haue fostered it as they did with Garlandes statues trophies and triumphes in which notwithstanding it is but temporary and short but in histories of worth it is onely perpetual This Cicero perceiuing he dealt with Luceius to commit his actions to the monuments of his writings and Plinie the yonger did wish that he might bee mentioned in the histories of Cornelius Tacitus because he did foresee that they should neuer decay But these are such as are not led away with a lust eyther to flatter or to deface whereby the creadite of historie is quite ouerthrowne Yet the endeuour to curry fauour is more easily disliked as bearing with it an open note of seruility and therefore Alexander when he heard Aristobulus read many things that he had written of him farre aboue truth as he was sayling the floud Hidaspis he threw the booke into the Riuer and sayd that hee was almost mooued to send Aristobulus after for his seruile dealing but enuious carping carieth a counterfeite shew of liberty and thereby findeth the better acceptance And since I am entred into this point it may seeme not impertinent to write of the stile of a history what beginning what continuance and what meane is to be vsed in all matter what thinges are to bee suppressed what lightly touched and what to be treated at large how creadit may be won and suspition avoyded what is to bee obserued in the order of times and discription of places and other such circumstances of weight what liberty a writer may vse in framing speeches and in declaring the causes counsailes and euentes of thinges done how farre he must bend himselfe to profit and when and how he may play vpon pleasure but this were too large a field to enter into therefore least I should run into the fault of the Mindians who made their gates wider then their towne I will here close vp onely wishing that all our English histories were drawne out of the drosse of rude and barbarous English that by pleasure in reading them the profit in knowing them myght more easily bee attayned THE FIRST PARTE OF THE LIFE AND RAIGNE OF KING Henry the fourth Extending to the end of the first yeere of his raigne THe noble and victorious Prince king Edward the third had his fortunate gift of a long prosperous raigne ouer this realme of England much strengthned and adorned by natures supply of seuen goodlye sonnes Edward his eldest sonne prince of Wales commonly called the Blacke Prince William of Hatfield Lyonel Duke of Clarence Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster Edmund of Langley Duke of Yorke Thomas of Woodstocke Duke of Gloucester and William of Windsore These sonnes during the life of their renowmed Father were such ornaments and such stayes to his estate as it seemed no greater could be annexed thereunto For neither armies nor strong holdes are so great defences to a prince as the multitude of children Fortes may decay and forces decrease and both decline and fall away eyther by varietie of fortune or inconstancie of mens desires but a mans owne bloud cleaueth close vnto him not so much in the blisses of prosperitie which are equally imparted to others as in the crosses of calamity which touch none so neere as those that are neerest by nature But in succeeding times they became in their ofspring the seminarie of diuision and discord to the vtter ruine of their families and great wast and weakning of the whole Realme for they that haue equall dignitie of birth and bloud can hardly stoope to termes of soueraigntie but vpon euery offer of occasion wil aspire to indure rather no equall then any superiour and for the most part the hatred of those that are neerest in kinde is most dispitefull deadly if it once breake forth The feare of this humor caused Remulus to embrewe the foundations of the Cittie and Empire of Rome with the bloud of his brother Remus According to which example the tyrants of Turkie those butchers of Sathan doe commonly at this day beginne their raigne with the death and slaughter of all their brethren Prince Edward the thunderbolt of warre in his time dyed during the life of his father And although he was cut off in the middle course and principall strength of his age yet in respect of honour and fame he liued with the longest hauing in all parts fulfilled the measure of true Nobiliâ—e He left behinde him a young some called Richard who after the death of King Edward was Crowned King in his steade and afterward died childe-lesse William of Hatfield king Edwards second sonne dyed also without issue leauing no other memorie of his name but the mention onely Liâ—â—â—ll Duke of Clarence the third sonne of King Edward was a man of comely personage of speach and pace stately in other qualities of a middle temperature neither to bee admired nor contemned as rather voide of ill partes then furnished with good He had issue Philip his only daughter who was ioyned in marriage to Edmunde Mortimer Earle of March Who in the Parliament holden in the eight yeare of the Reigne of King Richard was in the right of his wife declared heire apparant to the Crowne in case the King should die without children but not many yeares after hee dyed leauing issue by the said Philip Roger Mortimer Earle of March This Roger was slaine in the rude and tumultuous warres of Ireland and had issue Edmund Anne and Elienor Edmund and Elienor dyed without issue Anne was married to Richard Earle of Cambridge sonne to Edmund of Lâ—ngley Duke of Yorke the fift sonne of King Edward Of these two came Richard 〈◊〉 Duke of Yorke who by the right â—â—uolued to him from his mother made open claime to the Crowne of England which was then possessed by the family of Lancaster first by law in the Parliament holden the thirtieth yeare of the Raigne of King Henrie the sixt where either by right or by fauour his cause had such furtherance that after King Henrie should die the Crowne was entayled to him and to the heires of his bloud for euer But the Duke impatient to linger in hope chose rather to endure any daunger then such delay Whereupon he entred into armes soone after against King Henrie in the fielde But being carried further by courage then by force hee coulde beare through hee was slaine at the battaile of Wakefield and left his title to Edward his eldest sonne who with inuincible persistance did prosecute the enterprise and after great varietie of fortune at the last atchieued it Iohn of Gaunâ— Duke of Lancaster the fourth Sonne of King Edward the third was a man of high and hardie spirite but his fortune was many times not answerable either to his force or to his forecast He had two sonnes Henrie Earle of Derby of whome I purpose chiefly to treate and Iohn Earle of Somerset This Iohn was Father to Iohn Duke of Somerset who had issue Margaret Countesse of Richmond mother
to the noble Prince Henrie the seuenth Henrie Plantagenet Earle of Derby was likwise by his mother Blaâ—ch extracted from the bloud of Kngs being discended from Edmund the second sonne of King Henrie the third by which line the Dâ—chie of Lancaster did â—â—creâ—e vnto his house Hee was a man of meane stature well proportioned and formally compact of good strength and agilitie of body skilfull in armes and of a ready dispatch ioyntly shewing himselfe both earnest and aduised in all his actions Hee was quicke and present in conceite forward in attempt couragious in execution and most times fortunate in euent There was no great place of imployment and charge which hee would not rather affect for glorie then refuse either for peril or for paines and in seruice hee often prooued himselfe not onely a skilfull commaunder by giuing directions but also a good Souldier in vsing his weapon aduenturing further in person sometimes then policie would permit his expences were liberall and honourable yet not exceeding the measure of his receiptes he was verie courteous and familiar respectiuely towards all men whereby hee procured great reputation and regarde especially with those of the meaner sort for high humilities take such deepe roote in the mindes of the multitude that they are more strongly drawne by vnprofitable curtesies then by 〈◊〉 benefits In all the changes of his estate he was almost one and the same man in aduersitie neuer daunted in prosperitie neuer secure reteining still his maiestie in the one and his mildnes in the other neither did the continuance of his Raigne bring him to a proude port and stately esteeming of himselfe but in his latter yeares he remained so gentle faire in cariage that therby chiefely hee did weare out the hatred that was borne him for the death of King Richard He could not lightly be drawne into any cause was stiffe constant in a good Yet more easie to be either corrupted or abused by flattering speeches then to be terrified by threats To some men he seemed too greedie of glorie making small difference of the meanes whereby he attained it and indeede this humour in noble minds is most hardly ouer-ruled and oftentimes it draweth euen the 〈…〉 But before I proceede any further in describing either the qualities or actes of this Earle I must write something of the Raigne of King Richard the second his cosin germaine so farre forth as the follies of the one were either caâ—fer or furtherances of the fortunes of the other Richard sonne to Edward Prince of Wales a little before deceased was after the death of King Edward the thirde Crowned King ouer this Realme of England in the eleuenth yeare of his age at which yeares the minde of man is like to the poâ—â—teis earth apt to bee wrought into any fashion and which way so euer it hardneth by custome it will sooner breake then bend from the same Now the gouernaunce of the King at the first was comitted to certaine Bishops Earles 〈◊〉 and Iustices But either vppon 〈…〉 the King or negligence to discharge their dutie 〈…〉 was more ready with pleasant 〈◊〉 to delight 〈◊〉 then with profitable counsaile to doe him good for smooth and pleasing speaches neede small endeauour and alwaies findeth fauour whereas to aduise that which is meete is a point of some paines and many timesâ— thanklesse office Herrâ— vpon two daungerous euils did 〈…〉 In and priuate respects did passe vnder publike 〈◊〉 In the thirde yeare of his Raigne it was thought meete that this charge should be committed to one man to auoide thereby the vnnecessarie wast of the treasure of the Realme by allowing yearely stipend vnto many So by the whole consent of the nobilitie and commons assembled together in Parliament this office was deputed to Lord Thomas Beauchampe Earle of Warwicke and a competent pension was assigned him out of the Kings Eschequer for his paines But the King being now plunged in pleasure did iâ—â—â—deratly bend himselfe to the fauouring and aduansing of certaine persons which were both reproueable in life and generally abhorred in all the Realme and this was the cause of two great inconueniences for many yong noble-men and braue Courtiers hauing a nimble eye to the 〈…〉 and dislikes of the King gave ouer themselues to a dissolute and dishonestlise which findeth some followers when it findeth deth no furtherancers much more when it doth flourish and thriue the King also by fauouring these was himselfe little fauoured and loued of many for it is oftentimes a daungerous to a Prince to haue euil and odious adherents as to bee euill and odious himselfe The names of these men were Alexander Neâ—ill Archbishop of Yorke Robert Veâ—â—â— Earle of Oxford Michael 〈◊〉 afterwards Earle of Suffolke Robert Triâ—iliane Lord chiefe Iustice Nicholas Brambre Alderman of London and certaine others of no eminencie either by birth or desert but obsequious and pliable to the Kings youthfull humour These were highly in credit with the King these were alwaies next vnto him both in companie and counsell by these he ordered his priuate actions by these he managed his affaires of state he spared neither the dignitie nor death of any man whose aucthoâ—â—ie and life withstoode their preferment In so much as in the fifth yeare of his Raigne he remooued Sir Richard Seroopâ— from being Lord Chauncellor of England to which office he was by aucthoritie of Parliament appointed because hee refused to set the great Seale to the graunt of certaine lands which had wantonly passed from the King alleaging for his denial the great debts of the King and small demerites of the parties vpon whome the King might cast away and confirme but spend in good order he could not aduertising him also to haue respect that ryote did not deceiue him vnder the tearme and shewe of liberalitie and that gifts well ordered procure not so much loue as placed without descretion they stirre 〈◊〉 This Chancellor was a man of notable integritâ— and diligence in his office not scornfully turning away from the ragged coat of a poore suppliant or pale face of a fickely feeble 〈…〉 holding vp their simple soiled billes of complaint not yet smothering 〈…〉 with partiall 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 mighty but being alike to all he was 〈◊〉 disliked of 〈…〉 In the eight yeere of this 〈◊〉 the destruction of the duke of Lancaster was extended likewise vpon the like dislike the plot was layed by Iustice 〈◊〉 offences were deuised appelloâ—s appointed and peâ—res named â—e should haue bene put vnder 〈◊〉 and foorthwith â—â—â—â—igned condemned and executed But the duke vpon 〈◊〉 intelligence of these continuances fled to his castle at Pomfret and there made preparation for his defence against the king So this matter began to grow to a head of diuision which the common people at that time very busily desired and sought but the kings mother trauelling 〈◊〉 betweene the king and the duke notwithstanding shee was both 〈…〉 〈◊〉 them both to are conâ—â—lement
and fearing more the Kings daily exactions did not onely deny but euill intreated a certaine Lumbard who offered to lay out the money Another griefe was thus occasioned One of the Bishop of Salisburies seruants named Romane meeting in Fleetstreet with a Bakers man bearing horse-bread tooke a loafe out of his basket and by rude demaund of the one and rough denial of the other chollar so kindled betwixt theÌ„ that Romane brake the Bakers head Heereupon the neighbors came forth and would haue arrested this Bishops lusty yeoman but he escaped and fled to the Bishops house The Constable followed peaceably and demaunded a quiet deliuery of the offendour but the Bishops men shut the gates against him that no man could come neere Then much people flocked together threatening to breake open the gates and fire the house vnlesse Romane were brought forth vnto them What sayd they are the Bishops men priuiledged or is his house a sanctuary or will he protect those whom he ought to punish if we may be shuffled off in this sort not onely our streets but our shoppes and our houses shall neuer be free from violence and wrong This we will not endure we can not it standeth not vs in hand Heerewith they approched the gates and began to vse violence but the Maior and Shiriffes of the Citty vpon aduertiâ—ement of this tumult came amongst them crying out that it was not courage but out-rage which they shewed wherby they would procure both daunger to themselues and displeasure against the whole Citty that although wrong had beene receiued yet they were not the men nor this the meanes to redresse the same So partly by their perswasions partly by their presence and authoritie they repressed the riote and sent euery man away with streight charge to keep the peace Here was yet no great harme done and the quarrell might haue bene quieted without more adoe had not the Bishop stirred therein and kindled the coales of vnkindnesse a fresh For the Londoners at that time were not onely suspected secretly but openly noted to bee fauourers and followers of wickliffes opinions for which cause they were much maliced of the Bishoppes and many of their actions interpreted to proceed from another minde and tend to a worse ende then was outwardly borne in countenance and shew and some matters of chaunce were taken as done of purpose Therefore the Bishop of Salisburie called Iohn Waltham who was also treasurour of England made a grieuous complaint of this attempt to Thomas Arundle Archbishop of Yorke and Lord Chauncellour affirming that if vpon euery light pretence the citezens might be suffered in this sorte to insult vpon the bishoppes without punishment without reproofe and blame they woulde bring into hazzard not onely the dignity and state but the libertie also of the whole Church did they not lately take vppon them the punishment of adulteries and other crimes appertaining to ecleâ—iasticall iurisdiction maliciously alleaging that the bishops and their officers either beeing infamous for those vices themselues did wincke at the same in others or else by couetous commâ—tation did rather set them to sale then care fully represse them Did they not rudely and â—nâ—euerently breake open the doores vpon the Archbishop of Canterburie and interrupte his proceedings against Iohn Astone an open follower of wickliffe and doe we think that this is the last indignity that they will offer no surely nor yet the least and if this boldnesse be not beaten downe our authority will fall into open contempt and scorne and bee made a common foote-ball for euery base citizen to spurne at Herevpon they went together to the King and so incensed his displeasure against the Londoners beeing prepared thereto by former prouocations that hee was in the minde to make spoyle of the citty and vtterly to destroy it But beeing perswaded to some more moderation in reuenge first hee caused the 〈◊〉 and Shiriffes and many of the chiefe citizens to be apprehended and committed to diuers seuerall prisons then hee câ—zed all the liberties of the citty into his handes and ordained that no Mayor shoulde any more bee elected but that the King shoulde at his pleasure appointe a Warden and gouernonâ— ouer the citty This office was first committed to Sir Edward Darlington who for his gentlenesse towardes the citizens was shortly after remouoed and Sir Baldwine Radington placed in his roome Also the King was induced or rather seduced by the Archbishop of Yorke Lord Chauncellour to remooue the Tearmes and Courtes to witte the Chauncery the Exchequer the kings bench the hamper and the common pleas from London to bee kept at Yorke where the same continued from midsommer in the yeare 1393. vntill Christmasse next following to the great hinderance and decay of the citty of London At the last the King vpon earnest intreaty of the Duke of Lancaster and the Duke of Gloucester called the Londoners before him at Windsore where hauing first terrified them with the presence and shewe of a greate number of armed men hee caused all the priuiledges of the citty both olde and newe to be brought forth whereof he restored some and restrained the rest yet the Londoners were not fully receiued to fauour neither recouered they at that time either the person or dignity of their Mayor Shortly after the King went to London at whose comming the citizens changed all their griefe into gladnesse as the common forte is without measure in both entertayning him with such ioyfull triumphes and rich presentes as if it had beene the day of his coronation They supposed with these great curtesies and costs to haue satissied his displeasure but they sound themselues farre deceiued for they were not fully restoaâ—ed to their liberties againe vntill they had made fine to pay vnto the King ten thousand poundes Thus did the Londoners manifest in themselues a strange diuersity of disposition both licenciously to committe offeâ—ee and paciently to endure punnishment hauing rashnesse and rage so tempered with obedience that they were easily punnished who coulde not possibly bee ruled Yet fot this cause so soone as first occasion did serue against the King they shewed themselues either his earnest enimies or faint friends King Richard in the nineteene yeare of his reigne passed the seas to Calice the French king also came downe to Arde betweene which two Townes a place was appointed and tentes erected for both the kings to meete After large expenses on both fides and great honour done by the one king to the other a surcease of armes was concluded betweene them for thirtie yeares and king Richard tooke to wife Lady Isabell the French Kings daughter being not aboue seuen or eight yeeres olde The Duke of Gloucester was so offended both with this friendship and assinitie that he lost all manner of patience exclaiming that it was more meete to be in armes then in amitie with the French-men who beeing inferiour to the English in courage did alwayes ouer-reach them in craft and being
too weake for warre did many times preuaile by peace that now they had got into their handes many Townes and Holdes appertaining to the crowne of England they were willing to conclude a peace to exclude the King thereby from his possessions but whensoeuer occasion shoulde change for their aduantage they would be then as ready to start from the friendshippe as at that present they were to strike it that the French Kings daughter being but a child was very vnmeet for the marriage of King Richard as well for disparitie of age as for that the King had no issue by his first wife and was not like to haue any by this except perhappes in his olde and withered yeeres When the Duke saw that with these motiues he did nothing preuaile he suborned the Londoners to make petition to the King that seâ—â—g there was peace with France he would release them of the Subsidie which they had graunted to him in regard of those warâ—es This suite was instantly followed and much perplexed the King vntill the Duke of Lancaster declare to the people that the King had beene at the charge and dispense of three hundred thousand poundes in his voyage into France for the procuring of this peace whereupon they were pacified and desisted from their demaund The yeere following Guido Earle of S. Pauls was sent into England by Charles King of Fraunce to visit and salute in his name King Richard and Queene Isabell his wife the French Kings daughter To this Earle the King did relate with what feruencie the Duke of Gloucester contended to make disturbance of the peace betweene England and France how because his minde was not therein followed hee mooued the people to seditious attempts bending himselfe wholly to maintaine discord and disquiâ—t rather in his owne countrey then not at all He further reported what stiffe strifes in formertâ—â—es the Duke had stirred which howsoeuer they were done yet as they were declared they sounded very odious and hard When the Earle heard this he presently answered that the Duke was too daungerous a subiect to be permitted to liue that greatnesse was neuer safe if it grow excessâ—ue and bolde that the King must not affect the vaine commendation of clemency with his owne perill and that it touched him both in honour to reuenge the disgraces which he had receiued and in policy to preuent the daungers which he had cause to feare These words of sharpened the Kings displeasure that from thencefoorth he busied his braines in no one thing more then how to bring the Duke to his end Now he began to pry more narrowly into his demeanour to watch his words to obserue actions adn alwayes to interpret them to the woorst framing himselfe to many vaine and weedlesse feareâ— Often times he would complaine of him to the Duke of Laâ—ster and the Duke of Yorke how fierce and violent he was in his speeches and crosse to him in all matters The Dukes would make answere that the Duke of Gloucester their brother was in deed more hoat and vehement then they did commend yet his fiercenesse was ioyned with faithfulnesse and his crosnesse proceeded from a care least the Common-wealth should decrease either in honour or in possessions and therefore the King had neither need to feare nor cause to disslike About that time the Dukes of Lancaster and of Yorke withdrewe themselues from the court to their priuate houses the duke of Gloucester also went to ly at Plashey neere Chelmessorde in Essex vpon aduantage of which seperation the King stoode distracted in minde betweene feare to differ and shame to auow the destruction of the Duke least he might happily bee disapointed by the one or dishonoured by the other Hereupon he entred into counsaile with Iohn Holland Earle of Huntington his halfe brother and Thomas Mowbray Earle of Notingham howe the Duke of Gloucester might be suppressed or oppressed rather the cruclty which was but wauering in the King yea wanting by nature was soone confirmed by euill aduise and being once inclined to bloud he did not faile either of example ofâ—ewd action to followe or direction of cruell counsaile what to doe so the plotte was contriued and according thereto the King and the Earle of Noâ—tingham rodâ— together into Essex as though it were to disporte themselues in hunting when they were in the middest of the Forrest the Earle made stay and the King passed forth with a smal and vnsuspicious company to the Duke lying at Plashey there he stayed dinner and then pretending occasion of present returne he desired the Duke to accompany him to London the faire entreatie of a Prince is a most forceable commaunde therefore the Duke supposing that onely to bee intended in deede which was pretended in shewe 〈◊〉 to horse-backe with the King taking such small attendance as vpon the sudden could be in a readinesse and appointing the rest to come after him to London So they rode together vsing much familiar talke by the way vntill they came neere the place of await then the King put his horse forwarde and the Duke comming behinde was suddenly intercepted and stayed crying aloud and calling to the King for his helpe the King continued his iourney as though he had not heard and the Duke was violently carried to the Thames and there shipped in a vessell layed for the purpose and from thence conueyed ouer to Calice When the King came to London he caused the Earle of Warwicke also to be arrested and sent to prison the same day that hee had inuited him to dinner and shewed good countenance and promised to be gracious Lord vnto him Vpon the like dissembled shewe the Earle of Arundell and his sonne and certaine others were arrested also and committed to prison in the Ile of Wight The common people vpon the apprehending of these three noble men whome they chiefely and almost onely fauoured were in a great confusion and tumult and there wanted but a head to drawe them to sedition euery man sorrowed murmured and threatned and daring no further stood waiting for one to leade them the way all being readie to followe that which any one was loath to beginne The Duke of Lancaster and of Yorke gathered a strong armie and came therewith to London where they were readily receiued by the citizens although the King had commaunded the contrarie but this seemed to be done rather for garde to themselues then regarde to any others The king all this time kept at a village called Helhame within foure miles of London hauing aboute him a great power of armed men which he had gathered out of Cheshire and Wales and to paciâ—â—â— the common people hee caused to be proclaimed that the Lordes were not apprehended vpon olde displeasures but for offences lately committed for which they should be appealed by order of law and receiue open triall in the Parliament next following the like message was sent to the Duke of Lancaster and the Duke of Yorke lying
at London to whome the King made faith for the safetie of their persons and indemnitie of their goods and that nothing should be attempted without their priuitie and aduise all this was as rashly belieued as it was craftely giuen out whereupon the Dukes dissembled their feares and dissolued their forces and remained in expectancie what would ensue A little before the feast of Saint Michael the Parliament began at London wherein Sir Iohn Bushie Sir William Bagot and Sir Heâ—rie Greene were principall agents for the Kings purpose These were then in all the credite and authoritie with the King and his chiefest Schoole-masters both of crueltie and deceite they were proude arrogant and ambitious and vppon confidence of the Kings fauour professed enemies to men of auncient Nobilitie to the ende that being lately start vp they might become more famous by maintaining contention with great persons And first by their importunate trauaile all the Charters of pardon graunted by the King were in this Perliament annulled and reuoked Then the prelates did constitute Sir Henrie Percie their procurator and departed the house because they might not be present in iudgement of bloud Lastly the Earle of Arundell and the Earle of Warwicke were arraigned and for the same offences for which they had bene pardoned namely for encroaching to themselues royall power in iudging to death Simon Burlye Iohn Berneis and others without the Kings consent were condemned to be hanged drawne and quarterâ—d but the King so moderated the seueritie of this sentence that the Earle of Arundell was onely he headed and the Earle of Warwicke committed to perpetuall imprisonment in the Ile of Man The Duke of Gloucester was so greatly fauoured that it was thought a point both of policie and peace notto bring him to his open answere but to put him to death secreately so he was strangled vnder a fether bedde at Calice by the Earle of Notingham being then Earle Marshall which death howsoeuer he deserued yet dying as he did not called not heard he died as guiltlesse In this same Parliament Thomas Arundell Archbishop of Caunterburie was also accused for executing the commision against Michaell Delapoole Earle of Suffolke for which cause his temporalties were seazed his lands and goods forfeited as well in vse as in possession and himselfe was adiudged to exile charged to depart the realme within sixe weekes then next ensuing So hee went into Fraunce where afterwardes he became a principall meane of the reuolt which followed Also the Lord Cobham was exiled into the Ile of Gernsey and Sir Reinolde Cobham was condemned to death not for entring into any attempt against the King but because he was appointed by the Lords to be one of his gouernours and of his counsaile in the 11. yeare of his raigne Now the King falsely supposing that he was free from all daungers and that the humour against him was cleane purged and spent conceiued more secreate contentment then he would openly bewraye as more able to dissemble his ioy then conceale his feare being so blinded and bewitched with continuall custome of flatteries that hee perceiued not that the state of a Prince is neuer stablished by cruelty and crafce On the other side the common people were much dismayed hauing nowe lost those whome they accompted their onely helpes and their onely hopes both for their priuate affaires and for supporting the state and because these mishapes hapned vnto them for maintaining a cause of common dislike the peoples stomacke was stirred thereby to much hate and hearte-burning against the King And to make their deathes the more odious the Earle of Arundell was reputed a martyr and pilgrimages were dayly made to the place of his buriall the rumour also was current but without either authour or grounde that this his head was miraculously fastened againe to his body this whilest all men affirmed and no man knewe the King caused the corpes to bee taken vp and viewed ten daies after it was interred and finding the cause to be fabulous hee caused the ground to be paued where the Earle was layde and all mention of his buriall to be taken away forbidding publickly and such speaches of him afterwardes to bee vsed but this restrainte raysed the more and they who if it had beene lawefull woulde haue saide nothing beeing once forbidden coulde not forbeare to talke It was also constantly reported that the King was much disquieted in his dreames with the Earle who did often seeme to appeare vnto him in so terrible and truculent manner that breaking his fearefull sleepe he would curse the time that euer he knew him In the one and twenty yeare of the raigne of K. Richard Henry Earle of Darby was created Duke of Herforde at which time the King created foure other Dukes to wit Duke of Aumerle who was before Earle of Rutland Duke of Southrey who was before Earle of Kent Duke of Excester who was before Earle of Huntington and Duke of Norfolke who was before Earle of Notingham This degree of honour long time after the conquest of the Noâ—mans whose chiefest rulers had no higher title was accompted too great for a subiect to beare the fourme of the common-wealth beeing framed by the victors farre from equallity of all and yet the King excepted without eminencie of any At the length King Edward the third created his eldest Sonne Edward Duke of Cornewale and made this honour hereditary conferring it vnto many since which time diuerse princes of this lande haue bene either put or kept or hazarded from their estate by men of that quallity and degree The King likewise created the Countesse of Norfolke Duchesse of Norfolke the Earle of Sommerset Marquesse of Sommerset the Lorde Spencer Earle of Gloucester the Lorde Neuill Earle of Westmerland the Lorde Scroupe Earle of Wiltshire and the Lord Thomas Darcy his steward Earle of Worcester Among these hee made diuision of a great parte of the landes of the Duke of Gloucester and of the Earles of Arundell and warwicke supposing by this double liberality of honour and possessions to haue purchased to himselfe most firme friendships but bought friendes for the most parte are seldome either satisfied or sure and like certaine Rauens in Arabia so long as they are ful doe yeeld a pleasant voyce but being empty doe make a horrible crie Now the Duke of Hereford raysed his desires together with his dignities and either vpon disdaine at the vndeserued fauour and aduancement of some persons about the Kingâ— or vpon dislike that the King was so dishonourably both abused and abased by them or else perhaps vppon desire to manifest his owne sufficiencie in matters of controwlement and direction being in familiar discourse with Thomas Mowbraye Duke of Norfolke he brake into complaint how the King regarded not the noble princes of his bloud and Peeres of the Realme and by extreamities vsed to some discouraged the rest from entermedling in any publique affaires how in steade of these hee was
deuised by his counsaile or done by his consent At this time the whole frame of the state was much shaken and matters of great weight and moment did hang by a very slender thred The King was plunged in pleasure and sloath after whose example others also as men doe commonly conforme their mindes according to the princes disposition gaue ouer themselues to dilicacie and ease whereby cowardise crepte in and shipwracke was made both of manhood and glorie The chiefest affaires of state had bene ordered for a long time according to priuate respects wherby the common-wealth lost both the fatte and the fauour and seemed not at seasons and by degrees but with a maine course and at once to ruinate and fall The north parts were many times canuased and by small yet often losses almost consumed by the Scots who had there taken many townes and castles and defaced all the countrey with slaughter and spoile Likewise the south partes were often-times wasted by the Frenchmen and in Fraunce many strong holds were lost It was also constantly affirmed that the King made agreement to deliuer vnto the King of Fraunce the possossion of Callice and of other townes which hee helde in those parts but the performance there of was resisted by the lords whether this were true or surmised probably as agreeable to the Kings loose gouernment I cannot certainely affirme As for Ireland which in the time of K. Edward the third was kept in order and awe by acquainting the people with religion and ciuility and drawing them to delight in the plenty and pleasures of well reclaymed countries whereby it yeelded to the kings coffers thirty thousand pounds euery yeare it was then suffered to runne into waste and the people by rudenesse became intractible so that the houlding thereof charged the King with the yearely dispence of thirty thousand markes Many succours had bene sent into these seuerall countries but scatteringly and dropping and neuer so many at once as to furnish the warres fully The King made some expeditions in his owne person with greate preparation and charge but beeing once out of credite whatsoeuer fell out well was attributed to others misfortunes were inputed onely to him If any thing were happily atchieued by some of the nobility it was by the Kings base hearted parasites to whom millitary vertue was altogether vnpleasant so extinuated or depraued or enuied that it was seldome rewarded so much as with countenance and thankes yea sometimes it procured suspicion and danger the King being informed by a cunning kinde of enemies commenders that to be a discreet and valiant commander in the fielde was a vertue peculiar to a Prince and that it was a perillous point to haue the name of a man of priuate estate famous for the same in euery mans mouth Hereupon fewe sought to rise by vertue and valâ—e the readier way was to please the pleasant humour of the Prince Likewise matters of peace were managed byâ—men of weakest sufficiency by whose counsell either ignorant or corrupt the destruction of the best harted nobility was many times attempted at the last wrought The profits and reuenues of the crowne were said to bee let to farme the King making himselfe landlord of this realme and challenged no great priuiledge by his reigne but onely a dissolute and vncontrouled life Great summes of mony were yearly rather exacted from the subiects then by them voluntarily graunted whereof no good did ensue but the maintenance of the Kings priuate delightes the aduancement of his hatefull fauorites To these he was somewhat aboue his power liberall for which cause he was faine to borrow begge and extort in other places but he purchased not so much loue by the one as hate by the other Besides the ordinary tearmes of tenthes and fiftenthes which were mâ—â—ny times paid double in one yeare diuers newe impositionâ— were by him deuised put in vse sometimes exacting xii d. of euery person throughout the realme sometimes of euery religious man and woman vi s. viii d. and of euery secular priest asmuch and of euerie lay person maried or sole xii d. Vnder the fauourable tearme of beneuolence hee wiped away from the people such heapes of money as were litle answerable to that free and friendly name He borrowed in all places of the realme great summes of money vpon his priuy seales so that no man of worth could escape his loane but he seldome and to few returned payment againe This present yeare he sent certaine Bishops and other personages of honour to all the shires corporations within the realme to declare vnto the people the Kings heauie displeasure against them for that they had bin abetters and complices of the Duke of Gloucester and of the Earles of Arundell and Warwicke and that the King was minded to make a roade vppon them as common enemies excepte they would acknowledge their offence and submit themselues to his mercie and grace Hereupon all the men of worth in euery shire and Towne corporate made their acknowledgment submission in writing vnder their scales afterwardes were faine to graunt vnto the King such importable summes of money to purchase againe his fauour as the land being already greatly impouerished they were hardly able to endure Then were exacted of theÌ„ strange vnaccustomed oathes which were put likewise in writing vnder their seales They were also coÌ„pelled to set their hands and scales to blancke chartes wherein the King might afterwardes cause to be written what he would so that all the wealth of the realme was in a manner at his deuotion and pleasure These and such like violences were far wide from the moderate gouernement of K. Henrie the second whoe maintaining great warres and obteyning a larger dominion then perteyned at any other time to this realme of England neuer demaunded subsidie of his subiectes and yet his treasure after his death was founde to be nine hundred thousand poundes besides his Iewels and his plate In this sort the King bearing a heauie hand vpon his subiects and they againe a heauie hart against him and being withall a Prince weake in action and not of valure sufficient to beare out his vices by might the people at length resolued to reuolt and rather to runne into the hazard of a ruinous rebellion then to endure safetie ioyned with slauerie so they attended occasion which shortly after was thus offered The King receiued letters of aduertisement out of Ireland which being priueledged from other venimous beasts hath alwaies beene pestered with traytors how the Barbarous Irish had cut in pieces his garrison and slaine Roger Mortimer Earle of Marsh who had beene declared heire apparent to the Crowne exercising all the crueltie in wasting of the country which wrath and rage of victorie could incite a Barbarous people to practise This losse being great in it selfe the hard affection of the people did much augmeÌ„t by report wherupon the King deliberated whether it were requisite that
Henry the third but they were not able yet were they able to depose King Edward the second and to constitute his young sonne Edward King in his steade these are not all and yet enough to cleare this action of rarenesse in other countries noueltie in our The difficulty indeede is somewhat because the excellencie is great but they that are affraide of euery bush shall neuer take the bird your selfe had once some triall hereof when without battaile without bloud or blowes you had the King at such a lift as he held his Crowne at your courtesie euen at that time when his grieuances were neither for greatnes nor continuance so intollerable as now they are growne and by reason of his tender yeres not out of al compasse both of excuse for the fault and of hope for an amendement And as concerning the lawfulnesse Nay said the Duke where necessity doth enforce it is superfluous to vse speach either of easinesse or of lawfulnesse necessitie will beate thorow brasen Walles and can be limited by no lawes I haue felt verie deeply my part in these calamities and I would you knew with what griefe I haue beheld your for what other reward haue I receiued of all my trauailes and seruices but the death of my vncle and dearest friends my owne banishment the imprisonmeut of my children and losse of my inheritance and what haue beene returned to you for your bloud so often shed in his vnfortunate warres but continuall tributes scourges gallowes and slauerie I haue made sufficient proofe both of pacience in my owne miseries and of pittie in your remedy them hither to I could not If now I can I will not refuse to sustain that part which yonr importunitie doth impose vpon me if we preuaile we shall recouer againe our libertie if wee loose our state shall be no worse theÌ„ now it is and since we must needs perish either deseruingly or without cause it is more honorable to put our selues vpon â—he aduenture eyther to winne our liues or to dye for deserte and although our liues were safe which in deede are not yet to abandon the state ane sleepe still in this slauerie were a poynt of negligence and sloath It remaineth then that we vse both secrecie and celeritie laying hold vpon the oportunitie which the Kings absence hath now presented vnto vs for in al enterprises which neuer are commended before they bee atchieued delayes are daungerous and more safe it is to be founde in action then in counsaile for they that deliberate onely to rebell haue rebelled already So the messengers departed into England to declare the Dukes acceptance and to make preparation against his arriuall both of armour and of subiection and desire to obey Presently after their departure the Duke signified to Charles king of Fraunce that he had a desire to goe into Brittaine â—o visite Iohn Duke of Brittaine his friend and kinsman The King suspecting no further fetch sent letters of commendation in his fauour to the Duke of Brittaine but if he had surmised any dangerous drift against King Richard who not long before had taken his daughter to wife in stead of letters of safe-conducte he would haue founde lettes to haue kept him safe from disturbing his sonne in lawes estate Assoone as the Duke was come into Brittaine he waged certaine souldiours and presently departed to Calice and so committed to sea for England giuing forth that the onely cause of his voyage was to recouer the Duchie of Lanchaster and the rest of his lawfull inheritance which the King wrongfully deteyned from him In his companie was Thomas Arundell the Archbishop of Canterburie and Thomas the sonne heire of Richard late earle of Arundell who was very yong and had a little before escaped out of prison and fled into France to the Duke The residue of his attendants were very few not exceeding the number of fifteen lances so that it is hard to esteeme whether it was greater maruaile either that he durst attempt or that he did preuaile with so smal a company but his chiefest coÌ„fidence was in the fauour assistance of the people within the realme So he did beare with England yet not in a streight course but floated along the shoare making head sometimes to one coast and sometimes to another to discouer what forces were in a readines either to resist or to receiue him As he was in this sort houering on the seas L. Edmund duke of Yorke the kings vncle to whom the king had committed the custody of the Realme during the time of his absence called vnto him EdmuÌ„d Stafford bishop of Chichester L. Ghancellour W. Scroupe earle of Wiltshire L. Treasurour of the Realme also Sir Iohn Bushie Sir Henry Greene Sir William Bagot Sir Iohn Russell and certain others of the kings Priuy councell and entred into deliberation what was best to be done At the last it was concluded deceitfully by some vnskilfully by others and by all perniciously for the king to leaue the sea coasts and to leaue London the very walles castle of the Realme and to goe to S. Albons there to gather strength sufficient to encounter with the duke It is most certaine that the dukes side was not any wayes more furthered then by this dissembling and deceiuable dealing for open hostility and armes may openly and by armes be resisted but priuy practises as they are hardly espied so are they seldome auoided And thus by this meanes the duke landed about the feast of Saiud Martin without let or resistance at Rauenspur in Houldernesse as most writers affirme Presently after his ariual there resorted to him Lord Henrie Pearcie Earle of Northumberland and Lord Henry his son Earle of Westmerland Lorde Radulph Neuill Lorde Rose Lord Willoughby many other personages of honor whose company encreased reputation to the cause and was a great couutenance and strength to the Dukes further purposes And first they tooke of him an oath that hee should neither procure nor permit any bodily harme to be done vnto King Richard whereupon they bound themselues vpon their honours to prosecute all extremities against his mischieuous counsailers And this was one step further then that which the Duke pretended at the first when hee tooke shipping at Callice which was only the recouery of his inheritance but that was as yet not determined nor treated and of some perhaps not thought vpon which afterwardes it did ensue and so was that place easily insinuated into by degrees which with maine and direct violence would hardlier haue bin obtained Then the common people desperate vpon newe desires and without head head-long to matters of innouation flocked very fast to these noble men the better sort for loue to the common-wealth some vpon a wanton lenetie and vaine desire of change others in regard of their ownâ— distressed and decayed estate who setting their chiefe hopes and deuises vppon a generall disturbance were then most safe when the common state was
Berkley Thom. Erpinghame Thom. Graye Knights Will. Thirninge Iustice Commissioners for the matters hereafter specified by the Lords spirituall and temporall of the realme of England and the Commons of the said realme representing all the states of the saide Kingdome specially deputed sitting in seate of iudgement and considering the manifold periuries and cruelties and many other crimes and offerces by Richard late King of the saide realme committed and doone contrarie to good gouernement in the realmes and dominions aforesaide during the time of his reigne also considering the articles which were openly â—â—â—bibited and red before the said states which were so publicke notorious manifest and famous that they could nor can by no auoydance and shift be concealed also considering the confession of the saide King acknowledging and reputing and truly vpon his certaine knowledge iudging himselfe to haue been and to be altogether insufficient and vnskilfull for the rule and gouernment of the realmes and Dominions aforesaid and of any parts of them and not vnworthy to be deposed for the notorious demerites by the said Richard first acknowledged and afterward by his will and mandate before the said states published and to them opened and declared in the English tongue Vpon these and other matters which were done concerning the same busines before the said States and vs by the diligent place name and authority to vs in this part committed in aboundance and for a cautele we pronounce decree and declare the saide Richard to haue beene and to be vnprofitable and vnable and altogether insufficient and vnworthie for the rule and gouernement of the said realmes and of the dominions rights and parts of them and in regarde and respect of the premises worthily to be deposed from all kinglie dignitie and honour if any such dignitie and honour remaineth in him and for the like cautele wee doe depose him by our sentence definitiue in this writing inhibiting from hencefoorth expressely all and singular Lords Archbishops Bishops Prelates Dukes Marquesses and Earles Barons Knights Vassalles and all other persons whatsoeuer of the saide realmes and dominions and other places to the said realmes and dominions appertaining the subiects and liege people of the same and euery of them that from henceforth none obey or intend to obey the foresaid Richard as king or Lord of the realmes and dominions aforesaid Then the same Commissioners were by the consent and suffrages of both houses constituted procurators ioyntlye and seuerally for all the states of the realme to resigne and surrender vnto King Richard for them and all other homagers of the realme all the homages and fealties which were both due and doone vnto him as King and Soueraigne and also to declare vnto him al the premises concerning his deposition Now Henrie Duke of Lancaster that he might be reputed or reported at the least not to attaine the kingdom by intrusion and wrong was counsailed by his friends to pretend some lawfull challenge and claime therevnto and being in power it was no sooner aduised what was to bee doone but it was presently deuised how to doe it So a title was drawne from Edmund sonne to King Henrie the third whom they surnamed Crowch backe affirming that he was the eldest sonne of King Henrie and that for his deformitie he was put from his right of succession in the kingdome which was for that cause giuen to his yonger brother King Edward the third to this Edmund the Duke was next of bloud by his mother Blanche sole daughter and heyre to Henrie the first Duke of Lancaster and sonne to the saide Edmund This cunning conceit was perceiued of all men but seeming not to perceiue it was a point of friendship in some and of obedience in the rest therfore the kingdome of England being then thought vacant both by the resignation and also by the deposition of King Richard Duke Henrie arose from his seate and standing in the view of the Lords crossed himselfe on the forehead and on the brest and spake as followeth In the name of God Amen 〈◊〉 Henrie of Lancaster claime the realme of England â—â—â—â—owne with all the appurtenances 〈…〉 of the bloud royall comming from that good Lord K. Henrie the third and through the right that God of this grace hath sent mee with the helpe of my kindred and of my friendes to recouer the same Which kingdome was in point to be vndoone for default of good gouernment and due iustice After these wordes it was demaunded in both houses of the Nobility of the commons which were assembled whether they did consent that the Duke should raigne Who all with one voyce acknowledged and accepted him for their King then the Archbishop of Canterbury tooke him by the hand and placed him in the throane of estate the Archbishoppe of Yorke assisting him and all the assemblie testifying their owne ioy and wishing his Then the Archbishop made an oration and tooke for his theame this place of Scripture See this is the man whom I spake to thee of this same shall raigne ouer my people 1. Reg. 9. 17. After all this he was proclaimed King of England and of Fraunce and Lord of Ireland and the common people which is voide of cares not searching into sequels but without difference of right or wrong inclinable to follow those that are mighty with shoutes and clamours gaue their applause not all vpon iudgement or faithfull meaning but most onely vpon a receiued custome to flatter the Prince whatsoeuer he be Yet least the heate of this humour should allay by delay it was foorthwith proclaimed in the great Hall that vpon the 13. day of September next ensuing the Coronation of the King should be celebrated at Westminster These matters being thus dispatched the King proclaimed arose from his seate and went to White Hall where he spent the rest of the day in royall feasting and all other complementes of ioy notwithstanding there appeared in him no token of statelynesse or pride nor any change in so great a change Vpon Wednesday next following the procurators before mentioned went to the presence of King Richard being within the Tower and declared vnto him the admission of his resignation and also the order and forme of his deposition and in the name of all the states of the realme did surrender the homage and fealty which had been due vnto him so that no man from thence foorth would beare to him faith and obedience as to their King The King answered that he nothing reguarded these titulare circumstances but contented himselfe with hope that his cousen would be gracious Lord and good friend vnto him So vpon the 13. day of October which was the day of the translation of Edward the Confessour the Duke was with all accustomed solemnities by the Archbishoppe of Canterbury sacred annointed and Crowned King at Westminster by the name of king Henry the fourth vpon the very same day wherein the yeere before he had been banished the Realme
Hee was annoynted with an oyle which a certaine religious man gaue vnto Henry the first Duke of Lancaster Grandfather to the King by the mothers side when he serued in the warres of King Edward the third beyond the seas together with this Prophesie that the Kinges which should be annoynted therewith should bee the champions of the Church Duke Henry deliuered this oyle in a golden violl to Prince Edward the eldest sonne of King Edward the third who locked vp the same in a barred chest within the Tower with intent to be annoynted therewith when he should bee crowned King but the Prince dying before his Father it remained there eyther not remembred or not regarded vntill this present yeere wherein the King being vpon his voyage into Ireland and making diligent search for the iewels and monumentes of his progenitours found this Violl and Prophesie and vnderstanding the secret was desirous to be anoynted againe with that oyle but the Archbishop of Canterbury perswaded him that both the fact was vnlawfull and the precedent vnseene that a King should bee anoynted twice whereupon he brake of that purpose and tooke the Violl with him into Ireland and when hee yeelded himselfe at Flint the Archbishoppe of Canterburye demaunded it of him agayne and dyd receaue and reserue the same vntill the coronation of King Henrie who was the first King of this realme that was anoynted therewith I am not purposed to discourse eyther of the authoritye or of the certaintye of these prophesies but wee may easily obserue that the greatest part of them eyther altogether fayled or were fulfilled in another sence then as they were commonly construed and taken During the raigne of King Henrie the fourth execution by fire was first put in practise within this Realme for controuersies in poyntes of religion in any other extraordinarye mattter hee did as much make the Church champion as shew himselfe a champion of the Church but afterwardes his successours were entytuled Defenders of the fayth and howe in action they veryfied the same I referre to remembraunce and reporte of later times Now it had beene considered that the tytle which was deriued to King Henrie from Edmund whome they surnamed Crouchbacke would bee taken but for a blynde and idle iest for that it was notorious that the sayd Edmund was neyther eldest sonne to King Henry the thyrd as it was plainely declared by an acte of Parlament nor yet a misshapen and deformed person but a goodly Gentleman and valiant commaunder in the field and so fauoured of the King his Father that hee gaue him both the heritages and honours of Sâ—â—one Mountfort Earle of Leicester of Ferrare Earle of Darby and of Iohn Barron of Monmuthe who to theyr owne ruine and destruction had desplaied seditious ensignes against the King And further to aduaunce him to the marriage of Blanch Queene of Nauerne he created him the first Earle of Lancaster and gaue vnto him the county Castle and towne of Lancaster with the Forrestes of Wiresdale Lounsdale Newcastle beneath Linne the Manner Castle and Forrest of Pickering the Manner of Scaleby the towne of Gomecester of Huntendone c. with many large priuiledges and high titles of homour Therefore King Henry vpon the day of his Coronation caused to be proclaimed that he claymed the Kingdome of England first by right of conquest Secondly because King Richard had resigned his estate and designed him for his successour Lastly because he was of the bloud royall and next heyre male vnto King Richard Haeres malus indeed quoth Edmund Mortimer Earle of March vnto his secret friends and so is the Pirate to the Marchant when hee despoyleth him of all that hee hath This Edmund was sonne to Roger Mortimer who was not long before slaine in Ireland and had been openly declared heyre apparent to the Crowne in case King Richard should dye without issue as descended by his Mother Philip from Lionell Duke of Clarence who was elder brother to Iohn Duke of Lancaster King Henries Father and therfore the sayd Edmund thought himselfe and indeed was neerer heyre male to the succession of the Crowne then he that by colour of right clayming it carried it by dynt of force But such was the condition of the tyme that hee supposed it was vaine for him to stirre where King Richard could not stand Whereupon he dessembled eyther that he saw his wrong or that hee regarde it and chose rather to suppresse his title for a time then by vntimely opposing himselfe to haue it oppressed and depressed for euer to this ende hee withdrewe himselfe farre from London to his Lordshippe of Wigmore in the West partes of the realme and there setled himselfe to a priuate and close life Idlenes and vacancy from publike affaires he accompted a vertue and a deepe point of wisedome to meddle with nothing whereof no man was chargeable to yeelde a reckoning In reuenues he was meane in apparell moderate in company and traine not excessiue yet in all these honourable and according to his degree so that they which esteemed men by outward appearance only could see in him no great shew eyther of wit and courage in his minde to be feared or of wealth and honour in his estate to be enuyed And thus whilest a greater enemy was feared he passed vnregarded making himselfe safe by contempt where nothing was so daungerous as a good opinion and raking vp those coales in obscuritie for a time which shortly after set all the realme on fire King Henrie presently after his coronation created his eldest sonne Lord Henrie being then about xiii yeares of age Prince of Wales Duke of Cornewall and Earle of Chester and soone after he created him also Duke of Aquitaine Afterwards it was enacted by consent of all the states of the realme assembled together in the Parlament that the inheritance of the Crownes and Realmes of England and of Fraunce aud of all the dominions to them apperteyning should be vnited and remaine in the person of King Henrie and in the heires of his body lawfully begotten and that Prince Henrie his eldest sonne should be his heyre apparant and successour in the premisses and if he should dye without lawfull issue then they were entayled to his other sonnes successiuely in order and to the heyres of their bodyes lawfully begotten The inheritance of the Kingdome being in this sorte settled in King Henrie and in his line it was mooued in the Parlament what should be doone with King Richard The Bishop of Caerliel who was a man learned and wise and one that alwayes vsed both libertie and constancie in a good cause in his secret iudgement did neuer giue allowance to these proceedings yet dissembled his dislike vntill he might to some purpose declare it therefore now being in place to be heard of all and by order of the house to be interrupred by none he rose vp and with a bould and present spirit vttered his minde as followeth This question right Honourable
by the commaundement or conâ—iuence of King Edward the fourth And hee also escaped not free for hee dyed not without many 〈…〉 suspicions of poisonâ— and after his death his two sonnes were disinherited imprisoned and butchered by their cruell Vnckle the Duke of Gloucester who beeing a tyrant and vsurper was lawfully slaine in the field and so in his person hauing no issue the tragedie did end Which are most rare and excellent examples both of comfort to them that are oppressed and of terrour to violent dealers that God in his secret iudgement dooth not alwayes so certainely prouide for our safetie as reuenge our iniuries and harmes and that all our vniust actions haue a daye of payment and many times by waye of retaliation euen in the same manner and measure wherein they were committed And thus was King Richard brought to his death by violence and force as all wrighters agree although all agree not vppon the manner of the violence Hee was a man of personage rather well proportioned then tall of great beautie and grace and comlinesse in presence hee was of a good strength and no abiect spirit but the one by ease the other by flatterie were much abased He deserued many friends but found fewe because hee sought them more by liberalitye then vertuous dealing He 〈◊〉 merueilous 〈◊〉 in all his actions which may verye well bee 〈◊〉 to his negligence and sloath for hee that is not prouident can seldome prosper but by his loosenesse will loose whatsoeuer fortune or other mens 〈…〉 hee was driuen is such distresse that 〈…〉 it as a benefite to bee disburdened of his royall dignitie for which other men will not sticke to put theyr goods and liues and soules in hazarde Hee liued three and thirtie yeares and reigned two and twentie His dead body was embaulmed and 〈…〉 couered with Lead all saue his face and carryed 〈…〉 and in all the chiefe places by the waye his face was 〈…〉 that by viewe thereof no doubt should bee made concerning his death At London hee had a solemne obsequie kept in the Cathedrall Church of Saint Paulâ— the King beeing present and all the chiefe 〈…〉 Then hee was conueyed to Langley Abbey in Bucking ham shire about 〈…〉 myle from London and there obscurely 〈◊〉 by the Bishop of Chester the Abbot of S. Albones and the Abbot of Waltham without presence of noble men without coâ—â—â—uence of the common people and without the charge of a dinner for celebrating the 〈…〉 but afterward on the commaundement of King Henry the fifth his body was taken vp and remooued to Westminster and honourably entombed amongst his auncesters with Queene Anne his wife in expiation as it is like of his Fathers violent and vnfaithfull dealing So hee whose life was alwaies tumultuous and vnquiet could not readily finde rest for his bones euen after death It was not amisse in regard of the common wealth that he was dead yet they who caused his death had small reason to reckon it among theyr good deedes And thus doe these and the like accidents dayly happen to such Princes as will be absolute in power resolute in will and dissolute in life This yeere Hunfrey the sonne and heyre of the Duke of Gloucester dyed of the plague as he returned out of Ireland where King Richard had 〈◊〉 him prisoner and shortly after the Duchesse his mother with violence of griefe ended her dayeâ— this yeere also dyed Thomas Moâ—bray the exiled duke of Norfolke whose death would much haue been lamented if he had not furthered so many lamentable deaths but he ouerliued his honour saw himselfe accounted a person infamed and of no estimation Likewise about this 〈…〉 Duke of Brittaine deceased who had taken to wife Mary daughter to King Edward the third and by her had no issue but by Ioan his second wife he left behinde him three sons Iohn Richard Arthur this Ioan was afterwards maried to K. Henrie as hereafter shall appeare Also this yeere Edmund Duke of Yorke departed this life his honour not stayrred his fame not touched he was a man very circumspect and wary in his cariage not carelesse of a good fame nor greedy after a great of other mens wealth not desirous liberall of his owne and of the common sparing he did not by obstinate opposing himselfe against the current of the time rashly hasten eyther his fame or his fall but by moderation attayned safely that degree of praise and honour which others aspiring vnto by desperate courses wanne with ambitious death without any other profit at all He left behinde him two noble sonnes expresse resemblencers of his integritie Edward who succeeded in his dignitie and before was called Duke of Aumerle and Richard Earle of Cambridge Edward in the change of the state neither constantlye kept his fidelitie nor stoutlie maintained his treason Richard tooke to wife the daughter and heyre of Roger Mortimer whose mother Phillip was sole daughter and heyre to Lionell Duke of Clarence the third sonne of King Edward the thyrd by which title and discent his posteritie claimed the Crowne and kingdome of this realme from the successours of King Henrie as heereafter more at large shall be declared Charles King of Fraunce lost no time all this while in making preparation to inuade England and to that end had now raysed an armie royall which was brought downe into Picardie and in a readinesse to haue beene transported But it is verye like that this hast for the deliuerance of King Richard did the more hasten his death vppon newes whereof the Frenchmen perceiuing their purpose for his restitution to be to no purpose gaue ouer the enterprise some being grieued that the occasion was lost of making spoile of so plentifull a countrie others being well content to be discharged of that hope together with the hazard whervpon it depended Shortlie after the French King sent a solemne Embassage into England to treate or rather intreate that Lady Isabell his daughter who had bin espoused to King Richard might with her dowrie bee restored to him againe King Henrie most honourablie receiued these Embassadours and gaue in answere that he would speedelie send his Commissioners to Calice which should fullye commune and conclude with them both of this and other weightie affayres concerning both the realmes Not long after he sent Edward Duke of Yorke and Henrie Earle of Northumberland to Calice Also the French King sent the Duke of Burbone and certaine others to Bulleine These Commissioners did often meete sometimes at one place and sometimes at another the Frenchmen especially required that Lady Isabell should be restored shewing that King Charles her Father had giuen in charge that this before all matters and without this nothing should be concluded On the other side the Englishmen desired that she might be married to Henry Prince of Wales King Henries eldest Sonne a man answerable to her in equall degree both of bloud and of yeeres but the French King denyed that
THE FIRST PART OF THE LIFE AND raigne of King Henrie the IIII. Extending to the end of the first yeare of his raigne Written by I. H. Imprinted at London by Iohn Woolfe and are to be solde at his shop in Popes head Alley neere to the Exchange 1599. Illustrissimo honoratissimo Roberto Comiti Essexiae Ewe Comiti Marescallo Angliae Vicecomiti Herefordiae Bourchier Baroni Ferrariis de Chartley Domino Bourchier Louein Regiae Maiestati Hyppocomo Machinarum bellicarum praefecto Academiae Cantabrigiensis Cancellario ordinis Georgiani Equiti aurato Serenissimae Domino Reginae a sanctioribus consilijs Domino meo plurimum obseruando ΑΡίσῳ καὶ γενναιοτάτῳ optimo Nobilissimo inquit Euripides ex qua sententia tu primus ac solus fere occurrebas illustrissime comes cuius nomeÌ„ si Henrici nostri fronte radiaret ipse laetior tutior in vulgus prâ—diret Magnus si quidem es presenti iudicio futuri temporis expectatione in quo veluti recuperasse nunc oculos caeca prius fortuna videri potest Dum cumulare honoribus eum gestit qui omnibus virtutibus est insignitus Hunc igitur si laeta fronte excipere digneris sub nominis tui vmbra tanquam sub Aiacis clipio Teucer ille Homericus tutissime latebit Deus opt max. celsitudinem tuam nobis reique publicae diu seruet incolumem quo nos vz. tam fide quam armis potenti tua dextra defensi vltique diutina cum securitate tum gloria perfruamur Honori tuo deditissimus I. HAYVVARDE Faultes escaped in the Printing Page Line Fault Read 11 23 played plyed 15 13 pleaseth please 16 20 present presents 19 22 sport sort 19 24 tempored tempered 37 10 weedlesse needelesse 41 18 cause fame 43 13 too two 44 13 in reporting to reporting 53 08 moued enforced 55 04 this his 55 05 chalenged chalenging 57 27 else or else 65 20 carried carry 70 13 lenety leuity 71 35 Bush Bushie 75 05 officers of so long offers of so large 75 12 Castell Trim Castell of Trim 75 32 of the one by the one 77 32 at men to men 79 25 increased incensed 86 13 Thirminges Thirninges 86 15 Lophane Lopham 88 32 confessed confused 100 10 taking raking 102 30 or violence or conceale violence 107 35 is no more it is no more 127 06 resistance assistance 127 27 Redding Reading 130 24 he had that he had 131 05 hardly shortly 131 24 was not he was not 131 27 bloud bould 148 21 reteyned he reteyned A. P. to the Reader AMong all sortes of humane writers there is none that haue done more profit or deserued greater prayse then they who haue committed to faithfull records of Histories eyther the gouernment of mighty states or the liues and actes of famous men for by describing the order and passages of these two and what euents hath followed what counsailes they haue set foorth vnto vs not onely precepts but liuely patterns both for priuate directions and for affayres of state whereby in shorte time young men may be instructed and ould men more fullie furnished with experience then the longest age of man can affoorde And therefore Cicero reporteth that L. Lucullus when he went from Rome to make warre against Mithridates was altogether vnskilfull in Militarie seruices yet in the time of his Nauigation he so exercised himselfe what with conference and what with reading of histories that when hee came into Asia by the iudgement and confession of that great King hee was preferred before all the commaunders that were before him Heerevppon when Alexander Seuerus did deliberate of anye weightie matter hee would especiallye take aduise of men skilfull in histories and not without good cause for if as Afranius saith experience hath begot Wisedome and Memory as a mother hath brought it foorth who are to be better accompted then they whose memory is as it were a rich storehouse of the experiences not of one age or Country but of all times and of all nations And therefore it is no great maruaile that Zenobia who after the death of her husband Odonatus tooke vpon her the state not onely insulted vpon the Romaines but held the Arabians the Saricenes the Armenians and other fierce and intractible people in such obedience that although shee were both a woman and a Barbarian yet they neuer stirred against her for she had perfectly red the Romaine history in Greeke and also had herselfe abridged the Alexandrian and all the Orientall histories whereby she attained the highest pitch both of Wisedome and authority for examples are of greater force to stir vnto vertue then bare preceptes insomuch as Cicero said that nothing could be taught well without example Therfore the Lacaedemoians as Plutarch writeth did vse vpon feastiuall dayes to present vnto theyr Sons certayne drunken slaues whom they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that by view of the vice they might learne to auoyde it and Hismenias the Thebane would shew to his Schollers musitians of all sortes good and bad instructing them to followe the one and not the other And this is that which the Apologily telleth of a certaine Country woman who being hard fauoured and fearing least shee should bring foorth children like her selfe got many faire and beautifull Pyctures which shee did dayly and steedfastly beholde the meaning whereof it that by setting before vs the actes and liues of excellent men it is the readiest way to fashion our qualities according to the same Heereupon Cicero doeth rightly call history the witnesse of times the light of truth the life of memory and the messenger of antiquity Heereby wee are armed against all the rage and rashnesse of Fortune and heereby wee may seeme in regarde of the knowledge of thinges to haue trauelled in all Countryes to haue liued in all ages and to haue been conuersant in all affayres Neyther is that the least benefit of history that it preserueth eternally both the glory of good men and shame of euill Some Philosophers doe deny that glory is to be desired for vertue say they is a reward vnto it selfe and must not be respected for the vaine and titulare blastes of glory yet in wryting these things they affect that especially which they especially depraue And indeed there is no man hath so horny hartstringes as Persius speaketh who is not tickled with some pleasure of praise againe there is no man of so flinty a forehead who is not touched with some feare of infamy and shame Doe we thinke that the valiant souldier thinketh no toyle too tough but boldly aduentureth the hazard of all happes because he is weary of his life death commeth by nature to all men alike onely with difference of memory with posterity And I would thinke that Citties at the first were builded lawes made and many thinges inuented for the vse of men chiefly for desire of glory which humour except the old gouernours of common wealths had thought necessary they would neuer
the king with regard of the dangerous and discontend times the duke with respect of his duty and faith and so partly by her entreaty and aduise partly by their inclination bending to the 〈◊〉 course all apparancy of displeasure on the one part and a 〈◊〉 on the other was for that time layed aside The same yere Michael Dâ—lapoole was made Clancellour of England and created earle of Suffolke and Robert Veerâ— earle of Oxford was created Marquesse of Dubline being the first man within this realme that was eâ—obled with that 〈◊〉 But 〈◊〉 they grew in honour sordid they 〈◊〉 hate for many noble men did infinitely stomacke their vndeserued aduancements and with these the fauour of the people generally went but the kings intemperate affection was peremptory 〈…〉 not regarding 〈…〉 could not resist it The yeere next following Robert Veere the new Marques was created duke of Ireland This yere the Knights and burgesses of 〈◊〉 put vp many complaints against the Earle of suffolke vpon which they 〈…〉 his 〈…〉 triall namely 〈◊〉 he 〈…〉 the 〈◊〉 in taking of him to farme all the profits 〈…〉 crowne thow wantonly he wasted the treasure of the land in 〈◊〉 liberalitie and vnnecessary charges how deepe he had diued into the kings debt how carelesse and 〈…〉 in his office how greatly he had 〈◊〉 deceived and 〈◊〉 the king in 〈◊〉 dealing and 〈◊〉 particularly 〈◊〉 with diuers other 〈…〉 dishonor and dishonesty both in priuate actions and in office This 〈◊〉 was a merchants sonne in London and growing mighty on the sudden he could not gouerne himselfe in the change but 〈◊〉 lay 〈…〉 of his minde which were suppressed and 〈…〉 rulleâ—â—ng 〈◊〉 with 〈…〉 he made 〈◊〉 of his 〈…〉 Yet the king was willing either secretly to dissemble or openly to 〈◊〉 these 〈◊〉 and so passed them ouer with a short audience as his maner was in matters of 〈◊〉 weight 〈…〉 with the complaint Afterwards a 〈…〉 but answere was made that this needed not since the kings wants might be furnished with the debts which were owing him from his Chancellour neither was it to any purpose so long as the 〈…〉 ordered by such 〈◊〉 as before it had beene 〈…〉 was like 〈…〉 the matter against the 〈…〉 and the king perswaded 〈…〉 honourable not safe to beare him out that to priuate men it was sufficient if themselues abstaine from wrong but a prince must prouide that none do wrong vnder him for by mainteining or wincking at the vices of his officers he maketh them his owne and shal surely be charged therewith when first occasion doth serue against him At the last vpon instant importunity of both houses the king did consent that a commission should goe forth to certaine noble men giuing them authority to heare and determine all matters which were obiected against the L. Chancellour and then was a Subsidie graunted with exceptiâ—n that the money should be expended by the Lords to the benefit and behalfe of the realme The king did further demaund that the heires of Charles Blâ—ys who made claime to the duchy of Britaine should be sold to the French men for thirty thousand marks and the money granted to the duke of Ireland for recouery of those possessions which the king had giuen him in Ireland this was likewise assented vnto vpon condition that before Easter then next ensuing the duke should depart into Ireland and there remaine at so high a price did they value the riddance of him out of the realme The charge of the Subsidie money was committed to Richard earle of Arundell Commissioners for the earle of Suffolke were appointed Thomas duke of Glocester the kings vncle and the sayd earle of Arundell but during the time of their proceeding the king kept all off in places farre distant either to manifest thereby the dissent of his minde or to auoid the griefe which his neerenesse would increase And now was the Chancellour left vnto himselfe to answere to those demeanures wherein he made the kings blinde fauour his priuiledge and protection supposing neuer to see the same either altered or ouer-ruled In the end being conuict of many crimes and abuses he was deposed from his office his goods were confiscated to the kings Exchequer himselfe was adiudged woorthy of death Yet was execution submitted to the kings pleasure and vnder sureties he was permitted to goe at large At the same time Iohn Fâ—â—rdâ— Bishop of Duresme another of the Kings dainties was remoued also from being Lord Treasorer of England he was a man of little depth either in learning or wisedome but one that had the Arte of seeming in making the best shewe of whatsoeuer he spake or did and rising from meane estate to so high a pitch of honour hee exercised the more excessiuely his ryote auarice and ambition not able to moderate the lustes and desires which former want had kindled When this businesse was blowne ouer the King â—â—turned againe to London and did presently receiue the Earle of Suffolke with the Duke of Ireland and the Archbishop of Yorke to greater grace and familiaritie then at any time before These Triumuirs did not cease to stirre vp the Kings stomake against those Noble men whose speciall excellencie had made matter of fame and regarde partly for the disgraces which they had receiued partly vpon malicious emulation to see the other so fauoured and themselues so odious and that their priuate choller and ambition might beare some shewe of publike respect they suggested vnto the King that he was but halfe yea not halfe a King in his owne Realme but rather the shadow and picture of a King for if we respect sayd they matters of state you beare the sword but they sway it you haue the shewe but they the authority of a Prince vsing your name as a colour and countenance to their proceedings and your person as a cypher to make them great and be your selfe nothing Looke to the dutie of your subiectes and it is at their deuotion so that you can neither commaunde nor demaunde any thing but with such exceptions and limitations as they please to impose come now to your priuate actions your liberalitie the greatest vertue in a prince is restrained your expences measured and your affections confined to frowne and fauour as they doe prescribe What Ward is so much vnder gouernment of his Gardian Wherein will they next or can they more abridge you Except they should take from you the place as they haue done the power of a Prince and in this we thinke they may iusty be feared hauing so great might ioyned with so great aspiring mindes For power is neuer safe when it doth exceede ambition is like the Crocodile which groweth so long as he liueth or like the Iuie which fastning on the foote of the tallest Tower by small yet continuall rising at length will climbe aboue the toppe it is already growne from a sparke to a flame from a twigge to a tree and high
time it is that the encrease were stayed oftentimes such ouer-ruling of Princes haue proceeded to their ouerthrowing and such cutting them short hath turned to cutting them off their mindes are suspicious their power daungerous and therefore the opportunitie must bee preuented The Kings owne weaknesse made him apprehensiue and framed his mind to a vaine and needlesse feare but chiefely he was moued at the remoouing of his Chauncellour and Treasorer out of their offices and of the Duke of Ireland out of the Realme supposing it a restraint to his princely power that he might not absolutly and in things giue or forgiue as his pleasure serued When these prâ—â—ie incensers perceiued the Kings humour once sharpned they so played him with plauâ—ible perswasions that although he was naturally of no cruell disposition as wanting courage yet they drew him to many violent and â—â—direct courses partly vpon negligence to search out the truth partly vpon delight to bee flattered and smothly vsed neither did they long deferre their deuises and first it was appointed that the Duke of Gloucester and certaine others of that part should be inuited to a supper within London there suddainely surprised and made away Sir Nicholas Brambre who the yere before had beene Mayor of London and in whome abundance of wealth supplyed the want of honest qualities was a busie agent in this butcherly businesse but Richard Extone the Mayor of the Cittie that yeare discouered the practise by whome the Duke was warned both to auoide the present perill and afterwards to be warie of the like The yeare next following Richared Earle of Arundel and Thomas Mowbraye Earle of Notingham had the conduct of a Nauie committed to their charge in this viage they tooke aboue a hundred sayle of the enemies ships fraughted with Wines and well appointed for fight they also relieued and fortified Brest and tooke two fortes which the Frenchmen had raised against it The Earles so behaued themselues in this seruice that they grew to a verie great estimation both for curtesie among their Souldiers and for courage against their enemies their actions were the more famous by reason of the infortunate insufficiencie of other CoÌ„manders by whose either rashnesse or cowardise many good Souldiers were dayly defeated and euery yeare made notorious by one losse or other Yet notwithstanding all their good labour and lucke they were at there turne entertained by the King with great straungnes both of countenance and speech Who was so vnable to dissemble his dispight that he could hardly deferre it vntill the heate of the honour and loue which they had wonne were somewhat abated So much are men more inclinable to reuenge displeasure then rewarde desert for it is troublesome to bee gratefull and many times chargeable but reuenge is pleasant and preferred before gaine About the same time Robert Duke of Ireland forsooke the companie of his lawfull wife whose mother Lady Isabel was daughter to King Edward the third and in steede of her he tooke vnto him a base Bohemian a Tauerners daughter The King little regarded this indignitie done vnto his cosin and in so great confusion of the state let it passe vnreprooued as ouershadowed with greater vices but the Duke of Gloucester her vncle tooke it in high disdaine as iniurious to the royall bloud and did attend vpon occasion to worke reuenge this was not secrete from the Duke of Irelande who likewise bent al his deuises to bring the Duke of Gloucester to his ouerthrow The Duke of Gloucester did prosecute this enmitie openly and manlike the Duke of Ireland closely and therefore the more daungerously The Duke of Gloucester was greater in bloud the Duke of Ireland in fauour he being Vncle to the King this bearing himselfe as the Kings fellow The Duke of Gloucester pretended for the state the Duke of Ireland for the King and much priuate mallice did passe vnder these publike shewes but in opposition of such equall powers there is many times final difference in harme And now was Easter past the tearme affigned to Duke Robert Veere for his departure into Ireland and least his stay might breede some stirre within the Realme hee still busied himselfe in preparation for his iournie and at last although it were long made a solemne shew ofsetting forth The King went in great state to accompanie him to his shipping and the Earle of Suffolke with Iustice Trisiliane and the residue of that faction either for fauour followed or for feare durst not stay hehinde So they passed together into Wales and whether vpon leuitie the Kings mind changed or whether it was so contriued at the first to drawe themselues more seperate from the Lords there the Dukes iornie was at an ende Then they entred into counsell which way the Lords might best be suppressed many deuises were deepely debated all pleased without respect either of danger of disgrace but few stoode with likelyhoode of euent to their desires and therefore none was finally concluded After long time thus friuolously spent they left Wales and came to the Castle of Notingham where the King caused the high Shirifes of all the Shires in the Realme to be called before him and demaunded of them what strength they could make on his part against the Lordes if neede shoulde require their answere was that the common people did so fauour the Lords and were so well resolued of their loue loyaltie towards the King that it was not in their power to rayse any great power against them Then they were commaunded that no Knights nor burgesses should afterwards bee chosen to any Parliament but those whome it pleased the King to appoint whereto they said that it was a harde matter in those times of Iealousie and suspition to bereaue the people of their auncient libertie in choosing Knightes and Burgesses for the Parliament some few other matters being either vnreasonably required or obtained to small end the Sherifs were licensed to depart Then were assembled Robert Trisilian chiefe Iustice of the Kings Bench Robâ—rt Belkâ—â—pe chiefe Iustice of the Common Pleas Iohn Holte Roger Stilthorpe William Burgh Knights and Iustices also of the Common Pleas men learned in one rule chiefely without difference of truth of falshoode to please those in highest place entituling that wisedome which indeed was but basenesse and feeblenes of minde these were charged by the King vpon their faith and legrance to make true full answere to those questions following 1 First whether the Statute ordinance and commission made and set forth the last Parliament whereby was ment the commission aganst Michael Delapoole Duke of Suffolke did derogate from the royall prerogatiue of the King 2 Item they who procured the said Statute c. to bee made and set forth â—ow are they to be punished 3 Item how are they to be punished who prouoked the King to consent to the premises 4 Item what punishment haue they deserued who compelled the King to consent to the said statute
among those of the contrarie part hauing caused the death of no man but onely in the fielde Then was an oath exacted of the King to stand to the gouernment of the Lordes and also an oath was taken of all the Subiects within the Realme to be true and faithfull vnto the King The king in taking this oath of the Lordes bewrayed his inward conceite by his open countenance looking pleasantly on those he fauoured and angerly on those whome hee hated by which vntimely discouery hee made them more heedefull and himselfe more hatefull which were occasions afterwarde both to preuente the reuenge which he much desired and to procure the mischiefs which hee little feared Lastly a subsidie was graunted and to the King comming as it were to a capitulation with the lordes hee to haue the name of a King and they the authority and maiesty the contention for that time ceased All this was done in the xj yeere of the kings reigne he being yet vnder age and in gouernement of others But the yeere following he beganne to take vpon him more liberty and rule and vpon extreame disdaine that both his pleasure and his power were by the Lords thus restrained he did euer after beare a hard minde against them And first he assembled them in the Councell chamber and there demanded of what yeeres they tooke him to be they answered that he was somewhat aboue one and twenty then sayd he I am of lawfull age to haue the regiment in mine owne hand and therefore you doe me wrong to holde me still vnder gouernement as though the condition of a king were harder then of a subiect This the Lords were neither willing to grant nor able to denie and therefore they either kept silence or spake little to the purpose Well sayd the king since I am no longer an Infant I heere renounce your rule and take vpon me such free administration of the Realme as the Kings thereof my predecessours heeretofore haue lawfully vsed Then presently he began his Phaetons flourish and commaunded the Bishop of Elie being L. Chancellour to resigne his seale which the king receiued and put vp and therewith departed out of the chamber but soone after he returned againe and deliuered the same to William Wickham bishop of Winchester constituting him L. Chancellour thereby Many other officers he likewise deposed and placed new in their roome partly to manifest his authority and partly to satisfie his displeasure Also he remooued the Duke of Gloucester the Earle of Warwicke and many others from his Priuy councell and tooke those in their places which more regarded the humour of the King but lesse his honour Soone after it was suggested to the King that the Duke of Gloucester was gathering of forces against him but vpon examination there was found not onely no trueth but no shew or colour of any such matter The Duke would not quietly haue disgested the raysing of these reportes but the King whether vpon a generall delight to be tickled in the eares with such tales or vpon particular desire to haue some quarell against the Duke charged him to silence In the 13. yeare of the Raigne of King Richard the Citizens of Genua desired his ayde against the Barbarians of Afrike who with dayly incursions infested and spoyled all the Sea coasts Ilands of Italy and Fraunce which fronted vppon theÌ„ The King sent a choyse companie of Souldiers ynder the coÌ„duct of Henrie Earle of Derby who behaued himselfe in this charge with great integritie courage inciting his men the good by prayse the bad by example rather then reproofe as more ready to commend the vertues of the one then to vpbraide the vices of the other And first hee passed into Fraunce and there ioyned himselfe to certaine French forces appointed likewise for this seruice then with might and minds vnited they sayled together into Afrike At their arriuall the Barbarians were ready in armes to keepe them from landing but the Earle commaunded his Archers to breake through and make passage dispising the enemie whome he knew to be weake and vnskilfull in seruice and not to haue that aduantage in place which hee had in men the Frenchmen also sharply set in seconded the English and so whilest both companies contended the one to be accompted a helpe the other to seeme to neede no help the enemies were forced to flie and leaue the shoare vnto the Christians In this conflict three Dukes of the Barbarians and aboue three hundred Souldiers were slaine and in the flight fower Dukes were taken and a great yet vncertaine number of common people Then the Christians marched directly towards Tunis the head Cittie of that Countrie this they besieged in short time tooke chiefely by the prowes of the English souldiers who first scaled the Wals and reared thereon the Earles banner When they were entred the Towne the Englishmen bent their endeuour to the housing of their enemies and beating downe of such as made resistance but the Frenchmen straight waies turned to their lasciuious pleasures so that there was presented a spectacle both pitiful and shamelesse in one place butchering of men in another ryoting with women here streames of bloud heapes of slaughtered bodies hard by dissolute and licentious wantonnesses in some all the miseries of a cruell warre and the loosenesse of a secure peace Here were slaine and taken aboue fower thousand Barbarians the Kings brother also was slaine but the King himselfe fled into the Castle which was strongly scited and well fortified and furnished with men The Christians laide siege to this Castle the space of fiue weekes during which time they lost many of their men yet not by sword but by sickenesse the Barbarians also were distressed with want of victuall hauing but litle prouision and many vnprofitable mouthes to consume it herevpon they sent vnto the Christians to desire peace offering them a great summe of money to depart out of their countrie this the Christians accepted vpon condition that they might also freely carry with them all their pray and prisoners and that the Barbarians should from thenceforth surcease from making spoyle vpon any of the coastes of Italy or Fraunce Thus had this voyage a prosperous and speedie end the onely seruice as I suppose which the English and Frenchmen performed together without iotte of iarre And yet the Earle abused not the fortune of this successe to vaine vaunting or brauing in words but moderately imâ—arted to the rest the honour of the exployt so by valyanâ—y performing his charge and sparingly speaking thereof his glorie encreased without bit of enuie In the fifteenth and sixteenth yeres of the reigne of King Richard certaine causes of discontentment did grow betweene the King and the Londoners which set the fauour of the one and the faith of the other at great separation and distance One was for that the King would haue borrowed of them a thousand poundes which they feeling much
King Richard entred the field with great pomp both in brauery and traine he had in his company the Earle of S. Paule who came purposely out of Fraunce to see this combat tried he was attended with all the noble Peeres of the Realme and guarded with tenne thousand men in armes for feare of any sudden or intended tumult When hee was placed on his stage which was verie curiously and richly set forth a King at armes made proclamation in the name of the King and of the high Constable and of the Marshall that no man except such as were appointed to order and Marshall the fielde shoulde touch any parte of the listes vpon paine of death This proclamation beeing eâ—ded another herrald cryed Behold her Henry of Lancaster Duke of Hereford appellant who is entred into the listes royall to doe this deuoire against Thomas Mowbray Duke of Norfolke defendant vpon paine to be accompted false and recreant The Duke of Norfolke was houering on horsebacke at the entry of the listes his horse being barbed with crimson veluet embroadered â—itchly with lions of siluer and mulberie trees and when he had made his oath before the Constable and Marshall that his quarrell was iust and true he entred the fielde boldly crying aloud God aide him that hath the right then hee lighted from his horse and satte downe in a chaire of Crimson veluet curtained aboute with red and white damaske and placed at the other ende of the listes The Lord Marshall viewed both their speares to see that they were of equall length the one speare he caried himselfe to the Duke of Hereford and sent the other to the Duke of Norfolke by a Knight This done a Herrald proclaimed that the trauerses and chaires of the combatants should be remoued commaunding them in the Kings name to mount on horsebacke and adresse themselues to the encounter the Dukes were quickly horsed and closed their beauiers and cast their speares into the restes Then the trumpetes sounded and the Duke of Hereforde set forth towards his enimy about fixe or seauen paces but before the Duke of Norfolke began to put forewarde the King cast downe his warder and the Herralds cried ho then the King caused the Dukes speares to be taken from them and commaunded them to forsake their horses and returne againe to their chaires where they remained aboue two long houres whilst the King deliberated with his counsaile what was fittest to be done At last the Herralds cryed silence and Sir Iohn Borcy a secretary of state with a loude voice read the sentence and determination of the King and his counsaile out of a long roule wherein was contained that Henry of Lancaster Duke of Hereford appellant and Thomas Mowbray Duke of Norfolke defendant had honourably appeared that day within the lists royall and declared themselues valiant and hardy champions being not onely ready but forward and desirous to darrein the battel but because this was a matter of great consequence import the King with the aduise of his Councell thought it meet to take the same into his owne hands and thereupon had decreed that Hâ—nrie Duke of Hereford because he had displeased the King and for diuers other considerations should within 15. dayes next following depart out of the Realme and not to returne during the terme often yeeres without the Kings especiall licence vpon paine of death When this iudgement was heard a confused noyse was raysed among the people some lamenting eyther the deserte or the iniurie of the Duke of Hereforde whom they exceedingly fauoured others laughing at the conceite of the King first in causing and afterwardes in frustrating so great an expectation wherein he seemed to doe not much vnlike Caligula who lying in Fraunce with a great armie nere the sea shoare gaue the signe of battell set his men in aray marched foorth as if it had bene to some great piece of seruice suddenly commanded them all together cockles Then the Herralds cryed againe ô yes and the secretarie did reade on how the King had likewise otdayned that Thomas Moubraie Duke of Northfolke because he had sowen sedition by words whereof he could make no proofe should auoide the realme of England and neuer returne againe vpon paine of death and that the King would take the profites and reuenues of his landes vntill he had receiued such summes of money as the Duke had taken vp for wages of the garison of Calice which was still vnpaide and that the King prohibited vpon paine of his grieuous displeasure that any man should make suite or entreatie to him on the behalfe of eyther of these two Dukes These sentences being in this sort pronounced the King called the two exiles before him and tooke of them an oth that they should not conuerse together in foraine regions nor one willingly come in place where the other was fearing as it was like least their common discontentment should draw them first to reconcilement and afterward to reuenge But this policie was ouer weake for this purpose for oathes are commonly spurned aside when they lye in the way either to honour or â—euenge and if their vnited forces was much to be regarded theâ— seperate are powers was not altogether to bee conâ—â—â—ed Therefore the later plinâ—â—â— of this Realme haue with more 〈◊〉 wholy abolished the vse of abiuration and 〈◊〉 and doe either by death extinguish the power or by pardon alter the will of great offenders from entring into desperite and daungerous attempts which men in 〈◊〉 and disgrace haue more vehemencie to begin and more 〈◊〉 to continue When the 〈◊〉 had once so enclosed the Romaine legions within certaine streigâ— that they left them neither space to fight nor way to flie but without force enforced them to yeelde they sent to Hreâ—â—â—us Pontius an aged ruler of their state for his aduise what were best for them to doe his answere was that the Romaines should be permitted to depart without any 〈◊〉 losse orscorne This pleased not such as 〈◊〉 â—â—â—her couetous for spoyâ—e 〈…〉 for blood â— and therefore they sent vnto him the second time who then returned answere that the Romanes should bee put to the sworde and not one man suffered to escape The contrarietie of these two counsailes brought the olde man into suspition of dotage but he comming in person to the campe maintained both to be good the first whereof which hee thought best would by vnexspected fauour prouoke the Romanes to a perpetuall friendship the second would deferre the warres for many yeares wherein the enemies should hardly recouer strength third counsaile there was none that safely might be followes Yes said the Samnites to graunt them their liues yet with such conditions of spoyle and shame as the lawes of victorie doe lay vpon them This is the way answered Herenâ—ius which neither winneth friends nor weakeneth enemies but will much encrease the fury against vs nothing diminish the force And euen so in matters of more particularity than
course of punishment is out of course which doth neither reclaime the mind of men nor restraine the might from mischieuous endeuors But againe to our purpose The Duke of Norfolke hauing now got a fall where he thought to take his rest repented his enterprise and vtterly condemned his light conceite of the Kings lightnesse and so with extreame griefe and anguish of minde he departed out of the Realme into Almaine and from thence trauelled to Venice where through violence of thought and discontentment in short time he ended his dayes This sentence of banishment was giuen against him the same day of the yeere wherein the Duke of Gloucester by his wicked meanes was strangled to death at Calice The Duke of Hereford tooke his leaue of the King at Eltham who there stroke away foure yeres of his banishment euen offred himselfe to be sawned vpon thanked for so odious a benefit And this infoâ—inate aduenture he neither bate put â—aingloriusly not yet tooke impatieÌ„tly but in the midst of his misery retained still his reputation and honour shewing no signe of sorow or submines in his countenance nor letting fall any intemperate and vnseemely word The people as he departed by heapâ— flocked about him some to see and some to salute him lamenting his departure in such sort as though their onely light and delight did then forsake them not sparing to exclaime that it was against the law of armes against the custome of the Realme and against all right whatsoeuer that he should exiled who had done his honourable endeuour for the maintenance of his appeale This affection was the more exceâ—â—â—e for that the duke was driuen into exile by occasion of his liberall speeches against the most hateful persons in all Realme being the onely noble man then aliue of the popular faction the loue was wholly accumulated vpon him which was before deuided among the rest And thus the Duke leauing England tooke shipping and passed the Seat to Galice from thence went into Fraunce where hee was honourably entertained by Charles the French King and found such fauour that hee should haue taken to wife the onely daughter of Iohn Duke Berrie vnckle to the King of Fraunce but King Richardâ— fearing the sequel if the fauor which was borne to the Duke of Hereford within the Realme should be strengthned with so great affinitie in Fraunce cast such stops in the way that the marriage did not proceede This yeare the Lawrell trees withered almost throughout the Realme and afterwardes against all expectation recouered life flourished againe The same yeare in Christmasse holy-daies a deepe ryuer which rumneth betweene Snedlistorie and Hareswood neere to Bedford suddainely stayed the streame so that for three miles in length the channell was left drie and no course of water did hinder passage on foot This was afterwards interpreted too presage the reuolt of the people the deuision which happened the yeare following to these wee may adde certaine other prodegies either forged in that fabulous age or happening commonly and of course are then onely noted when any notable accident doth ensue When K. Richard brought his first wife out of Beame she had no sooner set foote within this land but such a tempest did forthwith arise as had not bene seene many yeares before whereby diuers ships within the hauen were quashed to peeces but especially and first of all the ship wherin the Queene was casried this was the rather obserued because such stiffe â—â—ormes were likewise stirring when the King brought his second wife out of France wherin many ships perished and a great part of the Kings fardage was lost At New castle vpon Tine as two shipwrites were squaring a piece of Timber whersoeuer they hewed bloud issued forth in great aboundance At one of the Kings pâ—llaces flies swarmed so thicke that they obscured the ayre these fought together most fiercely so that sackfuls lay â—eau vpon the ground and this continued so long that scarce the third part of them as it was thought remained aliue many like accidents are recorded of that time but I wil maintaine neither the truth of them nor what they did portend being a matter wherein most men are rather superstitious then not credulous and doe oftentimes repute common occurrences to be ominous when any strange euent doth ensue Yet as I am loath to auouch any vaine and trifling matter so dare I not detract all truth froÌ„ things anciently reported although done in an age wherein was some delight in lying many do suppose that those things which are fatally allotted though they neuer be auoided yet sometimes are foreshewen not so much that we may preuent them as that wee shuold prepare ourselues against them In the two and twenty yeare of the raigne of K. Richard Iothn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster died and was buried on the north-side of the high alter of the Cathedrall Church of S. Paule in London hee was a man aduised and warie in his passages of life liking better safe courses with reason then happy by chaunce of his owne glory he was neither negligent nor ambitiously careful towards the King hee caried himselfe in tearms honourable inough for a moderat prince and yet not so plausible as a vaine man would desire whereby there neuer happened to him any extraordinary matter either in preiudice or preferment After his death the Duchy of Lancaster did in right deuolue to the Duke of Hereforde his eldest son but the King as the nature of man is inclinable to hate those whome hee hath harmed seazed all the landes and goodes which appertained to the Duke of Lancaster into his owne handes and determined to perpetuate the banishment of Duke Henry his sonne reuoking the letters patteÌ„ts which were graunted to him at his departure whereby his generall atturneis were enabled to prosecute his causes and sue liuerie of any inheritance which during his exile might fall vnto him his homage being respited for a reasonable fine The king supposed his estate more safe by the weaknesse and want of the Duke whome he had nowe in some iealousie and doubte but these violent dealinges were meanes rather to prouoake his mischiefes then to preuent them for by iniurious suppressing of the Dukes greatnesse he greatly augmented the same Edmund Duke of Yorke the Kings onely vncle which remained aliue had hetherto moued his patience to endure many things against his liking but nowe either in disdaine of this indignity or in distrust both of his owne safety and of the common tranquillity of the realme hee retired himselfe with the Duke of Aumerle his son to his house at Langley supposing priuatnes to bee the best defence both from danger and blame where neither the King had iudgement to discerne nor any about him had either hearte or honesty to admonish what was done amisse where an honourable fame was held suspected and a good life more in hazard theÌ„ a bad protesting that none of these practises were either
men in the other are continually endaungered This then is our case but what is our remedy we haue endured we haue entreated but our pacience hath drawne on more heauie burthens and our complaints procured more bitter blowes by the one our liuings and our liues by the other are dayly deuoured And therfore we are now coÌ„pelled to shake off our shoulders this importable yoke and submit our selues to the soueraigntie of some more moderate and worthy person not so much for the griefe of our miseries which are past nor for the paine of our present distresses as for feare of such daungers as are most like to ensue for the King hath cut away the chiefe of the nobilitie and the commons hee hath pared to the quicke and still hee harrieth vs as a conquered countrie whereby we are layd bare to the hauocke of al our enemies vtterly disabled not onely to recouer that which is lost but also to retaine euen that which is left But to whom should we complaine what succour whose ayde should we desire you are the onely man who in right should and in wisedome can and in goodnesse will we hope relieue vs. For you are neerest to the King in bloud and therfore ought to haue the rule of that which his weakenesse cannot wielde Your yeares are wel stayed from the light conceits of youth and so spent that all your actions haue made proofe of abilitie in gouernment of greatest charge nothing past needeth excuse and feare is vaine for any thing to come The paines and perils which heretofore you haue vndertaken for the benefite of your countrie putteth vs also in good hope that in these extremities you will not forsake vs wee are all as in a ship that is ready to sinke as in a house that is ready to fall doe most humbly craue and call for your helpe now or else neuer shew your selfe in fauour of your countrymen to free vs to free your selfe to free the whole state from these daungers and decayes by taking into your hands the scepter and diademe of the Realme and reducing againe the gouernement thereof to a princely freedome in combining the soueraigntie of one with the libertie of all Omit not this occasion to set forth to the view of the world as in a large field at free scope your vertue and courage by relieuing miserable wretches from their oppressors which action hath beene so highly honoured that many heathen men for the same haue beene accompted as Gods This we are constrained to offer and entreate this is both honorable for you to accept and easie to be performed and so much the more in that no Prince by any people haue bene desired with greater affection nor shall be with more dutie obeyed The Duke entertained this speach with great moderation of mind shewing himselfe neither disturbed thereat nor excessiue in ioy His aunswere concerning the King was respectiue and wel tempered rather lamenting his weakenes then blaming his malice Concerning himselfe hee spake so modestly that he seemed rather worthy of a kingdome then desirous The life quoth he which hitherto I haue led hath alwaies bene free from ambitious attempts and the stayednesse of my yeares hath now setled my mind from aspiring thoughts and experience of former dangers hath bred in me a warie regard in such weightie proceedings for to cast a King out of state is an enterprise not hastely to bee resolued vpon nor easily effected but suppose that matter not impossible and perhaps not hard yet the rarenesse of the like precedents will make the action seeme iniurious to most men and he that shal attaine a kingdome vpon opinion of desert doth charge himselfe with great expectation and how honourably soeuer hee carried himselfe shall neuer want his deadly enuiers besides this in ciuill dissentions the faith of the whole people is fleeting and daunger is to bee doubted from euery particular person so that it is possible that al may fall away and impossible to beware of euery one Therefore I could rather wish to spend the course of my yeares which yet remaine in this obscure yet safe and certaine state then to thrust my selfe vpon the pikes of those perils which being once entred into are daungerous to follow deadly to forsake for in priuate attempts a man may step and stope when he please but he that aymeth at a kingdome hath no middle course betwene the life of a Prince the death of a traytor The Archbishop hearing this did as vainly persist in importuning the duke as he vainly seemed vnwilling straÌ„ge The state sayd he wherein now you stand is not so safe and certaine as you doe conceiue In deed by reiecting our request you shal auoid certaine dignity and therewith vncertaine contingent dangers but you shal procure most certaine destruction both to your selfe and vs. For this secret can not be kept long secret from the king and euen good princes are nice in points of soueraignty beare a nimble eare to the touch of that string and it more hurteth a subiect to be esteemed worthy of the kingdome then it will profit him to haue refused the offer What then will he do who putteth the chiefest surety of his reigne in the basenesse barenesse of his subiects whose head being possessed with eternall ielousy maketh euery presumption a proofe and euery light surmise a strong suspition against them Surely since the generall fauour loue which the people beareth you hath bereaued you of your liberty this their generall desire will not leaue your life vntouched As for vs if we either faint in our intent or faile in the enterprise actum est we shalbe as lambs among lions and no conquest can be so cruell as the Kings reigne will be ouer vs. Certainely we haue gone too far for to go backe and the time is past when you for ambition we for enuy might seeme to attempt against the King the attainment of the kingdome must now be a sanctuary refuge for vs both The like examples are not rare as you affirme nor long since put in practise nor far hence to be fetched The kings of Denmarke and of Sweueland are oftentimes banished by their subiects oftentimes imprisoned put to their fine The princes of Germany about an hundred yeres past deposed Adulphus the Emperour and are now in hand to depose their emperor Wencesâ—aus The earle of Flanders was a while since driuen out of his Dominion by his owne people for vsurping greater power then appertained to his estate The auncient Britaines chased away their owne King Carecious for the lewdnesse of his life and cruelty of his rule In the time of the Saxon Hâ—ptarchic Bernredus King of Mercia for his pride and stoutnes towardes his people was by them deposed Likewise Aldredus Ethelbertus Kinges of Northumberland were for their disorders expelled by their subiects Since the victorie of the Normaines the Lords endeauoured to expell King
in death and find the weaknesse and fault of the counsell which you are about to follow Many like speeches were with great vehemeÌ„cy often repeated but the kings eares were stopped against all impression of manhood and as he was vnable to gouerne himselfe in his prosperous estate so was he much lesse sufficient to wind out of these intricate troubles Therfore perceiuing himselfe so straitly beset that he could hardly either escape away or shift any longer he desired speech with Tho. Arundel archbish of Cant. L. Hen. Percy earle of Northumb. of whom the one he had banished the other he had proclaimed traitor not long before These two came vnto him the king vpon short coÌ„ference vnderstanding what stiffe stomacks they bare against him was coÌ„tent not to demand that which he saw he could not obtaine thereupon agreed that he would relinquish his estate vpoÌ„ condition that an honorable liuing might be assigned him life promised to 8. such persons as he would name the greatest number whom aduersity did not alter This was then both readily faithfully promised by the Archbish. and the earle afterward solemnly ratified by the duke The king ceased not to intreat submisly promise largely and as the nature is of men perplexed with feare aboue his ability without measure the earle incouraged him and declared that the Duke before he had obtained any aide secured by his oath the safety of the kings person Then the king desired to talke with the duke which was likewise promised so the archbish the earle departed the king remoued to the castle of Flint about 8. miles distant from Chester to which place the Duke came to him Here the coutenances words of both were noted by them that were present the king seemed abiect base the duke neither iusulting nor relenting but comforting and promising friendly The king repeated many benefits kindnesses that he had shewed how in former time he had spared the dukes owne life lately his sonnes in regard where of he desired him with such submisnes as was agreeable rather with his necessity then his honour that he would shew some pitie where he had receiued such pleasure and permit him to enioy his life with such priuate maintenance as was coÌ„uenient for his estate The duke put hâ—m in good comfort promising him assuredly that he would prouide for his safety for which he suffered himselfe to be solemnly thanked thought it not much to haue it accounted a great benefit Indeed from that time the king was kept safe and sure enough from hindring any of the dukes purposes neither could it so easily haue bene discerned what had beue best for him to do as that this which he did was the very worst for the same night he was brought by the duke and his army to Chester and from thence secretly conueyed to the Tower of London there to be kept safe vntill the Parliament which was appointed shortly after to be holden Thus the King yeal ded himselfe the 20. day of August being the 47. day after the Dukes arriuall so that his iournyes considered from Houldernesse in the North to London from thence to Bristowe so into Wales backe againe to Chesten a man shal not easily trauaile ouer the land in shorter time then he conquered it So frienly was fortune vnto him that hee eyther found or made a readie passage through al hinderances and lets it seemed that he needed onely to open his armes to meete and receiue her as she offered her selfe vnto him All the Kings treasure Iewels with his horses and all his fardage came to the Dukes hands and many that were in his companie were afterwards also despoyled by the souldiours of Northumberland and Wales Some writers affirme that the King did not yeald himselfe but was forelaied taken as he was secretly passing froÌ„ Flint to Chester but the authoritie of others who liued in that time eyther in the plaine viewe or certaine intelligence of these affaires who for their place could not but knowe and for their professioÌ„ would not but deliuer the very truth hath drawne me to follow their report which I find also receiued by some late wrighters of as great deapth in iudgement and choice as any without exception that this age hath brought forth As the King was carried towards London certaine citizens conspired to lay themselues in a wait by the way and sodainly to slay him partly for priuate grieuances partly for the cruelty that he had vsed towards the whole citty but the Maior vpon intelligence preuented the practise and rode forth in person with a coÌ„uenient company to conduct him safely vnto the tower Shortly after the duke came to LondoÌ„ in solemn estate and sent forth summons in the Kings name for a Parlament to be holden at Westminster the last day of SepteÌ„ber in the same yeare in the meane time he deliberated with his kindred and kind friends coÌ„cerning the order of his proceedings The duke of Yorke who a litle before had bene gouernour of the realm for the king theÌ„ was the chiefest directer of the duke thoght it best that K. Richard should both voluntarily resigne also solemnly be deposed by consent of all the states of the realme for resignation only would be imputed to feare and depriuatiâ—â— to force whereof the one is alwaies pitied and the other enuied but if both concurre and his desire be combined with his desart being willing to forsake that which he is adiudged worthy to forgo then shall it appeare that he neither is expelled his kingdom by meere constraint nor leaueth it without iust cause This aduice pleased the rest and for executing therof vpon the day of S. Michaeil which was the day before the parlament should begin there assembled at the Tower Thomas Arundell archbish of Canturbury Richard Scroupe archbish of Yorke Iohn bishop of Hereford Henry duke of Lancaster Henry earle of Northumberland Radulph Earle of Westmerland L. Hugh Burnell L. Thomas Berkley L. Rose L. Willoughby L. Abergeiny the Abbat of Westminster the Prior of Canterbury Willam Thirminges and Iohn Makeham Chiefe Iustices Thomas Stâ—ke and Iohn Burbacke Doctours of Law T. Herpingham and T. Gray knights W. Ferby and Dionise Lophane publike Notaries and diuers others either not noted or not remembred When all were set in their places King Richard was brought foorth apparelled in his royall to be the diademe on his head and the scepter in his hand and was placed amongst them in a chaire of estate Neuer was prince so gorgeous with lesse glory and greater griefe to whom it was not disgrace sufficient to lose both the honour and ornaments of a king but he must openly to his greater scorne renounce the one and deliuer the other After a little pause and expectation the king arose from his seat and spake to the assembly these words or the very like in effect I assure my selfe that
Lancashire and Cheshire men to the intent to make ware on the foresaid Lords and suffered them to robbe and spoile without correction or reproofe 6 Item that although the king flatteringly and with great dissimulation made proclamation throughout the realme that the Lords aforenamed were not attached for any crime of treason but onely for extortions and oppressions doone within the realme yet he laide to them in the Parlament rebellion and manifest treason 7 Item he hath compelled diuers of the said Lords seruants by menace to make great fines extreame paiments to their vtter vndooing and notwithstanding his pardon to to them graunted he made them fine a new 8 Item where diuers were appointed to common of the estate of the realme and the commonwealth of the same the king caused all the roules records to be kept froÌ„ them contrary to his promise made in parlament to his opeÌ„ dishonor 9 Item â—e vncharitably commaunded that no man vpon paine of losse of life and goods should once entreate him for the returne of Henrie now duke of Lancaster 10 Item where the realme is houlden of God and not of the Pope or any other Prince the said King Richard after he had obteyned diuers acts of Parlament for his owne peculiar profit and pleasure then he procured Bulles and extreame censures from Rome to compell all men streitly to keepe the same contrary to the honour and auncient priuiledges of this realme 11 Item although the Duke of Lancaster had done his deuoyre against Thomas Duke of Northfolke in proofe of his quarrell yet the said king without reason or ground banished him the realme for ten yeares contrarie to all equitie 12 Item before the Dukes departure he vnder his broad Scale licenced him to make atturneys to prosecute and defend his causes the said king after his departure would suffer none atturney to appeare for him but did with his at his pleasure 13 Item the said king put out diuers Shiriffes lawfully elected and put in their roomes diuers others of his owne minions subuerting the lawe contrarie to his oath and honour 14 Item he borowed great summes of money and bound himselfe vnder his letters patents for the repayment of the same and yet not one peny paide 15 Item he taxed men at the will of him and his vnhappie counsaile and the same treasure spent in folly not paying poore men for their vittaile and viand 16 Item he said that the lawes of the realme were in his head and sometimes in his brest by reason of which phantasticall opinion he destroyed noble men and impouerished the poore commons 17 Item the parlament setting and enacting diuers notable statutes for the profit and aduancement of the commonwealth he by his priuie friends and solicitours caused to be enacted that no acte then enacted should be more preiudiciall to him then it was to his predecessours thorow which prouiso he did often as he list and not as the lawe ment 18 Item for to serue his purpose he would suffer the Shiriffes of the shires to remaine aboue one yeare or two in their office 19 Item at the summons of parlament when the Knights and Burgesses should be elect and the election had fully proceeded he put out diuers persons elected and put in others in their places to serue his will and appetite 20 Item he had priuie espials in euery shire to heare who had of him any communication and if he communed of his lafciuious liuing and outragious dooing he straightwayes was apprehended and made a grieuous fine 21 Item the spiritualtie alledged against him that he at his going into Ireland exacted many notable summes of money beside Plate and Iewels without lawe ot custome contrary to his oath taken at his coronation 22 Item when diuers Lordes and Iustices were sworne to say the trueth of diuers things to them committed in charge both for the honor of the realme and profit of the king the said king so menaced them with sore threatnings that no man would or durst say the right 23 Item that without the assent of the Nobilitie he caryed the Iewels and Place and treasure ouer the sea into Ireland to the great impouerishing of the realme and all the good recordes of the common wealth against his extortions he caused priuily to be embeaseled and caryed away 24 Item in all leagues and letters to be concluded and sent to the sea of Rome and other regions his writing was so subtill and darke that no other Prince durst once beleeue him nor yet his owne subiects 25 Item he most tyranouslie and vnprincely said that the liues and goods of all his subiects were in the Princes hands and at his disposition 26 Item that he contrarie to the great Charter of England caused diuers lustie men to appeale diuers olde men vpon matters determinable at the common law in the court Marciall because that in that court is no triall but onely by battaile whereby the sayd aged persons fearing the sequell of the matter submitted themselues to his mercie whom he fined and ransomed vnreasonably at his pleasure 27 Item he craftily deuised certaine priuie oathes contrarie to lawe and caused diuers of his subiects first to be sworne to obserue the same and after bound them in bands for surer keeping the same to the great vndooing of many honest men 28 Item where the Chancellour according to lawe would in no wise graunt a prohibition to a certaine person the king graunted it vnto the same person vnder his priuie â—eale with great threatnings if it should be disobeyed 29 Item he banished the Bishop of Canterburie without cause or iudgement and kept him in the Parlament Chamber with men of armes 30 Item the bishops goods he graunted to his successor vpon condition that he should maintaine all his statutes made at Shrewsburie Anno. 21. and the statutes made Anno 22. at Couentree 31 Item vppon the accusation of the Archbishop the king craftily perswaded the said Bishop to make no answer for he would be his warrant and aduised him not to come to the Parlament and so without answere he was condemned and exiled and his goods seazed Foure other Articles were laide which particularlie did concerne the said Archhishop by whose dooing chiefly the king was vtterlie vndone Then was demaunded of the Nobilitie and commons of the realme what they iudged both of the trueth and desert of these articles who all agreed that the crimes were notorious and that king Richard was worthie for the same to be deposed from his princely dignitie The noble men gaue their voyces part corrupted by fauour part awed by feare and the commons are commonly like a flocke of Cranes as one dooth flye all will follow Herevpon Commissioners were appointed by both the houses who pronounced sentence of deposition against king Richard in manner and forme as followeth In the name of God Amen VVe Iohn Bishop of S. Asses I. Abbote of Glastenburie Thom. Earle of Gloucester Thom. Lord
any should imagine that they meant of good Princes onely they speake generally of all and further to take away all doubt they make expresse mention of the euill For the power and authoritie of wicked princes is the ordinance of god and therfore Christ told Pilate that the power which he had was giuen him from aboue and the Prophet Esay calleth Cyrus being a prophane and heaâ—â—en Prince the Lords anoynted For God stirreth vp the spirit euen of wicked Princes to doe his will and as Iehoshaphat sayd to his rulers they execute not the iudgement of man but of the Lord in regard whereof Dauid calleth them Gods because they haue their rule and authority immedyatly from God which if they abuse they are not to bee adiudged by theyr subiects for no power within theyr dominionis superior to theirs but God reserueth them to the sorest tryall Horribly and sodainly saith the Wiseman will the Lord appeare vnto them and a hard iudgement shall they haue The law of God commaundeth that the Childe should be put to death for any contumely done vnto the parents but what if the Father be a robber if a murtherer if for all excesse of villanyes odious and execrable both to God and man surely he deserueth the highest degree of punishment and yet must not the Sonne lift vp his hand against him for no offence is so great as to be punished by parricide but our country is dearer vnto vs then our parentes and the Prince is pater patriae the Father of our Country and therefore more sacred and deere vnto vs then our parentes by nature and must not be violated how imperious how impious soeuer hee bee doth he commaund or demaund our persons or our purses we must not shunne for the one nor shrinke for the other for as Nehemiah saith Kinges haue dominion ouer the bodyes and ouer the cattle of their subiectes at their pleasure Doth he enioyne those actions which are contrary to the lawes of God we must neyther wholy obey nor violently resist but with a constant courage submit our selues to all manner of punishment and shewe our subiection by enduring and not performing yea the Church hath declared it to bee an heresie to holde that a Prince may be slaine or deposed by his subiectes for any disorder or default eyther in life or else in gouernment there will be faultes so long as there are men and as wee endure with patience a barren yeere if it happen and vnseasonable weather and such other defectes of nature so must wee tollerate the imperfections of rulers and quietlye expecte eyther reformation or else a change But alas good king Richard what such cruelty what such impiety hath he euer committed examine rightly those imputations which are layde against him without any false circumstance of aggrauation and you shall finde nothing obiected eyther of any truth or of great moment It may bee that many errours and ouersightes haue escaped him yet none so grieuous to be termed tyranny as proceeding rather from vnexperienced ignorance or corrupt counsaile then from any naturall and wilfull mallice Oh howe shall the world bee pestered with tirantes if subiectes may rebell vppon euery pretence of tyranny howe many good Princes shall daylye bee suppressed by those by whome they ought to bee supported if they leauy a subsedy or any other texation it shall be claymed oppression if they put any to death for trayterous attemptes against theyr persons it shall be exclaymed cruelty if they doe any thing against the lust and liking of the people it shall bee proclaymed tyrannie But let it be that without authority in vs or desert in him king Richard must be deposed yet what right had the Duke of Lancaster to the Crowne or what reason haue wee without his right to giue it to him if hee make title as heyre vnto king Richard then must he yet stay vntill king Richards death for no man can succeed as heyre to one that liueth But it is well knowne to all men who are not eyther wilfully blinde or grosely ignorant that there are some now aliue lineally descended from Lionell Duke of Clarence whose ofspring was by iudgement of the high Court of Parlament holden the viii yeere of the raigne of King Richard declared next successour to the Crowne in case King Richard should dye without issue Concerning the tytle from Edmund Crouchbacke I will passe it ouer seeing the authors thereof are become ashamed of so absurde abuse both of theyr owne knowledge and our credulity and therefore all the clayme is now made by right of conquest by the cession and graunt of King Richard and by the generall consent of all the people It is a bad wooll that can take no colour but what conquest can a subiecte pretend against his Soueraigne where the warre is insurrection and the victory high and heynous treason as for the resignation which king Richard made being a pent prisoner for the same cause it is an acte exacted by force and therefore of no force and validity to binde him and seeing that by the lawes of this land the king alone cannot alienate the auncient iewels and ornaments pertaining to the Crowne surely hee cannot giue away the Crowne it selfe and therewithall the kingdome Neyther haue we any custome that the people at pleasure should electe theyr king but they are alwayes bound vnto him who by right of bloud is next successour much lesse can they confirme and make good that title which is before by violence vsurped for nothing can then be freely doone when liberty is once restrained by feare So did Scilla by terrour of his legions obtayne the lawe of Velleia to bee made whereby hee was created dictator for fourescore yeeres and by like impression of feare Caesar caused the law Seruia to be promulged by which he was made perpetuall dictator but both these lawes were afterwardes adiudged void As for the deposing of king Edward the 2. is no more to be vrged then the poysoning of King Iohn or the murdering of any other good and lawfull Prince we must liue according to lawes and not to examples and yet the kingdome was not then taken from the lawfull successour But if we looke backe to times lately past we shall finde that these titles were more stronge in King Stephen then they are in the Duke of Lancaster for king Henry the first being at large liberty neyther restrained in body nor constrained in minde had appointed him to succeed as it was vppon good credite certainly affirmed The people assented to this designement and thereupon without feare and without force he was anoynted King and obtained full possession of the realme Yet Henry Sonne of the Earle of Aniowe hauing a neerer right by his mother to the Crowne notwithstanding his father was a stranger himselfe borne beyond the seas raysed such rough warres vppon King Stephen that there was noe end of
spoyling the goods and spilling the bloud of the vnhappy people besides the ruynes and deformities of many Citties and holdes vntill his lawful inheritance was to him assured It terrifieth me to remember how many florishing Empires and Kingdomes haue bin by meanes of such contentions eyther torne in peeces with detestiue diuision or subdued to forren Princes vnder pretence of assistaunce and ayde and I neede not repeate howe sore this realme hath heertofore beene shaken with these seuerall mischieues and yet neyther the examples of other countries nor the miseries of our own are sufficient to make vs to beware O English men worse bewitched then the foolish Galathians our vnstayed mindes and restlesse resolutions doe nothing els but hunt after our owne harmes no people haue more hatred abroad and none lesse quiet at home in other countries the swoord of inuasion hath been shaken against vs in our owne land the fire of insurrection hath bin kindled amongs vs what are these innouasions but whetstones to sharpen the one and bellowes to blowe vp the other Certainely I feare that the same will happen vnto vs which Aesope fableth to haue been fallen vnto the Frogges who beeing desirous to haue a King a beame was giuen vnto them the first fall whereof did put them in some feare but when they saw it lye still in the streame they insulted thereon with great contempt and desired a king of quicker courage then was sent vnto them a Storke which stalking among them with stately steps continually deuoured them The mildenesse of king Richard hath bred in vs this scorne interpreting it to be cowardise and dulnes of nature the next heyre is likewise reiected I will not say that wyth greater courage we shall finde greater cruelty but if eyther of these shall heerafter be able to set vp theyr side and bring the matter to tryall by armes I do assuredly say that which part soeuer shall carry the fortune of the field the people both wayes must goe to wracke And thus haue I declared my minde concerning this question in more wordes then your wisedome yet fewer then the weight of the cause doth require and doe boldly conclude that wee haue neyther power nor policy eyther to depose king Richard or to elect Duke Henrie in his place that king Richard remaineth still our Soueraigne Prince and therefore it is not lawfull for vs to giue iudgement vpon him that the Duke whom you call king hath more offended against the king and the relame then the king hath done eyther against him or vs for being banished the realme for ten yeeres by the king and his counsaile amongst whome his owne Father was chiefe and sworne not to returne againe without speciall lycense he hath not onely violated his oath but with impious armes disturbed the quiet of the land and dispossessed the Kyng from his royall estate and now demaundeth iudgement against his person without offence proued or defence heard if this iniury and this periury doth nothing moue vs yet let both our priuate and common dangers somwhat withdraw vs from these violent proceedings This speach was diuerslie taken as men were diuersly affected betweene feare hope and shame yet the most parte did make shew for king Henrie and therevpon the Bishop was presently attached by the Earle Marshall and committed to prison in the Abbey of S. Albones Whose counsaile and coniecture then contemned was afterwardes better thought vpon partly in the life time of king Henrie during whose raigne almost no yeare passed without great slaughters and executions but more especially in the times succeeding when within the space of xxxvi yeares twelue set battailes vpon this quarrell were fought within the realme by English men only and more then foure score Princes of the royall bloud slaine one by another Then it was concluded that king Richard should be kept in a large prison with all manner of Princely maintenance and if any persons should conspire to reare warre for his deliuerance that he should be the first man who should suffer death for that attempt Then the Actes of the Parlament holden at Westminster in the xi yeare of King Richard were reuiued and the Parlament houlden the xxi yeare of king Richard was wholy repealed and they who were attainted by that Parlament were restored againe to their fame and honour and to their landes without suing lyuerie and to such goods whereof the King was not answered except the rents and issues which had beene receiued out of their lands in the meane time Herevpon Richard Earle of Warwicke was deliuered out of prison and the Earle of Arundelles sonne recouered his inheritance many others also that were banished or imprisoned by King Richard were then fullye restored againe to their Countrie libertie and estate It was further prouided that none of those which came in ayde of King Henrie against King Richard should for that cause be impeached or troubled Also the King gaue to the Earle of Westmerland the Countie of Richmond and to the Earle of Northumberland he gaue the Ile of Man to be houlden of him by the seruice of bearing the sworde wherewith he entred into England Diuers other of his followers he aduaunced to offices of highest place and charge some vpon iudgement and for desert but most part to win fauour and perhappes proiecting a plot for friends if times should change for in many actions men take more care to preuent reuenge then to leade an innocent and harmlesse life It was further agreed that the procurers of the death and murther of Thomas late Duke of Gloucester should be searched out and seuerelie punished And iudgement was giuen against the appellants of the Earle of Warwicke and the Earle of Arundell that the Dukes of Aumerle Sussex and Exceter the Marquesse of Dorset and the Earle of Gloucester who were present should loose their degree of honour for them and their heyres that they should likewise loose all the Castles Mannors Lordshippes c. then in their hands which sometimes apperteined to those whom they did appeale and that all the letters patents and charters which they had concerning the same should be surrendred into the ChaÌ„cerie and there be cancelled that for all other their Castles Mannors Lordships possessions and liberties they should be at the grace and mercie of the King that they should giue no liueries nor keepe any retinue of men but onely such officers as were meerelie necessarie for their degree that if any of them should adhere to Richard the deposed King in giuing him ayde or encouragement against the iudgement of his deposition then he should incurre the paines and forfeitures of high treason And because it was a clamorous complaint among the common people that many officers had committed greeuoâ—s extoruons and wrongs eyther by the open maintenance or secret conâ—itiuence of these Lords First those officers were remoâ—ued and that corruption taken away with integritie which briberie hâ—d wrought in placing for money men of bâ—d
bee sufficient to blotte out this blemish What other action could they haue doone more ioyfull to theyr enemyes more woefull to theyr friendes and more shamefull to themselues Oh corruption of times Oh conditions of men The Frenchmen were nothing discontented at this discontentment of the Aquitanes supposing that opportunitie was then offered to get into theyr possession the Duchie of Guian if eyther power or pollicie were thereto applyed Herevpon Lawe Duke of Burbea came downe to Angiers who from thence sent many messengers to the chiefe cities of Guian and by faire speeches and large promises solicited the people to change alleageance on the contrarie side sir Robert Knowles Lieutenant of Guian endeuoured with all diligence to represse the 〈◊〉 to staye the doubtfull to confirme the good and to 〈◊〉 all in order and obedience but he profited very little whether by the weakenesse of his owne arme or stiffe necke of the people it is not certainely assured Neither did the Duke of Burbone much preuaile when it was considered 〈…〉 the yoake of Fraunce was aboue the English subiection for all men were well acquainted with what tributes and 〈◊〉 the Frenchmen were charged hauing in euerye countrie Lieutenants and Treasurours assigned the one to drawe the bloud the other the substance of the slauish subiects whose crueltie and couetousnesse laide holde without exception vppon all the 〈…〉 other vndooing by lawe Thus stood the 〈…〉 which the winde driueth one way and the 〈◊〉 another desirous they were to displease the English but 〈◊〉 to endanger and vndoe themselues Vppon aduertisment whereof King 〈◊〉 sent into Guian the Lord Thomas Percie Earle of Worcester whom he knew to bee faithfull vnto him and expert in matters of charge hauing in his companie a strong and seruiceable band of Souldiers who not by vnseasonable exprobating their fault but by reason conuincing it 〈◊〉 with his wisdome and credite so perswaded and partlye with his authoritie and forces so terrified the wauering people that he wanne them to his opinion and confirmed them in their alleageance the grauer sorte with respect of dutie and faith the rest with regarde and 〈◊〉 of daunger Them hee receiued oathes of obedience vnto King 〈◊〉 and planted 〈◊〉 strong garison in plaâ—es of chiefe import without molestation if they remained quiet and yet of force to represse them if they should rebell This done he returned againe into England where he shewed an excellent example of moderation in seeming rather to haue found then to haue made the Aquitanes duetifull subiectes No sooner could this stir be stinted but another more daungerous and desperate did foorthwith arise for diuerse noble men who eyther had dissembled or did repent the furtherance that they vsed to the aduauncement of King Henrie did conspire together to compasse his destruction the hystories of that time doe vary concerning the causes of this conspiracy whether it were for fauour to King Richard as the nature of man is inclinable to beholde sodaine misfortune with a pittifull eye or for enuy to King Henrie as commonly wee can 〈◊〉 excessiue forrâ—â—e no where so little as in those that haue beene in equall degree with our 〈◊〉 or whether vpon dishonours receiued in the late 〈◊〉 or vpon 〈◊〉 to see others goe before them in the Princes fauour many sought to reuenge theyr vniust anger with lewde disloyaltye likewise it is not assuredly knowne by what meanes the workers thereof were drawne together and the secret deuises of some 〈◊〉 to the rest whether one of them did perswade another to enter into the action or whether all were induced by the same vnconstant disposition and light account of faith which being once falsed to King Richard was afterwardes vppon euery light discontentment lyttle respected to any but concerning these matters the most current report is this There was at that time an Abbot of Westminster one that applyed his studies not as the most part to cloake idlenesse and slouth vnder the glorious tytle of religion but to enable himselfe for counsaile and direction in publique affayres who for the generall opinion of his wisedome and integritie was in good fauour and credit with King Richard and did accompany him in his last voyage into Ireland This Abbot called to his remembrance a speach which hee heard once fall from King Henrie when hee was but Earle of Derbie and not yet come to any great stayednesse eyther in yeares or iudgement that Princes had too little and religious men too much At that time the riches of the church were growne so great that many began to looke vpon them with an enuious eye but least couetousnesse should shew it selfe with open face policie was pretended and the excesse thought daungerous both to the King and also to the 〈◊〉 as verie like to cause want to the one and 〈◊〉 in the other Heerevpon many billes had beene put vppe in the parlaments houlden in the reigne of King Richard that 〈◊〉 might be made to represse the increase of religious possessions namely that inquisition and redresse might be had against such religious persons as vnder the licence to purchase ten pounds yearlie did purchase foure score or a hundred pounds and also against such religious persons as caused their villaines to take to their wiues free women inheritable whereby the landes came to those religious mens hands yea it was mooued in open Parlament that the king should seaze into his hands all the temporall liuings of religious houses as beeing rather a burthen then a benefite vnto religion Vppon these and the like petitions the Archbishop of Canterburie and the Archbishop of Yorke for themselues and the Cleargie of their Prouinces were oftentimes compelled to make their solemne protestations in open Parlament that if any thing were attempted in restraint of the libertie of the Church they would in no wise assent but vtterlie withstand the same the which their protestations they required to be enrouled So partly vpon loue to King Richard and partly vpon feare least King Henry would bee as ready to inuade as hee was to enueigh against the richesse of religious houses this Abbot was the first man that blew the coales and put fewell to the fire of this confederacy And first hee obserued a farre off then hee searched more neerely and narrowly and yet warely too howe the myndes of certaine Noble men were affected or rather infected agaynst King Henrie tempering his speeches in such sorte that if matters sorted to his minde hee myght take them vpon him if his coâ—â—ses were crossed he might cleerely disclayme them at last hee inuited to his house vppon a daye in Michaelmas terme those whome hee had sounded to bee moste sound for his purpose the chiefe of whome were such as in the Parlament before had in some sorte beene touched in reputation although by pardon and reconcilement the harme did seeme to bee closed vp theyr names were Iohn Holland Duke of Exceter of whome mention hath beene made before Thomas
Father espied it in his bosome and demaunded what it was the Sonne humbly craued pardon and said that it nothing touched him by S. George quoth the Father but I will see it and so whether vpon a precedent iealosie or some present cause of suspition he tooke it away from him by force When he perceiued the contents he sodainely arose from the table with great fiâ—rcenesse both of countenance and speech vttered to his Sonne these wordes I see traytor that idlenesse hath made thee so wanton and mutinous that thou playest with thy faith as children doe with stickes thou hast been once already faithlesse to King Richard now again art false to King Henrie so that the like fish Sepia thou troublest all the waters wherin thou liuest Thou knowest that in open Parlament I became suertie and pledge for thy alleageance both in bodye and goods and can neither thy dutie nor my desert restreine thee from seeking my destruction in faith but I will rather helpe forwarde thine With that hee commaunded his Horses to bee made readie and presentlye tooke his iorneye towardes Windsore where the King then laye The Duke of Aumerle had no time eyther to consulte with his friends or to consider with himselfe what was best to bee doone but taking aduise vppon the sodaine he mounted likewise on horsebacke and posted towardes Windsore another way It was no neede to force him forwarde his youthfull bloud and his sodaine daunger were in steed of two winges to keep his horse in Pegasus pace so that he came to Windsore was alighted at the Castell before his stiffe aged Father could come neere Then hee entred the gates and caused them to be surely locked and tooke the Keyes into his owne hands pretending some secret cause for which he would deliuer them vnto the King When he came in presence he kneeled downe and humblie craued of the King mercie and forgiuenesse The king demaunded for what offence Then with a confused voice and sad countenance casting downe his eyes as altogether abashed partly with feare of his daunger and partly with shame of his discredit he declared vnto the King all the manner of the conspiracie The King seemed neither rashlie to beleeue nor negligentlie to distrust the Dukes report neyther stood it with pollicie to enterteine the discouerie with any hard and violent vsage therefore with gracious speeches he comforted the Duke and if this bee true sayd he we pardon you if it be feined at your extreame perrill be it By this time the Duke of Yorke was rapping at the Castle gates and being admitted to the Kings presence he deliuered to him the endenture of confederacie which hee had taken from his sonne When the King had redde it and was thereby perswaded of the trueth of the matter he was not a little disquieted in minde complaining of the vnconstant disposition of those men whom neyther crueltie he said could make firme to King Richard nor clemencie to him but vppon dislike of euery present gouernment they were desirous of any change So being possessed with deeper thoughts then to gaze vppon games he layde his iorney aside and determined to attend at Windsor what course his enemies would take and which waye they would set forward knowing right well that in ciuill tumults and aduised patience and opportunitie well taken are the onely weapons of aduantage and that it is a speciall point of wisdome to make benefit of the enemyes follie In the meane time he directed his letters to the Earle of Northumberland his high Constable and to the Earle of Cumberland his high Marshall and to others his most assured friends concerning these sodaine and vnexpected accidents The confederates all this time hearing nothing of the Duke of Aumerle and seeing no preparation for the Kings comming were out of doubt that theyr treason was betraied And now considering that once before they had beene pardoned the guilt of this their rebellion excluded them from all hope of further mercie wherevpon they became desperate and so resolued to prosecute that by open armes wherein their priuie practises had â—ailed And first they apparrelled Magdalen a man very like to King Richard both in stature and countenance and of yeares not disagreeable in princely attire and gaue foorth that hee was King Richard and that eyther by fauour or negligence of his keepers he was escaped out of prison and desired the faith and ayde of his louing subiects Then they determined to dispatche messengers to Charles King of Fraunce to desire his helpe and assistance on the behalfe of his sonne in lawe if need should require The common people which commonlie are soone changeable and on the sodaine as prone to pittie as they were before excessiuely cruell most earnestlie wished the enlargement of King Richard and earnestly wishing did easely beleeue it in which imaginarie conceit being otherwise men of no deepe search the presence of Magdalene most stronglie confirmed them and so eyther vpon ignorance of truth or delight in trouble they ioyned themselues in great troops to the Lords desiring nothing more then to be the meanes whereby King Richard should be restored as in a manner resuming their first affections and humors towards him Then the Lords of this association with great force but with greater fame as the manner is of matters vnknowne aduanced forward in battaile arraye towards Windsore against King Henrie as against an enemie of the common state hauing in theyr company aboue fortie thousand armed men The King vpon intelligence of theyr approache secretlye with a few horse the next Sunday night after Newyeres day departed from Windsore to the Tower of London and the same night before it was daye the confederates came to the Castle of Windsore where missing their expected praye they stood doubtfull and deuided in opinions which waye to bend their course Some aduised them with all speede to follow the King to London and not to leaue him any leaue and libertie to vnite an armie against them that Winter was no let but in idle and peaceable times that in ciuill discentions nothing is more safe then speede and greater aduantage alwayes groweth by dispatching then deferring that whilest some were in feare some in doubt and some ignorant the Citie yea the realme might easilye be possessed and that many armies whose furie at the first rush could not be resisted by delayes did weare out and waste to nothing Others who would seeme to bee considerate and wise but in verye deede were noe better then dastardes perswaded rather to set King Richard first at libertie for if their counterfeiting should be discouered before they possessed themselues of his person the people vndoubtedly would fall from them to the certaine confusion of them all Herevppon they gaue ouer the pursuite and retired to Colebrooke and there delayed out the time of dooing in deliberating beeing neyther courogiouslye quicke nor considerately stayed but faintlie and fearefullye shrincking backe and when they once beganne
vgly was presented to the view and terrour of others bodies hewen in peeces heads and quarter of vnfortunate dismeÌ„bred wretches putrifâ—ing aboue ground not al for desert but many to satisfy either the mallice or want of King Henrieâ— friends insomuch as many graue men openly gaue forth that in short time there would be cause to wish King Richard again as being more tollerable to endure the cruelty of one then of many and to liue where nothing then where any thing might be permitted The Abbot of Westminster in whose house and in whose head this confederacy began hearing of these aduentures as he was going betweene his monastery and his mansion fell sodainly into a palsie and hardly after without speech ended his life and although in this enterprize fortune gaue policy the check and by a strange accedent which wisdome could not foresee ouerturned the deuise yet is it certainely affirmed that this Abbot first stirred the stone which rowling a long was like to haue turned king Henry out of his seate The bishop of Caerliel was condemned vpon this treason but the extreamity of his feare and griefe closed vp his daies and preuented the violence and shame of publicke execution And now king Richard after he had abdicated his dignity did but short time enioy that sweet security which he did vainely expect and first all his goods which hee did giue in satisfaction of the iniuries that hee had done were brought to deuision and share amongst his enemies shortly after he was remooued from the Tower to the Castle of Leedes in Kent and from thence to Pomfret to the ende that by often changing hee might eyther more secretly bee dispatched or more vncertainly found heere being kept in streight prison both innocent ignorant of this offence was notwithstanding made a party in the punishment For King Henry perceiuing that the Lords so far preuailed with their late strategeme that if their stomacke had bin answerable to their strength their bloud beginning had not ended in faintnes and sloath they might haue driuen him to a hard hazard caused King Richard to be put to death intending to make sure that no man should cloake open rebellion vnder the colour of following sides nor countenance his coÌ„spiracy either with the person or name of K. Richard whether hee did expressely commaund his death or no it is a question out of question he shewed some liking and desire to the action and gaue allowance thereto when it was doone The most current report at that time went that hee was princely serued euery day at the Table with aboundance of costlie meates according to the order prescribed by Parlament but was not suffered to tast or touche any one of them and so perished of famine being tormented with the presence of that whereof hee dyed for want but such horrible and vnnaturall crueltie both against a King and a kinseman should not proceed from King Henrie me thinke a man of a moderate and milde disposition not yet from any other minde which is not altogether both sauage in humanitie and in religion prophane One wrighter who would seeme to haue the perfect intelligence of these affayres maketh report that King Henrie sitting at his table sad and pensiue with a deepe sigh brake foorth into these wordes Haue I no faithfull friend that will deliuer me of him whose life will breed destruction to me and disturbance to the realme and whose death will bee a safetie and quiet to both for how can I be free from feare so long as the cause of my daunger dooth continue and what securitie what hope shall we haue of peace vnlesse the seede of sedition be vtterly rooted out Vppon this speech a certaine Knight called Sir Pierce of Extone presently departed from the Court accompanyed with eyght tall men and came to Pomfrete and there commaunded that the Esquire who was accustomed to sewe and take the assaye before King Richard should no more vse that manner of seruice and let him quoth he now eate wel for he shall not eate long King Richard sate downe to dinner and was serued without courtesie or assaye whereat he merueyled and demaunded of the Esquire why he did not his dutie the Esquire answered that he was otherwise commaunded by Sir Pierce of Extone who was latelye come from King Henry The King beeing somewhat mooued at this acte and answere tooke the caruing knife in his hand and strucke the Esquire therewith lightly on the head saying the deuill take Henry of Lancaster and thee together with that Sir Pierce entred the chamber with eight men in harneys euery one hauing a byll in his hand Wherevpon King Richard perceiuing their drift and his owne daunger put the table from him and stepping stoutlye to the formost man wrested the bill out of his hand wherewith although vnarmed and alone he manfully defended himselfe a good space and slew sowre of his assailants Sir Pierce lept to the chaire where king Richard was wonte to sit whilest the rest chased him about the chamber At the last being forced towards the place where Sir Pierce was he with a stroake of his Pollax felled him to the ground and foorthwith he was miserably rid out of his miserable life It is saide that at the pointe of his death hee gathered some spirit and with a fainte and feeble voyce groaned foorth these wordes My great grandfather King Edward the second was in this manner deposed imprisoned and murthered by which meanes my grandfather king Edward the third obteyned possession of the crowne and now is the punishment of that inâ—â—trie powred vpon his next successour Well this is right for mee to suffer but not for you to doe your King for a time may ioye at my death and enioye his desire but let him qualifie his pleasures with expectation of the like iustice for God who measureth all our actions by the malice of our mindes will not suffer this violence vnreuenged Whether these words proceeded from a distempered desire or from the iudgement of his foresight they were not altogether idle and vaine For Sir Pierce expecting great fauour and rewards for his vngracious seruice was frustrated of both and not onely missed that countenance for which he hoped but lost that which before he had so odious are vices euen where they are profitable Heerevpon hee grew at the first discontented and afterwardes mightely turmoyled and tormented in conscience and raging against himselfe would often exclaime that to pleasure one vnthankefull person he had made both himselfe and his posteritie hatefull and infamous to all the world King Henrie with great discontentment and disquiet held the kingdome during his life and so did his sonne King Henrie the fifth in whose time by continuall warres against the Frenchmen the malice of the humour was otherwise exercised and spent But his second successour King Henry the sixth was dispossessed thereof and together with his young sonne Henry imprisoned and put to death eyther
he would any more ioyne affinity with the English nation whose aliance had once so vnfortunately succeeded theÌ„ they entred into speech of a perpetuall peace but heereto the Frenchmen would not agree In the end it was concluded that Lady Isabell should be deliuered to King Charles her Father but without Dower because the marriage betweene King Richard and her was neuer consummate by reason wherof she was not dowable by the very treaty of the marriage Also the surcease of armes which foure yeeres before had beene made with King Richard for the terme of 30 yeeres was continued and confirmed for the time then vnexpyred Some authors affirme that a newe truce was taken but these also are at diffierence for some report that it was during the life of both the Kinges others that it was but for a short time which hath the more apparaunce of truth by reason of the open hostilitye which the yeere following did breake foorth betweene the two realmes Shortly after King Henrie sent the Lady Isabell vnder the conducte of Lorde Thomas Pearcy Earle of Worcester in royall estate to Calice she was accompanied with a great troupe of honourable personages both men and women and carried with her all the Iewelles and plate which shee brought into England with a great surple sage of rich giftes bestowed vpon her by the king at Calice she was receiued by the Earle of S. Paule Leiuetenant for the French king in Picardy and by him was conducted to king Charles her Father who afterwardes gaue her in marriage to Cbarles sonne to Lewes Duke of Orleance and so was eyther rest or respite of wars procured in Fraunce whilest neerer stirres might be brought to some stay For within the realme the fire and fury of the late sedition was scarcely quenched and quiet but that the common wealth should not cease to be torne by multiplying of diuisions one streight succeeding another the Welshmen vpon aduantage of the doubtfull and vnsetled estate of king Henrie resolued to breake and make a defection before eyther the king could ground his authority or the people frame themselues to a new obedience and hauing learned that common causes must be maintained by concord they sought by assemblyes to establish an association and to set vp theyr owne principality againe To this purpose they created for theyr Prince Owen Glendor an Esquire of Wales a factious person and apt to set vp diuision and strife and although hee was of no great state in birth yet was hee great and stately in stomacke of an aspiring spirit and in wit somewhat aboue the ordynarie of that vntrayned people boulde craftie actiue and as he listed to bend his minde mischieuous or industrious in equall degree in desires immoderate and rashlye aduenturous in his young yeeres hee was brought vp to the studye of the Common Lawe of the Realme at London and when he came to mans estate besides a naturall fiercenesse and hatred to the English name hee was particularlye incensed by a priuate suite for certayne landes in controuersie betweene the Lord Gray of Ruthen and him wherein his tytle was ouerthrowen and being a man by nature not of the myldest by this prouocation he was made sauadge and rough determining eyther to repayre or to reuenge his losse by setting the whole state on fire Also his expence and liberalitie had been too excessiue for a great man to endure which brought him to barenesse too base for a meane man to beare and therefore he must of necessitie doe and dare somewhat and more daunger there was in soft and quiet dealing then in hazarding rashlie Heerewith opportunitie was then likewise presented for troublesome times are most fit for great attempts and some likelyhood there was whilest the King and the Lordes were hard at variance that harme might easelie be wrought to them both Vpon these causes his desire was founded and vppon these troubles his hope But that his aspiring and ambitious humour might beare some shew of honest meaning he pretented to his countrymen the recouerie of theyr free estate the desire whereof was so naturally sweete that euen wilde Birdes will rather liue hardlye at large in the ayre then bee daintily dyeted by others in a Cage and opportunitie was at that time fitlie offered or else neuer to be expected to rid them of theyr thraldome falselie and coulourablie intituled a peace whilest the one Kings power was waining and the other not yet fullye wexen and eyther of them grew weake by wasting the other neither was there any difference which of them should preuayle sith the warre touched both alike insomuch as the ouerthrow would ruine the one and the victorie the other So hee exhorted them to take courage and armes and first to kill all the English within their territories for libertie and Lordes could not endure together then to resume their auncient customes and lawes whereby more then armes commonwealths are established and enlarged so should they bee a people vncorrupt without admiâ—tion of forreine manners or bloud and so should they forget seruitude and eyther liue at libertie or else perhaps bee Lordes ouer other Heerevppon many flocked vnto him the best for loue of libertie the basest of desire of bootie and spoile insomuch as in short time hee became commaunder of competent forces to stand openly in the fielde And being desirous to make some proofe of his prowesse hee sharply set vppon his ould aduersarie Reignold Lorde Grey of Ruthen whose possessions he wasted and spoyled slew many of his men and tooke himselfe prisoner yet gaue him faire and friendlie enterteinment and promised him releasment if he would take his daughter to wife This hee desired not so much for neede of his abilitie or ayde as supposing that the name and countenance of a Lorde would giue reputation to the house that was then but in rising But the Lorde Greye at the first did not so much refuse as scorne the offer affirming that he was no warde to haue his marriage obtruded vppon him Well sayde Owen Glendore although you bee not my warde yet are you in my warde and the suing of your liuerie will cost double the marriage money that elsewhere you shall procure The Lord Grey being not very riche to discharge his ransome and seeing no other meanes of his deliuerance at the last accepted the condition and tooke the damosell to wife notwithstanding his deceitfull Father in lawe trifled out the time of his enlargement vntyll hee dyed The Welshmen being confident vppon this successe began to breake into the borders of Hereford shire and to make spoyle and pray of the Countrey against whom Lord Edmund Mortimer Earle of Marche who for feare of King Henrie had withdrawne himselfe as hath been declared to Wiggmore Castle assembled all the Gentlemen of the Countrye and meeting with the Welshmen they ioyned together a sharpe and cruell conflict not in forme of a loose skirmish but standing still and maintaining their place they endeauoured with
maine might to breake and beare downe one another The courage and resolution of both sides was a like but the Welshmen were superiour both for number and direction for they were conducted by one knowne leader who with his presence euery where assisted at neede enflaming his Soldiours some with shame and reproofe others with praise and encouragement all with hope and large promises but the Englishmen had no certaine generall but many confused commaunders yea euery man was a commaunder to himselfe pressing forward or drawing backe as his owne courage or feare did mooue him Insomuch as no doubt they had taken a great blowe that day by theyr ill gouerned bouldnesse had not Owen Glendor presently vppon the breaking vp of the field ceased to pursue the execution and shewed himselfe more able to get a victorie then skilfull to vse it But euen to his side the victorie had cost bloud and many of those which remayned were eyther wounded or wearie the night was neere also and they were in their enemyes countrie by which meanes our men had libertie to retire rather then runne away no man being hoat to follow the chase They lost of their company about a thousand men who sould their liues at such a price that when manhood had doone the hardest against them certaine mannish or rather deuilish women whose malice is immortall exercised a vaine reuenge vppon their dead bodyes in cutting off theyr priuie partes and theyr noses whereof the one they stuffed into theyr mouthes and pressed the other betweene their buttocks and would not suffer their mangled carcasses to be committed to the earth vntill they were redeemed with a great summe of money By which cruell couetuousnesse the faction lost reputation and credite with the moderate sorte of their owne people suspecting that it was not libertie but licentiousnesse which was desired and that subiection to such vnhumaine mindes would bee more insupportable then anye bondage In this conflict the Earle of Marche was taken prisoner and fettered with chaines and cast into a deepe and vile dungeon The King was solicited by many noble men to vse some meanes for his deliuerance but hee would not heare on that eare hee could rather haue wished him and his two sisters in heauen for then the onely blemish to his title had beene out of the way and no man can tell whether this mischaunce did not preserue him from a greater mischiefe Owen Glendor by the prosperous successe of his actions was growne now more harde to be dealt with and hautelie minded and stood euen vppon termes of equalitie with the King wherevpon he proceeded further to inuade the Marches of Wales on the West side of Seuerne where he burnt many villages and townes slew much people and returned with great prey and praises of his adherents Thus he ceased not this yeere to infest the borderers on euery side amongst whom he found so weake resistance that he seemed to exercise rather a spoile then a warre For King Henrie was then detained with his chiefest forces in another more dangerous seruice which besides these former vexations and hazards this first yeere of his reigne happened vnto him For the Scottes knowing that changes were times most apte for attempt and vppon aduantage of the absence of all the chiefe English borderers partly by occasion of the Parlament and partlie by reason of the plague which was very grieuous that yeere in the North partes of the realme they made a roade into the countrey of Northumberland and there committed great hauocke and harme Also on a certaine night they sodainly set vppon the Castle of Werke the captain wherof sir Thomas Gray was then one of the knights of the Parlament hauing slaine the watch partly a sleepe partlye amased with feare they brake in and surprised the place which they held a while and at the last spoyled and ruined and then departed Whilest further harmes were feared this passed with light regarde But when great perrils were past as if noe woorse misfortune could haue befallen then was it much sorrowed and lamented And in reuenge thereof the Englishmen inuaded and spoyled certaine Ilandes of Orkney and so the losse was in some sorte repayred yet as in reprisals of warre it commonlye falleth out neyther against those particular persons which committed the harme nor for those which suffred it but one for another were both recompenced and reuenged Againe the Scottes set foorth a fleete vnder the conduct of Sir Robert Logon with direction to attempt as occasion should be offered his first purpose was against our Fishermen but before hee came to any action he was encountred by certaine English ships and the greatest part of his fleete taken Thus peace still continuing betweene both the realmes a kinde of theeuish hostilitie was dayly practised which afterwardes brake out into open warre vppon this occasion George of Dunbarre Earle of the Marches of Scotland had betrothed Elisabeth his daughter to Dauid the sonne and heyre apparant of Robert King of Scottes and in regardc of that marriage to bee shortlie celebrated and finished hee deliuered into the Kings hands a great summe of money for his Daughters dowrie But Archibalde Earle Dowglasse disdayning that the Earle of Marches bloud should be preferred before his so wrought with King Robert that Prince Dauid his sonne refused the Earle of Marches Daughter and tooke to wife Mariell Daughter to the Earle Dowglasse Earle George not vsed to offers of disgrace could hardlye enforce his pacience to endure this scorne and first hee demaunded restitution of his money not so much for care to obteyne as for desire to pieke an occasion of breaking his alleageance The King would make to him neyther payment nor promise but trifled him off with many 〈◊〉 and vaire delayes Whcrevppon hee fled with all his familie into England to 〈◊〉 earle of Northumberland intending with open disloyaltie both to reuenge his indignitie and recouer his losse The Englishmen with open armes enterteyned the opportunitie with whose helpe and assistance the Earle made diuerse incursions into Scotland where he burnt many 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 much people and daylye purchased with his sworde great aboundance of 〈◊〉 and spolle Heerevppon King Robert depriued the Earle of his honour seazed all his goods and possessions and wrote vnto King Henry as hee would haue the much betweene them any longer to continue eyther to deliuer vnto him the Earle of Marche and other â—aytours to his person and state or else to banish them the realm of England King Henrye perceiuing such iarres to iogger betweene the two realmes that the peace was already as it were out of ioynts determined not to loose the benefit of the discontented subiects of his enemie wherevppon hee returned aunswer to the Heralde of Scotland that hee was neyther wearie of peace not fearefull of warres and ready as occasion should change eyther to holde me one or hazard the other but the worde of a Prince was of great weight and