England during the raigne of fourtie yeares notwithstanding â—ll the pressures vexations dishonours rapines slaughters impriâ—onments and deaths which they haue suffered in this space at the hands of Protestantes Puritans and Atheists for their religion VVhich afflictions layd together haue byn more then euer subiecteâ— since England was a monarchie suffered at home in this kynde Now then mark that which followeth If we looke one our own chronicles we shall scars finde any one Princes raigne though oâ— far fewer yeares then this euen when the people were all of one reliâ—gion and none of these afflictions and pressures layd vpon them buâ— that many more commotions troobles and rebellions happened then in this long tyme and among so infinite exasperations haue insued And if we looke vpon the short raignes of king Edward Queen Mary and the parte of king Henryes tyme after alteration in religion there is no comparison And whence cometh all this trowâ— you but of the singuler vertue and vnspeakeable patience of the Catholique subiectes of our tyme vnder her Maiestie that haue liued and suffered all this with gronning only and secret teares without further breach to defend themselues or reuenge ther iniuries And truly when forayn nations do both see and read the bloody list of lawes made against Catholiques and Catholique religion in England within these forrtie yeares and do heare of the rigorous execution of thesame together with the incredible molestations that therby are layed vpon so great and potent numbers of people that lack noâ—â—corage also to aduenture euen to death it self in fauor of their said religion they rest astonished and do wonder how either the countriâ—â— can remayn voyd of continual tumults or the prince free from infinitâ— dayly perils seing that desperation in such matters is the next dore to all extremities especially the persecution beinge so rigorous and violent so vniuersal and exorbitant as infinite people are interessed and touched therby either inmediatly by themselues or in their children seruantes kinsfolkes or frendes whereupon fynallie they do greatly admire as I haue said the modestie patience and longanimitie of the English Catholiques And so much the more for that the Protestant when he is vnder and disâ—auored hath no patience at all but breaketh out continually to most violent tumultes and rebellions If we do consider the deportement of the protestantes in Queen Maries tyme and how euery moneth almost they had either rebellious or new turbuleÌ„t practises against the state and Queen not being ashamed at length also by publique bookes to make all weomen incapable of royal gouernement a man would think this fellow very shameles not to blush to make this discourse agaynst Catholiques so soon after those broiles of his owne people And yet these differeÌ„ces are to be noted in the cause first that Q. Maryes gouernement dured but â—tle more then foure yeares and this of her Maiestie hath donne fourty â—en were the principal protestantes not touched nor pressed but now â—o Catholiques at all is spared they were restreyned only from brining in of nouelties these are forced to renounce their old religioÌ„ that â—om the first coÌ„uersion of the land they and their fathers haue profesâ—ed and vowed to keep they had few or no forrayn princes of their â—eligion round about to geue them courage or assistâ—nce these haue â—e most and strongest in Christendome and yet are quiet and this for England But if we passe our eye beyonde this litle Iland also and consider â—hat reuel these frends of Sir Francis though not of Saynt Francis â—aue made in other countries since the beginning of their innouaâ—ions to witt in Germanie France Flandres Poland Swethland Demnarke and Scotland agaynst their true and lawful princes what â—rmies campes battayles and insurrections what desolation of counâ—ries cities townes and linages they haue caused and what slaughter â—nd hauok of Christian blood they haue procured more impudent and â—idiculous will this clamor and exaggeratioÌ„ of our crowching knight â—eem to be about two earles only that vpon feare of force gathered â—heir seruants neighbours and tenants together and presently fled â—nd of two or three other gentlemen wherof the one was put to death â—or hauing a description of certaynes portes and hauens only found in â—is chamber and for that he had some intelligence with the Queene of Scottes and with Don Bernardin de Mendoza Embassador for the King of Spayne resident in England though nothings els could be â—roued against him the other went beyond the feas for that he could â—ot lyue with his conscience at home and neuer hurted them since And of two earles more committed the one vpon suspition and nothing proued against him that was known before his piteous death which God only knoweth how he came vnto the other for flying first for his conscience out of the realme he beeing taken on the sea and brought back again and after diuers yeares of imprisonment without any further matter layd to his charge was after condemned principally if not onely for a Masse heard or caused to be said in the tower of LoÌ„don which was such a treason as all his noble ancestors would haue byn glad to haue ben coÌ„deÌ„ned for his posteritie may glori that he was for that neuer Earle in England synce it was Christian was euer brought to the bar for such and so glorious and so holy a treason And to conclude all these accusations in deed layd together against English Catholiques are but very tryfles and triuial things that dayly happen in moste quiet peaceable commonwealthes where no man is afflicted by the state at all But that infinite greater and more haynous stirres and breaches haue not bin raysed within the space of fourtie yeares where so deadly differences in religion and so continual persecution against so great a body haue bin in vre this I say as I sayd before that to men of iudgement and indifferencie and of experience in gouernment is a maruelous wonder and a moste famous canonization of the patience magnanimitie and fidelity of English Catholiques and her Maiestie and the realme are happy that they haue such subiects And if they will not beleue me let them but turn the leaf a litle against protestants puritans and other new sectaries and restrain them from their desires and pinch them with persecution but a quarter of that they haue donn to Catholiques and they shall se and feele by experience which kynde of people is more apte to obey or to woork turmoiles and perils to their weal-publique and gouernours And therby also will appear the vanitie and malice of this impertinent and spitefull slanderer who endeth his inuectiue with these woords There is no end saith he with this people their practises are pestilent their perswasions perilous their platforms traiterous and to serue their turn they want not cunning to execute all so violent they are in their vilanies and treasons and so shameles
controuersie yet might he speake his mynd playnly being in the place and dignitie he was when occasion should be offered which I shall indeuour to expresse more cleerly â—y the example following In a great and noble house where there are many children of the â—elf same parentes if those parentes do come to breach and to fall out â—etween them selues what can the children do but besorowfull and â—ent and sigh at such contentions without taking willingly any â—arte for that they loue feare and reuerence both the parties that â—â—e fallen at debate for which respect also they dare not so much as to â—terpose ther iugdmentes and censures in the controuersie except they â—â—e forced and especially they onger sorte of children who be fitter to â—eepe and morne such contentions then to determine them with â—heir verdict yet it is not so altogether with the elder brethren that â—eing come to mannes estate learned and wise seing the breach to grow greater daylie between their sayd parentes and superious haue authoritie and right to speake more freely then the rest And not only to intreat for peace but to interpose also their iudgmentes though euer with due reuerence to both partes as wel in the question de iure as de facto that is to saie not only to iudge and discerne where the greater authoritie or higher preeminence of commanding lyeth by right either in the one parent or other in the father or in the mother but also in the particular fact about which they fell out to wit who had more reason then the other or who was most in fault which second point is much more hard hatefull subiect to offence then the first yet may discreet louing childreÌ„ say their opinion also in that behalf wheÌ„ need requireth without breach of dew respect dutie Euen so then standeth the case in this our controuersie Her Maiestie being our Queene is therby also a mother and norisheth vs her subiectes as a carefull parent the Bishop of Rome to al catholique men of the world is their spiritual father that hath principal care of their soules by Gods commission and for such hath he euer byn taken and is at this day in all the catholique states and kingdomes of Spayneâ— Franceâ— Italyâ— Germanie Pooland and other prouinces that hold the ancient beleef of Christendome And so hath he byn held also by all our ancesters kinges and Queenes cleargie and temporaltie of England for aboue a thousand yeares together But now our sayd two parenteâ— are fallen at debate for which all their Catholique subiectes who are children to them both are hartelie sorie and do lament the case all sortes of people commonly both lay men preestes within England do hold their peace and sobbe at the matter as yonger children and do only attend to praie to God for their good attonement and so do the rest also that are abroad in other nations But yet if doctor Sanders doctor Bristow doctor Stapleton doctor Allen and such lyke that are men of greater learning antiquitie and iudgment and elder brethreâ— among the rest if these men I say do put in their iudgmentes concerning this controuersie of their parentes as wel de iure as de factoâ— that is do tell first what authoritie and iurisdicton either temporal oâ— spiritual each one of these two parentes and superiors haue wherin they are or ought to be subordinate the one to the other and secondly de facto ipso if the falling out it selfe do insinuate where and by whome the cause of this breach and discord was first or principally offered and which parte hath most fault in this contention and disagreement if they do this I saie as any subiect may do in any other Catholique kingdome of the world without offence in lyke controuersies between his prince and the Pope why should this acte be made so haynous a cryme by this our skolding knight as to call so worthy a man as our late Cardinal was an archtraytor a tugling compagnion a shameles dissembling lyer that villanously stuffeth his booke with blasphemous slanders diuelish persuati ns and impudent lyes agaynst her Maiestie Let all men iudge of this mannes immodestie THE FIFTH INCOVNTER ABOVT IESVITES AND FATHER Persons in particuler vvhether they seeke the Queens blood as Sir Francis affirmeth FOR the grownd and foundation of all that is to be examined and discussed in this conference and incounter I shal first set down the accusation of Sir Francis in his own woords which are these that insew I do not heare sayth he that the Popes holinesse is so purged from ambition or so reconciled to religion as he meaneth not to continew his clayme for the Supremacie or will cease to setle the dreâ—ges of his poyson and superstitious doctrine among vs. I cannot perceiue that the thirst of Parsons and his pew fellowes is yet quenched for seeking the blood of our deare Souereigne and in her the destruction of vs all the cause remayning still for which heertofore they haue sought it c. This is the knightes narration or rather calumniation fraught as you see with his ordinarie tearmes of dregges poyson and bloodshed with which his accustomed knightly speach is wont to be â—awfed Wherin so much as concerneth the Popes holinsse sbalbe considered of more amply afterward in a perticuler conference that we are to haue about his holinesse actions authority and iurisdiction Now only is to be noted the fond and ridiculous manner of Sir Francis fantastical writing telling vs very grauely that he doth not yet hear for belyke the poore man doth much hearken after it that the Popes holinesse is so purged yet of ambition or so reconciled to protestants religion as he meaneth to leaue of his old clayme of spiritual Supremacie ouer England or his indeuoring to setle Romish doctrine among vs for I omit willingly the tearmes of dregges and poyson as more fit and proper to Sir Francis dish who feedeth vpon so many old heresies condemned for poysoned dregges by Gods Catholique churche for so many ages past and this tale of Sir Francis is no lesse ridiculâ—â—â— and childish then if he should say to any temporal prince or to the Queen of England her self that he seeth not her Maiestie so purged yet from ambition as to leaue of her claym of commaundry ouer all her tealm or of setling iustice in her name throughout her dominions for that no lesse proper and essential to the Popes office and state is Ecclesiastical Supremacie ouer all christian nations in Ecclesiastical matters as after more particulerly shalbe proued then to her Maiestie the commaundrie ouer England in temporal affaires And as to her Maiestie by vertue of her royal authoritie it apperteineth and incumbeth to setle and mainteyn iustice throughout her realmes so to the Popes pastoral and Apostolical authoritie is annexed the obligation of preaching and setling his doctrine by himself or others throughout all Christian states and
decreed with himself that neither she nor any of that cursed nation so he termed it and yet the Popes holines had absolued it should gouern England any more But blessed be God who hath blessed vs with the lyfe and raigne of our blessed Queen who I trust shall liue to geue him such a deadly blow as neither his cursed self nor any of his cursed nation iustly so to be called because the Pope that cursed man of sinne hath blessed them shall euer see the day to rule in England And thus you see that vnder the colour of this mariage saluation of soules seemed to be sought for but in deed destruction both of our bodies and soules was pursued c. for without regard of sex age or degree all were destined to slauerie and bondage at the least howsoeuer they escaped with lyfe This is your sottish and impudent narration Sir Francis for what can be more sottish then to say that your wyse author before named discouereth vpon his owne knowledge and hearing that the kinges intention was to roote out the nobilitie to oppresse the commonaltie to slea or send to Barbarie for slaues all that were born within twentie yeares before If your author knew this of his owne knowledge how say you also by hearing and if he heard it of others how could he know it of his owne knowledge But whatsoeuer you say how could he in Spayne discouer so great a secret that lay in the kinges brest in England Besydes this how incredible are the thinges in themselues that he recounteth namely that dreame or old wyues tale of making all slaues within twenty yeares old of which number and within which age he had taken diuers already into his seâ—uice in England and vsed singular curtesie vnto them and one of his Grandes in Spayne to wit the Count after Duke of Feria had maried an English ladie that as I ghesse was within the compasse of that age or not much aâ—boue it at that day and should all these haue byn sent think you to Barbarie together Impudencie then it is in this fond knight to alleage such improbable and palpable lyes out of an author without name and much more lack of shame is it to auouch them himself for truthes and to adde other fables that are yet more monstrous as of the kinges destining to slauerie bondage not only those before mentioned that were borne within the space of twentie yeares but of all other English also as this man sayth without regard of sex age or degree and that he vsed to call our nation cursed euen then when the Popes holines had absolued it who will geue eare or credit to such absurd inuentions And further to fill vp sayth he the full measure of his impietie he had layd his plot to destroy and make away the lady Elizabeth now Queen wheras all the world notwithstanding knoweth the king to haue byn at that day her cheefest stay and defence as before I haue shewed at large in the third incounter as also that verie litle plotting of the kinges behalf would haue serued at that tyme to haue wrought his will if he had wished her destruction for the manifold reasons that there I haue alleaged he fynding her in disgrace and in prison at VVoodstock when he came into England and hardly pressed about wyats insurrection from the peril wherof and other lyke assaultes he espetially deluiered her and procured her return to the courte agayne and consequently I sayd there and heer I repeat it agayne that it is most barbarous ingratitude in this vnciuil knight to pay the carefull protection of her person which his Maiestie yealded to her grace in those dayes of her distresse with these intolerable slanders and outragious false criminations now and that no modest man can cease to wonder how so infamous a libel could be suffered by supreme authoritie to passe to the print espetially conteyning diuers other personal reprochefull contempteous and villanous calumniations agaynst so great and potent a prince as the king catholique of Spayne is And namely that where this good fellow hauing told a story how one Fabritius the Roman Captayne refusing the poysoning of his enemie Pirrhus that was offered to him for money by his physitian he sent the sayd physitian bound to Pirrhus himself and then he addeth this illation But the king of Spain delt not so with the Queen our mistris when her poysonable portugall phisitian Lopus would haue poysoned her for from such hopes he taketh hart c. By which wordes he would haue men to imagin that his catholique Maiestie had either hired Lopus to do that fact if any such matter was indeed intended or at least that he was priuie consenting to it for how otherwise could he haue warned the Q. of the danger intended and yet it is manifest that no such matter was euer or could probably be knoweÌ„ to the king of Spain Neither did euer Lopus giue any such signification or suspition at his death or before of the king of Spaines priuitie nor was he a man to haue correspondence in Spayn being knowen to be a Iew in religion fled from those parts and was enimy to the king in all respects as wel touching religion as the afaires of Portugal and onely England is the receptacle of such people at this day nor had his catholique Maiestie any Embassador or other agent or correspondence in England to plot such treaties nor euer was it heard that he would hearken to such base wayes of reuenge vpon his enimyes And therefore all this put together doth make it more then Turkish impietie to put in print such infamous stuffe agaynst the Maiestie of so high a prince by name without any proof at all as though there were no God no conscience no iudgement to make account vnto nor any respect in earth to be held to such as are in lawful authoritie which yet our dreaming knight himself alitle before will needes proue out of Sâ— Peeter and S. Paul to be due to such princes as he liketh to assigne it euen in spiritual and ecclesiastical matters belonging to the soule and consequently also to an other tribunal so vnconstant and mutable are these good fellowes not only in their sayinges and doctrines but also in their actions as led wholy by passion and interest and referring all to times persons and occasions seruing their turnes and commodities And thus much haue I thought conuenient to be answered to the malitious calumniations of this slaÌ„derous wach-word-giuer against the noble and renowned nation of Spanyardes and their most Catholique pious wise and potent king whose excellent vertues are greater then by my pen can be expressed and his loue and fauors to our nation such and so many especially in this extreme affliction and banishment of catholiques as no gratitude of ours can equal nor make due recompence in the state we stand in and therefore must leaue it
Spiritus autem viuificat the letter or literall â—ound doth ofteÌ„ tymes murder the reader the only spirit that is the internall true and spirituall meaning of the Scriptures doth giue lyf And albeit S. Augustin in his learned booke de Spiritu litera doth extend these woords of the Apostle to a farther meaning also yet he teacheth this too and so do the rest of the ancient fathers namely S. Hierom â—d Nepotianum handeling the story of king Dauid 3. Reg. 1. where the â—ong virgin Abisag was sought out to heat him in his olde adge S. Hierom sayth that if we should follow literam occidentem the murâ—hering letter it seemeth a iest and fable but if we fly to the hidden spirituall sence and meaning it is most holy But now let vs aske of you Sir Knight how wil your vnlearned â—eaders those whoÌ„e you cal dim glimering people discerne these things without a guyd such as the Catholique Church doth appoynt for â—xpounding the Scriptures to simple people by Catechisms SermoÌ„s Homelies teaching of pastors and the lyke without deliuering the whole Bible into their handes to be vsed or abused to their destruction Furthermore you cannot deny but that the vnderstanding of Scriptures is a particuler gift of God reserued especially vnto Christe who had the key to open the booke sealed with seuen seales as S. Iohn testifieth and to the same effect is it recorded in S. Lukes Gospel for a singuler grace bestowed by our Saueour vpon the Church tunâ—â—peruit illis sensum vt inteligerint Scripturas Then after his resurrection did he open to them the sence wherby they might vnderstand Scriptures of theÌ„selues For euer before he had interpreted the same lightly vnto them as in the Gospel apeareth He sent also S. Phillip the Apoâ—tle by commaundement of his Angell to goe and interpret a certain place of the Prophet Esay vnto the great Eunuch Tresurer of the Q of AEthiopia when he would conuert him And it is to be obserued that albeit Christe might haue opened the sence of the Scripture to himself immediatly yet would he send him a guide Yea though the sayd Eunuch were learned as may appeer by that being an AEthiopianred the Prophet in Hebrue and though he were also instructed in the Iews religion as it is proued by that the storie recordeth that â—he came to adoie in Hierusalem yetall this notwithstanding was he so far from the pryde of our peeuish prowd protestant people now a dayes which make no bones at any difficultie of Scriptures as when he was asked by S. Phillip Putasneintelligâ—s quae legis thinkest thou that thou vuderstandest the Scripture which thou readest he answered how can I vnderstand it except some body do expound the same vnto me which answere I beleeue many a good wife in London that goeth vp and downe with her Bible vnder her arme would be ashamed to giue if she were asked whether she vnderstand the whole Bible or no. These then Sir Knight are the reasons why some of those your glimmering and inlightened people were restrayned by Catholique discipline to read vpon Gods booke as you call it vulgar translations noâ— to bar them from light as you malitiously calumniate but rather leasâ— they being but half blynde should become whole blynde that is tâ—â— say madd and obstinate blynde of ignorance and vnlearned blynde for such effects doe insew some times of the rash reading of this booke of God when therof is ingendred falshood and HeresyeÌ„ that is the doctrine of the diuel for proofe wherof let vs consider whether in aâ— thowsand years together in England France Germany and other places of Christendome while this prudent restraint of Catholiquâ— church lasted of not permitting all ignorant people to read Scriptures at their pleasures in vulgar languages without an interpreter there arose so many Sects Heresyes and alterations about Religion as there haue risen in fifty or threescore years since this reading was left open to all there is no comparison And if we consider only England theâ— matter is euideÌ„t that more sects haue sprong vp of late by many degrees Yea though we leaue all other sects that are permitted or wiâ—ked at in England respect such only as haue bin punished openly by the magistrate namely such persoÌ„s as haue bin whipped or burned in London Norfolk and other places for Heretiques in the tyme oâ— her Maiestyes raign that now is for denying Christe himself or otherâ— poyntes of the blessed Trinity being altogether vnlearned people as our Chronicles testifie of whome I ask had they euer fallen into such errors and obstinacie but only by reading Sciptures in the vulgar language had euer william Hacket dreamed himself to be Christe or william Geffrey before him but by this way we see then the inconuenience In King Henries tyme when Tindal had translated and printed the new Testament in English at Colen and began to seck meanes to haue them dispersed in England the laws and kings commandment being then against it there was a certayn foul fusteluggs dishonest of her body with base fellows as was openly reported whose name was Ioan knell alias Burcher if I forget not who beginning to be a great reader of Scriptures her self became a principall instrument also in that tyme to deuulge such Bibles as were sent especially in the courte where she became known to certayn women in authority and to conuey the bookes more safty she vsed to bynde them in strings vnder her aparrell and so to pass them into the courte but her neerest freÌ„dship was with An Askew whoÌ„e king heÌ„ry afterwards caused to be burned for denying the reall preseÌ„ce in the SacrameÌ„t of the Aulter But this other scripturian profited so wel as in the fifth yeare of king Edwards reygn she was burned also by the protestants of that time for denying Christe to haue taken flesh of the Virgin Marie Who when she was codemned to dye spake very scornfully to the Iudges and saied It is a goodly mattâ—er to consider your ignorance it is not long agoe since you burned Ann Askew for a peece of bread and yet came your selues soone after to beleeue and professe the same doctryne for which you burned her now for sooth you wil needs burne me for a peece of fleshe in the end you will come to beleeue this also when you haue red the scriptures and vnderstand them and when she came to dye in Smithfield and D. Story endeuored to conuert her she skoffed at him saying he lyed like c. and bad him god read Scriptures And thus much may serue for the repelling those clowds mists and darknesse which this wach-woord-giuer wil needs imagin to be amoÌ„g vs for that all coblers do not clowt Scriptures in our commonwealth But let vs see now what positions and principles he sayth we haue for our direction amiddest this darknesse In these darke and clowdy dayes sayth he least
who haue instituted the degrees of Doctors Licenciates Maisters and Bachelers and apointed preferments for them you or we And to speake of positiue Diuinitie only and Scriptures wherof you will seeme to bragg who haue conserued and published the Bible in the learned tongues of Hebrue Greek and Latin euen in our dayes Were not the Biblia Complutensia in all three tongues printed and set foorth by the expences of a fransiscan frier Cardinall Ximenes Arch-bishop of Toledo within these three or fourscore yeares And were not the last Biblia Regia set foorth in foure or fiue tongues by Catholique men by the authority and charges of his Catholique Maiestie of Spayn And are not the Comentaries written vpon the Scriptures by Catholique men euen at this day aboue twenty for one more then those of Protestants why then do heretiques lyke apes bragg and prate in presence of lions that in euery kinde oâ— learning do bear them downe But now to the second position VVhen they had thus setled this blinde cours saieth our knight to keepe the people from knowledge c. Then they offer an other position that it was not for lay men to medle with matters of religion that belonged only and wholy as 〈◊〉 priueledge to Priests thereby making them secure and careless of God and aâ— godlinesse In setting downe of this forged position there is some subtlety ioined with impudencie For first in the former parte where he sayth we hold that it is not for lay men to medle with religion he subtely leaueth doubtful this worde medle either to signifie that lay men must not determine or defyne matters of religion or els not to medle or care for them at all In the former sence we graunt that in Synods and Counsels where coÌ„trouersies of fayth are to be treated Priests and Clergy-men haue only authority to define and determine for that S. Paule sayth that they are apointed by the holy Ghoste to gouern the church though before they come to determine they do help themselues also by the learning of lay men and take their iudgement when they may giue light as in all Counsels is seen But in the second sence it is moste impudeÌ„t that he inferreth that hereby we would make lay meÌ„ secure careleâ— of God all godlinesse For how doth it follow The Queen of EnglaÌ„d doth refer the determinatioÌ„ of all good lawes orders vertuous proceedings within the realm vnto the voices of her priuie counsell or of the parlament ergo heerby she maketh free secure and careles all the rest of her realm from obseruation of good orders law and honest behaueour Or in the self same matter of religion I may argue thus the determination of matters of fayth is remitted only at this day in England to Bishops ministers and not to their wiues ergo heerby those â—ood wiues are made secure and careles of God all godlinesse there 〈◊〉 no difference in the consequence at all VVherfore as malice here lost her eyes so doth she also her wits in â—hat which followeth for presently he leapeth to raile vpon the â—aints of heauen and namely vpon S. Thomas of Canterbury though â—mpertinent to his purpose for he was treating of lay men as you â—aue hearde whome he sayth we make careles of God and all godlinesse â—or that we refer the determination of controuersies in religion not â—nto them but vnto Priests only and now let euery one consider how â—his consequence holdeth which enseweth and it is enough sayth he â—f one of these fellowes come diligently and deuoutly to hear masse goe to confesâ—ion once a year to be as religious a man secundum vsum Sarum as could be wiâ—hed and though he were to be tainted and to be taxed with the grossest sinnes â—et Rome by the authority from their vicar generall had at rik to hale them into the â—able of their Saints and so to canonize them as we haue example of Thomas Becket in Henry the thirds tyme whose treasons to the prince were apparent and manifest c. But before I answere in the cause of S. Thomas I will aduise this â—alumniator first that his skoff of a religious man secundum vsum Saâ—um is ridiculous on his side if we compare him to his holy ministers that follow the vse of the tauern at chaering crosse do neither heare masse nor go to confessioÌ„ once in seuen yeares nor meane to amend or â—â—ake satisfaction and then it is a great lye that we require nothing els â—ut going once a year and a far greater that men of the grossest sinnes â—re made Saints among vs and finally nothing els is heer but iests and lyes Secondly I put Sir knight in mynde that talking of lay men S. Thomas example that was a Priest and head of Priests was not to his purpose Thirdly moste grosly and ignorantly he erreth in the tymes for that S. Thomas his death and canonization was in King Henry the second and not the thirds as fondly he affirmeth but aboue thirty years before king Henry the third was borne Fourthly that this poore man maketh an vnequal match to fight with Saints and will rest in the end with a broken head And finally that he sayth S. Thomas his treasons to his prince were apparent manifest is a manifest slaunder For there is nothing in all the whole discourse of his controuersie with King Henrie the second that sauoureth of treason or that impugned any one law of the realm then in vre For that the recourse he made to Rome was lawfull at that day as it is now in any other Catholique country The controuersie was only about the liberty of the English Church which the king sought to abridge and the other as primate to defend Nor did the king or his officers chardge him with treasons nor could they by any shew of Iustice. For if in euery contention or dissention that a spiritual subiect or Ecclesiastical Prelate may haue with his temporall prince the subiect shalbe condemned of treason according to this seruile censure of Protestantes that to flatter princes make them absolute lordes both of body and sowl then Iohn Baptist also must be accompted a traytour that dealt so peremptorily with his king Herod that was his liege Lorde in temporal affayres Or if you will haue examples of Christian princes S. Ambrose must be a traytor first for resisting openly his Lord and king Valentinian the yonger then for handling so hardly the elder Theodosius Emperour in Millan as he shut him out of the church and made him goe home agayne with shame and do penance S. Hilarius also S Athanasius shalbe traitors for their contentions with Constantius their lawull Emperour and temporall Lord who bâ—nished them from their Bishoprikes And the former of the two wrote two vehement bookes inuectiues agaynst the sayd Emperour and yet no man euer accompted him a traytor for the same but rather a
his dignitie Bishopâ—ke held in the tower all the tyme of that gouernmeÌ„t wherin the â—uke ruled all but yet the duke being condeÌ„ned to death knowing â—e gentle nature of the Bishop that he was nothing vindicatiue he â—esolued to rely vpoÌ„ him of all other men so made petitioÌ„ after senâ—ce of death geueÌ„ agaynst him that he might speake only with the Biâ—hop before his death as well about matters concerning his soule â—nd conscience as also for disposing of his other affaires VVhich peâ—tion being graunted though somewhat hardly by the Queen and â—ouncel for that it had byn hindred by the Dukes aduersaries that â—new and feared in this case the Bishops tendernes of hart at last he â—as sent to the tower in the company of an other Councelor to be â—resent at their talke who afterward recounted and I haue heard it â—om his own mouth the hartie teares that the said Bishop shed at â—e sight and conference with the Duke who after much speech said â—o the Bishop towards the end with great affliction of mynd My â—ood lord B. And is there no hope at all for me to liue and to do â—ome pennance in the rest of my dayes for my sinnes past alas let me â—ue a litle longer though it were but in a mous-hole To which the Bishop answered o my lord I would God that any thing could haue â—ontented your grace but a kingdom when you were at libertie and â—n prosperitier and now also I would it lay in my power to geue you â—his mous-hole for I would allow you the best pallace I haue in the world to be your mous-hole and I do offer to do for you what I can â—oâ—sibly But yet for that your offence is great sentence is past aâ—aynst you and your aduersaries are many it shalbe best for you to prouyde for the woorst and especialie that you stand well with God in matters of conscience and religion for to speake playnlie it is mosâ— lykely that you must dye To that the Duke answered that he would dispose him self and desired he might haue a learned preest sent him for his confession and spiritual coÌ„fort And as for religion sayd he you know my Lord B. that I can be of no other but of yours which is the Catholique for â— neuer was of any other in deed nor euer so foolish as to beleeue any of that which we haue set vp in King Edwardes dayes but only to vse the same to my owne purpose of ambition for which God forgeue me and so I meane to testifie publiquely at my death for it is the truth so he did and his coÌ„fession was put forth in print as the world knoweth and at this day much of it extant in Stowes chronicleâ— B. Gardener went away with an afflicted hart for the Duke shed many a teare for him on the way as he returned and presently went to the Queen and intreated so earnestly for him as he had haâ— gayned her consent for his lyf which so much terrified the Dukes aduersaries as presently they got the Emperour Charles that was iâ— Flanders to wryte to the Queen a verie resolute and ernest letter that it was not safe for her nor the state to pardon his lyf and with that he was executed All which story I haue byn inforced to repeate a litle the more larger therby to check the malignant speech of this our sicophanâ— knight against so worthie a man whome he will needes make â— bloody and cruel monster and to haue sought malitiously the death of her Maiestie when she was Lady Elizabeth VVhich was so faâ— of from his condition and nature espetially she being at that tyme an obiect rather of loue and compassion then of enuy and hatred aâ— I dare say he doth him apparent and wilful wrong Yet it may be that he hath heard somewhat about the discouery of a certaynâ— bracelet imputed to the Chancelor in examination of Sir Thomas Wiattes affayres and his complices In which bracelet it was said that all the secretie of that conspiracie lay hidden and that the Chancelor did pearse the matter further then others which may be alsâ— true that point belonging then to his office and obligation but that he euer vsed or vrged the knowledge gotten therof to the ladies peril this Hastinges neither in hast nor by leasure will euer be able to proue And so much of this poynt touching her Maiesties person Let vs examine the rest that he writeth of B. Gardener some â— the woords were repeated before but heer they are necessary againâ—â— by reason of the commixion with that which followeth The recusants sayth he cannot professe more loyalty and loue to the Queen that now is then did Gardener to her father and brother writing a booke de vera obedientia c. But when these two noble princes were dead and Queen Marie in the kingdom then he did tear of his glorious vizard for he and his compliâ—ces neuer rested vntil they had brought in the Spanyard aud matched him with Queen Marie by which they betrayed God her and the whole realme It seemeth that this poore seely man is either very ignorant in matters of our own realm or very badly bent to tel manifest vntruthes For who knoweth not that albeit Bishop Gardener at the beginning of king Henryes defection from the church of Rome being born away with the stream of the tyme and with some feare of the kings violent proceeding and not very full instructed perhaps in that controuersie of the Supremacie for that it was at the very first entrance to his Bishoprik after the fall of Cardinal VVolsey shaken also with the frailty of humane infirmity he shronk with S. Peter and stepped somwhat asyde in that booke of his de vera obedientia c. But yet how soon he did recall himself agayn and condemned his owne doing therin and how much also he preuailed in secret with the king himself in that poynt of doctrine you shall hear afterward by his own testimony And as for king Edwards raigne it is a flat fable and fiction which our knight telleth vs of Bishop Gardeners following the sway also of that time for it is well knowen that he being one of the cheifest among those sixteen counsellors that were apoynted by king Henries testament and earnest charge of mouth at his last hower to gouern his sonne and realme during the minoritie of the yong king with expresse commaundement also of the dead king that neither protector should be chosen nor yet any poynt of Luthers Zwinglius or Caluins religion brought in Bishop Gardener as a faithful counsellor striued what he could at the very first entrance to haue both these orders of king Henry obserued But ambitioÌ„ ouerbearing all first a Protector within 40. howers after the kings death and then soone after an innouation also of religion was thrust vpon the realme by violence of some that packed
together for their gaines more then for deuotion which Bishop Gardener seeing and not able to resist he spake his minde plainly touching religion in a sermon before the yong king and councell vpon Saint Peters day which was but fiue moneths after king Edwards raign for which sermon he was sent to the tower the morning after and lay there prisoner all king Edwards time and came not out vntill Queen Marie at her first entrance into the tower of london wheÌ„ she was Queen deliuered him and other catholique prisoners together and how then doth our steel-brow-knight write that Bishop Gardener Hattered both father and sonne and neuer shewed himself in religion vntil both of them were called to their last home and Queen Marie entred the crown let some frend blush for him if he haue not shame to do it himself Againe it is as great an vntruth and as grosse ignorance besydes to say as this man doth that Bishop Gardener and his complices brought in the Spaniard and mached him in mariage with Queen Marie For that euery childe acquaynted with that state knoweth or may learne that Bishop Gardener was of the contrarie part or faction that fauored yong Edward Courtney the Earle of deuonshire and would haue had him to Marie the Queen whome Bishop Gardener had held for his spiritual childe in the tower all king Edwardes tyme. And now the matter was so far forward as the mariage was held for certayne but that the contrarie syde and especially the Lord Paget partly by the acquaintance and credit he had gotten with Charles the Emperor in Flanders during king Edwards tyme and partely for the ielosie he had perhappes of B. Gardeners great affection to the Duke of Northumberland his greatest enemie who in king Edwards reigne had indeuored vtterly to disgrace him they procured I say the said Emperors most earnest and effectual letters to the Queen about her mariage with the Prince of Spayne which they did so vrge to the sayd Queen and with so many argumentes against Courtney espetially that he was neither sound in body nor religion as they got her consent and subscription to the sayd letters of the Emperor And then there was no further dealing to the contrary for that Queen Mary bore such exceeding loue and reuerence to the Emperor Charles her Cosin as she would not fayl in her word geuen to him for all the world VVherby we may imagin what a mortification Bishop Gardener and all the rest of his side that fauored Courtney did receaue by this change of the Queens will and purpose and therby also perceyue the folly and temerite of this rashe accuser who layeth to there charge the bringing in the Spaniard which yet if they had donne or had byn cause of that greatest and most honorable mariage that for many ages hath byn in Christendom and of greatest consequence if issue had followed therof if this I saie bad byn so as it was not why did they betray therin both God the Queen and there countrie as this wise Censurer affirmeth what grownds what reason may there be aleaged of this triple treason God receiued by this mariage the strengthening of his true religon the Queen got the greatest noblest and richest husband that was extant in Europe our countrie got many a thowsaud of Spanish treasure without losse of any as heerafter shal be shewed And wherin then stood this great offence But let vs passe ouer these follies of our knight in matters of state for that perhaps his prayse and skyll is only in armes yet one point more must I examine wherin he condemneth B. Gardener and this is for his sermon made at S. Paules crosse vpoÌ„ the wordes of the Apostle to the Romanes hâ—ra est iam nos de somno surgere It is now high tyme for vs to ryse out of sleep the night hath gone before the day is come c. and the rest that followeth there All which sacred scripture this learned religious knight sayth very peremptorily that it was most prophanely and blasphemously peruerted by the said Bishop and that to bloody purposes which we shal now à litle discusse This famous sermon was preached as I sayd before at Paules crosse after the mariage was celebrated between the King and the Queen who both were present at this speech of the Bishop nowe also hygh Chancelor and there prsent in like maner both Cardinal Poole legate of the sea Apostolique as also the Embassadors of the Emperor french King and other Princes and a marueylous great learned and noble auditorie besydes as euer perhaps was at any sermon in England before or after The Chancelors discourse was how long they had runne astray and byn in darknes of diuision and stryfe among themselues since first king Henry lefte the old troden path of his ancestors kinges and Queenes of England in matters of religion and brake from the vnion of the church of Rome and of other catholique kingdomes round about him and that now it was time to arise out of this sleep and to looke about them And in this discours and sermon the Chancellor vttered two principal thinges among other that greatly moued the whole auditory The first was the hartie and humble accusation of himself for his â—all and consenting to King Henryes will in that booke de vera obedienâ—tia which he did vtter with so great vehemencie of spirit and abundance of teà res as he could not goe forward and was forced diuers tymes to make some pawses which in such an audience especially of strangers also he being the cheefest person of the realme after the prince we may imagin what a temporal shame and confusion it was vnto him and how greatly it would moue the hearers and lookers on to see him make such an accusation of himself willingly of his owne accord without compulsion and with such earnestnes as he did And that there was no fiction or dissimulation in this act of his the end declared for when he fell sick afterward and drew neer vnto his death he desired that the passion of our Sauiour might be redde vnto him and when they came to the denial of Saynt Peter and how after Christe had looked back vpon him he went out and wepte bitterly the Bishop cried out and bid them stay there and see whether his sweet Sauiour wold vouchsafe also to looke back vpon him and geue him some part of Saynt Peters teares for sayth he negaui cum Petro extui cum Petro sed nondum fleui amare cum Petro I haue denied Christe with Peter meaning that subscription to the supremacie of king Henrie I haue gone out with Peter meaning the participatioÌ„ of that schisme but yet I haue not wepte bitterly with Peter so bitterly as I should do and by often repetition of those woordes and asking God sorgeuenes with cryes and syghes he intertayned himself vntill great floodes of teares came downe vpon him and so gaue vp the
ghost The second notable poynt which the Bishop vttered in this sermon was concerning king Henrie the eight his lord and mayster which moued the auditorie no lesse then the other And this was that the sayd king a litle before his death had dealt with him verie secretly and seriously to haue sent him to a certayne dyat in Germanie vnder pretence to treat other matters but in deed the cheef poynt should be to seeke out some honorable way and meanes as from himself and not from the king either by the Emperor legat popes Nuntio or other fit instrument to reconcyle him agayne to the church of Rome And this the Bishop affirmed to be most true vpon his oath and fidelitie to God and the world and to the memorie of the sayd king his master dead whome he shewed to loue so tenderly and dearly as he wepte most bitterly also in that place for that this holie motion had not taken the effect he desired attributing the let therof to Gods seuere iudgmentes and to the great difficulties which the sayd king found of making that recoÌ„ciliatioÌ„ with his honour and reputation which temporal honour he lamented much that it was more regarded by the king and some that counselled him then in so weightie a woork of eternall saluation ought to haue bin Thus then was the substance and these were the circumstances of that sermon Let vs now coÌ„sider whether the theam he tooke iam hora est nos de somno surgere were fit and to his purpose or no or whether it were prophanely blasphemously peruerted as this wise gentleman affirmeth who taketh vpon him to censure the matter First let it be considered that if euer any man of our realm might take vpon him to talk of a sleep or dream in matters of our coÌ„mon-wealth as a Counsellor and of his own knowledge Bishop Gardener might do it which had seen such alterations both of religion and temporalityes within our land such chopping and chaunging such pulling down and setting vp as he might fitly call the tyme a time of sleep or dream For as in a sleep things are represented to a man confusedly and out of hand they passe away and contrarie representations come in their place so had Bishop Gardener seen in the publique affaires of the realme no lesse alterations of comicall and tragical acts after he came to be a councellor For first he had seen his own king and maister king Henry the eight so earnest in the defence of the catholique faith of the sea of Rome in perticuler as he wrote a booke in defence therof though he were disswaded by some of his counsell to do it for reason of state And after that again being to send this very man Gardener then his secretarie to Rome for his Embassador about soliciting of the diuorce between himself and Queen Catherine he commanded him to tel the Pope and Colledge of Cardinales that whatsoeuer they determined in that matter he would accept it with all indifferencie and euer be a most obedient childe of the Romane churche And this commission he gaue him in the presence of Cardinal VVolsey and yet soone after he saw the same king so chaunged for the affection he bare to an other partie as he brake with the Pope and churche of Rome and pulled down the sayd Cardinal and put to death two of the men that he esteemed most for vertue and learning of all his realme or of any other forrain kingdome of Christendom and whom he had loued before exceedingly to wit Doctor Fisher Bishop of Rochester and Sir Thomas More Chancelor Again Gardener had seen the same king wax weary soone after of the party for whose loue he had first begun to make all those stirres and to put her to death openly and yet to continew his former breaches and to run from one difficulty to an other and from one inconuenience to an other neuer to stop the fountain from whence all this vnquietnes came He had seen him also passe from on wife to another to the number of six dismissing some and putting others to death according to the affection or disaffection which he bare to each of them for the time He had seen him make diuers and different actes of parlament in preiudice or preferment of his own children now for their legitimation and inheritance now for the contrarie as by the statutes themselues yet extant in print is euident to the world And from the liking or disliking of his said wiues he passed also to the liking or suspition of his own kinred subiects and familier frâ—nds of which he pulled downe so many as by the stories may be seen And Bishop Gardener was wont to say of him that knew him ful well that after he once left to loue that person which by Gods law and mannes he was bound to loue aboue all others to wit his first wife and Queen he neuer loued any person harâ—ely and constantly afterwards Moreouer he had seen the poore king so combered and troobled about matters of religion as was pitiful to behold For that on the one side the point of his spiritual Supremacy taken vp in his choleâ— against the Pope seemed to touch his honor so neare as he might not shew to yeeld any one iote therin and consequently he was fain to put to death all such Catholiques as denyed the same though otherwise he both loued and highly esteemed themâ— and on the other side his iudgement and conscience in matters of the Catholique truthe against the protestants and all new sectaries conuinced his conscience and vnderstanding as he cleerly vttered in the statute of six articles which iudgement also enforced him to burne as many of that fide â— were conuicted And finally being wearied towards his later end with these combats of conscience and honor iudgement and passion he conferreâ— with Bishop Gardener as you haue heard about the mayn remedy and only sure redresse of all which was his returning to the vnion of the Romane churche and the rest of Christendome And besides all this Bishop Gardener had seen the same afflicted king brought to such streights and doubts in his later howers of life about the weightiest affaires that he had in this world as he could not tell what to determine ordayne or establish for the securitie of his owne children espeâ—ially of his only sonne prince Edward thaâ— had but nyne yeares yet of age and for that cause was the fatherâ— hart more peâ—siue about him For first he was afeard to leaue any protector vnto him remembring the eueÌ„t of king Edward the fourâ—â— his children vnder their vncle protector the Duke of Glocester And secondly he was as greatly afeard and afflicted also to think least after his death the perilous waues and fluddes of heresies should enter vpon him by the very same gate that hymself had opened VVhetfore both these poyntes he forbad expresly and appoynted for execution therof sixteen
pastors shall appeare to take account of the obedience or rebellion vsed to his vnder pastors then will these reckoninges be cleered and euerie man shall receyue according to his merits And if all Christian nations haue and ought to bear such reuerence and respect to the sea of Rome then much more our litle Iland of England as this man calleth it for that it hath receiued more singuler benifits from thence then any one nation in the world besides to wit it hath bin twice conuerted from paganisme to Christian religion by the especial diligence labour and industrie of the same sea once in the time of the Britans about a hundreth and ninetie years after Christe at what time Elutherius that holy Pope and Martyr conuerted king Lucius and his subiects by the preaching of Saint Damianus and his fellowes sent from Rome to that effect and the second time about fiue hundreth years after when our predecessors the English Saxons were conuerted by Saint Augustine and his fellow preachers sent by Saint Gregorye the great then Bishop of Rome to the same end And if it be most certayn and cannot be denyed that these two benifits rightly considered are the greatest that vnder heauen our land could receiue from any mortal men and that the obligation of this dooble spiritual birth of ours is so much greater then the band we owe to our carnal parents by how much more weightie and important is our eternal saluation then our temporal life let all men consider the barbarous ingratitude of this mā that barketh with such spite against the sea of Rome the mother of our Christianitie and against her Bishops the woorkers of so high a blessing vnto vs. And with this cōsideration I leaue the modest discreet readers to iudge of the matter as reason and religion shal induce them and with this cease to passe any further in this matter THE EIGHTH INCOVNTER TOVCHING SPANIARDES ASvvell the vvhole nation as their present King HAuing made the warde which you haue seen in the former incounter both to Rome and her Bishoppes agaynst the peeuish wranglinges and spitefull calumniations of this wach-worde-geuer there remayneth yet an other bickering about the Spanish king and nation which I haue reserued to this last place as the subiect wherein our cockish knight presumeth principally to crowe and triumph without modestie and to lauish out lies without number or measure imagining that all is both lawfull and gratefull which he sayth in that kynde and that no man will aduenture to check him therin in respect of the present warres and hostilitie that are betwixt our realme and them But he is deceaued for that the wiser sorte of our nation haue learned euen by the lawes of moral ciuilitie that a man must speake moderatly also of his enemy and the more religious sort do know by the principles of Christianitie that not only of our temporal aduersarie which may be afterward our frend we must notly or fayne reproches but neither of the Deuil himself though he be our spiritual immortal enemy and Gods also so detestable are lying lips and calumnious tongues in the sight both of God and man where either reason or religion beareth rule as neither of them seemeth to do with the enraged and distracted spirit of Sir francis Hastinges VVhich poynt that we may better consider of I shall first beginne with that which he vttereth in diuers partes of his libel agaynst the whole nation of Spaniards in general terming them by the names of proud ambitions bloody tyrannical rauening Spaniards a nation cursed by God for that the Pope that cursed man of sinne hath blessed them c. And in one place he descrybeth them in these wordes I must remember vnto you that it is recorded of the Spaniard that in dissimulation he surpasseth all nations till he haue attayned to his purpose and when he can once preuayle he goeth beyond them all in oppression and tyrannie also that he disdayneth all other nations and that in pryde and carnal voluptuosnes no nation cometh neer him and these be his qualities This our gentlemans censure gathered out of recordes as he sayth but I would gladly he had cited the author where he found this record as he ought to haue donne for discharging his fayth and honestie in so greeuous an accusation as this is and that toucheth so many if he had regard or respect therof And hardly do I beleeue that he hath euer found or shall fynd any writer of credit be he of what nation soeuer that will shew himself so fond and passionate as to set downe by wryting so preiudicial a censure and so general a reproche as this is agaynst any nation notwithstanding I know that the Spaniardes at this day haue many emulators and aduersaries partely for hatred of Catholique religion which is their greatest glorie and partely by reason of their large dominions which is not strange for so had the Romanes also before them and the Graeciās Assyriās before them agayne when their Monarchies were potent quia virtutis comes inuidia as the common prouerb sayth enuy followeth vertue and valour and in this sense our English prouerb is also most true it is better to be enuied then pitied And when the Roman monarchie was fallen and the french also that was set vp by Charls the great our English nation had the greatest of any one of Christendome for some ages together when we possessed our ample olde states and dominions in france during which tyme he that will see the inuectiues made agaynst our English manners and agaynst our proud and tyrannical kynde of proceeding as then it was termed let him but reade ouer the recordes of the french chronicles extant at this day and yet no reason that these recordes should condemn or disgrace our whole nation now nor then neither when they were written being set downe by our aduersaries and emulators and by those that were either vnder vs or feared vs and consequently were nothing equally affected vnto vs as many are not at this day agaynst Spaniards Moreouer if some Spaniardes should be found in deed to haue some of those vices or defectes which here by their calumniator Sir francis are named as among other nations no man can deny but the lyke are also to be found what reason or equitie is there to omit conscience and christianitie with which this man seemeth to haue litle to do what reason is there I say that these defectes should be attributed vniuersally to the whole Spanish nation wherin there are to be found thowsandes that haue no part nor fault as on the other syde if some English-men as they passe ouer other countries by sea and land at this daye should behaue themselues scandalously by gluttonie and drunkennes as diuers haue byn sayd to do is it a lawfull consequence to say or think that all English are such at home and that these are the qualities of the
had this intention to get the kingdome as he sayth for if it were a mature deliberation and consulted also with his counsel in England as this discouerer sayth then some act and monument belike is extant to testifie the same or at leastwise some witnes or other firm argument fit to prouè it or if not how could the true harted English-man know it in Spayn and write it to the Nobles of England Or with what face can our rash and falstongued English knight professe to know it now and to wryte it so confidently Shall so great so greeuous so haynous a slander against so mightie so munificent so bountiful a Monarch passe out to the world vpon a bare assertion and malignant interpretation of one English hastie-hote-spurre that sheweth malice in euery syllable and turneth euen the kings loue and fauours to our nation his expences and benifits towards our people vnto a deceitful meaning And vpon that without other act of hostilitie on his parte appearing shall he be called ambitious and proud vsurping tyrant VVho seeth noâ— that this fellow in steed of discouering the kings malice bewrayeth his owne and in place of prouing the king an vsurping tyrant doth shew himself a shameles sicophant But let vs see what effects he sayth had like to haue ensued vpon this deuised designment of the king If once sayth he this king had obtayned the crown then as in the letter of discouerie is layd open the council table must be filled with his Councelors the hauen townes must be possessed with gouernours of his appointing fortifications must be made by his direction soldiars of his owne must be placed in garrison at places most fit to strength him self then must the common lawes of this land be altered by which iustice is truly taught to all sortes his vnholy and bloody inquisition would be not haue fayled also to bring in with all other his Spaynish lawes and ordinances sutable to the same their intolerable taxes we must haue byn pestered withall a taste wherof I will here geue you c. These are the seuen deadly sinnes which Sir Francis inforceth out of his Spanish letter as certayne to haue insued if the king had gotten the crowne which yet whyles he had the crowne did not insue as the world knoweth for that they were prouyded for before hand by the councel nobilitie and parlement of England and by all lykelihood would haue byn foreseen and prouided for also by the same prouidence of the realme if euer motion or cogitation had bin among them to passe the crowne to the king of Spayn seing Sir Francis confesseth that this matter was ment to be wrought not by force but by sweet meanes and benifites and by allurement of the nobilitie by his Maiestie Most fond therfore or forged is this letter from the true harted man in Spain who suggested feares already preuented but much more ridiculous is he in setting down certain monstrous bugges of taxes to be imposed vpon the English nation which yet by all probability were neuer though vpon nor past by mannes imagination though most childishly he avowcheth that they are payed also in Spain For thus he writeth A taste wherof of these intolerable taxes I will giue you sayth Sir Francis as that for every chimney and other place to make fier in as ouens fornaces Smiths forges and such others a frinch crown was yearly paid to him He had also powling pence for all manner of corn bread beef mutton capons pigges geese hennes ducks chicken butter cheese egges aples peares nuttes beere wine and all other things whatsoeuer he feedâ—th vpon yea no farmer yeo-man or husband-man durst eat a capon in his house if his frend came to him for if he did it must cost him six shillinges eight pence though the capon was not worth twelue pence and so toties quoties and these be the benifits and blessings that this catholique king sought to bring in hether by his absolute authoritie sought for If a man did not see these things written and printed with Sir Francis Hastinges name vnto them he would neuer imagin a man of his name howse and calling would publish such childish toyes and manifest vntruthes to the world For who is there that hath trauailed Spain as many English-men haue donne in these our dayes which knoweth it not to be an open shameles lye that for euery place to make fyer in as ouen fornace and the like a french crown is to be payed In the kingdoms of Castil and Andaluzia there is no such paiments at all in Aragon and Catalonia there is some like tribute instituted by old kinges before these states were vnited to the crowne of Castile but neither is it so much as this wise man setteth downe nor do they pay for euery place of making fyer but one onely fyer is accounted to one howshold though the people haue twenty fyers within it Touching his powling pence vpon thinges that are solde there is in the foresayd kingdomes of Castile an old rent of the crowne instituted by ancient kinges called Alcaualla conteyning a certayne tribute vpon thinges that are solde and bought but this tribute is not payd in all Spaine and namely not in Biscay Nauar Portugal Aragon Catalonia nor in the kingdom of Valencia and much lesse in forayne kingdomes and states vnder the Spaniardes as Naples Sicilia Sardinia or Mâ—llan Nor in Castillia it self is it exacted with the rigor that this fellow forgeth but euerie towne and cittie agreeth in great for this tribute by the yeare nor doth it descend to such minute thinges as he recounteth vp and much lesse to beere wherof there is litle vse in Spayne the simple fellow would needes faine his account after the English manner but among other toyes the lye of six shillinges eight pence forfeyture for eating a capon toties quoties is so notorious as it may winne the whetstone and the verie phrase it self discouereth the forgerie for that the Spaniardes haue no coyne answering to our noble or six shillinges eight pence consequently it is not probable that they would appoynt such a penaltie as they can hardly in whole money make vp the account But let vs see somewhat more of this kynde of cosinage My author sayth he doth further vnfold this kinges trecherous purpose towardes this land by discouering vpon his owne knowledge and hearing his intention to be by litle and litle to roote out the nobilitie and to keep the commons in beggerie and not to suffer one to lyue here that was borne in twentie yeares before but either to destroy them or to make them slaues among the Moores the colour wherof was because they were borne out of the Catholique churche of Rome And to make vp the measure of all impietie and the faster to set his crowne vpon his head from remouing if he had gotten it he layd his plot to destroy our deare Soueraigne ladie Queen Elizabeth hauing
their araygnments was sweet and comfortable their consciences clearing them before their sayd mayster from all such act meaning or intention of treasons as falsly was layd agaynst them and so much the more willingly they went to the ladder and their example with the same reasons and meditations haue put the same desyre in foure tymes as many of their owne coate as they were in thowsaÌ„des of others within the land which would neuer haue thought of this perfection of dying for religion if God had not taught it theÌ„ by this persecutioÌ„ exaÌ„ple of others Aâ—d Sir Francis himself coÌ„playneth also as before you haue heard that within these three yeares vpon his knowledge many haue fallen away and do fall away daylie from his religion to ours by example the one of the other for that as he saith Of the elder oxe the yonger steere doth learne So as by this may be gathered what will be the successe of this pursuite on the catholique syde if the rigor be continued But on the other hand what it may come vnto God only forseeth whose cause if the catholiques do defend and if his spirit be with them as to most men it is euident then must they winne in the end and his wrath will appeare at length agaynst the other parte that iniustly afflicteth them howsoeuer it be delayed and borne of for a tyme. Nor is the argument good that some do vse to make we haue indured thus long and prospered c. For the holy ghost himself answereth Ne dixeris pâ—ccaui quid mihi accidit triste altissimus enim est patiens redditor Say not I haue donne amisse and no hurt hath happened vnto me for that God is a patient paymayster and in the end payeth for all The wise Solon told rich Craesus in his prosperitie that the measure of his felicitie could not be taken but at the end of his lyfe which in deed fell out to be most miserable and in England king Henry the sixth concluded a long raigne of fortie yeares with a troblesome and pittiful perturbation of the same And yet was there no such violent vexation of subiectes in those dayes as now is and hath byn for many yeares wherin truly if we set asyde all respect of religion and of Gods intermedling in the case and consider only reason itself and the opinion of wise wordly men and Philosophers no man is ignorant but that they agree all that nullum violentum est durabile And agayne that malus diâ—turnitatis custos est metus And Christe our Sauiour much more fully Omne regnum in se diuisum desolabitur All which groundes and principles cannot but lay before your Lordships wisdomes the importance of some mitigation and mollification of matters for preuenting further inconueniences if not for the present yet at least for the tyme to come espetially if God in his iustice and anger should take from vs her maiestie all men may forsee in what termes we shalbe quickly when to the differences of religion shalbe added the other also about the succession intangled perhaps principally by these respects of religion And then when exasperated myndes shall come to haue more commoditie of working their willes and wreaking their wrathes great extremities may be feared except the way be made before hand by some temperature of mitigation for that English natures are vehement as all men know in whatsoeuer they take in hand but espetially in these kynde of differences as former tymes haue made lamentable experience and the future I feare will declare the same much more if preuention be not made seing that neuer in tymes past concurred so many circumstances of sharp contention both from at home and abrode as now are lyke to be no forayn prince being neer about vs but wilbe desirous to haue an oare in the guyding of this bark if once it be aflote either for their owne pretenses or for their frend or agaynst their opposite besydes the different reasons of state that may moue diuers parties at that day as FraÌ„ce FlaÌ„dres DeÌ„mark that our future king be not ouerstroÌ„g Spayne FraÌ„ce FlaÌ„ders that he coÌ„cur with them in religioÌ„ EnglaÌ„d generally that he subiect vs not to an other crowne EnglaÌ„d in part that he be homeborne and England in three partes to the fauor or disfauour of three distinct religions Protestant Puritan and Catholique euery parte for his owne And as these things are manifest in themselues so is it also no lesse euident that the only or principal meane to preuent these dangers were to mittigate somwhat these acerbities now to the end that men of different religions dealing more freindly together might in time either come to be all of one opinion or at leastwise to agree in some good temperature for this publique afaire of the common-wealth which is impossible to do while matters of religion are pursued with such hostilitie as for many years they haue bin To which consideration there commeth also an other of no lesse moment in myn opinion which is that her Maiestie hauing raigned now a goodly number of years being neer the one and fourtie of her scepter as she followeth fast on the rate of Octauianus Augustus yeares of Empire so would she imitate his sweetnes and felicitie also in disposing his later yeares euen from the number of fourtie that her Maiestie is now at to the exhilerating of all her people generally as he did and therby came to be so deare so intirely beloued of all as the publique teares of all did testifie at his death all crying and wishing that either he had neuer bin borne or neuer dyed neuer bin their Emperor or neuer left to be referring the former parte of their wish vnto the beginning of his gouernmeÌ„t which had bin preiudicial to their common wealth and the second to his latter end which was most grateful to all And this particuler point of Augustus his proceeding diuers noble kings also of her Maiesties progenitors haue indeuored to imitate by special dissignement namely the two famous Henryes the fourth and seuenth and Edward also the fourth who albeit they entered by dint of sword and had many sharp bickerings for diuers yeares with their oposite factions yet all three of them so disposed themselues to clemencie towards their later dayes as they were most dear euen to them that had bin their enimies and oposit at their first entraÌ„ce to the crown VVhich circumstance notwithstanding of difficultie doth not occur to her Maiestie in the matter proposed for fauour of the Catholiques for that she neither entered the crowne by force of armes nor had she the catholiques of her realme against her therin but rather they were the people that principally with most harty affectioÌ„ assisted her Maiestie to the quiet and peaceable possession of the same as in another place more at large hath bin declared And euer since they haue liued with that