false doctrines and superstitious ceremonies as they haue neither iuxta ordinem suum according to their owne order nor sicut praceperat dominus as the Lord commaunded On the other part this your application is a malicious slaunder to the Q. highnesse For she hath not made or appointed to be receiued any strange or new order in religion but reuoked the olde primatiue order of religion ordeined of Christ and hath appoynted the ministers of God to do their dueties secundum ritum suum according to their owne order sicut praeceperat dominus as our sauiour Christ by him selfe and his Apostles hath prescribed to them It is your Pope and Papall Church that offreth strange fire to God that hath appoynted erected those strange and newe orders in religion and therfore hir maiestie hath worthily abolished all those false priests with their strange and new orders and all their false worship of God and in that hir highnesse thus doth she sheweth hir selfe to follow Dauids eâ—…sample like a godly supreme gouernour Thirdly and lastly say you king Dauids appoyntment was that they should serue in the house of God sub manu Aaron patris corum as vnder the spirituall gouernement of their father Aaron and his successors the high Priests Héere agayne to the shew of some aduauntage ye translate sub manu which is vnder the hande importing attendant at hande in their ministerie to the high Priest vnder the spirituall gouernement as thoughe they were exempted from the kings gouernement and so you make your conclusion saying The which words of the Scripture do so well and clearely expresse that king Dauid did not take vpon him any spirituall gouernment in the house of god c. This conclusion is captious and yet not to the purpose There is a difference betwéene spirituall gouernment and gouernment ouer spirituall â—…cclesiasticall matters This ye should conclude not that if ye will confute the bishop And this gouernment ouer spirituall matters tooke Dauid on him the other that is the spirituall gouernment he left entier vnto the Priests without any preiudice to their ecclesiasticall authoritie as ye graunted before And as Dauid therin did so doth the Quéenes Maiestie nowe But what maketh this agaynst king Dauids supreme gouernment that the inferior priests Leuites in their ministeries offices were by the kings appoyntment vnder the hande or spirituall gouernment of their spirituall father Aaron and his successors the high priests as you translate the text Is it not also the Q. Maiesties appoyntment that the inferiour Ministers should serue in their functions vnder the spiritual gouernment of their bishops and bicause it is hir
But followeth it thereon that they agnised him to bee their supreme heade or gouernour This woulde require to bée prooued with some better Logycke As for these examples argue all the contrary that though the Prinâ—…s agnised alway one to be the chiefe Priest and also agnised all other inferiour Priestes Leuites Porters Singers in theyr offices yet all those highe and lowe whatsoeuer acknowledged agayne the supreme gouernement of commaunding appoynting ordring directing and ouerseeing them to doe all their duties dutifully to appertayne not to themselues but to theyr soueraigne Princes And the Princes as theyr seuerall examples witnesse tooke it vppon them in commaunding appoynting placing and displacing all and euery one yea the highest Priest himselfe And therefore where ye say to the Bishop I pray you good M. Horne bring forth that king that did not agnise one supreme heade and chiefe iudge in all causes ecclesiasticall among the Iewes I meane the highe Priest wherein lyeth all our chiefe question Yee haue not yet done it nor neuer shall doe it And ye coulde shewe anie it were not worth the shewing For ye shoulde not shewe it in anie good King as beeing an open breache of Gods lawe giuen to him by Moses as this your doings are an open breache of Christ and his Churches lawe and giuen to vs in the newe Testament These be but your crakes and outfacings master Stapleton The Bishop hath done it euidently that ye require and the scripture is manifest in all these Kings ensamples Nor they were any wicked Kings nor breakers of Gods law giuen by Moses or any other But euen Moses and all the rest were mainteiners of Gods law giuen to them and therfore are worth the shewing Your conclusion that our doings are an open breache of Christ and his Churches lawe giuen to vs in the new Testament I maye well ouerpasse without aunswere dismissing it to your common place of slaunders not onely of vs but of Christ and his Churche and his newe Testament also till ye shewe in what place of the newe Testiment Christ and his Church whom ye ioyne togither in this law making did make and giue vs this law that either our godly Christian Princes should not haue this supreme gouernment ouer their dominions or that your Pope should haue it ouer all the vniuersall Churche And when ye haue proued this proue also this your first new marke to be the verie state and issue here in question betwene the Bishop and master Feckenham or else agnise with shame your selfe that ye runne at randon loosely and altogither vnfruitfully haue employed yours and your Readers labour for all so lyke a Faulconer ye crie marke marke neuer so muche Your first false marke béeing thus reared vppe yée sette vppe a seconde muche lesse lyke the issue betwéene them but much more lyke the malicious slaunders among you saying Againe what president haue ye shewed of any good King among the Iewes that with his laitie altered and abandoned the vsuall Religion a thousande yeares and vpwarde customably from age to age receyued and embraced and that the high Priest and the whole clergie gainsaying all such alterations If ye haue not shewed this ye haue strayed farre from the marke Whether this be the marke or no or whether maister Stapleton of purpose straggle from it the conference of the issue wyth this will soone declare there is no néede to fette the highe Priestes iudgement as in a doubtfull matter Euery childe maye sée not onely howe farre they differ but also what an heape of slaunders on a plumpe he burdeneth like an vngracious subiect his most gracious soueraigne withall As for the Quéenes Maiesties most godly doings are very well confirmed by these examples And in proufe thereof the Bishop euer kept him closely to hys marke that the supreme gouernment which hir Maiestie taketh on hir is none other but such as they before did take on them Hir highnesse hath abandoned olde inueterate errors crept in besides and contrary to the worde of God she saw the ensample in these godly Kings before hir whose doings therein she followed Hir highnesse hath by the aduice and instruction of hir godly learned Clergie reformed religion according to Gods word although the Popish clergie were negligent and gainesayde the same she sawe the ensample in these kings before hir how by their godly learned prophets aduice and instructions according to Gods word they reformed religion although the Priests Leuits were negligent or withstood the same And this hitteth home the marke Any such gouernment syth both their supreme gouernments be so like And therfore in that you charge hir maiestie otherwise is nothing â—…eare the marke but is your owne reprochfull and very trayterouâ—… slaunder The ioly number of a thousande yeares and vpwarde of your vsuall religion is but your common vaunte and what if I sayde your outfacing lie also to deceyue the simple with a countenance of antiquitie the noueltie and late hatching whereof is dayly the more ye striue the more discouered to be nothing so auncient as ye pretende of a thousande yeares and vpwarde Of which number the most part the originals béeing well boulted out may come backe againe halfe a thousande yeares and more downwarde with shame ynoughe But I sée master Stapleton ye haue hoysted vp your Religion so hie that it staggreth againe and higher for falling downeright ye can not get it It hath béene ye say the vsuall Religion a thousande yeares and vpwarde that is a fayre tyme master Stapleton God saue it But what meane ye by this indefinite terme vpwarde Meane you it hath continued a thousande yeares and a little more Alacke Master Stapleton I am sorie for it and for your paynes taking till your armes ake to lyft it vp so highe and yet it commes too too short to be any true Religion For if it be the true Religion of Iesus Christe whie say yee not boldely man it is the vsuall Religion of fifteene hundreth yeares and vpwarde But eyther your armes are too shorte or your heart fayles you to lifte it vpwarde so highe for then the worde of GOD woulde soone controll you and beate it downe agayne And therefore you are contente with a lower sayle to crake that your Religion is yet a thousande yeares olde and vpwarde But as that is a false crake so is it also a vayne crake and serues not the turne yea admitting it were so old as ye boast 1000 â–ª yeares and vpward yet ought it of all godly Princes to be remooued and pulled downe againe except it be the Religion of fiftene hundreth yeares and vpwarde Eâ—…amsi Angelus docuerit aliud Euangelium quà m quod accepistis anaâ—…hema sit Althoughe an Aungell from heauen should teache any other doctrine than you haue receyued let him be accursed The Religion that the Quéenes Maiestie hath set forth thankes be to God therefore is the religion of 1500. yeares and vpward
and therfore good reason that yours giue place to his senior the popish later base born religion of your Romish church to thâ—… first most auncient true religion of that Alpha Omega Iesus Christ himself Master Stap. hauing now set vp these two false markes like to one being out of his way that after he is once ouer his shooes in the myre careth not howe he benâ—…yre himselfe but running deeper through thicke and thinne cryeth this is the way to haue other to followe him so rusheth on master Stapleton still further from the issue and yet taketh euerye thing in his way to bée hys marke and directorie Setting vp the perticuler factes of those Princes that chalenge and take vppon them this supreme gouernement that the selfe same factes must be founde in the ensamples of the olde testament or else hée sayth the Bishop strayeth from the marke VVhat euidence haue ye brought forth sayth he to shew that in the olde lawe anye King exacted of the Clergie In verbo Sacerdotiâ—… that they shoulde make none Ecclesiasticall lawe without his consent as King Henrie did of the clergie of Englande Is this the marke master Stap. betwene the Bishop and master Feckenham to proue in their supreme gouerments euerye selfe same perticuler fact yea the circumstances about or concerning the fact to be all one in them that clayme this gouernment nowe and those that claymed it then since bothe the states the times yea all the ceremonies of religion of the Iewes then and ours nowe are nothing like and trow ye then the princes perticuler doings must be like and euen the same and euidence must be giuen out of the one for euery fact of the other or else their supreme authorities be not alike The issue betweene them is not so straight laced but requireth onely any such gouernment some such gouernment yea he it al suche gouernment to I meane not all suche actions in the gouernment but the supreme directing gouernance authoritie or powre are proued both alike in either princes estate so well ouer eccl. persons in all their functions then or now as ouer the temporall in theirs For by this rule wheras that most famous prince king Henry the eight did sweare also to his obedience all his temporall subiects in ciuill causes as other Princes likewise haue done and do it would be harde to alleâ—…ge an euidence thereof out of the old Testament and yet their supreme gouernments therin were not therefore vnlike As for the ministring of the othe is but a circumstance to confirme the matter and not the matter itselfe And if king Henry were by the obstinate and craftie malice of his popishe clergiâ—… then constrayned for his more assurance to take an othe or promise of them on the honestie of their priesthoode which God wâ—…t was but a small holde as it went then in the moste of them and that no king of those ancient yeres mentioned in the olde testament béeing not moued by the wickednesse or mistrust of his clergy tooke the like othe or promise of their priestes honestie or fayth of their priesthoodâ—… then what is this to or from the matter why their supreme authorities shoulde not be alike in bothe Do not you also say for your side that the highe Priest had suche supreme gouernment then as your Pope â—…othe chalenge now ouâ—…r all eccl. causes â—…nd dothe â—…ot your Pope nowe exacte of all his clergie in verbo â—…acerdotij by the worde of their priesthoode that they shall make no eccl. law without his consent May we not then returne your owne words on your selfe VVhat euidence can you bring foorth to shew that in the olde lawe any highe Priest exacted this of the clergie vnder him And if ye can not as ye can not dothe not then this your wyle reason and newe marke ouerturne the false clayme that your Pope claymeth of such supreme gouernment now as the high Priest had then But his clayme is false his gouernment nothing like For the high priest then tooke not vpon him to make eccl. lawes as doth now your Pope but only obserued such eccl. lawes as God had made to his hande till time of the Pharisies corruption who not content with Gods lawes had deuised besides many fond lawes of their own inuentions when there wanted amoÌ„g them this kingly authoritie To the which so long as it continued the high priest al other obeyed receyuing and obseruing such eccl. constitutions as their godly princes made vnto them So did Aaron first receiue the eccl. coÌ„stitutions of Moses So after him did alâ—…re residue admit the eccl. constitutions of Dauid the rest of the foresaid princes their priests made none of theÌ„ selues without the Princes consent But the princes ordâ—…ined diuers eccl. orders partly with the aduise and consent partly without yea agaynst the wil coÌ„sent of their clergy now then and yet those godly princes exacted of them euen as they were true priests as the stories of Iosaphat and Ezechias mention how they charged their priests euen in that they were the Lords priests which is all one with that you alleage in verbo sacerdotij that they should do suche things as they appoynted them to do And is not this good and authenticall euidence for king Henries doings but that the priests appoynted any suche ordinance without their princes consents will be harde for you to bring the like or any â—…uidence at all for your Popes exacting And if as ye conclude herevpon this exacting to make no eccl. law without his consent be to make the ciuil magistrate the supreme iudge for the final determinatioÌ„ of causes ecclesiasticall then your Pope hauing no such euidence for him by this your marke is no supreme iudge for suche finall determination but it â—…latly proueth agaynst you that the Princes should be the supreme iudges therein And if the exacting of consent importe suche supreme authoritie as héere ye confesse then whereas not onely these ancient kings but also the ancient christian Emperors in the confirming of your Pope exacted that none shoulde be a lawfull Pope to whome they gaue not their consent it argueth that those Emperours were the supreme Iudges for the finall determination of the Popes ecclesiasticall election Which afterwarde when ye come to the handling therof ye renie affirming that although his consent was necessarie to be required yet it argued no suche supreme iudgement in the matter And thus you care not may ye for the time shuffle out an answere howe falsly or how contrary ye counterblast your false The nexte marke is yet further wyde from the issue and more fonde than any of the other for abandoning his Pope and generall Councels VVhat can ye bring foorthe sayth he out of the olde Testament to aide and relieue your doings who haue abandoned not onely the Pope but generall Councels also and that by playne acte of Parliament And
ecclesiastical liuings titles were any Byshop or any member of Christs Church or no euen by your ecclesiastical Canons of which one beginneth NoÌ„ omneâ—… episcopi sunt episcopi al Byshops are not Bishops c. 2. Q 7. Likewise Bernard the Canonist saith Spiritualis gladius ex leui causa non tantum per alios c. the spirituall Sworde mouing and nourishing warres of a light cause not only by other but also by it selfe contrary to right is become a souldiers Sword. Erasmus saith the Popes them selues are rather the successors of such as Iulius Caesar of Alexander Xerxes Croesus and of mightie theeues than the Apostles successors And that there are none so pernicious enemies to the Churche as the wicked Popes that suffer in silence Christe to growe out of knowledge and tie him to gainefull lawes and deflowre him with wrested interpretations and murder him with their pestilent life Call ye these spirituall byshops or rather as Christ said théeues and robbers painted sepulchers rauening wolues or as he called Iudas the Deuill him selfe For why beeing thus degenerate from the office of a Bishop should they haue the name of bishops as their owne law saith Si repriueris nec nomeÌ„ habere mereris It thou want the thing â–ª thou deseruest not the name And as Christe him selfe doth say If the salte haue lost his saltnesse what shal be seasoned therwith it is thenceforth good for nothing but to be cast out to be troden downe of men These are the spirituall Pastors of the popish Church yeathe Popes them selues being worsse than lay men and yet will be Lordes of all ecclesiasticall liuings lay mens liuings too But I will reserue this matter till ye be disposed to commune furder thereon for they touch néerer the ouerthrows of your Popes claime more decipher the hauiour of his Clergie than they come néere the issue of the Princes gouernment The sixte marke that ye set vp is this VVhat good induction can ye bring from the doings of the Kinges of the old lawe to iustifie that Princes now may make Bishops by letters Patents and that for such and so long time as should please them as either for terme of yeres monethes weekes or dayes What an impudent and too too shamefull a sclaunderer you may be marked to be appeareth by this marke M. St. If Bishops haue their letters patents from the Prince for their Bishoprike had they them not also froÌ„ Princes euen in the most popishe time but that they are made for suche termes as ye write you wilfully belie your Soueraigne The Prince in deede at all times if they do not their dutie and so shal be thought vnworthie may orderly remoue inhibite or punish them And of this the Bishop hath alleaged good proofe in the old Testament And yet if there were no proofe of it there what matter can ye make thereon that your Popes did not practise who licenced deposed restrayned limited and that for such and so long time as should please them As Florobellus saithe of the Pope Item facere potest Praelatum ad tempus He can also make a Prelate for a time And can ye finde such bulles of leade from the doings of the high Priest of the olde lawe If ye can not this marke ouerturnes your Popes supremacie more than it commeth any thing nere the Quéenes The Seuenth marke VVhat good motiue can ye gather by their regiment that they did visit Bishops and Priestes and by their lawes restrayned them to excercise any iurisdiction ouer their flockes to visit their slockes to reforme them to order or correct them without their especiall authoritie and commission thereunto yea to restrayne them by an inhibition from preaching which yee confesâ—…e to be the peculiar function of the Clergie exempted from all superioritie of the Prince This marke hath two partes For the former so farre as ye say true the Bishop hath gathered good motiues by their regiment that they did visite Bishops and Priestes and by their lawes restrained them to exercise any iurisdiction ouer their flockes to visit their flockes to refourme to order and correct them without their especiall commission therevnto for what else was their ordeyning and allowing them their commaunding ordering appointing and directing them Except ye meane hereby for ye spâ—…ake it very subtlely that the Bishops could do none of those functions that belonged to their office after they were appointed therto by the Prince but that for euery thing they must haue a speciall commission and than it is a captiouse sclaunder the Prince doth not so But what belongeth to the Prince herein and what to the Bishop in either of their Iurisdictions is to be considered in the fourth booke Sauing that still ye will augmeÌ„t your counterblast by the way of preuention Your other parte of this marke is a manifest sclaunder The Prince restrayneth no Bishop nor preacher with any simple inhibition from his office of preaching but Secundum quid inhibiting your popish seducers from preaching their traditions and erroneous doctrines such false Prophetes as Christ biddeth vs beware of If ye would preach the onely truthe ye might haue good leaue to preache it Now to stoppe the mouthes of false Idolatrouse Priestes the Bishop in these examples hath brought good proofe hereof no preaching is simplie forbidden but Papistes sectaries and other of noughtie or suspected life or doctrine and therefore where in the margine ye biddâ—… your reader Note here is nothing for him to note but your notorieâ—…se lie and your notable argument that ye make thereon Preaching is the peculiar function of the Clergie exempted from the Prince Ergo The Prince hath not authoritie to restrayne a noughtie preacher nor to inhibite him from preaching false doctrine Proue your argument a little better M. Stapleton and then bidde vs note it els is there litle to note in it but much to note in you For your Eight marke say you VVhat thinke ye that ye can persuade vs also that Bishops and Priestes payed their first fruites and tenthes to their Princes yea and that both in one yeare as they did for a while in Kinge Henries dayes Verely Ioseph would not suffer the very heathen Priests which onely had the bare names of Priests to paie either tythes or fines to Pharao their Prince yea rather he founde them in time of famine vppon the common store This marke Master Stapleten of paying first fruites and tenthes to the Prince is bothe wide from the Bishops marke and mere frinolouse For supposing they payde none yet this supreme gouernement still remayned entiere and whole to the Prince nor the paying it to the Prince maketh him supreme gouernour any whitte the more It was an order taken ye know in the time of your Popes superstition and that not long since neither vnder pretence of helping the Church in hir warres against the Saracens but in very déede
to enriche the Popes coafers although he claymed it not by any title of Supremacie but as the keper of the Churches hutche And since by continuance grew to an ordinarie custome as a fée vnto him And afterwarde his vsurpation here being remoued this was also thought good to be better and more profitably bestowed on our owne naturall liege and true supreme gouernour within our owne realme than on a foreyne vsurper to mainteyne his whores and pompe and to empouerish the realme and beat vs with our owne goods And had it bene otherwise disposed or remitted the Prince not withstanding had bene full supreme gouernour But is it so haynouse a matter now for a Prince to receyue tenths or first fruites did not I pray you euen by your Popes dispeÌ„sations and bulles Princes receyue them diuerse times before and if they may receyue them with his bulles why may they not receyue them being giuen by order of the owners euen without his bulles also Now sith ye can make no good argument on the ordinarie paying of tenthes or first fruites to proue your Popes nor to improue the Princes supremacie thinke ye it a good reason to argue from an extraordinarie facte on some occasion or consideration to subuerte an ordinarie authoritie You say they paide both in one yere to King Henrie Were ye not disposed to wrangle and misconster euery facte odiously ye woulde not vrge your reason thus M. Stapleton For admitte ought were amisse therein by ouersight or euer the inconuenience were espied and amended as after ye graunt it was which was eueÌ„ the next yéere following what is this to the impayring of his supreme authoritie if their receyuing of the tenthes and first fruites be allowable as euen your Popes haue allowed the same What caÌ„ye make of the double receipt sauing that he receiued more than he should that yeare of dutie haue receyued if ye make the worst of it And yet thereby it followeth that he might haue receyued them as he afterwarde did and as the Prince now receyueth them But haue ye neuer redde of the Popes dubbling trebling quadrupling and extreme excessiue encreasing of payments vpoÌ„ payments not one yere but euery yere with continuall and vnsatiable polling of the clergie in times past But this coulde ye not remember Your remembraunce serues ye like the hornes of a snayle ye can stretche it out and pull it in as it pleaseth you But the Chronicles that ye pretende to haue read and quote so fast cry out of the Popes vnsatiable dropsie and infinite practises to get golde and siluer And where findes he suche priestly supremacie in all the olde Testament The argument wherewith you confirme your marke agaynst the Princes receiuing therof is yet more fonde and faultie Ioseph would not suffer the heathen Priests to pay either tithes or fines Ergo The Christian Clergie muste not suffer themselues to paye tenthes or firste fruites to their Christian Princes This argument is more Heathenish than christianlike M. Stapl. or student like either but good inoughe for the popish Clergie to grounde them selues vppon Thinke ye the doings of Ioseph in dealing with those heathen Idolaters to be a fit rule to leâ—…el Christian Princes duties towardes their Priests and people or do ye thinke that Ioseph did giue this immunitie to the Priestes more than to the people to mainteyne those Priestes the better bicause they were Priests hauing onely the bare name of Priests as ye say well therein and so being false Priestes and setters out of Idolatrie that they should haue more immunities liberties and wealth than others had you will make Ioseph belike a very holy Patriarke But perchance ye haue espied a greater affinitie betwene those Egiptian Priests and your romish Priestes than euery body was aware of And therefore ye reason substantially from their prerogatiues vnto yours Is it bicause ye fetche your shauen crownes from them or at least that they had shorne heads as you haue as witnesseth Alexander ab AlexaÌ„dro Apud Aegiptios qui sacra ministraÌ„t sacerdotes capite rasi sunt The priests among the Egiptians that minister the holy sacrifices are shauen on the head Or is it bicause the most of your masking trinkets came from thence or is it bicause of your Egiptiacall darkenesse and ignorance that ye kept all people in or is it bicause all your religion lay in mysticall figures and as they dispising ordinary letters had their Hierogliphicall mysteries and signes wherby they set foorth their meaninges so you dispising Gods worde and all good letters your whole religion consisteth in mysteries signes and gestures or is it bicause the Egiptian priests Idolatrie and the Popishe priests Idolatrie is the grossest of all others and the most bestiall or is it bicause as Rauistus Textor telleth of the likenesse betwéen your religious Heremites Anachorâ—… Friers and their priestes called Sarabaytae of whom he sayth Habitabant in foraminibus petrarum induti porcorâ—…m boum pellibus cincti funsbus discalciati sanguine cruentati cauerniâ—… demum exeuntes paâ—…pertatem abstmentiam predicabant barbam spectante populo sibi perâ—…ellebant nummisque tali astu commeâ—…to adeptis remeabant in suas speluncas in summa laetitia furtim dapibus epulabantur They dwelled in the holes of rockes like your ankers and recluses clad with hogges skins and oxe hides like your heremites girte with cordes and barefoote like your friers besprent with bloud lyke your Spanish whippers comming abrode out of their dens they preached pouertie and abstinence like your limitors they pulled away their beards in the sight of the people like your popish shauelings and by this craft and deuise getting money they returned to their dens and in great mirthe they priuily made good cheere So like the one almost in euery iote is to the other Or is it bicause your Ladies chaplaines maiden priests were so like the single priests of Isis Or is it bicause your Nunnes were so like their women priests or is it for that your priests haue claymed such authoritie aboue their princes to take froÌ„ them their estates and realmes yea and their liues at their pleasures as dyd the Ethiopian priests at Merâ—…e of whome sayth Diodorus Siculus Adeò superstitione impleuerunt hominuÌ„ animos vt noÌ„nunquam misso nuncio necem regâ—… Aethiopsâ—… demandareÌ„t nullo detractaâ—…te aâ—…t mandatuÌ„ iâ—…ssionemue abneganâ—…e Superstition did so muche fill the mindes of men that the priests sending a messenger would oftentimes commaund the king of Ethiopia to be killed and nobody forslacked his coÌ„maundement nor refused his bidding Euen a right popish supremacie M. St. And thus they handled at their commaundement christian Princes and the superstitions people were so bewitched that none durst foresâ—…acke or refuse euen agaynst their naturall Princes to satisfie the tyrannie and commaundement of the Pope A great many causes more mighte be suspected why ye pretende so muche for your
they may be â—…conciled and continue together â—…ut you 〈◊〉 in this case of swaruing from the 〈◊〉 the subiect and the Prince may not continue together â–ª 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the man and the womaÌ„ are by their contract in mariage knit inseparably togither especially as the Papists maâ—…e the contract that it is neuer vndone for any vice no not for whordome although they graunt there may be in nâ—…ne but 〈◊〉 déede a separation so the Prince and the â—…ubiect being contracted togither in the polycie of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the one 〈◊〉 faithfull gouernement the 〈◊〉 promising faithfull obedience notwithstanding all their vices that fall out afterwards betwene them may not be â—…ieane parted a sunder the Prince from his authoritio the suâ—…iect from his obediencâ—… but till their liues endes most 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 together â–ª and as the priest â—…an not 〈◊〉 but by your owne 〈◊〉 makes 〈◊〉 againste you But now â—…ay â—…n and moue your question M. Saunders I aske say you if this by name should come in questioÌ„ whether this shoulde not necessarily be aunswered to that King which would become a Christian Let it be that King Lucius come to Blessed Eleutherius the Pope yea or else king Clodoueus to Blessed Remigius and desire them selues to be admitted into the societie of the Christian people But let vs suppose that the Blessed Eleutherius or Remigius answere to eyther of them we are glad most deere Sonne that thou desirest to be made a Citizen of the kingdome of heauen but this thou oughtest to knowe for certaintie that the case is not â—…ke in the kingdome of heauen as it is in the worlde For in the Church thou must liue so that thou make captiue thy vnderstanding to the obedience of â—…aith But thou how greater thou arte in the world maist so much the more hurt the Churche of God â—…f thou shalt abuse the right of thy sworde to the defence of heretikes contrarie to the Catholike faithe No otherwise therfore maist thou haue entrie into the Church than if thou shalte promise that thou wilt persist in that saâ—…h and defende that Church with all thy force which being receiued from the Apostles is continued by the succession of Bishops vntill this daye and dispersed throughe oute all the world But if it shall chance thou doest otherwise thou shalt not refuse but shalt go from the right of thy kingdome and promise to lead a priuate life here if the King Lucius make answere I am ready to acknowledge the ChristiaÌ„ faith but I neither promise that I will defend with my sword the Catholike faith neither will I for whatsoeuer I shall do giue ouer the righte of my kingdome Can the Bishop to this man thus affected minister the Sacrament of Baptisme and deliuer the sacrament of thanksgiuing can he therfore be a member of Christ that will not submit his Scepter vnto Christ and refuseth to serue him Your example and your question hang not together M. Saunders to your last question I answere that he can not be a member of Christe that will not submit his Scepter vnto Christ and refuseth to serue him But what is this question to your former question of submitting himselfe to the Byshop to depose him there is greater difference betwixte Christs Scepter and the Bishops Crosier than betwéene the Kings Crowne and the Bishops Miter But to come to your examples which drawe somewhat nerer to your purpose First trow you that these two examples of King Lucius and Clodoueâ—… will answere al thâ—…se and serue for all Kings I suppose they will not â–ª For these kings receiued Baptisme being of lawfull yeares and â—…ight haue made a voluntarie graunt to all that you prâ—…suppose your Bishops would haue demauÌ„â—…ed of theÌ„ so might haue snarled themselues in their briers and bondage But yeutaÌ„ not presuppose the like of infants especially of those infantes whose parents were Christâ—… Princes before who are baptized long before they are kings And althoughe they might order y child as ill as they ordered y other that â—…o rawly came to ChristeÌ„dome yet would not the parentes being alreadâ—…e Christened bring their Children in such bondage Neither could they demand it of a childe which was not a king nor perchaunce borne to a kingdome but gat it afterwarde by prowesse Secondly these be but vaine presupposals false For although Clodouenâ—… was Baptized by Remigius yet was not Lucius baptized by Eleutherius but either by the two preachers which Eleutherius sent or as it rather appéereth by the content of Eleutherius letters King Lucius was himselfe a Christian before therfore Eleutherius sent them not as Legates nor sent any such conditions by them nor any lawes or ceremonies of the Church of Rome but referreth y King to the word of God and was so farre from taking vpon him to be gods Uiâ—…ar ouer the King his kingdome that in plain words be yeldeth that authoritie title to King Lucius And as for Clodoueus though he call Remigius his patrone author of the discipline and ReligioÌ„ bicause he baptized him in structed him therin yet as for any such couenant or condition not to admit him to the faith of Christ except he woulde sweare before hand that if he would not defend the Bishops their faith he shoulde forsake his kingdome and promise to leade a priuate life Remigius conditioned no such thing no more than Elentherins before had done to Lucius For when Clodoneus being an infidel and yet hauing a Christian wise which made him somâ—…hat more enclinable being in battaile against the Almaines making his vowe to Christ in his distresse to receiue the ChristiaÌ„ faith if he should get the victorie which being obtained and he returned home with triumph willing to receiue the faith of Christ his wise made hast to Remigius the Bishop of Remes Lxhorting him saith â—…onius forthwith to come to the Court that while he wauered yet in suspence he would open to him the way of truth that leadeth to God for she said she feared least his minde puffed vp with prosperitie while he knoweth not the giuer of these things he should contemne him For things that fall oute as we would haue them fall out of our minde likewise in continuance of ryme more easilie than those things that fall out otherwise than we would The Bishop hasteneth to obey the admonishing of the Religious woman He presenteth himself to the sight of the King that nowe a prettie while had aboade his coÌ„ming The faith is declared by the Bishop the meanes of beleuing is taught The King also acknowledging the faith deuoutly promiseth that he wâ—…l serue one god As for the peeres of his Realme armie he will proue his opinion which what it is of this matter he affirmeth that so muche more denoutly they wold submit their neckes to Christ how much more they should see theÌ„selues to be prouoked with
Pastors are placed in the Churche to this purpose that they shoulde vvatche for our soules teach baptise dispence the mysteries of Christe giue open sinners vnto Sathan and in the person of Christe to forgiue them that are sorie for their sinnes according to the Lorde To conclude that they by their keys should bring so vvel earthly kings as other meÌ„ into the kingdome of heauen Sithe therefore as Christe the Lorde of all worthily gouerneth so wel the spiritual as the earthly power and sith the spirituall power floweth not from Christe but as he is redeemer of mankinde and that power is properly ordeined and prouided for the getting of eternall life neither by any meanes can it be saide or thought of a vviseman that Christe vvoulde haue the earthly povver aboue the spirituall in his Church vvhich is all led by the spirite and ought to be lifted aboue all earthly things Truely it is necessarie that in the Churche of Christe vvhiche is one the onely spirituall povver shoulde rule and that the povver of the father the husbande the Lorde yea and of the King himselfe shoulde be altogither vnder the povver of the Pastors appointed of Christ vvhen the matters of the life to come are handled Except Master Saunders of vaine glorie did either delight to much to heare himself or of subtletie went about to tyre and wrappe his Readers he woulde neuer vse so many wordes to so litle purpose Muche of this is nothing but that he hath spoken before and is here in vaine repeated much of it is cleane besides the matter The summe is this that all estates as touching spirituall matters are altogyther vnder the spirituall Pastors The effecte of all this long drift standeth on these two reasons the one of the difference of the two powers to proue the spiritual to be the better the other of the vnion of bothe powers to proue the Priestes alone to rule them both What he hath tolde vs heretofore of the difference concerning the original the vse and the end of bothe we haue hearde alreadie and it is néedelesse to repeat And likewise that all ciuill and kingly povver is as well out of the Church of God as in the Church of God the spirituall power only in the Church is alredy answered vnto And in al these actioÌ„s that he reckoneth vp the King is likewise graunted the inferior Howbeit here is nothing that the King is inferior in things belonging to his kingdome But what is al this to the present purpose that the Priest may depole the King he reasoneth of the â—…mon of these powers that they are all one in Christ that Christ hath both in him and ruleth both so well the secular as the spirituall â–ª and this is likewise answered last vnto Put that here vpon the power of all estates is altogether vnder the pastors power that is not hetherto proued And yet we denie not but that the power of all these estates Father Husband Lorde and King is vnder the pastors power but not altogether vnder it And so we say that all these powers yea the pastors and all are vnder the Kings power but not altogether vnder it All estates are vnder the pastors power bycause hée teacheth all estates of men how to liue in their vocations All estates are vnder the Kings power bycause he ouerséeth in al estates the maintenance of the same So that as Master Saunders rightly saith there is no difference and there is a difference and there is a mixture of these powers There is no difference in respect that all are partakers of the vnitie in Christ in regarde wherof neither Priest nor Prince are better the one than the other or the people worse than both sith all are one in christ There is a difference in respecte of the order and gouernment of the Church which is so distinguished in difference of degrées and callings that as the wife maye not take vpon hir the husbandes office nor the sonne the fathers nor the seruant the maisters so neither the past or maye take vpon him the office of the King nor the King the office of the pastour And there is a mixture in respect that the pastor directeth by teaching of all estates and spareth not the Prince and that the Prince directeth by gouerning of all estates and spareth not the pastor But this mixte power of entermedling confoundeth not the one power with the other neither maye the Prince vsurpe the authoritie due to the pastor nor the pastor vsurpe the authoritie due to the Prince As the one therefore is not confounded and yet medled with the other so the one hath both inferiorship and superioritie ouer the other and yet is neither altogether inferior or altogether superior to the other as here M. Saunders on the vnion and mixture difference no difference of these two powers concludes to exalt the pastor to such an absolute superioritie ouer the Princes that at their liking misliking they mighto depose theÌ„ But now M. sand to confirme this that the pastor is altogether in spirituall matters aboue the Prince procéedeth saying For as the fleshely man perceiueth not the things that are of the spirit of God so neither the fleshly power gouerneth those things that are of the spirite of god For althoughe Kings gouerne the members of Christe yet notwithstanding they gouerne them not in respect that they are the ineÌ„bers of Christ but in that they are yet occupied in secular businesse For the members of Christ may want a King as in times past almost for three thousand yeares eueÌ„ froÌ„ the beginning of the world vntill the kingdome of Saul they wanted an earthly king But yet the members of Christ neuer wanted some pastor bicause faith is by hearing hearing by the word of god But those that preached the word of Christ they were the pastors of the flocke The argument is this That which hath no perceuerance of things that are of the spirit of God ought to haue no superioritie in things that are of the spirit of God. But the Princes power hath no perceuerance of things that are of the spirit of God How proue you this M. Saunders The fleshly power hath no perceuerance But the Princes power is but a fleshly power Proue this better M. Saunders Such as the man is such is the power But the Prince is but a fleshly man Proue this tâ—… M. Saunders He which hath only respect to secular busines is but a fleshly man But kings haue onely respect to secular businesse Proue me this also M. Saunders Although Kings gouerne the members of Christ yet they gouerne them not in respect that they are members of Christ Ergo they gouerne them onely in secular businesse Proue this too M. Saunders If Kings gouerne theÌ„ as meÌ„bers of Christ then would they neuer haue wanted the gouernement of kings but almost for 3000. yeares they waÌ„ted
thoughe it were paste for the certeintie of the diuine prouidence So that yet no acte was â—…ast agaynst Saul or vnto Dauid but onely a declaration of Gods purpose to come Héere was therefore no deposing of the one nor placing of the other As for Samuels other sentence 1. Reg. 15. is more destnite when he saythe For that thou hast caste off the worde of the Lorde the Lorde hath caste off thee that thou shouldest not be king And yet he sayth not héere I depose thee â–ª or the Lorde deposeth thée from thine estate and froÌ„ hencefoorth thou shalte neither be king nor be reputed and taken of the Churche of God for king any longer Samuell sayth not thus nor ment thus nor Saule vnderstoode him thus but desired Samuel to returne with him and worship the Lorde And Samuell repeating his words sayd I wil not returne with thee bicause thou hast cast of the comandement of the Lord the Lorde hath cast off thee And Samuell turned to go away but he caught holde of the skirte of his cloake and it rent And Samuell sayde to him the Lorde hath rent the kingdome of Israell this day froÌ„ thee and hath giuen it to thy neighbour a better than thou And yet in all these so effectuall words Samuell sayth not héere In Dei nomine Amen c â–ª In the name of God Amen I do héere presenly depose thée and so foorth as the Pope vseth to do No all this was but a declaration of the time to come as Lyra saythe Dicunt autem Hebraei c. Some Hebrnes say that Samuel then gaue a signe vnto Saule that he shoulde raigne for him that shoulde cutte off the hemme of his garment VVhiche Dauid did as is conteyned 1. Reg. 24. VVherevpon Saule seeing the hemme of his garment in Dauids hande sayde nowe I knowe for certayne that thou shalte raygne And so the Glosse titeth Sainct Augustine Iste cui dixit c. This man to whome the Lorde sayde the Lorde despiseth thee that thou shouldest not be King of Israell and the Lorde hathe rent this day the kingdome out of thy hand ruled fortie yeres to wite euen as long as Dauid raigned And yet this thing he hearde the first time of his raigne Therefore wee vnderstande â–ª it to be spoken to this ende that none of the stocke of him shoulde raigne He rente it saythe the Glosse althoughe he reygned fortie yeres afterwarde But as then he desâ—…rued that the kingdome shoulde be rente from him and giuen to a better â–ª c. Thus these sayinges and doinges of Samuell were not the reall deposing of Saule from his Royall throne For bothe he tooke him selfe still as King and desired Samuel to honor him before the Elders of his people and before Israell But nowe sayth he honor me Sinon c. Although sayth 〈◊〉 not for my persons sake yet do this thing for the honor of my royall dignitie And so Samuell assented to him willing sayth Lyra to giue it vnto Saule so long as he was of God suffred in the kingdome Nowe as for Dauid Samuell in déede anoynted him and that as you saye priuilie Whiche argueth agaynst you that it was no publike acte of making him king but as it were a preparatiue vnto it and a priuie forewarning of Gods purpose to come Secondly it was a thing of Gods especiall appoynting or else Samuell would not nor coulde haue euer done it Thirdly saythe â—…yra Aduertendum est c â–ª VVe muste marke that Dauid was anoynted to be king not to this purpose that he shoulde streighte possesse the kingdome But when the acceptable wyll of God shoulde come But God did suffer Saule in the possession of the kingdome euen vntill his death And thus we sée vpon this acte of the Lorde by Samuell as well to Saule as to Dauid â–ª héere was yet no suche deposing of the one nor setting vp the other as Master Sanders claymeth héere reasoning from the example of Samuels dooing to Saule and Dauid for the Pope to 〈◊〉 Christian Princes offending and to set vp others in the â—…places The second thing that he gathereth héerevpon is this that the king by the Pope béeing deposed is now no longer true lawful king â–ª but a playne vsurper and a wrongful occupier of the kings seaâ—…e beeing armed with a bande of souldiers but the other that is annoynted or otherwise consecrated by the Bishop in his place shall truely from this day forward be the king and the people ought to go to him and not obey the other And for this he alleageth three reasons First the saying of God by the Prophet Osée Secondly the acknowledging of Ionathas Saules sonne Thirdly the gathering of diuers persons vnto Dauid First for the wordes of the Prophet whiche are these They haue raygned and not by me They were Princes I know them not I answere First these worâ—… are Gods complaynt agaynst the wickednesse of those kinges of Israel â–ª that directed not their gouernment by Gods law not that they were not kings but that they were wicked kings Not that they were by no meanes ordeyned of God for 〈◊〉 potestas est à Deo all power is of God and God sayth in generall per mâ—… reges regnant Kings rule by me so well heathen as faythfull kinges â–ª Pilates power was from aboue These kinges of Israell Ieroboam Achab Iehu c. were of Gods ordeyning Yeà Iehu whose house héere God complayned vpon and sayde he and his ofspring raigned not by him â–ª were yet notwithstanding made kinges and raygned by him In respecte of their ambition and priuate affections their raigne was not of him In respecte of Gods ordinaunce of his iustice of his prouidence it was not only permitted but also especially appoynted of him As bothe the â–ª texte is 〈◊〉 and your owne glosse confesseth for Hieroboam the elder that it was done by Gods will althoughe it were done also by the peoples sinne that regarded not the will of God but â—…llowed their owne selfewil And so in some respecte it was not the worke of God and yet in other respects it â—…as the worke of god And so héere 〈◊〉 himselfe and sayth I know them not Not that he was ignorant of them but he acknowledged not their doings Secondly neither the prophet Osee nor any other prophet tooke vpon them to depose any of those wicked kinges but to declare the wrath and vengeance of God to come vpon them After which declarations they did not subtract froÌ„ them their ciuill obedience count them from that day forward no longer to be their kings or exhorted the Church of God to forsake their polytike gouernment but hauing declared their message from God they let them alone till eyther God him selfe did strike theÌ„ or stirred vp by some especiall and extraordinarie meanes some forren or domestical persecuâ—… of them Thirdly this maketh nothing to proue that those kings
â–ª for the which he was cast out of the house of the lord Moreouer Ioatham his sonne gouerned the house of the king and iudged the people of the Lorde VVho seeth not the bodily casting foorthe of the king oute of the house of the Lorde clerely to expresse that ecclesiasticall power whereby kings taking vpon them the offices of Priests maye be caste out of the kingdome of heauen by the excommunication of the highest Bishop Moreouer if bicause the king was made a Leper the administration of the kings house and the gouernment of all the people was deuolued vnto the kinges sonne howe muche more the infection of heresie which as S. Augustine saythe is signified by the leprie ought to bring to passe that a Prince beeing driuen to the state of a priuate life maye be compelled to leaue his house voyde vnto hys successor This storie of king Ozias as it is already cited by M. Stapleton and was not before forgotten of M. Sanders so héere and in diuers other places it is recited Neither is there any one Popishe writer on this question of Supremacie but he alleageth this exaÌ„ple And as they thus often alleage it so is it often by vs answered and in déede it is casie to be answered for it is not to the purpose and but their malicious slaunder to burden the Protestant Princes with it who take not vpon them to do the offices belonging to the Bishops and Ministers of Gods word and Sacramentes as héere Ozias attempted to do If you can name any suche Prince and such things name them hardly M. Sand but proue it withal else you are but a slaunderer of those that be in authoritie But here M. sand applies this exaÌ„ple to this that the highest Bishop may excommunicate such a Prince and cast him out of heauen Whether your Pope be the highest Bishop or no is still another question But this is out of questioÌ„ M. sand that he is alwayes more ready to cast a Prince oâ—…t of heauen thaÌ„ to bring him into heauen and to caste him out of his kingdome too than to let him enioy it especially if he deale with him although he do not as Ozias did but do the dutie of a godly Christian king But who denieth this M. sand that a godly Bishop may vpon great vrgent occasion if it shall be necessarie to edifie Gods Church and there be no other remedie to flée to this last censure of excoÌ„municatioÌ„ against a wicked king although you can not inferre any suche necessarie conclusion vpon the allegorie of this example But what is this for the expelling him out of his kingdome â–ª and for deposing him from his estate Can you proue that Azarias and his Priests did handle Ozias thus For this is the present question but this you can not finde they dyd and therfore this example serueth not your purpose Well say you they vsed a bodily casting out of the king out of the house of the Lorde Trow you M. sand they tooke him by the héeles cast him out or by the head and the shoulders â–ª thrust him out I trow not that they layde any violent hands vpon him They withstoode him but it followeth how they saide vnto him It pertayneth not to thee to burne inceÌ„se vnto the Lord but to the priests the sons of Aaron that are coÌ„secrated to offer incense Go foorth of the SaÌ„ctuary for thou hast traÌ„sgressed thou shalt haue no honor of the Lord God. This was no resistaÌ„ce M. San. to blam him for his wickednesse wheÌ„ he regarded not their sayings but was wroth with theÌ„ was eueÌ„ ready to offer the incense God stroke him with the leprie So that it appeareth they laid no violeÌ„t hands on him but rebuked him yet in his fury he had done it had not God him self with his sodayn vengeance stopped him If they had béene so disposed béeing forty valiant men besides the highe Priest they might haue wroong the Censor out of his hande and might haue pulled off the Priestly garments from his backe for so Iosephus telleth how he came into the Temple howbeit they resisted him not in suche violent â—…rte But say you when they espied God had once striken him with the leprie then quickly they thrust him out But not with violence M. Sanders Non explicatur expulsio c. saythe your Cardinall of Caieta thrusting him out is not expressed but the Priests when they sawe the Leprie warned the leprous king to go foorth Neither néeded he then any great warning Sed ipse c. For the king himselfe beeing terrified made haste to get out bicause he felte foorth with the stroke of the Lorde so that he was not only moued of the priests but also moued of him selfe féeling the 〈◊〉 of God to go out of the Temple What great violence was here done of the Priests to the King except their rebuking or warning of him either before his presumptuous attempt or after Did they strike him No God stroke him M. Sanders and not the Priests for all they were so many tall fellowes and had mighte inough to haue striken him If your Pope therefore and his Prelates will take this Bishop and his Priests for their example they muste be as S. Paule sayth no strikers nor fighters chiefly not not agaynst their Princes they must be mightie but not in blowes but potentes sermone mightie in the word to reproue the wickednesse of Princes and so resist them as S. Paule sayth he resisted Peter to his face not that he buffeted or pâ—…meld him with his fiste aboute the face as Bishop Boner did his prisoners But he resisted him in spéeche reprehending him and with such resistance these Priests resisted the king â–ª and all Bishops may and ought to resist all wycked princes but this is farre from deposing them or sollicitâ—…ng other Princes to make warre vpon them or mouing their subiects to rebell agaynst them But master Sanders brgeth further what followed The king beeing a â—…eper dwelt in a house apart til the day of his death and his sonne gouerned the kings house and iudged the people of the lande What is this M. Sand to the Priests deposing of him that he dwelt aparte For beeing a Leper God in his lawe had so appoynted Leuit. 13. Neyther dyd the contagion of his disease suffer the administration of his office Howbeit neither for his offence nor for his punishmeÌ„t therof was he deposed froÌ„ his kingdom his sonne made king but the sonne as his fathers deputie â–ª administred the affaires of his fathers kingdome so for al this Ozias continued king euen til the day of his naturall deathe whiche was a longer time if your Glosse be true after this fact than he had beene king before this fact coÌ„mitted â–ª For saith your owne glosse Volunt Hebraei c. The Hebrues will haue it that this hapâ—…ed in the 25. yere
that 〈◊〉 both 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the literal sense you would â–ª thus â–ª must straked If the matter of Christes parable of the Cockle growing togither with the wheate I graunt that we ought to auoyde such cohabitation as may conueniently be auoyded But such cohabitatioÌ„ as cannot be auoyded without the incurring of another greater sinne must not be denyed As the husband to denie câ—…habitation with his wife though he be faithfull and she an Iâ—…fidell yet if she will tarie and dwell with him he can not put hir away for â—…ir infidelitâ—…e Nor likewise can the faithful â–ª woman forsake the man thoughe he be an Infidell neyther can the childe denie his naturall obedience to his parentes cohabitation with theÌ„ though he be faithfull and they be Infidels Neither can the faithfull seruaunt denie his ciuill obedience and cohabitation with his Maister although his maister be an Infidell as were the most in S. Paules time and yet he would haue none denie cohabitation with their maisters no thoughe they were rough and cruell besides their infidelitie And shal the subiect then denie his politike cohabitation â–ª and ciâ—…ill obedience to his liege Soueraigne and lawfull Prince for pretence of diuersitie in religion Eightly â–ª I answere if you will néedes apply this separation of the Leper to a morall or mysticall signification yet serueth it not to the deposing of the person from his Câ—…ill estate or to his exelâ—…sion from a common weale but to hys exclusion of morall vertue or to his expulsion â—…ute of the 〈◊〉 of grace from beeing a â—…ber of the mysticall comâ—… weale whiche letteth not but that he maye remayne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nâ—…thly I answere your conclusion that you make for kingâ—… so well â—…s oâ—…h 〈◊〉 men fayleth â—…n this example of king Ozâ—…s â—…or neither was he deposed by y Priest or by any other man but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 king â–ª so long as he is of king Ozias â—…thly I answeâ—…e that al this 〈◊〉 â—…ere admitted maketh nothing against protestant Princes but it maketh much agaiÌ„st popish priests For if vnto all that bring into the Church straunge doctrine straked as it were with the spots of Lepry cohabitation must be denied Then the Pope and all your popish Priests being founde to bring into the Church other doctrine than God hath taught in his holy Scripture are to lie thrust out of Gods Churche if worse should not happen vnto you by the figure if you will go to figures of Nadab Abiu that offred straunge fire before the Lorde and were consumed with fire from heauen but beware you of a fire in hell And thus much to your figure of the Leprie for deposing Princes which if we denie you say as is your common saying we haue not our common senses But had you had your priuate senses when you made this argument you woulde haue béen better aduised ere euer you had made it common and had Printed it but you did but as other had done before for the argument before was common But what doe I reason sayth Maister Saunders Athalia the Mother of Ochozias murdered all the Kyngly seede excepte Ioas whome Iosaba had hidde in the house of the lord Moreouer Athalia raigned ouer the lande seuen yeares But in the seuenth yeare Ioiada the Byshop taking to him Centurions Captaynes and souldiors made a couenant with them and swore them in the house of the Lorde and shewed vnto them the kings sonne and gaue theÌ„ in charge what they should doe and brought out the son of the King and set the Crowne vpon him and the testimonie and made him King anoynted hym But Athalia when she sawe the King standing vpon the Tribunall according to the maner she cryed out treason treason But Ioiada the high Priest commaunded the Centurions and saide carie hir out without the boundes of the Temple And whosoeuer followeth hiâ—… let him be striken with the sworde And Athalia was killed in the Kyngs house Ioiada therefore made a couenant betweene the Lorde and the King and betweene the people And Ioas dyd that which was right before the Lorde all the dayes wherein Ioiada the Priest dyd teache hym Doe we not here playnely see the whole knowledge of the Kyngs cause to haue bene belonging towardes one high priest He calleth the souldiors Iudgeth the Queene that had ruled seuen yeares to haue raignedvniustly and commaunded hir both to be deposed and killed and in hir place dyd substitute Ioas to be King and subiected hym vnder the Lorde and placed hym aboue the people All which things sithe they were well done is it not nowe true according to the sentence of the diuine Scripture that the Byshop oughte to knowe of the causes of Kings and Emperours whether they be iuste or vniust For what so euer the Byshop in thys kynde doth whether he define the King to be deposed or to be placed he is no other than the Angell of the Lord out of whose lyppes as well Kyngs as priuate men oughte to requyre the lawe of the Lorde The hygh Priest is as it were a sequester as betweene the Lorde and the Kyng so betweene the Kyng and the People So whyle one Iudge in the Churche is ordayned bothe betweene Kings themselues sturred vp wyth mutuall contentions and also betweene them and theyr People infinite occasions of warres and tumults are cutte off Maister Saunders here firste asketh what he doth reason If he can not tell what he doth reason surely I know not But this I knowe that it was but a very weake reason and therefore belyke he was wearie of it and wyll returne agayne to vrge vs wyth example And here to knit vp the olde Testament he alleageth the example of Ioiada the high Priest for the kylling of Athalia and the substitutyng of Ioas to bée king But this example whiche beareth yet a face to come farre nerer to the purpose than any thyng spoken hetherto notwythstandyng if it be well considered is as farre from the purpose and as muche wrested vnto it as the other I omit that he still kepeth his old practise in iumbling together diuerse pieces of the scripture and not to set downe the text as it lyeth and yet he maketh a distinction of letter as though it were all the text Which and it were not his common vâ—…age of the scripture were the better to be borne withall and might be imputed to the â—…ters negligence as it often falleth out but in so often handling thus of the scripture it is not tollerable But to the example First I answere this pertayneth nothing to the questioÌ„ in hand for the deposing of a King. Here is no King deposed Here is an vsurper that had no righ so the kingdome killed And to your owne expositor Lyra saith vsurpauit sibi regnum Iuda prius describitur â—…uiusonodi vsurpatio She vsurped to hir selfe the kingdome of Iurie and this kinde of
vsurpation is first described And the text is plaine that she had no right The right Kyng was Ioas when his brethren were slâ—…ine Therefore here was no deposing of hir Neyther durst you say that Ioiada deposed hir but he comaunded hir both to be deposed and killed Although for commaundement of deposing hir you finde no suche thing for she was not their lawfull gouernour this therfore serueth not to the purpose of deposing a lawfull Prince and that for heresie which was not layde to hir charge neither was she killed for that cause but as a traytresse to the Crowne as a murderer of hir owne bloode and as a mere vsurper of the kingdome that belonged nothing to hir And therfore Ioiada did but as a good and faithfull subiect should do to his liege Lord and to his heyres after him and not as one that by his Priestly office had power ouer the royall estate Secondly I aunswere that the doyngs of Ioiada herein were vpon such especiall occasions necessities that it is euill drawne of you to an ordinarie example For none of the Priests either did the like or coulde claime to doe the like to their kings as Ioiada had done muche lesse to be drawne to an example for y ministers of Christ to follow First Io ada was the vncle by affinitie vnto Ioas for Ioiada the highe Priests wife was sister vnto King Dehozias whose childreÌ„ Athalia being their Grandmother did murther saue that Ioas being a new borne babe was priuily conueyed away by his Aunt Iosaba the highe Priestes wife where he was closely norished in the Temple till he was sixe or seauen yeares olde Good reason had Ioiada to kéepe the yong King his Cousin and more righte thereto than any other not by vertue of his Priestly office but being thus of God sent vnto him by his wines industrie for the childes close and safer preseruing in the Temple And yet this nourishing a childe and his nourse in the Temple coulde so litle be drawne to any ordinarie example that if necessitie had not enforced it it had not béene allowable As euen Lyra noteth out of Rabbi Solomon Quod puer nutrix sua c. That the Childe and his Nourse vvere kept in the loft of the Temple of the Lord vvhere nobodie durst approche but the Priestes and the Leuites that kept the holy vessels there layde vp to the entent they might there the better be hidden And althoughe it vvas othervvise vnlavvfull for a vvoman and a childe to be there yet in such a necessitie it vvas lavvfull As Dauid and his men did eate the Priestly breade being driuen in necessitie vvhich notvvithstanding othervvise had bene vnlavvfull for him Thus can not this déede of Ioiada for the nourishment of Ioas be drawne to any ordinarie example Neyther durst Ioiada be knowne of this déede that no doubt had cost him his life had it bene but suspected Whiche argueth he had no ordinarie authoritie to put downe the Princes no not this very vsurper being also a murtherer and an Idolater In al whiche cases if he had had any ordinarie power and right thereto be woulde no doubt haue openly professed and auouched his doing and not haue kept it so long close and priuilie watched his oportunitie But nowe the childe being thus by the highe Priest and his wife preserued and nourished which childe had the onely to the crowne lay it not him vpon was it not his dutie yea his obedience too bothe that he ought before to his brother in lawe deceassed and to this his yong nephewe extant that the childe should haue his right inheritance and to whome belonged the procurement hereof rather than to him that had the childe in custodie besides that he was his vncle sith no man of any countenance knewe hereof but he howe should the childe haue gotten his right but by him But did he make the child King by his priestly authoritie as though the Priestes had had the interest to appoint and make such Kings as they pleased No but it was the duetie of the one to procure it and the right of the other to haue it And yet that he did not this of himselfe the text saith plaine he toke and brought Centurions and Souldiors to him into the TeÌ„ple Here consequently saith Lyra is discribed the InstitutioÌ„ of the true heire by the carefulnesse of loiada the high priest seking to this the assent of the Princes nobles of the kingdome So that he sought their assent help or euer he would detect the Childe vnto them And for this present necessitie he brake the order also of the priests courses that King Dauid had appointed for the sonnes of Aaron Leui to minister wéekely then to giue place to other These he stayed for the more number strength to establish the yong King in his right so by these extraordinarie meanes he crowned him king caused the murtherer and vsurper to be killed This fact therfore of Ioiada can not be drawne to an ordinarie example except in these points that euery good subiect so much as in him lyeth shoulde preserue the lawfull Kings childreÌ„ and heires not suffer any other to whom the inheritance belongeth not to vsurp the crown but the right and lawful heire thereof to enioy it to expell al intruders vsurpers chiefly such ty ants as séeke their vsurpation by execrable murthering especially suche as against nature destroy their own bloud and al such as by any other trayterous meanes aspire to the kingdome and so far forth as they conueniently can to helpe to restore the lawfull heire therto as to whom only they owe their homage and are sworn This is al godly subiects and so all godly Bishops priests duties in euery Christian kingdome Thus may this doing of Ioiada be drawne to an ordinary example which we denie not But what is this for Bishops to giue kingdomes from the right heire to him that hath no clayme therto but by the Bishops gifte who giues a large thong of another mans leather as doth the Pope giue kingdomes froÌ„ one to another hauing no more right to giue them than the other to take them Which is not to expel an vsurper but for one vsurper to set vp an other vsurper whiche is no more lyke this example than an apple is like an â—…yster Thirdly I answerâ—… for Ioiadaes knowledge of the kings causes he had them not in respect he was the high Priest but in respecte he was the vncle the guardian the norisher and protector of the 〈◊〉 person béeing a childe and yet this is spoken by M. 〈◊〉 without the booke that after the coronation he had the knowledge of the kings causes Neither yet if he had the knowledge of theÌ„ the king béeing in such estate somuch beholding to his vncle a general rule could be made there or was made among the Iewes or
Princes and earnest defenders of the faith and Church of Christe And all true subiectes maye sticke the faster in all duetifull obedience to their naturall Princes detesting the foraigne vsurpation of the Pope and all the traiterous seducings of these his chaplaines That Antichrist may haue the ouerthrow the Prince may haue the regiment the truth mayâ—… haue the victorie the reader may haue the benefite and God aboue all things may haue for euer the glory through Iesus Christs our onely Lord and Sauiour So be it FINIS Psalme 2. VVherfore be ye now aduised O ye Kings be ye learned ye that are Iudges of the erth serue ye God vvith feare and reioyce vnto him with reuerence kysse the sonne leà st he be angrie and so ye perishe from the right vvay if his vvath be kindled yea but a little blessed are all they that put their trust in him Luc. 6. Prefac 2. Fol. 59. b. 1. Pref. pag. 1â—… Fol. 5 b. F de ma. te â—… qui habet serâ—…um c. 1. Prefa pa. 19 â–ª I. Fol. 1. a. Prefa diui 1. Master Feckéhaâ—…s further meaning than he durst vtter Winchest Stapleton Fol. 1. a. Pref. sect 1. 2. Bridges Our chiefe end in this coâ—…nouersia The Papistes chiefe ende in this controuersie M. Stapleton misreckâ—…neth in his nuÌ„bers 3. Winchest Stapleton Pref. â—… sect 2. Fo 2. b. M. Stap. pipeth avvâ—…oÌ„g round 4. Fol. 5. a. Pâ—…efa diuis 3. False translations 5. fo 6. c. 1. di 1. The false title of M Feckeohams treatise 6. 7. fo 6. c. 1. di 1. 8. f. 9. b. c. 1. di 2. The coÌ„lecture of others help 9. Fol. 10. diui Passing good manners 10. Winchest Stapleton Fol. 10. diui 2 Bridges A good meaning M. Stapletons well meaning in an il matter M 〈◊〉 baptisme 1. Cor. 2. 11. Fol. 10. diui â—… 12. Fol. 10. câ—…p 1. diuis 2. The feare of M. Feckenaâ—…s shrinking froÌ„ his confederates Fol. 11. b. 14. Folâ—… 13. a. diuil 3. The giuing vp of M 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 15. Foli 14. a diuis 4. M. Feckohams and the Papists disobedience 17. 18. 19. The Papistes sighs and grones for a chaÌ„ge The Pope takes vpon him to be God. The Pope clay meth the Queenes maiesties place Foli 28. Fol. 30. b. diui 6. M. Sta. confesseth that Mast. Feck spoyled Queene Mary of hir royall power What is catholike 〈◊〉 Fol. 30. cap 4. diui 6. 25. Fol. 32. diui 7. The toure M. Feckenhams holde 26. M. Fecknhams charges in the tower defrayd by his frendes 27. Folio 32. diui 7. M. Stapletons vnorderly reckoning his vntruthes 28. Fol. 35 a. diui 8. Whether falshod may bee known or no. Genes 3 Iohn 3. 29. Foli 35. a. diuis 8. Fo. 35. diui 8. M. Stapletons cunning handling the matter M. Fecknhams yelding to the supremacie in K. Edwardes reigne 31. Fo. 35. diui 8. The coÌ„ference had with maister â—…eckeÌ„ham â—…n king â—…dwards reigne 32. Foli 35. a. b diuis 8. 33. Folio 39. a. diuis 9. Fol. 40. 2. diuis 10. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. Fo. 42. diu 11 Moyses 39. Fol. 45. a. diuis 12. Iosue 40. Foli 45. a. diuision 12. Eleazar 41. Fol. 46. b. diuis 13. Dauid 42. Folio 48. b. diuis 14. Salomon The execution of Gods sentence empayteth not the Princes suprem authoritie 3. Reg. 2. 1. Reg. 2. 1. Reg. 3. M. Stap. falsly wresteth the text to his aduauntage How Salomon fuâ—…filled the prophecie How Soule also fulfilled the prophecie Gods foretelling of things 43. Fol. 48 b. diuis 14. 2. Paral. â—… M. Stap. quarel at the print of the letter not at the matter 44. Fol. 49. diuis 14. M. S. standeth on the termes of the scripture and le ts go the matter of the scripture 45. Fol. 49 b â–ª Diuis 15. 46. Fol. 52 a. diuis 16. 47. Fol. 52. a. Diuis 16. 50. Fol. 58. Diuis 18. Fol â–ª 58. Diuis 16. M Stapletons fortresse S. Aug. iudgement of the catholike Church 52. Fol. 65 a. Diuis 19. 53. Fol 67 a. Diuis 20. 54. Fol. 67 a. diuis 20. 55. Images and Idols Fol. 67. b. Diuis 20. 59. Fol. 69. Diuis 21. 57. Fol. 70 b. Diuis 22. 59. Fol. 71. a. diuis 22. 60. Fol. 71. â—… Diuis 22. M. Sta. graunt out of Sainte August 61. Fol. 75. Diuis 23. The vnderstan ding of Eusebius Fol. 75. diuis 23. 63. Fol. 75. b. diuis 24. Fol. 76. Nicephorus compareth Emanuell or Andronicus to Constantine the greate 64. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â–ª b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Whether this Emperor were Emanuell or Andronicus 65. Fol. 76 â–ª a. Diuil 24. Fusebius his pâ—…ayse of the Emperor 66. Fol. 76 a. Diuis 24. 67. Fol 79 a. Diuis 25. The woorde godlynesse in S. Paule comprâ—…hendeth religion Fol. 79. â—… diuis 25. Racking a sentence 68. 69. Fol 81 b. Diuis 26. Stapl. Pag. 22. 23. Prefa 1. Staplet Pag. 24. Prefat 2. Stap. Pag. 24. Sâ—…p Pag. 24. Stap. Pag. 24. Stap. Pag. 25. Stap. Pag. 25. Stap. Pag. 25. Prefat 2. Stap. pag. 26. Stap. Pag. 27. Prefat 2. Stap. Pag. 27. Pref. 2. Aug. de vâ—…ilitate credendi â–ª Cap. 9. Stap. Pag. 27. Stap. Pag. 27. Pref. â—… Stap. pa. 27. Pref. 2. Stap pa. 27. 28. Stap. pag. 28. Stap pa. 28. Pref. 2. Stap. pa. 29. Pref. 2. Stap. pa 28. Pref. 2. Stap. pa. 29. Pref. 2. Ephes. 2. Stap. pag. 29. Pref. 2. Esay 48. Ierem. 17. Stap. pag. 29. Pref. 2. St. pa. 29. 30 Pref. 2. Stap. pa 30. Pref. 2. Stap pa. 31. Pref. 2. Sâ—… pa. 31. 32 Pref. 2. Stap. pa. 32. Pref. 2. Stap. pa. 33. Pref. 2. Stap. li. 1. ca. 1. Fol. 1. Stap. fol. 1. Winchester Fol. 2. b. 3. a Stapl. fol. 3. a. The state of the coÌ„trouersie and principall question M. FeckenhaÌ„ DiuisioÌ„ 8. Pag. 6. b. St. fol. 3. a. M. Sta. requireth sixe considerations to be graunted or euer he enter into the question Stapl. 3. b. The first consideration 3. Reg. 2. The seconde consideration St. fol. 3. b. The third coÌ„sideration Stap. fol. 3. b. The 4. consideration Stap. fol. â—… b. The. 5. consideration Stap. fol. 3. b. The 6. consideration Stap. fol. 3. b. Stap. fol. 4. a. Sta. fol. 3. a. b. Stap. fol. 4. â—… Stap. fol. 4. a. Stap. fol. 4. a. Stap. fol. 4. a. Stap. fol. 4. b. Stap. fol. 4. b. Stap. fol. 4. b. Winchester SecoÌ„d diuisioÌ„ Stapl fol. 5. a. Fol. 6. a. b. Feckenham Winchester Fol. DiuisioÌ„ 1. St. fol. 6. b. St. fol. 7. a. St. fol. 7. a. Stap. 7. a. Stap. 7. b. Stap. 7. b. The title of L. Bishop Sta. fol. 7. b. Stap. S. â—… The papistes argument of B. succession Galat. 2. Stap. fol. 8. â—… 1. Tim. 4. 1. Tim. 3. Hebr. 13. Canon 6. Stap. fol. 8. b Stap. 10. b. The disputation at West An. 1. Eliz. Stap. 12. a. Stap. 12. a. Stap. 12. a. b Stap. 12. b. Stap. 13. a. Stap. 13. a. Psal. 95. Stap. 13. a. Stap. fol. 13. a. Fol. 13.
a. Stap. 48. The papistes shiftes from Priestes to Peophets and from Prophets to Priests for the Popes primacie How highely Popâ—…sh priests esteeme of theÌ„ solues Deut. 13. 3. Reg. 22. 3. Reg. 18. Math. 7. 1. Pap. 25. 1. Par. 23. 1. Par. 24. 1. Par. 25. 1. Par. 26. Both the chiefe prophets and cheife priestes vnder the appoyntment of the king 2. Par. 29. Stap. 48. a. Carolus Magnus an vnlike match to Dauid Stap. 48 â–ª The lawe of King â—…uo Priuileges of Princes to the clergie well or yll vsed The Pope and his prelates like the Iuy Stap. 48. b. Stap. 49. a. The Queenes Ma estie by the Papists shamefully 〈◊〉 Win. Pag. 9. a. Cap. 12. Stap. 48. b. The example of the supreme gouernment of K. Salomon Salomons dedeposing the high priest Stap. 48. b Salomons example deposing Abâ—…athar applied by the papists to Queene Mâ—…rie deposing the archbishop Cran. Fol. 44. b 45 b. 47. a. 48. b The difference betwene Q. Maries and king SalomoÌ„s doings Stap. 49. â—… Stap. 49. â—… Stap. 49. a. Master Stap. question and dilemma Stap. 49. a. The difference of the phrase for the princes sacrificing and the princes de posing Abiathat The question and the dilemma returned on the papists Sup. fol. 217. a Stap. 4 9. â—… The highest priest a traytor A traytor The Bishop of Rome a traytor to the â—…mperor of Rome Stap. 4 9. a. 3. Reg. 2. Stap. 4 9 a. The ministerie and executing of Gods sentence debarreth not the princes supremacie Stap. 49. â—… The issue 〈◊〉 question Master Stap. graunteth the Pâ—…ince to be chiefe ruler in some ecclesiasticall causes What the authoâ—…tie of depâ—…sing the Pope implieth A difference betweene the chiefe â–ª ruler of ecclesiasticall causes and the chiefe doer of them The example of king Iosaphats supreme gouernment Cap 13. Sta. 50. a. Sta. 50. a. Wherein christian Princes must go beyondâ—… kâ—…ng 〈◊〉 hat 2. Par. 20. Sâ—…a 50 a. Iosaphat direc ted ecclâ—…siastical matters not by the commandement but by the aduise of the prests Sta. 50. a. Sta 50. a. Sta. 50. a. Sta. 50. a. Psalm 2. Sta. 50 a. In cle si Rom. N 22. de prebendis Supra 205. a. Stap. 50. a. b. Sta. 50. b. Stap. 50. b. How contemp tuously the papistes esteeme of the examples of the scriptures 2. Par. 17. Preachers sent of the prince Lyra in 2. patal 17. The princes progresse about religion Lyra in 2. paral 19. Vatablus Lyra. Iustices of the peace Lyra. Stap. 50. b. Sâ—…apl 51. â—… The princes forme and order in proceeding Stapl. 51. â—… Stap. 51. â—… Religion only proceedeth froÌ„ God the preaching proceedeth from the ministers the direction and ordering from the Prince Stapl. 50. b. The Papistes denie not only the Princes go uernment of ecclesiasticall matters but also of ecclesiastical persons Supra pa 47. â—… Stapl. 5â—…â—… King Iosaphat did not deale sclenderly in ecclesiasticall matters but as his chiefest charge 2. Paral. 19. Lyra in 2. Paral 19. Nothing ecclesiasticall or temporal exeÌ„pted from the chief ouersight of the Prince no not of the cases Deut. 17. that the Papists chiefly boast vppon Stap. 51. â—… The iniuÌ„ctioÌ„â—… of princes for the obseruatioÌ„ of ecclesiastical matters and threates of displeasure for the breache of them Lyra in 2. Paâ—…al 19. The king iudged ecclesiasticall causes in that his debiâ—â—e iudged them 2. Paral. 19. Stap 51. b. Diuine matters not excluded from the kings office The priest the princes commissioner 2. Paral. 17. Stap. 51. a. Lyra in 2. Paral. 19. Vatablus Sta. 50. a. The prince commandeth the Priest. Fol. 52. a. The example of king â—…zechias supreme gouernment in ecclesiastical causes 4. Reg. 18. 2. Pat. 29. Stapletoa Caput 14. Fol. 52. b. Lyra. Ecclesiasticall matters by K. Izechias newly established To be readie and seruiceable to fulfill Gods determination debarreth not the Princes supreme gouernment Ezechias executed Gods commaundement and the clergie the coÌ„maundement of Ezechias Lyra in 2. Par. 29. 2. Par. 29. Lyra in 2. Par. 29. Lyra. Iniunxiâ—… 〈◊〉 Praecepit renouationem diuini cultus Imagines Idololatriae multas The popishe fond destinction of â—…mage and Idoll 4. Reg. 18. The Princes predecessors disposing debarreth not his supreme gouernment The subiection to Gods commaundement embarreth not the Princes supreme gouernment The doing it by the handes of the prophets or any other embarreth not the Princes supreme gouernment Stap 53. â—… The asking counsell of others debarieth not the Princes supreme authoritie in the doing 2. paâ—…al 30. Lyra in 2. Par 30. Sâ—…ap 53. â—… Ezechias did many things neuer so done before â—… Paâ—… 30. Lyra in 2. Paral. 30. Lyra in â—… Paral. 3â—… 2. paral 31. The commendation and application of K. Ezechias Stap 59. a. A proper shifting answere muche vsed by M. St in these examples Supra 50. b. Stap. 53. a. Daniel 7. Apoc. 12. Gal. 1. The name of ministers 1. Cor. 4. 3. Reg. 18. Daniel 14. Stapl. 53. a. The popish priestes now not like the true prophetes The Papistes shifte from Priests to Prophetes Fol 53. a. The example of King Iosias his supreme gouernmeÌ„t in ecclesiasticall causes Sta. Caput 15. Stapl. 53. a. b. 4. Reg. 23. 2. Par. 34. 35. Lyrâ—… Iosias trauaile by his kingly authoritie Stap. 53. a. b. The trauailes of good catholike princes Whether we or the Papists let vp Idols Sta. 50 a. How the popish prelaâ—…s vsed christian Princes Howe the Q. Highnes follo with the ensample of Iosias 4. Reg. 23. Monkes and Nunnes celles pulled downe Sta. 53 b. Stap. 53. b. Master Stap. stragleth from the marke and calleth on the Bishop to kepe him to the marke The issue in question betvvene the Bishop and master Fecknam Sup. â—…ol 136. a M. Stap. settes vp ix â–ª nevve markes both differing from M. Feck and the Bâ—…shops issue and also from his ovvne former marks and yet cryes oâ—…t on the B. for straying from the question The Papistes play like the Lapvving The issue Stapl. 53. b. M. Stapletons first falâ—… marke The kings agnising the high Priest in the old testament inferreth not that they agnised him their â—…npreme gouernour St. fol. 53. b. St. fol. 53. b. M. St. second false marke The conferring of the Q Maiesties doing with these auncient and godly kings The Papistes vaunt of 1000 yeares antiquitie The Papistes dare not stretch their crake of antiquitie to Christe or to 1500. yeareâ—… and vpvvarde Galat. 1. Stap. 54. a. M. Stap. thirde false marke In the proofe of the supreme gouernment the proofe of euery particuler fact is not necessarie The issue betweene the B. and M. Feck The taking an othe The othe to the Pope The high priest in the olde law did not as the pope doth novv The kingâ—… in the olde lawe charged their clergy on their priesthood for eccl. matters Sta. 54 â—… Stap. 54. â—… M. St. fourth false marke The Prince abandoneth not godly bishops though he abaÌ„ don the Pope The abandoning of the
on a vvrong principle M. Saunders examples of a vvoman and a chylde M. Saund. argument not only excludeth a vvomen and a chylde but also a man from the supreme gouernement The Papistes are culpable of womens doing eccl. actions Diuers thinges that women cannot wel do themselues and yet can well ouersee them done by others 1. Corinth 4. Saunders 59. Saunders 59. Esaie 62. Hebr. 10. 1. Conn 10. How the kinges or the prestes or the Churches authorities are greater or lesser in sundrye respects M. Saunders graunteth the gouernmentes of the Church in the old testa ment to bee a figure of the Churches gouernment in the new testament Saunders 60. Leuit. 4. 1. 2. 3. 4. M. Saunders argument of the more worthy beast offered in Sacrifice The difference in the things offred made the difference of worthinesse in the offerer Leuit. 2. Leuit. 3. Leuit 8. Leuit. 9. M. San. argument from the dignitie of the former recital M. Saunders confutes himselfe Sand pag. 60. Philo in lib â–ª de victimis The testimonie of Philo Iudeus Euseb. lib. 2. cap. 17. Origenes in Leuit 4. Allegories How Philo maketh the Prince inferior to the people The example of a body naturall conserred with a bodie politâ—…ke sand pag. 60 â–ª Wherfore God ordayned these diuersiâ—…ies of sacrifices Why the prists sinnes are first reckoned Leuit. 4. Lyra. Why the priest offered the Bullocke â–ª Lâ—…ra in Leui. 4 Why the peoples sinne is reckoned in the secoÌ„d place The Churches vniuersall igraunce Leuit. 4. Glosse interlineata Why the people offered the like thing that the priest offered Sand. 60. M. Saunders contrarieth himselfe Sand 60. Psal. 104. Hebre. â—… Num. â—… Ierem. 33. Annoynting Psal 44. Saunders 60. Iohn 13. Math. 24. M. Saunders graunteth the ministers to be lesse than the people Saunders 60. Saunders 60. Iosephus de Antiq. â—…udaic lib. 3. cap. 10. sand pag. 60. Theodoretus in Leuiticum quest 1. Procopius in Leuiticum Sand pag. 61. Hebre. 7. Leuit. 9. The Priests blessing Daniel 3. Saunders 61. 3. Reg. 8. Hebre. 7. The Papistes shifte for salomons blessing the people Lira in 3. â—…e 8. The people blesse the king 1. Reg â—…6 1. Reg 20. Iosue 14. 4. Reg. 10. Tob. 7. Iudith 13. sand pag. 61. 1. Reg. 8. M. Saunders woulde make the king gouernement to be contrarie to the priests and prophets blessings The Popes blessing and cursing Psalme 101. The question Among all the Iudges but one priest and one prophete gouerned the Churche of God. Rom. 9. Wherewith God was offended for the peoples demanding a king 1. Reg. 10. Lyra. 1. reg 10. The kings estate immediatly froÌ„ God and aboue al other representeth him Saunders 61. Psalm 95. The Popisâ—…e priesthoode hath no resem blance of God. The tyrannie of the Popishe Priestes gouernment Sand. 61. Sand 61. Difference betweene the kings vâ—…ces his office Priestes leade the people to Idolatrie The highe Priestes before the building of the temple The highe Priestes after the building of the Temple Nâ—…hem 13. Iosephus lib. 1â—… â–ª anti ca. 7. Nehem. 13. Iosephus lib. 12 ca. 4. 2. Mach. 4. 2. Mach. 4. Ioseph li. 13. ca 4. Whether the priests or the Princes gouernment among the Iewes were worse Sand. 61. Gregorius in 1. reg li. 4 ca. 4. Gregorie brought out of place Gregories sentence contraries it selfe Howe Gregories sentenceis graunted vâ—…to Gregorie acknowledged the princes supremacie ouer himselfe Gregorie reproueth them that called him vniuersal Pope The title cheif of the priests or chiefe priest improued in in the Popes owne decrees Saunderâ—… 61. The king and the priest made for the peoples cause The kingâ—…e state made for the honor of Christ and represented Christe as well and better than the priests estate Rom. 4. How farre the kingdome of christ surmouÌ„teth his priesthood Math. 6. Saunders 61. 2. Corinth 3. Comparison betwene the ministers of the olde and new testameÌ„t Math. 20. Mark. 10. Luke 22. In outward glory the ministers of the new testament are inferior in inward glory superior Sand pag. 61. Saâ—…d pag. 61. Psalm 2. Math. 10. Kings ought to be learned The Popishe priestes would be princes mai sters and gouernors vnder preâ—…ence of teachers How the teachers are aboue and vnder the princes whom they â—…eache Exodus 18. 2. Reg. 12. Iudith 8. The Simlitude of a scholemaister Howe the prince thoughe himselfe not learned directeth lawes for learning Sand pag â–ª 62. Math. 28. From teaching to gouerning is no good coÌ„sequence Succession of the Apostles consistes in teaching The Pope teaching not as Peter Paule did is not their successor Sand pag. 62. Esai 49. The similitude of a nource Sand. 62. See Chrysost. in C. 13. ad Rom. Hebr. 13. The respectes of a king of a Christian and of a man. Deut. 17. The Christian Prince regardeth further thaÌ„ the natural or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 M. Saunders would dissuade vs hoÌ„ the Prin ces supremacie by the successe thereof The Papistes rayling and sâ—…laundering of K. Henry 8. Sand. 63. Epistola Iudae K. Henry 8. â—…claundered to 〈◊〉 his subiects King Henry 8 selaundered with counterfeyting the coyâ—…e What coyne the Papistes counterfeited King H. selandered with his wiues Leuit. 18. 1. Paral. 15. King Henrie not the firste that toke vpon him this supre macâ—…e King Henrieâ—… prosperitie after hee had expelled the Pope sand pag. 63. The Papists de facings of K. Edwarde The Prince sclaundered to take an ecclesicall primacie If K Edwarde were as full a king as his father then he had all the right of his father Sand. 63. Christes age when he begaÌ„ to preach Distinction be twenâ—… the kigs nature and hâ—…s person and his office Saunders 6â—… Gal. 4. The doings of the kings gouernors in his nonage at the kings owne doings Sand. 63. M. Saunders preuention answere to our obiection A childe maye be a king euen by Gods lawe ImperfectioÌ„ of the person inferreth not im perfection of the lawe Saunders 6â—… The more the Papistes discoÌ„mende king Henrie the more it redouÌ„deth to his coÌ„mendation The Papistes argument of a childes successioÌ„ to blemishe the supremacy doth rather confirme it Saunders 63. 1. Tim. 2. The shortnesse of King Edwards raigne no argument against his authoritie Queenes Maries raigne shorter than king Edwards The supremacie of a woman 1. Tim. 2. The vnderstan ding of Saint Paules sentence for womans silâ—…ee and subiection pag. 59. Caietanus in 1 Tim. 2. Catharinus in 1. Tim. 2. 1. Cor. 14. Saunders 63. Queene Maries refusall of this title If the reasoÌ„ of the sequele be ought loke on the euents in Queene Maries raigne after hir refusall of the supremacie Saunders 63. How the Papists sclander the Queene The prosperous successe of the Queenes Maiesties raign since hir first taking on hir this supremacy â—… Sand pag. 64. M. Saunders graunteth to Princes to assigne the tyme and place to Councels M. Saunders speaketh contraries The Papistes make Princes but as priuate men in their Councels Sand.